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https://grosskurth.ca/bib/1997/conradi-book.tex | grosskurth.ca | CC-MAIN-2021-39 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-39/segments/1631780057861.0/warc/CC-MAIN-20210926114012-20210926144012-00035.warc.gz | 330,601,236 | 1,359 | \bib{1997/conradi-book}
\yr 1997
\editor Reidar Conradi
\isbn 3--540--63014--7
\book Software configuration management: proceedings of the ICSE '97 SCM-7 workshop, Boston, MA, USA, May 18--19, 1997
\publ Springer-Verlag
\publaddr Berlin
\series Lecture Notes in Computer Science
\seriesvol 1235
\endref
|
https://cheatography.com/deleted-2754/cheat-sheets/stepper-motor-torque-basics/latex/ | cheatography.com | CC-MAIN-2020-50 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-50/segments/1606141727627.70/warc/CC-MAIN-20201203094119-20201203124119-00183.warc.gz | 238,113,583 | 4,205 | \documentclass[10pt,a4paper]{article}
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\vspace{-2pt}Published 26th December, 2018.\\
Updated 1st June, 2018.\\
Page {\thepage} of \pageref{LastPage}.
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Measure your website readability!\\
www.readability-score.com
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{8.4cm}}{A stepper motor divides a full rotation into a number of equal steps. The motor's position can be caused to move and hold at one of these steps as long as the motor is carefully sized to the application in respect to torque and speed. Holding torque is a measurement of how much rotating force is required to force a stationary stepper motor shaft out of position. Holding torque (T) is the product of a motor's torque constant (KT) and the current (i) applied to the stator windings% Row Count 10 (+ 10)
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{8.4cm}}{In most applications, electronic drivers control stepper motors. They employ pulse width modulation (PWM) technology to monitor the stator current and apply the proper voltage to achieve the desired current and torque. When a motor is stationary, the driver only needs to use enough voltage to overcome the resistance of the stator coils (also known as motor phases). This is described by Ohm's law that calculates voltage as the current in amps multiplied by the resistance in ohms. If voltage increases, so does current, but if resistance increases, current reduces.% Row Count 12 (+ 12)
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\mymulticolumn{1}{x{8.4cm}}{To manage a heavier load or accelerate faster requires more torque. However, the dynamic torque of a stepper motor decreases as speed increases because when a motor starts moving, it becomes a generator. As the rotor's magnetic field moves among the stator coils, a voltage appears on the motor terminals. The driver must apply an extra voltage to the motor to overcome this voltage, known as back EMF, which is a product of motor speed (w) and voltage constant (KE). Also, stator coils, like all coils, have inductance that resists the current change. As the stator current changes to keep the rotor turning, more voltage must be used to overcome inductance (L). The voltage equation for a motor in motion is:% Row Count 15 (+ 15)
} \tn
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\hhline{>{\arrayrulecolor{DarkBackground}}-}
\SetRowColor{LightBackground}
\mymulticolumn{1}{x{8.4cm}}{A PWM driver will increase the voltage applied to the motor to keep the current and torque constant. At some speed, the power supply will not have enough voltage, and the motor current will begin to fall. The torque drops with the current. If using a higher voltage power supply, the dynamic torque remains flat to a higher speed (see Figure 1).} \tn
\hhline{>{\arrayrulecolor{DarkBackground}}-}
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\hhline{>{\arrayrulecolor{DarkBackground}}-}
\SetRowColor{LightBackground}
\mymulticolumn{1}{x{8.4cm}}{Figure 3: If an application requires 80 oz.-in. of torque up to 20 rps, the motor should use a 48-V power supply, as shown by the graph.The process of sizing an application involves calculating the required torque and speed range necessary to move the load. For example, if the application needed 80 oz.-in. of torque up to 10 revolutions/second (rps), this motor could use a 24-V power supply (see Figure 2)} \tn
\hhline{>{\arrayrulecolor{DarkBackground}}-}
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\hhline{>{\arrayrulecolor{DarkBackground}}-}
\SetRowColor{LightBackground}
\mymulticolumn{1}{x{8.4cm}}{If we need to go farther and faster, one might accelerate to 80 oz.-in. at 20 rps. The motor would require a 48-V power supply (see Figure 3)} \tn
\hhline{>{\arrayrulecolor{DarkBackground}}-}
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% That's all folks
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https://parnaseo.uv.es/RefBase/search.php?sqlQuery=SELECT%20author%2C%20title%2C%20type%2C%20year%2C%20publication%2C%20abbrev_journal%2C%20volume%2C%20issue%2C%20pages%2C%20keywords%2C%20abstract%2C%20thesis%2C%20editor%2C%20publisher%2C%20place%2C%20abbrev_series_title%2C%20series_title%2C%20series_editor%2C%20series_volume%2C%20series_issue%2C%20edition%2C%20language%2C%20author_count%2C%20online_publication%2C%20online_citation%2C%20doi%2C%20serial%2C%20area%20FROM%20refs%20WHERE%20serial%20%3D%201880%20ORDER%20BY%20first_author%2C%20author_count%2C%20author%2C%20year%2C%20title&client=&formType=sqlSearch&submit=Cite&viewType=&showQuery=0&showLinks=1&showRows=25&rowOffset=&wrapResults=1&citeOrder=&citeStyle=PARNASEO&exportFormat=RIS&exportType=html&exportStylesheet=&citeType=LaTeX&headerMsg= | uv.es | CC-MAIN-2021-31 | application/x-latex | application/x-latex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-31/segments/1627046154219.62/warc/CC-MAIN-20210801190212-20210801220212-00219.warc.gz | 458,031,295 | 1,283 | %&LaTeX
\documentclass{article}
\usepackage[latin1]{inputenc}
\usepackage[T1]{fontenc}
\usepackage{textcomp}
\begin{document}
\begin{thebibliography}{1}
\bibitem{GarciaValdecasas2004} Garc{\'\i}a Valdecasas, J. G. (2004). {\textquotedblleft}Celestina{\textquotedblright} y celestinesca. En \textit{Mitos literarios espa{\~n}oles} (pp. 33--42). Madrid: Real Academia de Espa{\~n}a en Roma.
\end{thebibliography}
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https://www.silfs.it/_provvisorio/wp-content/uploads/2016/10/Template_abstracts_silfs2017.tex | silfs.it | CC-MAIN-2021-21 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-21/segments/1620243988802.93/warc/CC-MAIN-20210507181103-20210507211103-00156.warc.gz | 1,056,386,872 | 1,246 | \documentclass[11pt,a4paper]{article}
\usepackage{natbib}
\usepackage{amssymb}
\usepackage{times}
\usepackage[margin=1.3in]{geometry}
\pagestyle{empty}
\setlength{\bibsep}{0.0pt}
\setlength\parindent{0.5cm}
\begin{document}\begin{center}\Large{\textbf{Title of your paper}}\\
\small{\textit{First Author} \\affiliation, email}\\
\small{\textit{Second Author}\\ affiliation, email}\\
%\small{\textit{Third Author}, affiliation, email}\\
\end{center}
{\bf Keywords:} insert here a list of 3-5 keywords.\\
Please use this source file as a template when writing an abstract for SILFS 2017 in \LaTeX{}. Your submission should be at most one (A4) page long (including bibliography).
Here are some examples of references: \citep{prawitz1965} is an example of a book reference and \citep{prawitz1974} of a journal article reference. We recommend using the APA citation style.
\begin{thebibliography}{apa}
\bibitem[Prawitz(1965)] {prawitz1965} Prawitz, D. (1965). \emph{Natural Deduction. A Proof-Theoretic Study}. Stockholm:
Almqvist \& Wiksell.
\bibitem[Prawitz(1974)] {prawitz1974} Prawitz, D. (1974). On the idea of a general proof theory. \emph{Synthese}, 27,
63--77.
\end{thebibliography}
\end{document} |
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\nonstopmode
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http://porocila.imfm.si/2012/mat/clani/marovt.tex | imfm.si | CC-MAIN-2020-29 | text/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-29/segments/1593655897844.44/warc/CC-MAIN-20200709002952-20200709032952-00071.warc.gz | 116,272,400 | 1,609 | \clan {Janko Marovt}
%--------------------------------------------------------
% B. raziskovalni clanki sprejeti v objavo v znanstvenih
% revijah in v zbornikih konferenc
%--------------------------------------------------------
\begin{skupina}{B}
\sprejetoRevija
{G.~Dolinar, A.~Guterman, \crta}
{Automorphisms of $K(H)$ with respect to the star partial order}
{Oper.\ Matrices}
\sprejetoRevija
{G.~Dolinar, A.~Guterman, \crta}
{Monotone transformations on $B(H)$ with respect to the left-star and the right-star partial order}
{Math.\ Inequal.\ Appl.}
\end{skupina}
%--------------------------------------------------------
% F. vabljena predavanja na tujih ustanovah in
% mednarodnih konferencah
%--------------------------------------------------------
\begin{skupina}{F}
\predavanjeUstanova
% 3.14: {\bf 3}. MAROVT, Janko{\it . Preservers of the star partial order}. Ni\v{s}: Univerzitet u Ni\v{s}u, Prirodno matemati\v{c}ki fakultet,
%28. 6. 2012. $[$COBISS.SI-ID 16323673$]$\\
{Preservers of the star partial order}
{Predavanje v okviru bilateralnega projekta med Slovenijo in Srbijo}
{Univerzitet u Nišu}
{Niš} {Srbija} {junij} {2012}
\end{skupina}
%--------------------------------------------------------
% H. strokovni clanki
%--------------------------------------------------------
\begin{skupina}{H}
\clanekRevijaIs
% 1.04: {\bf 1}. BREZNIK, Kristijan, MAROVT, Janko. Nekaj ve\v{c} o pra\v{s}tevilih. {\it Mat. \v{S}ol.}, 2012, letn. 18, \v{s}t. 1/2, str. 90-96. $[$COBISS.SI-ID 16283737$]$\\
{K.~Breznik, \crta}
{Nekaj ve\v{c} o pra\v{s}tevilih}
{Mat.\ \v{S}ol.} {18} {2012} {1/2} {90--96}
\clanekRevijaIs
% 1.04: %list {\bf 2}. MAROVT, Janko. Model paj\v{c}evine. {\it Presek}, 2011/2012, letn. 39, \v{s}t. 6, str. 4-11. $[$COBISS.SI-ID 16303705$]$\\
{}
{Model paj\v{c}evine}
{Presek} {39} {2011/2012} {6} {4--11}
\end{skupina}
%--------------------------------------------------------
% I. razno
%--------------------------------------------------------
\begin{skupina}{I}
\razno
{Pisec recenzij v reviji Naše gospodarstvo}
\end{skupina}
%\begin{skupina}{I}
%POZOR: Bibliografija2012.tex > 2012\mat\clani\marovt.tex 8165/213: Stevilo neopredeljenih zadetkov: 1
%\razno
% Pise: {\bf 4}. {\it Na\v{s}e gospodarstvo}. Marovt, Janko (pisec recenzij 2010-2012). Maribor: Ekonomsko-poslovna fakulteta: Dru\v{s}tvo ekonomistov Maribor: Ekonomski center Maribor, 1955-. ISSN 0547-3101. http://www.epf.uni-mb.si/rsd/nase\_gospodarstvo.aspx. $[$COBISS.SI-ID 751364$]$\\
%\end{skupina}
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http://ww3.ac-poitiers.fr/math/prof/logic/gos3/maple2.tex | ac-poitiers.fr | CC-MAIN-2021-17 | text/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-17/segments/1618039398307.76/warc/CC-MAIN-20210420122023-20210420152023-00354.warc.gz | 105,224,605 | 3,660 | % =========================================================================
% fichier maple2.tex
% Sujet : TD avec maple en seconde ( numéro 2 )
% Auteur : Michel Gosse
% =========================================================================
\documentclass[12pt,a4paper]{article}
% 1========================================================================
% Les packages suivants sont necessaires pour une bonne compilation du
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\usepackage{amssymb} %gestion des symboles mathématiques
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% 3========================================================================
% Definitions pour l'inclusion de graphiques eps (Jean-Michel SARLAT)
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\newcounter{num}
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% Attention : compiler deux fois ce document pour obtenir le
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% =========================================================================
% FIN DU PREAMBULE ET DEBUT DU DOCUMENT
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\lhead{\textbf{Classe de Seconde}} \chead{} \rhead{\textbf{TD Maple}}%
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\shadowbox{\parbox{15.2cm} {\centerline{ \LARGE{ \textsc{
utilisation de maple : td n}$^{\circ}$}\Large{2} } } }
\end{center}%
On se propose d'utiliser le logiciel Maple pour r\'{e}soudre
graphiquement et par le calcul certaines \'{e}quations ou
in\'{e}quations.
\[
\fbox{{\large PARTIE I : ETUDE D'UN EXEMPLE}}%
\]
On consid\`{e}re les deux fonctions $f$ et $g$ d\'{e}finies sur
$\left[ -5,5\right] $ par
\[
f\left( x\right) =x^{2}-x\text{ et }g\left( x\right) =2x
\]
\begin{enumerate}
\item \textbf{D\'{e}finir les fonctions }$f$ \textbf{et} $g.$\newline On
rappelle que ces fonctions se d\'{e}finissent en Maple \`{a}
l'aide des commandes suivantes :
\[%
\begin{tabular}
[c]{|l|}\hline f : = x -
%TCIMACRO{\TEXTsymbol{>}}%
%BeginExpansion
$>$%
%EndExpansion
x \symbol{94}2 - x ; \textsc{entree}\\ g : = x -
%TCIMACRO{\TEXTsymbol{>}}%
%BeginExpansion
$>$%
%EndExpansion
2 * x ; \textsc{entree}\\\hline
\end{tabular}
\]
\item \textbf{R\'{e}soudre l'\'{e}quation }$f\left( x\right) =0$%
\textbf{\newline }On utilise la commande \textbf{solve}, qui a la
syntaxe suivante :
\[
\fbox{solve ( f (x ) = 0 , x ) ; \textsc{entree}}%
\]
\begin{exercice}
R\'{e}soudre \`{a} l'aide de Maple les \'{e}quations $f\left(
x\right) =2$ et $f\left( x\right) =g\left( x\right) .$
V\'{e}rifier par le calcul.
\end{exercice}
\item \textbf{Repr\'{e}senter une fonction.}\newline Pour repr\'{e}senter
graphiquement la fonction $f$ pour $x$ appartenant \`{a} $\left[
-5,5\right] ,$ on entre les commandes :
\[
\fbox{plot ( f ( x ) , x = - 5 .. 5 ) ; \textsc{entree}}%
\]
On peut pr\'{e}ciser l'intervalle choisi pour les valeurs de $y$
en utilisant la commande :
\[
\fbox{plot ( f ( x ) , x = - 5 .. 5 , y = -2 .. 3) ; \textsc{entree}}%
\]
On remarquera que si l'on clique sur le graphique, puis sur un
point du graphique, Maple affiche les coordonn\'{e}es de ce point
dans un cadre situ\'{e} en haut \`{a} gauche de la fen\^{e}tre de
travail.
\begin{exercice}
Comment r\'{e}soudre graphiquement l'\'{e}quation $f\left(
x\right) =0$ ?
\end{exercice}
\begin{exercice}
Comment r\'{e}soudre graphiquement l'in\'{e}quation $f\left(
x\right) \geqslant0$ ?
\end{exercice}
\begin{exercice}
Comment r\'{e}soudre graphiquement l'in\'{e}quation $f\left(
x\right) \leqslant0$ ?
\end{exercice}
\item \textbf{Superposer deux courbes sur un m\^{e}me graphique.}\newline Si
on veut tracer sur un m\^{e}me graphique les courbes
repr\'{e}sentatives de $f$ et de $g,$ on utilisera la commande
suivante :
\[
\fbox{plot ( [ f ( x ), g ( x ) ] , x = - 5 .. 5 ) ; \textsc{entree}}%
\]
\begin{exercice}
R\'{e}soudre graphiquement l'\'{e}quation $f\left( x\right)
=g\left( x\right) $. V\'{e}rifier par le calcul.
\end{exercice}
\begin{exercice}
R\'{e}soudre graphiquement l'in\'{e}quation $f\left( x\right)
\geqslant g\left( x\right) $. V\'{e}rifier par le calcul.
\end{exercice}
\begin{exercice}
R\'{e}soudre graphiquement l'in\'{e}quation $f\left( x\right)
\leqslant
g\left( x\right) $. V\'{e}rifier par le calcul.%
%TCIMACRO{\TeXButton{vspace-0.5}{\vspace{-0.5cm}}}%
%BeginExpansion
\vspace{-0.5cm}%
%EndExpansion
\end{exercice}
\end{enumerate}%
\[
\fbox{PARTIE II : RESOLUTION D'EXERCICES}%
\]
\begin{exercice}
En utilisant la courbe repr\'{e}sentative de la fonction $x\mapsto
x^{2}-4x,$ r\'{e}soudre graphiquement les \'{e}quations :
\begin{enumerate}
\item $x^{2}-4x=0$
\item $x^{2}-4x=-4$
\item $x^{2}-4x+3=0$
\end{enumerate}
\end{exercice}
\begin{exercice}
Repr\'{e}senter, sur un m\^{e}me graphique, les paraboles
d'\'{e}quations
\[
y=\left( x-1\right) ^{2}\text{ et }y=\frac{x^{2}}{4}%
\]
D\'{e}terminer graphiquement les coordonn\'{e}es de leurs points
d'intersection.\newline V\'{e}rifier les r\'{e}sultats
pr\'{e}c\'{e}dents par le calcul.
\end{exercice}
\begin{exercice}
R\'{e}soudre graphiquement l'in\'{e}quation
\[
x^{3}+x^{2}-5x+3\geqslant0
\]
\end{exercice}
\begin{exercice}
R\'{e}soudre graphiquement l'in\'{e}quation
\[
x^{2}+x-2\geqslant\frac{12}{x+1}%
\]
On tracera les courbes en fixant $x$ entre $-5$ et $5,$ $y$ entre
$-20$ et $20.$
\end{exercice}
\begin{exercice}
On consid\`{e}re la fonction $f$ d\'{e}finie par $f\left(
x\right) =\allowbreak49x^{2}-49x-18.$
\begin{enumerate}
\item Effectuer une repr\'{e}sentation graphique de la fonction $f.$
\item Etablir, \`{a} l'aide du graphique, que l'\'{e}quation $f\left(
x\right) =0$ admet deux solutions $a$ et $b,$ avec $b<0<a.$
\item Contr\^{o}ler graphiquement, puis par le calcul, que $1<a<\frac{3}{2}. $
\item Calculer $f\left( 1-a\right) .$ En d\'{e}duire un encadrement de $b.$
\end{enumerate}
\end{exercice}
\end{document}
|
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\begin{document}
\def\RunningAuthor{Sanjay~Kumar~Sahu\space\textit{et al.}}
\firstPage{5965}
\articleType{Original Article}
\receivedDate{30 May 2020}
\acceptedDate{06 Jul 2020}
\revisedDate{01 Jul 2020}
\journalVolume{2020, 11}
\journalIssue{4}
\journalDoi{ijrps.v11i4.3256}
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\title{\textbf{Managing pediatric haemophagocytic lymphohistiocytosis (HLH) in a resource limited} \textbf{ setting-A 3 years experience}}
\author{Sanjay~Kumar~Sahu,
Palash~Das,
Jyoti~Ranjan~Behera\textsuperscript{*}~\\[5pt]{Department of Pediatrics, Kalinga Institute Of Medical Sciences, KIIT University Bhubaneswar 751024 Odisha India}}
\begin{abstract}
Hemophagocytic Lymphohistiocytosis (HLH) is a rare and fatal entity in children with fever, organomegaly, cytopenias, liver dysfunction and coagulopathy and does not respond to conventional therapies. It is categorized into two types: Primary (inherited) and Secondary (associated with infection, malignancy, autoimmune diseases, etc.). Prognosis of primary HLH is poor, whereas in secondary HLH outcome depends upon the underlying disease. This study is a retrospective analysis of case records of children admitted with a diagnosis of HLH from January 2016 to December 2019 in the Pediatrics department of a teaching hospital in Odisha, India. It describes the clinical features, laboratory findings, diagnosis, treatment and outcome of children with HLH.Thirteen children were diagnosed as HLH for 36 months in the age range from 1 month 11 days to 14 years. Fever and splenomegaly were present in 100\% of cases while hepatomegaly in 69.2\% and rash in 15.3\% of cases. Anaemia, hyperferritinemia were detected in 100\% whereas neutropenia in 76.9\% and thrombocytopenia in 38.4\%. Bone marrow aspiration was done in 7 patients out of whom 6 revealed haemophagocytosis. Serum fibrinogen was low in 8 cases. Out of 13 cases, 7 patients received corticosteroid, and 3 of them also received Cyclosporine along with Steroids. Two cases left against medical advice, 7 had infectious aetiology, and 3 cases were diagnosed as Systemic onset Juvenile Idiopathic arthritis (SoJIA). Seven patients required ICU care. Ten cases recovered, and one died as HLH is a rare entity and has a high chance of fatality early diagnosis and prompt therapy results in a better outcome.
\end{abstract}\def\keywordstitle{Keywords}
\begin{keywords}HLH,\newline children Hemophagocytosis,\newline SoJIA
\end{keywords}
\twocolumn[ \maketitle {\printKwdAbsBox}]
\makeatletter\textsuperscript{*}Corresponding Author\par Name:\ Jyoti~Ranjan~Behera~\\ Phone:\ ~\\ Email:\ [email protected]
\par\vspace*{-11pt}\hrulefill\par{\fontsize{12}{14}\selectfont ISSN: 0975-7538}\par%
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\section{Introduction}
HLH is a different entity in the pediatric population with a potentially fatal outcome. The incidence is about 1.2 cases in every 1 million pediatric population below15 years\unskip~\citep{829201:19805090}. It is the sequelae of an aberrant hyperinflammatory condition manifesting with unremitting fever, hepatosplenomegaly, cytopenias, and haemophagocytosis by activated macrophages along with hyperferritinemia, hypertriglyceridemia and hypofibrinogemia \unskip~\citep{829201:19805089} . Hypercytokinemia and hyperchemokinemia due to hyperactivation of antigen-presenting cells (macrophages, histiocytes) and CD8\ensuremath{^{+}} T cells cause progressive organ dysfunction\unskip~\citep{829201:19805091}.
Overproduction of IL-1, IL-6 and TNF leads to unremitting fever\unskip~\citep{829201:19805099}. Upregulation of heme-oxygenase in response to hypercytokinemia causes hyperferritinemia, whereas inhibition of lipoprotein lipase causes hypertriglyceridemia\unskip~\citep{829201:19805105}. Activation of macrophages and secretion of plasminogen activator leads to hypofibrinogemia \unskip~\citep{829201:19805096}. Peripheral cytopenia is due to phagocytosis of blood cells in the bone marrow. HLH is categorized into two types: Primary (inherited) and Secondary (associated with infection, malignancy, autoimmune diseases etc.) Despite diagnostic guidelines being available, it is often underdiagnosed. Prognosis of primary HLH is poor, whereas in secondary HLH outcome depends upon the underlying disease\unskip~\citep{829201:19805102}.
This study outlines the epidemiology, spectrum of presentation, haematological and biochemical parameters, treatment and outcome of pediatric cases diagnosed with HLH from a teaching hospital in Odisha, India.
\section{Methods}
Case-records of all patients admitted in the paediatrics department of a tertiary care medical college and hospital of Odisha from January 2016 to December 2019 were analyzed retrospectively. Children meeting the diagnostic criteria of the HLH-2004 protocol of the Histiocyte society were included in the study \unskip~\citep{829201:19805090} and details like age at presentation, sex, relevant family history, clinical features, laboratory values, treatment, a course in hospital and outcome (survival or death) were collected. For haematological and biochemical values, peak or nadir values were documented. Genetic analysis, NK cell activity and soluble CD25 receptor assay could not be done in any of the cases due to unavailability in our setup.
\section{Results and Discussion}
Thirteen children were diagnosed as HLH for 36 months who fulfilled the diagnostic criteria of the HLH-2004 protocol of the Histiocyte Society \unskip~\citep{829201:19805090}. Out of 13 children, 5 (38.4\%) were male and rest 8 were females (61.5\%). Children were in the age range from 1 month 11 days to 14 years (mean 71.8 months and median of 49 months). Fever was the most typical presentation and was there in 100\% of cases. Other presenting features are seen were, rash in 2 (15.3\%), arthritis in 1 (7.6\%), respiratory distress in 1 (7.6\%) and irritability in 1case (7.6\%).
On examination, splenomegaly was present in 100\% of cases, while hepatomegaly was seen in 9(69.2\%) and lymphadenopathy in 1 of the cases (7.6\%) Table~\ref{tw-a42d6c5a22e9}. None of our patients had any neurologic symptoms. Investigations revealed, anemia (Hb{\textless}9g/dl) in 100\% of cases while thrombocytopenia (platelet{\textless}1 lakh/cu.mm) was seen in 5 (38.4\%) and neutropenia (ANC{\textless}1000/cu.mm) in 10 cases (76.9\%).
\begin{table*}[!htbp]
\caption{\boldmath {Clinical and laboratory parameters in \%} }
\label{tw-a42d6c5a22e9}
\centering
\begin{threeparttable}
\def\arraystretch{1.1}
\ignorespaces
\centering
\begin{tabulary}{\linewidth}{p{\dimexpr.7337\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.26630000000000003\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}}
\tbltoprule \rowcolor{kwdboxcolor}Clinical and laboratory parameters & n (\%)* \\
\tblmidrule
Fever &
100 \\
Rash &
15.3 \\
Lymphadenopathy &
7.6 \\
Respiratory symptoms &
7.6 \\
CNS symptoms &
7.6 \\
Hepatomegaly &
69.2 \\
Splenomegaly &
100 \\
Anemia (Hb {\textless}9g/dL) &
100 \\
Thrombocytopenia (platelet{\textless}1 lakh/ mm3) &
38.4 \\
Neutropenia (ANC{\textless}1000/ mm3) &
76.9 \\
Elevated liver transaminases ({\textgreater}60 IU/L) &
53.8\\
Hyperferritinemia ({\textgreater}500mcg/L) &
100 \\
Hypertriglyceridemia ({\textgreater}265mg/dL) &
92.3 \\
Hypofibrinogenemia ({\textless}150mg/dL) &
66.6 \\
High LDH ({\textgreater}250 u/L) &
61.5\\
\tblbottomrule
\end{tabulary}\par
\begin{tablenotes}\footnotesize
\item{*\% age of the cases in which it was done. Fibrinogen was tested in only 12 cases}
\end{tablenotes}
\end{threeparttable}
\end{table*}
Hyperferritinemia ({\textgreater}500mcg/L) was seen in 100\% of cases. Other abnormal biochemical parameters found were hypertriglyceridemia in 12 (92.3\%), hypofibrinogenemia ({\textless}150mg/dl) was noted in 8 cases out of 12 (66.6 \%). Hyperbilirubinemia was seen in 2(15.3\%), transaminitis in 7(53.8\% ) and hyponatremia in 9 (69.2\% )and high lactate dehydrogenase (LDH) in 8 cases(61.5\%). C Reactive protein (CRP) was high in 9(69.2\%) and Procalcitonin was positive in cases 4 cases out of 6 cases in which it was done (66.6\%) Table~\ref{tw-d46aee26de9f}.
\begin{table*}[!htbp]
\caption{\boldmath {Laboratory values} }
\label{tw-d46aee26de9f}
\centering
\begin{threeparttable}
\def\arraystretch{1.1}
\ignorespaces
\centering
\begin{tabulary}{\linewidth}{p{\dimexpr.55839999999999996\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.44160000000000004\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}}
\tbltoprule \rowcolor{kwdboxcolor}Laboratory parameters & Median (range) \\
\tblmidrule
WBC (per cu.mm) &
4060(2600-27260) \\
ANC (per cu.mm) &
855(205-27260) \\
Platelet (per cu.mm) &
140000 (5000- 560000) \\
Ferritin (mcg/L) &
4000 (1400 {\textendash} 29180) \\
Fibrinogen (mg/dl) &
140 (100-176) \\
Triglyceride (mg/dl) &
463 (287-752) \\
AST (IU/L) &
273 (64 {\textendash} 721) \\
ALT (IU/L) &
113 (63 - 163) \\
CRP (mg/L) &
66 (8 {\textendash} 167) \\
Procalcitonin (ng/mL) &
6.94 (0.59 - 27) \\
\tblbottomrule
\end{tabulary}\par
\begin{tablenotes}\footnotesize
\item{WBC- White blood count, ANCAbsolute Neutrophil Count, AST Aspartate Amino Transferase, ALT Alanine AminoTransferase, CRP C reactive Protein.}
\end{tablenotes}
\end{threeparttable}
\end{table*}
Bone marrow aspiration was performed in 7 patients out of whom haemophagocytosis was seen in 6 cases (85\%) with no evidence of malignancy in any of the cases. Bone marrow aspiration was not done in the rest of the cases because they fulfilled other criteria of HLH.Out of 13 cases, 2 left against medical advice (LAMA). Seven cases had infectious aetiology Dengue (3), Ebstein Barr Virus (EBV) (2), malaria (1) and scrub typhus (1), 3 cases were diagnosed as SoJIA (case no 4, 6 and 11) and no obvious aetiology was found in 1 case.
All patients received supportive treatment, including antibiotics and blood transfusion. Seven patients required intensive care. Seven patients received corticosteroid while three of them received Cyclosporine along with steroids. Intravenous immunoglobulin (IVIG) and Etoposide were not used in any of the cases. Children who received steroids were given Dexamethasone, which was started at 10 mg/m\ensuremath{^{2}} and gradually tapered over the next eight weeks. Rest of the patients showed spontaneous improvement with treatment of primary disease. One case who was suspected as Primary HLH due to young age of presentation (45 days) but couldn't be confirmed due to refusal of the parents to go for genetic analysis (case no 12) was started on treatment but went LAMA and no follow up could be established. One of the patients diagnosed as SoJIA (Case no 6) with macrophage activation syndrome had received IVIG before being referred to our institute but had no response to same and responded to steroid and Cyclosporine as per HLH 2004 protocol. Out of 11 patients, 10 recovered and 1 died. Secondary HLH usually has better outcome as seen in our case series where 10 out of 11 cases who completed treatment survived.
HLH patients present with fever, splenomegaly, cytopenia in 2 or more cell lines, raised serum triglyceride, raised serum ferritin or low serum fibrinogen. This study supports evidence from earlier studies that all patients do not present with all the typical diagnostic features implicating hurdles for timely diagnosis \unskip~\citep{829201:19805097,829201:19805094}. The median age at diagnosis in this study was 49 months (range 1.5 month-168 months) which is higher as compared to other Asian studies which are 28 months \unskip~\citep{829201:19805100}.
The most common presenting features at admission were fever and splenomegaly with anaemia (100\%). All of the patients had hyperferritinemia and hypertriglyceridemia. At the same time, hypofibrinogenemia and high LDH levels were seen in most of the patients implicating important diagnostic values to these parameters which are observed in an earlier study also \unskip~\citep{829201:19805092}. Only 15\% of patients (1 out of 7) who had undergone bone marrow aspiration had standard histopathology while the rest (6 out of 7) showed haemophagocytosis. At the onset and during the initial stages of the disease process hemophagocytosis may not be evident in the bone marrow, and hence its absence does not exclude HLH \unskip~\citep{829201:19805104}\unskip~\citep{829201:19805098}.
Improvement in clinical and biochemical parameters was noticed after about1 week of initiation of treatment. Fever was the 1\ensuremath{^{st}} symptom to reduce in this study. The most frequent infectious agent observed in this study was the Dengue virus, and all of them survived without requiring intensive care. Very few cases of HLH associated with dengue has been reported in earlier studies \unskip~\citep{829201:19805093}. The most frequent infectious aetiology reported in the literature of infection associated HLH was EBV and has a bad prognosis as indicated by earlier studies \unskip~\citep{829201:19805101}\unskip~\citep{829201:19805095}. Only 15\% of the cases (2 out of 13 cases) in this study were associated with EBV which is much lower as evidenced by earlier studies, and none required cytotoxic drugs\unskip~\citep{829201:19805103}. However, both the patients required intensive care management. One case of scrub associated HLH and one malaria-associated HLH was identified in this study. Both cases recovered well on the treatment of the primary disease. Out of 13 cases, no underlying illness could be found in 3 cases due to inability to do a genetic test. Unavailability of genetic tests, soluble CD25 and NK cell activity and unaffordability of patients for high costing tests and a small number of patients were significant drawbacks in this study. This study showed a better outcome as most of them had an identifiable secondary trigger and secondary HLH has a better result compared to primary as has also been found in other studies. \unskip~\citep{829201:19805102}.
\begin{table*}[!htbp]
\caption{\boldmath {Clinical and laboratory findings of all cases} }
\label{tw-c77a54c4495f}
\centering
\begin{threeparttable}
\def\arraystretch{1.1}
\ignorespaces
\centering
\begin{tabulary}{\linewidth}{p{\dimexpr.1258\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.0617\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.045\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.0475\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.07\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.07\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.07\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.07\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.07\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.07\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.07\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.0829\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.08149999999999999\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.065600000000000005\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}}
\tbltoprule \rowcolor{kwdboxcolor}Parameter/ Case no. & 1 & 2 & 3 & 4 & 5 & 6 & 7 & 8 & 9 & 10 & 11 & 12 & 13\\
\tblmidrule
AGE in months &
60 &
3 &
168 &
48 &
37 &
5 &
108 &
144 &
168 &
141 &
49 &
1.5 &
3.5\\
Sex &
M &
F &
M &
&
F &
F &
F &
M &
F &
M &
F &
M &
F\\
Fever &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y\\
Rash &
N &
N &
N &
Y &
N &
Y &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N\\
Spleno \mbox{}\protect\newline megaly &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y\\
Hepato \mbox{}\protect\newline megaly &
N &
N &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
Y\\
Lympha \mbox{}\protect\newline denopathy &
N &
N &
N &
Y &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N\\
Arthritis &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N &
Y &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N\\
Anemia &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y\\
Thrombo \mbox{}\protect\newline cytopenia &
N &
Y &
N &
Y &
N &
N &
Y &
N &
N &
Y &
N &
Y &
N\\
Neutropenia &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
N\\
Transa \mbox{}\protect\newline minitis &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
N &
N &
Y &
N &
N\\
Hyperbiliru \mbox{}\protect\newline binemia &
Y &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N &
Y &
N &
N &
N &
N &
N\\
Hyper ferrit \mbox{}\protect\newline inemia &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y\\
Hypona \mbox{}\protect\newline tremia &
Y &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
Y &
N &
N &
Y &
Y &
Y &
N\\
Hypertrigly \mbox{}\protect\newline ceridemia &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y\\
Hypofibrin \mbox{}\protect\newline ogenemia &
N &
Y &
Y &
Y &
ND &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
N\\
High ldh &
Y &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
N &
N\\
Crp high &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
Y &
N &
N &
Y\\
High Procal &
N &
ND &
Y &
ND &
N &
ND &
ND &
Y &
Y &
Y &
N &
N &
N\\
Bone marrow &
ND &
Y &
ND &
ND &
ND &
N &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
Y &
ND &
ND\\
Steroid &
N &
Y &
N &
Y &
N &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
N\\
Cyclosporin &
N &
N &
N &
Y &
N &
Y &
N &
N &
N &
N &
Y &
N &
N\\
Icu &
N &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
N &
N &
Y &
Y &
N &
Y &
Y &
N\\
Diagnosis &
DN &
UD &
DN &
SO &
SE &
SO &
M &
SC/E &
UD &
DN &
SO &
UD/P &
SR\\
Outcome &
S &
L &
S &
S &
S &
S &
S &
S &
D &
S &
S &
L &
S\\
\tblbottomrule
\end{tabulary}\par
\begin{tablenotes}\footnotesize
\item{CRP-C-Reactive Protein, CSP-Cyclosporin, D-Death,DN-Dengue, E-Epstein Barr Virus, LDH-Lactate Dehydrogenase, SO- SystemicJuvenile Idiopathic Arthritis, LAMA- Left against medical advice, M-Malaria, N-No,ND-Not Done, P-Primary, HLH S-Survived, SC- Sickle Cell Disease, SE-Septicemia,SR-Scrub typhus, UD-Un diagnosed, Y-Yes}
\end{tablenotes}
\end{threeparttable}
\end{table*}
\section{Conclusion}
Children with unremitting fever, organomegaly with features of sepsis or presumed sepsis, cytopenias, liver dysfunction, and coagulopathy not responding to conventional treatment could raise the suspicion of HLH. All children may not manifest all the symptoms, signs and laboratory parameters during the initial period. Hemophagocytosis may not be evident in bone marrow at the onset and during the early stages. Genetic testing should be performed as it is useful in prognostication, and as the management modality of primary and secondary HLH is different. Early initiation of chemotherapeutic drugs is beneficial in children who do not respond to conventional therapies. However, more studies are desired from our country to know the genetic pattern and their response to treatment. Also, greater awareness should be generated among paediatricians for early recognition of the entity, which in turn will be helpful in active treatment and result in a favourable outcome.
\textbf{Conflict of Interest}
The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest for this study.
\textbf{Funding Support}
The authors declare that they have no funding support for this study.
\bibliographystyle{pharmascope_apa-custom}
\bibliography{\jobname}
\end{document}
|
http://tug.ctan.org/macros/latex/contrib/beamer/doc/emulation-examples/beamerexample-prosper.tex | ctan.org | CC-MAIN-2023-06 | application/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-06/segments/1674764500641.25/warc/CC-MAIN-20230207201702-20230207231702-00163.warc.gz | 44,474,467 | 1,450 | % Copyright 2007 by Till Tantau
%
% This file may be distributed and/or modified
%
% 1. under the LaTeX Project Public License and/or
% 2. under the GNU Public License.
%
% See the file doc/licenses/LICENSE for more details.
% $Header$
\documentclass{beamer}
\setbeameroption{show notes}
% You might wish to try this instead of the above line:
%\documentclass[class=article]{beamer}
%\usepackage{beamerbasearticle}
%\usepackage{hyperref}
\usepackage[framesassubsections]{beamerprosper}
\mode<presentation>
{
\definecolor{beamerstructure}{RGB}{43,79,112}
\definecolor{sidebackground}{RGB}{230,242,250}
\color{beamerstructure}
\usetheme{Goettingen}
\userightsidebarcolortemplate{\color{sidebackground}}
\beamertemplateballitem
}
\title{A Beamer Presentation Using (HA-)Prosper Commands}
\subtitle{Subtitles Are Also Supported}
\author{Till Tantau}
\institution{The Institution is Mapped To Institute}
\begin{document}
\maketitle
\tsectionandpart{Introduction}
\overlays{2}{
\begin{slide}[trans=Glitter]{About this file}
\begin{itemstep}
\item
This is a beamer presentation.
\item
You can use the prosper and the HA-prosper syntax.
\item
This is done by mapping prosper and HA-prosper commands to beamer
commands.
\item
The emulation is by no means perfect.
\end{itemstep}
\end{slide}
}
\section{Second Section}
\subsection{A subsection}
\begin{frame}
\frametitle{A frame created using the \texttt{frame} command.}
\begin{itemize}[<+->]
\item You can still use the original beamer syntax.
\item The emulation is intended only to make recycling slides
easier, not to install a whole new syntax for beamer.
\end{itemize}
\end{frame}
\begin{notes}{Notes for these slides}
My notes for these slides.
\end{notes}
\end{document}
|
http://pgfplots.sourceforge.net/example_513.tex | sourceforge.net | CC-MAIN-2018-05 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-05/segments/1516084886895.18/warc/CC-MAIN-20180117102533-20180117122533-00781.warc.gz | 271,432,557 | 1,158 | \documentclass{article}
% translate with >> pdflatex -shell-escape <file>
% This file is an extract of the PGFPLOTS manual, copyright by Christian Feuersaenger.
%
% Feel free to use it as long as you cite the pgfplots manual properly.
%
% See
% http://pgfplots.sourceforge.net/pgfplots.pdf
% for the complete manual.
%
% Any required input files (for <plot table> or <plot file> or the table package) can be downloaded
% at
% http://www.ctan.org/tex-archive/graphics/pgf/contrib/pgfplots/doc/latex/
% and
% http://www.ctan.org/tex-archive/graphics/pgf/contrib/pgfplots/doc/latex/plotdata/
\usepackage{pgfplots}
\pgfplotsset{compat=newest}
\pagestyle{empty}
\usepackage{pgfplotstable}
\usepackage{array}
\usepackage{colortbl}
\usepackage{booktabs}
\usepackage{eurosym}
\usepackage{amsmath}
\usepackage{pgfplotstable}
\begin{document}
% load table from somewhere:
\pgfplotstableread{
x y
1 1
2 4
3 9
4 16
5 25
6 36
}\loadedtbl
% create the `regression' column:
\pgfplotstablecreatecol[linear regression]
{regression}
{\loadedtbl}
% store slope
\xdef\slope{\pgfplotstableregressiona}
\pgfplotstabletypeset\loadedtbl\\
The slope is `\slope'.
\end{document}
|
http://ftp.uni-hannover.de/tex-archive/info/FirstSteps/note1.tex | uni-hannover.de | CC-MAIN-2023-14 | text/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296944996.49/warc/CC-MAIN-20230323034459-20230323064459-00487.warc.gz | 22,122,040 | 963 | % Sample file: note1.tex
% Typeset with LaTeX format
\documentclass{article}
\begin{document}
It is of some concern to me that
the terminology used in multi-section
math courses is not uniform.
In several sections of the course on
matrix theory, the term
``hamiltonian-reduced'' is used.
I, personally, would rather call these ``hyper-simple.'' I
invite others to comment on this problem.
Of special concern to me is the terminology in the course
by Prof.~Rudi Hochschwabauer.
Since his field is new, there is
no accepted
terminology. It is imperative
that we arrive at a satisfactory solution.
\end{document}
|
https://people.eecs.berkeley.edu/~fateman/fp98/korenC.tex | berkeley.edu | CC-MAIN-2019-18 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-18/segments/1555578650225.76/warc/CC-MAIN-20190424154437-20190424180437-00429.warc.gz | 517,090,834 | 17,766 | %-*- mode:latex -*-
\documentstyle[12pt]{article}
\textwidth 6.5 truein
\oddsidemargin 0.0 truein
\evensidemargin 0.0 truein
\topmargin -0.75 truein
\textheight 9.0in
\title{Compilers and ``Optimization'' Contributions to the FP98 Course}
\author{Richard Fateman\\
Computer Science Division, EECS Dep't\\
University of California at Berkeley}
%date will be placed here automatically
\begin{document}
\maketitle
\begin{abstract}
This section consists of draft Notes on language and compilers. Here
we address the issue of what compilers should be allowed to
do, encouraged to do, and what should be forbidden.
\end{abstract}
\section{Prerequisites}
We assume that the audience is familiar
with the IEEE 754 standard for binary floating-point arithmetic,
and has familiarity with at least one high-level numerically-oriented
programming language (Fortran or C most likely).
\section{Simplification or optimization}
Optimization vs. Non-pessimization?
Here are some categories to consider
\subsection{Admissible optimizations}
Any transformations that consistently and inevitably
returns the same answer, except is usually faster.
This generally includes mucking about with array index
calculations.
\subsection{Bad optimizations}
There are many mathematical simplifications that just don't
always work, and thus {\em DO NOT WORK}.
It is worse than tiresome to deal with
compilers that claim they can rearrange floating-point operations
to any ``mathematically equivalent'' expression. It is dangerous.
(A+B)-A is not the same as B. parentheses must be respected.
example: (1.0+1.0E-20)- 1.0. A+B+C can be evaluated left to
right or in some other order. Can we be clear when these
are allowed?
\subsection{Can Bad be OK?}
We can pursue this idea:
{\bf Licensing Associativity: at compile time}
If A*B/C can be evaluated in any order,
or A+B+C can be evaluated in any order,
then this can speed up matrix operations, and can be used to justify
the decomposition of loops.
Rationale for rearrangements include: better memory access
(cache hits), better use of pipelines (keeping two pipelines
full by adding odds together and evens together).
{\bf Licensing evaluation precision:} Widest, narrowest, fixed
(e.g. double).
{\bf Licensing Fused MAC:} Specifically: use it;
use it if the compiler can figure out some way to do it;
specifically don't use it.
{\bf Warning:
Licenses must be done in the program text, not the command line.}
\subsection{Loop Optimizations}
There are a raft of possible changes to code that can
be examined for doing violence to floating-point semantics.
Some of them are easily illustrated as source-to-source
transformations. Others require looking at generated
code (lacking an explicit model of what is done in registers,
some of these optimizations cannot be expressed as source
code).
{\bf We should provide an option to provide source-to-source
translations results for confirmation by the programmer.}
\subsubsection{Loops}
Moving operations out of a loop may be incorrect, even
if they merely replace computations by constants.
\begin{verbatim}
loop for x in range
if (condition(x)) then 0.0/0.0 //force exception & trap
else compute(x)
end
\end{verbatim}
Clearly the 0.0/0.0 is a constant, and hence could be evaluated outside
the loop. If it is moved outside the loop, it forces an exception
without testing the condition. A moderately clever compiler
would try to execute this constant calculation earlier, at compile-time.
This would probably remove ANY exceptions at run-time, inserting
a NaN.
Any expression that could cause an exception but would not necessarily
be evaluated, cannot be moved out of a loop! Here's a trick though..
Loop peeling is when you execute the first iteration of a loop
``unoptimized'' and then re-use the common components in subsequent
iterations. For example,
\begin{verbatim}
// a and c are loop invariant
for(i=0; i < n; i++)
{ b = a/c;
<rest of loop>}
\end{verbatim}
gets turned into
\begin{verbatim}
// "peeled" first iteration
i=0
if ~(i<n){
t1 = a/c; // only perform one divide
b = t1
<rest of loop>
i++
// a and c are loop invariant
for(i=1; i < n; i++)
{
b = t1;
<rest of loop>
}
}
\end{verbatim}
This optimization preserves the exceptional behavior, but
this simplistic version is inadequate
in general to preserve behavior if sticky flags are tested and
reset in the loop (cf. Borneo admits/yields)
% Hennessy's "Symbolic Debugging of Optimized Code" paper.?
Other ways that ``constant expressions'' could change:
\begin{verbatim}
for i from 0 to 4
rounding_mode := i // change rounding
a[i]:=f(x) // compute constant (?) expression
end
\end{verbatim}
Similar problems may occur when apparently common subexpressions
are ``eliminated'' but must maintain their own identities because
of mode variations.
\subsubsection{Trichotomy}
\begin{verbatim}
a<b or a>b or a=b
\end{verbatim}
for any two ordinary numbers. But either a or b being a NaN
means they are all false.
\begin{verbatim}
if (a>b) then x else y is NOT THE SAME as
if (a<=b) then y else x
\end{verbatim}
The kinds of branching and loop exits that are compiled must
respect the NaN. Many, if not all, compiler books routinely
suggest rearrangement of inequalities and
Boolean conditions containing them, based on trichotomy. The
tradition continues even today with new books that are in
other respects authoritative.
%Appel, Muchnick according to J. Darcy
\subsection{Equality}
The existence of NaNs means
that using memory equality for numeric equality is not valid.
That is, one cannot assume that a single memory pattern
is numerically equal to itself. Programming languages
that use pointers to objects (Java, C, Lisp) must generally
distinguish between numerical equality and object isomorphism.
Lisp has several predicates: eq, equalp, =.
The existence of signed zeros means
that two memory patterns that are different may nevertheless
be numerically equal.
What does it mean to compare two numbers of different precision?
Mathematica says: two numbers are equal if they differ in
about 2 decimal digits of the precision of the least
precise of the two numbers.
There is a folk rule that you should not compare floats for equality.
But making it impossible to compare them is unhelpful.
(for example, there is no problem in rapid comparisons
of integers that are exactly representable as floats;)
It is hard to know what use can be made from
arithmetic that behaves as given below
\begin{verbatim}
m=SetPrecision[123.0,5]
m1=m+1/10
m3=m+1/10000000000000000
m==m1==m3 is True
m1> m is True m3> m is False
m1>=m is True m3>=m is True
m1==m is True m3==m is True
m1=!=m is True m3=!=m is False
m1===m is False m3===m is True
m1<=m is False m3<=m is True
m1< m is False m3< m is False
m-m1==0 is False m-m3==0 is True
m1^2-m^2==24.61 is True
m1^2-m^2==30 is True
m1^2==m^2 is True
\end{verbatim}
But it is part of the Mathematica design, based on
a bad idea called Significance arithmetic.
\subsection{Strength reduction}
Do compilers still change
\begin{verbatim}
for i from 1 to n do
z= i*x
...
end
to
z=0;
for i from 1 to n do
z=z+x
..
end ??
\end{verbatim}
This provides an opportunity for n rounding errors instead of one.
This kind of reduction works quite well for integer operations.
\end{document}
{\section {Expression evaluation with mixed precisions (etc)}
Top-down vs bottom up domain inference;
widening / coercing downward.
\subsection{Precisions}
How should precision of operations and intermediate
results be determined?
possible rules
\begin{itemize}
\item[(i)] If a and b are of different widths, say a wider than b,
c := a + b is done by converting b to width a, and adding, then
storing (perhaps narrowing or widening) to width of c.
\item[(ii)] if a and b are of widths less than c,
c := a + b is done by converting a and b to the width of c, adding, then
storing in c.
\item[(iii)] Regardless of the widths of a, b, and c,
c := a + b is done by adding in the machine's widest format, then
storing (perhaps narrowing) in c.
\item[(iv)] Require everything that is not obvious
to be explicit, e.g. something like
\begin{verbatim}
storeasdouble
(&c, doubleadd(coercetodouble(a),
coercetodouble(b)))
\end{verbatim}
\item[(v)] Runtime typed-value system. Variables like a,b,c have
no types, but every number value has a type. Compute the appropriate
type of each operation at runtime, as needed.
\end{itemize}
The old C rules were (iii). This is better than (i), but perhaps
wasteful compared to (ii) which is hardly ever (never) done.
Rule (iv) has the advantage of allowing for the possibility that
a low precision input to a function may in fact give a high
accuracy answer. Log(1.0[+-.1]*10e600) is a low precision input,
uncertain even in its 2nd decimal digit,
but the answer is 1385.55+-0.09, correct to about 5 decimal places.
Rule (v) is usually available only in interpreted languages with
a very loose or non-existent type system. If used to full
generality, it is not efficient in time or space since numbers have to be
tagged as to length (etc), and repeatedly checked.
{\center{\bf IS THERE A WAY TO DO THIS RIGHT?}}
{\bf Figuring out the best width for preserving what appears
to be the most reasonable precision intended by a computation
may require from the compiler, two passes over an expression.
This allows
propagation upward and downward in an expression tree.} This is
not an intolerable burden for the compiler, and in fact some
languages (Ada) already require this kind of activity.
If methods are overloaded, there is a potential
for additional scans to achieve method resolution.
More eloquently, from ``Java Hurts'' (Kahan/Darcy)
\begin{quote}
By themselves, numbers possess neither precision nor accuracy. In
context, a number can be less accurate or ( like integers ) more
accurate than the precision of the format in which it is
stored. Anyway, to achieve results at least about as accurate as data
deserve, arithmetic precision well beyond the precision of data and of
many intermediate results is often the most efficient choice albeit
not the choice made automatically by programming languages like
Java. Ideally, arithmetic precision should be determined not bottom-up
(solely from the operand's precisions) but rather top-down from
the provenance of the operands and the purposes to which the
operation's result, an operand for subsequent operations, will be
put. Besides, in isolation that intermediate result's
``accuracy'' is often irrelevant no matter how much less than its
precision. What matters in floating-point computation is how closely
a web of mathematical relationships can be maintained in the face of
roundoff, and whether that web connects the program's output
strongly enough to its input no matter how far the web sags in
between. A web of relationships just adequate for reliable numerical
output is no more visible to the untrained eye than is a spider's
web to a fly. Under these circumstances, we must expect most
programmers to leave the choice of every floating-point operation's
precision to a programming language rather than infer a satisfactory
choice from a web invisible without an error-analysis unlikely to be
attempted by most programmers. Error-analysis is always tedious,
often fruitless; without it programmers who despair of choosing
precision well, but have to choose it somehow, are tempted to opt for
speed because they know benchmarks offer no reward for accuracy. The
speed-accuracy trade-off is so tricky we would all be better off if
the choice of precision could be automated, but that would require
error-analysis to be automated, which is provably impossible in
general.
\end{quote}
\subsection{Treatment of domains}
What should sqrt(-1) be? distinguishing between sqrt(x:real) from
sqrt(z : complex) means that sqrt(-1) is an error, but sqrt( -1+0i) is
i.
IEEE 754 is not prescriptive with respect
to all issues of numerical interest(most esp. wrt complex numbers,
but also transcendental functions, etc.). Even within its scope
it does not prevent programmers or language designers
from setting policies. (e.g. if you don't like
NaNs, trap on invalid; use the rounding modes as
desired...)
Example of a questionable default:
Common Lisp makes sqrt(-1) into a complex
result, thereby invalidating compiler optimizations
that deduce the type of sqrt(x) from the type of x.
}
\section{Interrupts and standardized semantics for error handling}
Operationally we can distinguish between two levels of interrupt
handling, namely that supported by the architecture
and visible from the object code (or assembler language)
level and that which is visible from a higher-level
language.
\subsection{Object level}
\par
1. Some architectures portray the execution environment
as one in which interrupts happen precisely:
At an interrupt,
all previous (non-exceptional) instructions have completed
entirely, and none of the following instructions have
been executed.
In reality, a pipelined architecture will have to go
to some trouble to give this impression. Instructions
prior to the exceptional one which are in progress but
which have not completed must be fully executed, thus
requiring a delay of the interrupt until the pipeline clears.
Any following instructions which have begun must be
aborted or backed out.
2. Some architectures aim for a restartable environment
in which carefully disciplined software can patch up that
which may have gone awry, and then continue (or not).
3. A far more elaborate approach is used by the DEC Alpha:
trap barriers.
Consider dividing all programs using floating point into
fp-basic blocks: one entrance, one exit, and {\em no fp
registers reused within the block.} At the entry or exit from a fp-basic
block, execute a trap barrier instruction {\tt trapb},
which guarantees that all previous arithmetic instructions complete
without traps before continuing.
(There are also exception barrier and memory barrier
instructions)
This guarantee could be issued rather inexpensively if no
arithmetic instructions are allowed to trap; if such traps
are possible, the pipeline would presumably have to empty,
and the sticky flags could then be tested. Some speculative
pre-execution after the {\tt trapb} might be allowed. Since
at least some Alpha architecture treats gradual underflow
in the IEEE 754 model via traps, the {\tt trapb} can be
costly in IEEE mode.
Once control is transferred to the trap handler, sufficient
information is generally available to continue after replacing the
result of an operation, or replacing the operands. The continuation
may be from the point of the exception or somewhere else.
(some systems are not so careful, e.g. CDC and Cray, assume that
the moral equivalent of ``quit''is the only reasonable continuation of interest.)
\subsection{The Higher-level language view}
Most recent languages present a forcible transfer of control out
of the block in which the exception occurred (Ada, Java), and
some languages just give you considerable rope to hang yourself
(C/UNIX {\tt setjmp}{\tt longjmp}). [PL/I and perhaps Basic try to present
more options.. still true?]
One major problem is that compilers, especially optimizing compilers
may have substantially altered the sequence of operations so
that you can't go back to any recognizable place, and even
if you could, you may
not have any reasonable linguistic access to pertinent information (either
in registers, implicit in the program counter, etc.) Unless the
programmer explicitly backed up the computation parameters in
globally accessible memory.
Implicit control-flow changes in conventionally compiled languages
present difficulty with both language scope and control. (Unusual
in this regard are those few languages like Scheme with first-class
data types of Continuations, where the notion ``continuation from
this point on'' can be represented as data and manipulated.)
There is also the considerable difficulty faced by the programmer
in writing secure code that will guard against untoward exits to
unintended exception handlers (cf. Arianne rocket disaster).
Even the assumption of default handlers must be reinforced
(e.g. Java signatures).
\subsection{Is there a useful model}
For many purposes, ``pre-substitution'' is a plausible strategy.
There may be, in some calculations, a particularly neat way of saying
how to complete the arithmetic domain. For example one may
wish to change 0/0 from a NaN to 1, temporarily. A language
design could allow for
stating (in some compact manner),
the notion that ``should the calculation of 0/0 be
attempted, use this answer: 0.'' This should be implementable
cleanly on each platform.
Some alternative for specification of altered control-flow
is usually available, but often of a highly restricted nature.
Direct user-level specification of a return to the scope
and location of the exception might not be available, and would
certainly involve language, compiler, and platform considerations.
and it might not be possible to impose upon all
implementations (cf. Scheme continuations...).
Linguistically, what do these non-presubstitution
specifications look like?
The tools are vaguely reminiscent of the rounding
mode discussion earlier, but rounding modes do not require discussion
of handlers.
[(Aside on integer divide by zero?)]
A. there could be compile-time instructions:
\begin{verbatim}
with fp_arith_traps=disabled {execution}, or ...
with fp_arith_traps=enabled
( {execution}, {replacement-execution})
\end{verbatim}
B. preferably the possibility of setting flag to disabled
or enabled could be done at RUN TIME:
then running ``the same piece of code''
\begin{verbatim}
with fp_arith_traps=flag
<execution>
<replacement-execution>
with rounding_mode=to_zero <execution>
\end{verbatim}
At compile-time there would some hope that the compiler
would emit code for serial execution unless it could prove the
impossibility of exceptions. An alternative is perhaps to
emit ``fixup'' code in case an exception occurs. This would
probably be rather ticklish.
What about examining sticky flags at return from a subroutine
(The tradition in some languages is to write rather small
modules and support inexpensive function call/return. My
favorite language, Lisp, is well adapted for this). Other
functional languages would do as well.
Fortran is quite the opposite, with many programmers taught that
subroutines are inefficient and to be avoided. Just as
C++ programmers are told not to use object-oriented features.
Go figure..
on-units in PL/I, Try-Catch in Java. Here's another more comprehensive
view of ``conditions'' in a language.
\subsection{Stages in Common Lisp Error Handling}
We digress a bit to a systematic treatment of errors and conditions in
the context of a more or less functionally oriented language.
The standard for Common Lisp is more rational and detailed in this
regard than typical languages (C, Fortran)
in which state-change operations [assignments] are so much
more frequent than function calls.
Nevertheless, the CL model at least suggest how newer languages
might treat exceptions ``conditions'' uniformly. Compiling to
optimal code will not be easy in any case: let's try to
express what we want, first!
(a) It provides direct production of signals (conditions),
e.g.
\begin{verbatim}
(if (< x 0) (error "~s invalid x" x))
\end{verbatim}
The function {\tt error} cannot return a value.
Treatment: in an interactive language, and in the absence of any
other specification (see below) the user is presented with the
error message, perhaps in some debugging environment.
(b) errors can be trapped and ignored or values substituted for
the erroneous computation.
{\tt (ignore-errors \{d something\})}
returns either evaluation of {\tt \{do something\}}
or two values: nil and the name of a condition.
Note that {\tt ignore-errors} is not a primitive but
can be implemented using the next facility:
(c)
\begin{verbatim}
(handler-case <do something>
(<condition-name-1>(<arg>) <computation>)
(<condition-name-2>(<arg>) <computation>)
.... etc.)
\end{verbatim}
(d) Other kinds of handlers are possible, including
handlers that are dynamically instantiated: signaling requires
that the appropriate handler be found. One can
find the ``nearest'' handler which may handle or decline
the signal, as well as the handler that would be next in
line (can be separated from invoking them).
If a handler declines, another handler is sought.
The lexical environment of the signaler might not be available,
so a data structure called a "condition" is created to represent
the state. This can be explicitly created via
{\tt make-condition} or is created by some system operation.
A dynamically-bound handler for all arithmetic might be set up via
\begin{verbatim}
(handler-bind ((arithmetic-error xxx)) body)
\end{verbatim}
Where the program xxx would be invoked if an arithmetic error occurred
in executing body. The handlers (if others) that would be used
by xxx are those in the dynamic context of the handler-bind.
What quality of information is provided?
minimum: {\tt (error "some data string")}
This is fragile, hard to check, uninformative.
Better is to produce an error condition context:
\begin{verbatim}
(error 'division-by-zero
:operator 'divide
:operands (list num denom))
\end{verbatim}
which is given to handler.
No standard for built-in floating-point exceptions
(should presumably include whatever is potentially useful. E.g.
function name / location in which the error occurred.)
The CL object system approach to dealing with conditions places a hierarchy
in place..
\begin{verbatim}
condition;
serious-condition;
error;
simple-error;
arithmetic-error;
division-by-zero,
floating-point-overflow, ...
warning;
\end{verbatim}
This can be extended by the programmer, and handlers can
be bound to anything here.
Alternatives to simple handling
(Simple = allowing one to substitute a value for a function call,
and then continue.)
Any other way to restart?
restart-case
provides alternatives.
(In an interactive system), "anonymous restarts" give an opportunity
to specify prompting from the debugger:
e.g. do you want to recompute the function with different args?
do you want to return an specified value?
[computed in the context of the restart-case..]
e.g.
\begin{verbatim}
(restart-case <compute-this> (nil <restart1>)(nil <restart2>))
\end{verbatim}
gives 2 options.
named restarts (trivial example):
\begin{verbatim}
(restart-case (invoke-restart 'foo 3)
(foo (x) (+ x 1)))
\end{verbatim}
It is possible to use {\tt find-restart} to see if a handler exists, and
even (recursively) if that restart could be restarted (etc).
These linguistic solutions could be copied in other languages,
but since they are not bound so closely to the hardware and assume
conditions that are raised are precise in location, may not
address subtleties that might occur in pipelined execution.
The Lisp standard does not address IEEE 754 modes or flags at
all. In my
experience, setting and retrieving these flag can be done
by a brief assembly-language or C
program. (I've used these on Sun and HP Lisp systems, but not in a
platform-independent way).
Among the questionable Lisp pieces, it classifies division by 0 and
0.0 as the same error; also it may treat errors that occur in compiled
code differently from interpreted code.
{\bf Summary:} Semantics of exception handling should not be
left for casual design from first naive principles. The
complexities needed in practice should inform any new
language design.
\section {Portability} %6?
Simply because an application program is written in a standard
high-level language does not mean that it can be moved
without change from one machine to another. Or that
when moved, it will operate 100\% identically.
In fact the industry has a constant burden of porting a
an allegedly working
program from a machine to itself after an operating
system or library upgrade.
Even Java has been
widely ridiculed for its current state,
characterized as ``Write Once Debug Everywhere.'' Code
cannot be expected to run on both Netscape and Internet
Explorer unless debugged on both, and since one
cannot tell for sure what is running on a remote
client, in all versions,
past and future. Nevertheless we should distinguish
between bugs in implementations and more fundamental
sources of non-determinism that would still remain.
Consider:
``Except for timing dependencies or other non-determinisms and given
sufficient time and sufficient memory space, a Java program should
compute the same result on all machines and in all implementations."
---Preface to {\em The Java(TM) Language Specification}
In fact even
single threaded Java is non-deterministic. For example, the order
{\tt finalize} methods on garbage collected objects get called is not
specified by the language.
Rigorous approaches to fully portable code typically
require replacement of all interfaces to particular
OS features by some set of abstractions which must be
implemented on all hosts (e.g. Macintosh, Microsoft, POSIX,
each bus, disk, etc architecture.)
Or (in the past) by full emulation of instruction sets etc.
A more reasoned approach is to hope for
a. Modular re-use
with only minor adaptation (most programs continue to work)
and
b. Identical results on exact data types (strings, bits);
c. Identical exact arithmetic (given sufficient integer word size);
{\bf but perhaps something less on Floating-Point arithmetic!}
\medskip
{\center{\bf Why not 100\% identical results?}}
While 100\% is achievable, it is
probably a bad idea for numerical results:
\subsection{Speed}
It compromises speed in several ways, especially if
compatibility requirements force machines that are
inherently faster (and more precise), and have more
memory and registers, to be run slowly so as to
match the results of less-precise calculations.
It forces control or calculation regimes that are
suitable for slow computers on ones that are able
to run faster. That is, one could in principle run
all numeric programs entirely portably on each succeeding
generation of supercomputer by disabling all new features
and emulating the previous generation, bit for bit.
Eliminating calculation restructuring that might change
expressions in small ways for big cache improvements.
We don't want to do that.
\subsection{Precision}
Should more precise register-based calculations be forced to
abide by smaller formats? (Intel vs. Java)
\subsection {Portable language design and implementation}
First: IEEE 754 computers {\bf are not all the same}.
It would seem
we are hardly flexible at all at the machine arithmetic
level. We generally expect close conformance to IEEE 754!
Yet there are several ``almost IEEE'' systems like the Alpha in
default mode and the UltraSPARC flushing to zero. There is great
(unwarranted) variability in how fast processors operate on NaNs,
infinities, and subnormals. This great speed penalty for operation on
those values can stymie calculations that would
ordinarily benefit from these additions to the number domain.
So we don't really have a completely common base. (In fact,
there may be variations in conformance that change with
operating system version!)
{\bf A Principle}
Combining numeric portability, speed and quality,
and use of a high-level language suggests a few rules based
on this principle:
{\em The language design should provide access to allowed extensions of
the IEEE 754 standard that are implemented on a particular
architecture to show through to the programmer in a systematic way.}
a. The availability of such extensions should be detectable
at run-time;
b. The access to such extensions should be as uniform as
possible relative to the language design. (E.g. support
of types, generic operations);
c. To the extent that the results of calculations in
such extensions may not be bit-for-bit specified by
agreed-upon hardware standards, they should not be specified
by language standards.
{\bf Problems with Java}
This portability issue crops up in particular in
the Java milieu, where it is plausible on some architectures
(Intel and clones) to exploit extra-width registers for floating-point
calculations, when other architectures (Sun, for example) does
not have such capabilities.
(a) Javasoft/Sun wants Java as it runs on Sun, Motorola, (non-Intel)
to run at full speed and provide the bit-for-bit results
specified as a language requirement.
Therefore anyone running on Intel architecture is forced, in effect,
to emulate registers that are no longer than those on Sun.
They are forced to "round to double" or store in memory to
accomplish the same thing. In practice, rounding to double
in registers is inadequate because the extended format has
more exponent range too. (In effect one may be forced
to do about the most expensive operation available these
days: store to memory!)
(b) Intel advocates ask why they should be forced to slow down AND
get worse answers than their superior wider (80 bit!) arithmetic
will produce, just to be bit-compatible with others' inferior design.
(c) Solution offered by Borneo modification of Java is to
support types float (= single) double and indigenous.
Indigenous is the largest fp format with direct hardware execution on
a given processor, in practice IEEE 754 double or double extended.
Indigenous is therefore range and precision platform-dependent
(complications result if constants are computed before runtime..)
There are yet more suggestions for numerical types for Borneo
including DoubledDouble (128 bit) and arbitrary-length Extended,
Interval, Complex and Imaginary.
(d) Solution offered by Javasoft (May, 1998) is to allow -- not
new types -- but alternative formats for types float and double
under the keyword modifiers widefp or strictfp. The strictfp
is the write-once-run-everywhere semantics, and the widefp
allows extended length. Default would apparently be widefp,
but an implementation of Java would be free to ignore the widefp
specification, and one would not necessarily have control
over which was used for execution. In other words the compiler
writer would not be required to provide access to indigenous.
And at run-time one would not be able to specify and hence
take advantage of known extra precision.
The main problem with Sun's proposal is that the compiler doesn't have
to use the extended formats consistently. It could could decide not
to use extended formats certain days of the week, or only use extended
formats after something is jit'ed but not while interpreting, or only
spill 64 bit values instead of 80.
(e) August, 1998, WK/JD revision of Java FP, concessions by Javasoft.
\subsection{Other specific portability problems:}
(Fused MAC)
Some computers have MAC (multiply/accumulate or multiply-add )
instructions which compute a*b+c faster and more accurately (one
rounding). Should MAC be forbidden from portable programs?
(Cache optimization)
in spite of IDENTICAL arithmetic, clever programmers or
optimizing compilers may seek the rearrangements of matrix access
ordering to benefit from different cache organization or sizes.
These rearrangements can make optimal
programs execute different sequences of instructions.
(speedups of factors of 3 to 6 are not implausible). The
results (ordinarily, very nearly the same) from two different
sequences might be slightly different
because fp arithmetic + is not associative: (a+b)+c may not equal
a+(b+c).
\begin{quote}
My master's report has one measurement you may be interested in. I
took the best PHiPAC generated matrix multiply for an UltraSPARC, ran
that code on a PPro and compared it to the best PPro optimized code
and to naive code on the PPro. For some matrix sizes, the UltraSPARC
code on the PPro ran slower than the naive code on the PPro. This
isn't too surprising when you consider the SPARC has more floating
point registers and larger caches.
--J Darcy
\end{quote}
From JavaHurts..
\begin{quote}
Java, like Microsoft, forbids the majority of us
(some 95\% of computers on desktops have built-in 10+-byte format)
from using it. We paid for it but we can't benefit from it."
Does this make any more sense than if Microsoft or Java forbade you to
use your XGA or SVGA video display, or a higher resolution
printer, or a faster modem?
\end{quote}
{\bf Summary: Demanding bit for bit identicality of results is
too costly for most people. In the absence of a good reason, they
should not have to pay for it!}
\section{Language assists for debugging, retrospective diagnostics}
There are numerous opportunities in language design,
implementation, and run-time systems to take advantage
of IEEE 754 features.
\subsection{Uninitialized Arrays}
Initializing arrays to NaNs
(perhaps all 1's instead of 0's or old contents [security risk!])
actually made it into C9X discussion.
Clever trap handling and retrospective debugging tools
(interactive or post-execution?)
(refer to other papers here)
\section{Minutiae: ToMAHto or ToMAYto?}
There are piles of what would seem to be trivial
issues that boil down to agreement on
the names to be used for various flags, traps and actions.
Since the bit patterns for registers are not legislated,
mode mapping varies from platform to platform, and there
must be names for the bit positions.
C9X provides a type {\tt fenv\_t} with the
intent to represent the entire floating-point environment.
C9X gives following names (as macros) are for flags in the
floating-point environment:
\begin{verbatim}
FE_DIVBYZERO FE_INEXACT FE_INVALID
FE_OVERFLOW FE_UNDERFLOW
with
FE_ALL_EXCEPT representing the bitwise OR of the above.
\end{verbatim}
Additionally,
\begin{verbatim}
FE_DOWNWARD FE_TONEAREST FE_TOWARDZERO FE_UPWARD
\end{verbatim}
are macros defined iff the implementation supports testing (get)
and setting rounding direction by means of
{\tt fegetround} and {\tt fesetround}
functions.
If the programmer intends to access {\tt fenv}
in a non-default way, then the program must
include
\begin{verbatim}
#include <fenv.h>
#pragma STDC FENV_ACCESS on-off-switch
//pragma lasts until end of ``translation unit''
\end{verbatim}
note:failure to set pragma and then
setting flags leads to an ``undefined program.''
\begin{verbatim}
feset_except, fetest_except, feraise_except
\end{verbatim}
functions are provided, though the
prospect of using them to raise signals and have the C
language deal with them is implementation dependent, and
could apparently be ignored without affecting
the validity of the implementation. (C9X section 7.11)
If the implementation so chooses, there are possibilities
for {\tt SIG\_DFL} (default) handling or {\tt SIG\_IGN} (ignore)
handling, or a user-inserted function with limited access
to variables or serious functions. It appears to be
possible to return to a place where an exception was
raised by a {\tt RAISE} function.
\begin{verbatim}
//example in C9X
#pragma STDC FENV_ACCESS ON
int save_round;
int setround_ok;
save_round=fegetround();
setround_ok=fesetround(FE_UPWARD);
assert(setround_ok); //bomb if rounding mode inaccessible
/*compute something in here */
fesetround(save_round);
/*etc*/
\subsection{Extending well-known function}
{There are large numbers of questions that have
to be resolved in a fixed way, subject to debate on
what is the most useful computational result.
Natural extensions don't always exist: that compromises must be
made. Their consequences must be traced through the design so as to
formulate as coherent a system as possible.
Example. What is the max of (0,NaN)?
Desirable axioms:
\begin{itemize}
\item {\tt max(x,y)} must be the same as {\tt max(y,x)}.
\item {\tt max(x,y) .lt. y} is false {\tt max(x,y) .lt. x} is false
\end{itemize}
This means that {\tt max(NaN,x)} could be either NaN or x, a non-NaN.
Tough choice.
How best to identify
values of complex functions on branch cuts?
(Need clear definitions for elementary function defaults).
There are uses for signed zero allowing us to distinguish,
for example, x+0i from x-0i. (WK paper on
Branch Cuts for Complex Elem. Funs, 1987)
}
\end{verbatim}
\subsection{More on C9X}
There are too many loose ends for implementation dependencies to make
C9X standard {\em per se} a useful guide to careful implementation of
float-based algorithms. The acceptability of a valid C9X
implementation to do anything or nothing in so many ways was probably
viewed by the writers as ``not backing the compiler/computer into a
corner by prescribing too much.'' Instead it backs the programmer
into the middle of some under-specified territory without an adequate
map. It seems unfortunate that this
language standard
leaves important details to the vagaries of the implementation.
And worse that it is considered acceptable in the ``language
standards'' community to work this way.
Incidentally, the Modula-3 language words are different...
\section{Survey of a handful of languages and some philosophy}
It is not easy to design a programming language:
constraints (size, speed, environment, portability),
trade-offs (expressiveness, generality, efficiency).
We should be standing on the shoulders, not
the feet of those who worked on these problems.
Where to look for help (shoulders, not feet).
\subsection{Modula-3}
Modula-3 is a descendent of Algol-60 via Pascal and Modula-1,2,
with a free implementation (for many platforms) courtesy of DEC
Systems Research Center. More details can be found from.
\begin{verbatim}
http://www.research.digital.com/SRC/modula-3/html/scrm3.html
\end{verbatim}
While there are implementations of the language
for a number of platforms, they are
not necessarily complete with respect to floating-point
details.
(e.g. a glance at the SPARC
code shows that rounding modes are set globally, not
per thread).
\subsection{Borneo}
\begin{verbatim}
http://http.cs.berkeley.edu/~darcy/Borneo/
\end{verbatim}
There is no implementation for Borneo, a variant of Java developed by
J. Darcy and W. Kahan at Berkeley. Since the existence of any
variants of Java are anathema to the purveyors of Pure Java, it
becomes important for the propagation of such ideas in the language to
influence the Java purveyors. This raises political and financial
concerns. (History of Java, Borneo?)
The Borneo definition document includes
innumerable other ``trivial'' items that must be specified
for a language:
(example: How precise are constants?)
Recommended reading for a design team.
\subsection{SANE}
SANE is Standard Apple Numeric Environment, built for
the Motorola 680x0. The current Apple processor
architecture (Power PC) is different, requires recompilation
and may also require some attention to programs.
Some differences:
PPC has double-double but not double-extended.
Whereas SANE may avoid intermediate overflows (by always using
wide intermediates) PPCN does not necessarily do so.
Differences in exception handling, round-to-precision,
precision of the subroutine library (generally PPCN
has lower precision!)
\begin{verbatim}
http://developer.apple.com/techpubs/mac/PPCNumerics/PPCNumerics.166.html
\end{verbatim}
The Rhapsody operating system (coming up sometime) is, under the
covers, a UNIX system supporting C, Objective-C, Java. FP support
seems to be whatever is in C/UNIX (or Java).
\subsection{Some philosophy}
There is a pervasive and generally useful notion that is popular
among application programmers that if you run a complicated
floating-point calculation and are unsure if the answer is
correct, a simple check may be available: If a higher precision
version of the program can be run, try it. If you get the
same answer in single as well as double, then it is probably
correct. Or double and quad, etc. While this can be
merely signal agreement to the wrong answer, why are we
not happy with it?
(Followed to its logical conclusion as has been done by
some hardware designers, one finds many niceties
eliminated. Who cares if the results are entirely accurate; if
it matters, the computation will be re-done to higher precision
and in wider exponent range arithmetic.
Sloppy division, rounding incorrectly, cavalier treatment
of underflow, imprecise interrupts can all be excused in the
name of speed.)
Why should we care? It depends on who is meant by
``we''.
An engineer needing a one-off solution of a problem
that is in the middle of a very well-conditioned
problem might not care, {\em except that he might be wrong and
his problem is on some border (or his program is unstable)}.
We as suppliers of supposed quality hardware and software
should care [ref:WK's {\em Matlab's Loss is Nobody's Gain}, draft]
When one is constructing software for re-use by others (libraries,
interactive engineering packages etc), then one cannot put
a cost on inaccuracy.
In particular, the numerical software ``engineer'' cannot generally
judge for users of some library
\begin{itemize}
\item Where less accuracy is acceptable (context unknown);
\item How (in)accuracy might be magnified by subsequent use;
\item How inaccuracy might be associated with risk.
\end{itemize}
Purveyors of software and hardware must protect the (relatively
speaking) naive users from excessively inaccurate computation.
``Kahan's Law on Precision'' An increase of K significant bits
in an intermediate result's accuracy decreases by 2\^~(-K) the
incidence of numerical embarrassment attributable to the later use
of that result.
\end{document}
|
http://release-notes.trms.com/tex/212 | trms.com | CC-MAIN-2021-49 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-49/segments/1637964358685.55/warc/CC-MAIN-20211129014336-20211129044336-00087.warc.gz | 65,947,585 | 2,528 | \section{Carousel 6.0.0 Release Notes}
\begin{description}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{54} \textbf{New template editor}
\textbf{Drag and drop template editor with snap-to functionality for blocks during drag and resize, with the option of a full screen preview. Also, drag and drop block ordering for field entry and drawing order, independent of the order of the blocks on the template. Additional block options include, reflection, gradient and duplication. Added new Save and Exit button so users can select the Save button to save work without leaving the template.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{3633} \textbf{Bulletins can be moved or copied to a Full Screen Alert zone}
\textbf{Bulletins can be moved or copied to Full Screen Alert zones and vice versa.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{3786} \textbf{Tag Bulletins With Keywords}
\textbf{Carousel's tagging mechanism now has been extended to bulletins.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{3885} \textbf{RDA can assign bulletins to multiple zones by name or tag}
\textbf{Specifying zones can now be done by tag or name in addition to ID.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{3886} \textbf{Increased responsiveness of Alert bulletins}
\textbf{Bulletin activation is now pushed to players in a more efficient manner which increases responsiveness, decreases bandwidth usage and does so in a firewall friendly manner. Also, full screen alerts now appear quicker than before.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{3941} \textbf{HTML-rendering for blocks}
\textbf{Some minimal HTML tags can be used for word-level formatting of text in text blocks (b, i, u, s).}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{3943} \textbf{Add Player Status call to RDA}
\textbf{A way to check a player's status has been added to the RDA protocol.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{3947} \textbf{Select bulletins via Tags in RDA}
\textbf{Bulletins can be selected by tag when executing RDA commands.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{3952} \textbf{Filter Manage Bulletin list by tags}
\textbf{Once bulletins are tagged, the Manage Bulletin list can be filtered by tag.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{3967} \textbf{An uploaded image creates a seamless channel background for multiple zones}
\textbf{Carousel will automatically slice an uploaded background image into zone specific pieces (backgrounds) according to selected zones, creating a seamless channel display. Functionality can be found on the Channel Configuration menu.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{3971} \textbf{Shaped shadows for Pictures}
\textbf{Shadows for pictures now obey any alpha-channel transparency in the original picture.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{4019} \textbf{Add glow check box on block in template editor}
\textbf{A text block can now be set to have a glow effect.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{4386} \textbf{Add UpdatePage method to RDA}
\textbf{The RDA protocol now has an UpdatePage command to change properties on an existing bulletin.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{4451} \textbf{Bulletin packages containing only images can be uploaded and saved individually or as a group}
\textbf{Directly importing Microsoft PowerPoint presentations is no longer possible, eliminating the need to give Carousel permission to access PowerPoint. Simply export the slides as JPEG or PNG images, compress (zip) the file and upload the zip file as a Bulletin Package. Select Save to Group to keep all of the images together or Save to create independent bulletins. Of course, this functionality is not limited to PowerPoint presentations, it can be used for uploading any image.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{4611} \textbf{Atom feeds don't assign the item's author property correctly}
\textbf{An item's author is now being set correctly, previously it was only setting the author on a feed.}
\item[{\color{red}
\textbf{4689} \textbf{Have to log out and log back in to view newly created zones in config menu}
\textbf{Fixed an issue with cached zone lists that required a logout to see new zones in the menu.}
\end{description}
|
https://www.coaps.fsu.edu/bibliography/search.php?sqlQuery=SELECT%20author%2C%20title%2C%20type%2C%20year%2C%20publication%2C%20abbrev_journal%2C%20volume%2C%20issue%2C%20pages%2C%20keywords%2C%20abstract%2C%20thesis%2C%20editor%2C%20publisher%2C%20place%2C%20abbrev_series_title%2C%20series_title%2C%20series_editor%2C%20series_volume%2C%20series_issue%2C%20edition%2C%20language%2C%20author_count%2C%20online_publication%2C%20online_citation%2C%20doi%2C%20serial%2C%20area%20FROM%20refs%20WHERE%20serial%20%3D%20582%20ORDER%20BY%20first_author%2C%20author_count%2C%20author%2C%20year%2C%20title&client=&formType=sqlSearch&submit=Cite&viewType=&showQuery=0&showLinks=1&showRows=10&rowOffset=&wrapResults=1&citeOrder=&citeStyle=APA&exportFormat=RIS&exportType=html&exportStylesheet=&citeType=LaTeX&headerMsg= | fsu.edu | CC-MAIN-2022-05 | application/x-latex | application/x-latex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-05/segments/1642320304600.9/warc/CC-MAIN-20220124185733-20220124215733-00337.warc.gz | 743,123,535 | 1,515 | %&LaTeX
\documentclass{article}
\usepackage[latin1]{inputenc}
\usepackage[T1]{fontenc}
\usepackage{textcomp}
\begin{document}
\begin{thebibliography}{1}
\bibitem{Weissman2010} Weissman, D. E., H. Winterbottom, and M. A. Bourassa. (2010). The influence of rainfall upon scatterometer estimates for sea surface stress: applications to boundary layer parameterization and drag coefficient models within tropical cyclone environments. In \textit{OCEANS 2010, MTS/IEEE} (pp. 1--7).
\end{thebibliography}
\end{document}
|
https://wiki.compscicenter.ru/images/8/86/FP_2020_2MIT_HW02.tex | compscicenter.ru | CC-MAIN-2020-50 | text/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-50/segments/1606141195198.31/warc/CC-MAIN-20201128070431-20201128100431-00371.warc.gz | 544,273,422 | 1,927 | \documentclass[10pt]{report}
\usepackage[utf8]{inputenc}
\usepackage[russian]{babel}
\usepackage[centertags]{amsmath}
\usepackage{amsfonts}
\usepackage{amssymb}
\usepackage{dsfont}
\usepackage{euler}
\usepackage{eulervm}
\usepackage{graphics}
\usepackage{color}
\usepackage[all,cmtip]{xy}
%\usepackage{diagxy}
\newcommand{\lra}{\Longleftrightarrow}
\newcommand{\ra}{\Longrightarrow}
\newcommand{\ds}{\displaystyle}
\newcommand{\ta}{\!\rightarrow\!}
\newcommand{\tr}{\!:\!}
\newcommand{\Tr}{:}
% канонические комбинаторы Y, S, K, I, etc
\newcommand{\canonComb}[1]{\boldsymbol{#1}}
% обычные комбинаторы fac, mult, etc
\newcommand{\comb}[1]{\mathtt{#1}} %% \mathsf
\begin{document}
\thispagestyle{empty}
\begin{center}
\textbf{Курс: Функциональное программирование}
\textbf{Домашнее задание 2}
\end{center}
\bigskip
\bigskip
\noindent$\blacktriangleright$(1 балл) Приведите пример замкнутого чистого $\lambda$-терма находящегося
\newline
-- в слабой головной нормальной форме, но не в головной нормальной форме;
\newline
-- в головной нормальной форме, но не в нормальной форме.
\bigskip
\noindent$\blacktriangleright$(1 балл) Напишите функции: $\comb{minus}$, вычитающую числа Чёрча и $\comb{equals}$, сравнивающую два числа Чёрча на предмет равенства.
\bigskip
\noindent$\blacktriangleright$(1 балл) Напишите функцию $\comb{sumn}$, принимающую число Чёрча $n$ и возвращающую число Чёрча $\sum\limits_{k=0}^n k$.
\bigskip
\noindent$\blacktriangleright$ (1 балл) Постройте функции:
\newline
-- $\comb{sum}$ суммирующую элементы списка, например
\begin{equation*}
\comb{sum}\ [5,3,2]\ =\ 10
\end{equation*}
\newline
-- $\comb{length}$ вычисляющую длину списка, например
\begin{equation*}
\comb{length}\ [5,3,2]\ =\ 3
\end{equation*}
\bigskip
\noindent$\blacktriangleright$ (3 балла) Постройте функцию $\comb{tail}$, возвращающую хвост списка, например
\begin{equation*}
\comb{tail}\ [5,3,2]\ =\ [3,2]
\end{equation*}
\bigskip
\noindent$\blacktriangleright$(2 балла) Используя $\canonComb{Y}$-комбинатор, сконструируйте
\newline
-- <<пожиратель>>, то есть такой терм $F$, который для любого
$M$ обеспечивает $F\,M=F$.
\newline
-- терм $F$ таким образом, чтобы для любого $M$
выполнялось $F\,M=M\,F$.
\newline
-- терм $F$ таким образом, чтобы для любых термов $M$ и $N$
выполнялось $F\,M\,N=N\,F\,(N\,M\,F)$.
\bigskip
\noindent$\blacktriangleright$(2 балла) Пусть имеются взаимно-рекурсивное определение функций
$\comb{f}$ и $\comb{g}$:
\begin{equation*}
\begin{array}{lcl}
\comb{f}&=&F\,\comb{f}\,\comb{g}\\
\comb{g}&=&G\,\comb{f}\,\comb{g} \\
\end{array}
\end{equation*}
Используя $\canonComb{Y}$-комбинатор, найдите нерекурсивные определения для $\comb{f}$ и $\comb{g}$.
\end{document}
|
https://bibliotecaanarchica.org/library/camillo-berneri-il-cretinismo-anarchico.tex | bibliotecaanarchica.org | CC-MAIN-2022-40 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-40/segments/1664030335124.77/warc/CC-MAIN-20220928051515-20220928081515-00080.warc.gz | 174,090,483 | 4,563 | \documentclass[DIV=12,%
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\title{Il cretinismo anarchico}
\date{1935}
\author{Camillo Berneri}
\subtitle{}
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{\usekomafont{author}{Camillo Berneri\par}}%
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\par
Benché urti associare le due parole, bisogna riconoscere che esiste un cretinismo anarchico. Ne sono esponenti non soltanto dei cretini che non hanno capito un’acca dell’anarchia e dell’anarchismo, ma anche dei compagni autentici che in esso sono irretiti non per miseria di sostanza grigia bensì per certe bizzarrie di conformazione celebrale. Questi cretini dell’anarchismo hanno la fobia del voto anche se si tratti di approvare o disapprovare una decisione strettamente circoscritta e connessa alle cose del nostro movimento, hanno la fobia del presidente di assemblea anche se sia reso necessario dal cattivo funzionamento dei freni inibitori degli individui liberi che di quell’assemblea costituiscono l’urlante maggioranza, ed hanno altre fobie che meriterebbero un lungo discorso, se non fosse, quest’argomento, troppo scottante di umiliazione. Il problema della libertà, che dovrebbe essere sviscerato da ogni anarchico essendo il problema basilare della nostra impostazione spirituale della questione sociale, non è stato sufficientemente impostato e delucidato. Quando, in una riunione, mi capita di trovare il tipo che vuole fumare anche se l’ambiente è angusto e senza ventilazione, infischiandosene delle compagne presenti e dei deboli di bronchi che sembrano in preda alla tosse canina, e quando questo tipo alle osservazioni, anche se cordiali, risponde rivendicando la “libertà dell’io”, ebbene, io che sono fumatore e per giunta un poco tolstoiano per carattere, vorrei avere i muscoli di un boxeur negro per far volare l’unico in questione fuori dal locale o la pazienza di Giobbe per spiegargli che è un cafone cretino.
Se la libertà anarchica è la libertà che non viola quella altrui, il parlare due ore di seguito per dire delle fesserie costituisce una violazione della libertà del pubblico di non perdere il proprio tempo e di annoiarsi mortalmente. Nelle nostre riunioni bisognerebbe stabilire la regola della condizionale libertà di parola: rinnovabile ogni circa dieci minuti. In dieci minuti, a meno che non si voglia spiegare i rapporti tra le macchie solari e la necessità dei sindacati o quella tra la monere haeckeliana\footnote{Ernest Haeckel (1834-1919) biologo e zoologo, propose nel 1866 un sistema di classificazione nelle scienze naturali che includeva la categoria tassonomica monera.} e la filosofia di Max Stirner, si può, a meno che si voglia far sfoggio di erudizione o di eloquenza, esporre la propria opinione su una questione relativa al movimento, quando questa questione non sia di\dots{} importanza capitale. Il guaio è che molti vogliono cercare le molte, numerose, svariate, molteplici, innumerevoli ragioni, come diceva uno di questi oratori a lungo metraggio, invece di cercare e di esporre quelle poche e comprensibili ragioni che trova e sa comunicare chiunque abbia l’abito a pensare prima di parlare. Disgraziatamente accade che siano necessarie delle riunioni di ore ed ore per risolvere questioni che con un po’ di riflessione e di semplicità di spirito si risolverebbero in una mezz’ora. E se qualcuno propone, estremo rimedio alla babele vociferante, un presidente, in quel regolatore della riunione che ha ancor minore autorità di quello che abbia l’arbitro in una partita di foot-ball, certe vestali dell’Anarchia vedono\dots{} un duce. Per chi questo discorso? I compagni della regione parigina che hanno, recentemente, affrontato la spesa e la fatica di recarsi ad una riunione da non vicine località per assistere allo spettacolo di gente che urlava contemporaneamente intrecciando dialoghi che diventavano monologhi per la confusione imperante e delirante, si sono trovati, ritornando mogi mogi verso le loro case, concordi nel pensare che la gabbia dei pappagalli dello zoo parigino è uno spettacolo più interessante.
Quando degli anarchici non riescono ad organizzare quel problema meno difficile di quello della quadratura del circolo, di esporre a turno il proprio pensiero, un regolatore diventa indispensabile.
Questa è quella che io chiamo l’auto-critica. Ed è diretta a tutti coloro che rendono necessario un regolatore di riunioni anarchiche. Cosa che è ancora più buffa di quello che pensino coloro che se ne scandalizzano. Molto buffa e molto grave. E grave perché resa, molte volte, necessaria proprio là dove dovrebbe essere superflua.
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\begin{center}
Biblioteca anarchica
\bigskip
\includegraphics[width=0.25\textwidth]{logo-en}
\bigskip
\end{center}
\strut
\vfill
\begin{center}
Camillo Berneri
Il cretinismo anarchico
1935
\bigskip
Consultato l’8 febbraio 2018 su \href{https://www.panarchy.org/berneri/cretinismo.html}{www.panarchy.org}
\bigskip
\textbf{bibliotecaanarchica.org}
\end{center}
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|
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\title{Очерки по истории анархических идей}
\date{1931}
\author{Макс Неттлау}
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\chapter{От древних веков до начала XIX века}
Предварительный набросок этого исследования по истории анархических идеи не лишен будет, вероятно, некоторого интереса. Сущность и цель этих идей может быть определена, как любовь к нашей собственной свободе и к свободе всех других людей, как вера в то, что взаимное уважение и чувство общей солидарности постепенно заставят их вступить на путь личного и коллективного устройства более справедливой и гармоничной социальной жизни.
Считается уже установленным, что очень медленно раннее развитие человека ускорилось позднее, когда применение инструментов сделало возможным регулярный труд и увеличение народонаселения. Эти и другие факторы привели к оседлой жизни и возникновению собственности, дали преимущества тем, кто проявил физическое и умственное превосходство, а также и умение захватывать собственность. Этим началась долгая эпоха власти и частной собственности, длящаяся еще и до сих пор. Но эпоха эта проходит, как показывают происходящие в жизни перемены и новые тенденции, тенденции к большей свободе и солидарности, которые преодолевают привилегию и монополию. Эти тенденции ведут к все более полным достижениям, и идеалы анархистов стоят на линии этого развития, а более высокие формы их далеко впереди.
Очевидно, что у первобытных дикарей не могло быть представления о таком систематическом развитии. Их жизнь управлялась обычаями, возникшими на еще более ранних стадиях развития социальной жизни. Эти обычаи смешались с правилами, основанными на превосходстве начальников и собственников, укреплялись ими, а также подчиненной им поднимавшейся кастой жрецов, кастой воинов, торговцев и пр. В этих условиях свободы не было нигде, она была задавлена обычаями и сокрушена привилегиями. Деспотизм и тирания были всемогущи в течение долгого периода, и только в редких случаях, наиболее благоприятно развивавшиеся страны, как Греция, сбросили тиранию и на время создали демократию. Но демократия не долго просуществовала, ибо Греция была завоёвана сначала Македонией, а потом Римом. Часто вспыхивали бунты, и свобода в теории считалась высочайшим идеалом.
Социалистические стремления и глубокие экономические причины для этих стремлений также существовали, но очень редки были идеи, не проникнутые авторитарным духом. Разумеется, у всех этих народов были религиозные предрассудки и множество богов, существовавших много столетий. От этих богов им также предстояло освободиться.
Однако, несмотря на все эти физические и умственные препятствия, золотой век, патриархальная жизнь минувших дней, легенды о бунте против богов, от Сатаны (любимого героя Бакунина в Библии) до Прометея, ясно говорят об анархических стремлениях, о тяге к полной свободе и устранению причин социального неравенства.
Такие стремления содержатся в народных песнях, воспевавших борцов с властью и привилегией, от бунтарей до воров. И те, и другие изображались мучениками, и о тех, и о других с сочувствием говорили те, кто был слишком слаб, чтобы им подражать. Из этих традиций многое утрачено, ибо не было отмечено официальными хроникерами, бывшими на стороне власть имущих, или же извращено позднее в народном уме жрецами, изображавшими эти традиции, как греховные. Даже путешественники и этнографы более недавних времен редко бывали подготовлены для того, чтобы обратить внимание на такие традиционные идеи и понять их, как пережитки свободы. Они рассматривали полу-политические учреждения и установленные власти, как цивилизацию, а привычки к свободе как остатки дикости. Лишь изредка некоторых дикарей изображали, как образцы честности, не нуждающейся в законах, так было, когда краснокожие индейцы и таитяне приехали в XVIII веке во Францию. Задолго до современного развращенного и порабощенного общества, в древней Греции и даже в гордом Риме, некоторые «варварские» народы ставились гражданам в пример писателями, выступавшими в роли суровых критиков нравов.
В эпоху, когда угнетение было повсюду, неизбежно было, что свобода понималась просто, как независимость, которую надо было постоянно защищать. Поэтому многие сами становились сторонниками власти, тиранами и диктаторами, приводя в свое оправдание необходимость самозащиты. Это приводило только к тому, что на место старой тирании возникала новая, сначала малые государства, которые завоевывались более крупными, а те еще большими, и в этом кругу мы вращаемся до сего времени.
Но всегда находились люди, мечтавшие о том, чтобы выйти из этого круга, осуществить мир и добыть свободу для всех. Другие стояли за права личности, придавленной обычаем и притесняемой законом. Среди этих людей мы и должны искать ранних анархистов.
Таким образом, обзор этнографии, писаной истории, мифологии, фольклора, местных хроник, ранних восстаний вольницы, деревенских обычаев, ранней поэзии и философии могут, вероятно, открыть много затерянных следов анархизма, если устранить недоразумения и извращения, нагроможденные авторитарными исследователями. Эту работу надо тщательно выполнить, и она не замедлит пополнить наше понимание прошлого, которое во многих отношениях всё остается с нами и никогда не перестанет быть с нами.
В области восточной философии только либеральный философ Лао-Цзы подвергался изучению, но его «Простой путь» принимает всякий раз иной вид при каждом новом переводе, и в переводе д-ра Уларина в «Ревью Бланш» (Париж), он оказывается совершенно либертарным. Александра Давид, путешественница по Китаю и Тибету, встретила однажды «китайского Штирнера» («Меркюр де Франс,» 1 декабря 1908 г.) и написала об «Индивидуалистических теориях в китайской философии». Все это настоятельно требует дальнейшего исследования.
Греческая философия так подробно была исследована, что подпочвенные течения, возникавшие в стороне от государственных ультра-патриотических течений, не могли остаться незамеченными. Несмотря на то, что постоянно заявляли, учили и философски доказывали тезис о зависимости личности от государства, убеждая, что родной город или государство лучше всех других, что мудрый и добродетельный должен приказывать, а мелкота должна только повиноваться, несмотря на это, всегда возникали обратные течения, и свобода личности, человечность, право жить по своей воле считались многими гораздо более высокими идеалами. Отдельные философы, дерзавшие мыслить так независимо, встречали пренебрежение к себе со стороны официально признанных философов, и труды их либо погибали, либо сохранялись только в виде отрывков.
Таков был Антифон, на которого только теперь обратили внимание (см., напр., Лурье, «Антифон, творец древнейшей анархической системы», Москва, «Голос Труда,» 1925 г., 160 стр., и того же автора «Предтечи анархизма в древнем мире», Москва, 1926 г., 245 стр.). Таковы же Аристоппос, основатель гедонической школы, и даже знаменитый историк Зенон (342–270 г. г. до Р. Х.), противопоставивший авторитарной системе Платона хорошо продуманное изложение полного и глубоко обоснованного анархизма.
Известно, далее, что уже в пятом веке до Р. Х., помимо местных законодательных мероприятий, теоретически разрабатывались многими принимались в качестве желательных также и общие принципы: так называемое природное право первое провозглашение прав человека, проникнутые лучшими намерениями, широкие эгалитарные и либертарные принципы, исповедовавшиеся и дальше развивавшиеся великой стоической школой. Позднее эти принципы признавали желательными путеводными нитями даже римские законодатели и законники. Под названием «естественного права» эти принципы переходили в средние века от одной юридической школы к другой. Еще позднее, в XVII веке, они стали основой международного права (Гуго Гроциус), закона народов, попыткой хотя бы теоретически признать добрую часть человеческих прав. Правда и то, что те же самые законники делали все, что могли, чтобы оправдать действовавшие местные законы, выражение воли власть имущих, и стремились всеми способами нарушать естественное право. Но без этой предостерегающей идеи естественного права положение было бы гораздо хуже. Эта старая традиция неписаного естественного права была для многих исходной точкой для гуманитарной и революционной мысли и борьбы.
Не сознательный анархизм, конечно, но чувство, что существующий общественный строй только искусственное приспособление для данного места и времени, тогда как настоящим строем был бы только справедливый либертарный строй это чувство постоянно было у лучшей части человечества на протяжении 2 500 лет.
Всякое определенное выражение анархизма вырастало на этой почве на почве чувства, что существуют более высокие права и более высокие взаимные обязательства между людьми, чем привилегии и предписанные законом отношения людей в наши дни.
В то время как ясный ум греков и римлян преодолевал уже их традиционную мифологию, соприкосновение этих народов с Востоком заразило их новым и сильным религиозным чувством. От Митры до Иисуса Христа и в течение многих еще веков человеческая мысль двигалась только в религиозном одеянии, жестоко подавляемая догмами, влиянием жрецов и государственной властью. Свободная мысль развивалась только среди так называемых «еретиков», а также в очень малочисленных группах научных исследователей, которые подпольно, контрабандою, добывали необходимые книги и приборы для изучения и опытов. Они поддерживали тайную связь друг с другом до тех пор, пока их не обнаруживали и не изгоняли или предавали казни.
Некоторые из них, как гностик Карпократ из Александрии (Египет), исповедовали и проповедовали свободнейшую форму коммунизма и отрицание всякого писаного закона, во втором веке. Нам не известно о других таких течениях на протяжении тысячи лет периода, в течение которого только религиозные ортодоксы владели пером, писали светские и духовные документы и хроники. Только законники, стоявшие на стороне власти, заведовали гражданскими делами. Поэтому о жизни в городах, где науки и искусства, торговля, ремесла и городское самоуправление уже начали развиваться, начиная приблизительно с одиннадцатого века, мы знаем слишком мало.
Однако, если погрузиться в массу документов, оставленных этими темными веками, то, вероятно, можно было бы найти еще много отдельных незаметных проявлений свободной мысли, неизвестных восстаний и пр. Кстати, исследования проф. Допша показывают, что в ту эпоху было гораздо меньше разрушения и перерывов преемственности, чем обычно принято думать.
Как бы мало внимания ни уделяли пристрастные законники и хроникёры этим фактам проявлений свободной мысли, как бы ни извращали ее, следы их остались. Трудно передать, до какой степени всякая писаная литература (прежде чем книгопечатание сделало эту задачу затруднительной) была продуктом официальных, признанных патриотических и религиозных служителей и защитников предержащей власти. Вся она была враждебна каждому соседу, каждой другой нации и другой вере, с пренебрежением относилась к слабым и ненавидела смертельно бунтарей. Они пользовались свободой действий в течение веков и уничтожали или извращали показания в пользу другой стороны. Но тем больше показаний в пользу свободы могут дать исследования.
Так, например, после того, как было исследовано учение Амори из Бэна (1204 г. после Р. X.) и Ортлиба из Страсбурга, и пр., следовало бы тщательно изучить «Братьев и Сестер Свободного Духа», группу еретиков XIII века, отрицавших всякие обязанности по отношению к существующему обществу, его законам и обычаям и ведших свободную жизнь на свой собственный лад. Также надо было бы изучить связь таких антигосударственных групп, если возможно, с религиозной антигосударственностью Петра Челсицкого, богемского Толстого гуситского века. В смягченной форме, от Челсицкого ведут свое происхождение Моравские Братья, а от них начинаются автономные коммуны, развивавшиеся в восемнадцатом веке в Силезии, а затем в Соединенных Штатах, где они существовали при зарождении многочисленных коммунальных поселений, развивавшихся в позднейшее время и послуживших местом опыта внегосударственного социализма.
Восстание гуситов, будучи в основе своей движением националистическим, было первым сознательным агрессивным восстанием, вызванным сожжением Гуса на костре. Гуситы не пожелали быть уничтоженными, подобно альбигойцам, и стали распространять национальную и социальную войну и на соседние страны. Отсюда заимствовало свою силу движение анабаптистов, столетие спустя, а потом в XVI веке, борьба против римско-католической церкви была поддержана государствами северной Европы, желавшими присвоить огромные накопленные богатства Церкви. Это, наконец, ослабило духовную силу религии, превращая ее в орудие государства, а в кальвинистских странах, где развивалась торговля и империализм, в силу, оправдывавшую и вдохновлявшую войны и завоевания. Только тогда, оживленная знакомством с вновь открытыми классическими Римом и Грецией в XV веке, наука начала завоевывать себе право на открытое существование и в XVI веке сделала гениальные открытия, в XVII начала приобретать необходимые инструменты, в XVIII отбросила насильно на неё надетую маску подчиненности религии (французские энциклопедисты и пр.) и в XIX веке пришла, наконец, к периоду зрелости.
Эти века открытий и завоеваний, восточных войн, западных войн за преобладание на континенте, религиозных войн, начала капитализма и машинизма, были веками, прежде всего, авторитарной эпохи, изменившими почти все устройство власти и администрации, государства и границы, производительность труда, численность населения и т. д., и не оставили ни места, ни возможностей для подлинно бескорыстной свободы и солидарности, объединяя население воедино только фанатизмом веры, национальности и торговых интересов основу еще более сильного развития в том же направлении в XIX и XX веках.
Таким образом, в этом веке господства силы, хотя социализм не раз изображался в утопиях, начиная с 1516 г., он все же не принял либертарных черт, не стал выразителем анархических стремлений, за исключением редких случаев, среди которых некоторые замечательны и стали хорошо известными. Даже в средних веках, несмотря на их суровость, под конец стали развиваться, хотя и в узких рамках разделенного на касты общества, более свободные обычаи и более живое общение, которое видело себе угрозу в новой, жестокой и деятельной жизни начала XVI века. В этом духе, как последний взгляд назад, на более легкую жизнь умирающей эпохи, французский священник Франсуа Рабле в своем «Гаргантюа» описал Телемское Аббатство, где знаменитый лозунг «делай что хочешь» был основным правилом жизни, правилом «поступай, как тебе нравится». Это были слова, подсказанные здравым смыслом и веселым юмором, единственные в таком духе слова, высказанные в эти века мрачного фанатизма, когда религиозная диктатура над умами, ослабевшая в обиходе позднейшего католицизма, снова овладела народами в эпоху, протестантской Реформации, погони за золотом и завоеваний новых континентов, и подавила все более прекрасные чувства.
В эту эпоху порабощение и упадок становились всё хуже: по мере того, как укреплялось государство, правила бюрократии, иезуиты и их протестантские противники господствовали над умами, восставшие крестьяне сокрушались повсюду и постепенно загонялись в мануфактуры, предшествовавшие фабрикам, где они образовали бесприютный и лишенный собственности пролетариат. Сильный своей численностью, пролетариат сломил относительную независимость городских ремесленников и создал деление на два только класса имущих и неимущих.
Тогда молодой Этьен де ла Боэнци, в юго-западной Франции (1530–1563), в своей знаменитой «Речи против добровольного рабства», опубликованной только в 1577 г., призывал к сопротивлению тирании путем отказа в повиновении ей. Этот справедливый призыв встретил и продолжает встречать пренебрежение к себе, ибо каждый продолжает делать то, что делают все, вместо того, чтобы всем отказаться от повиновения раз и навсегда. Человечество имело тогда очень мало опытов коллективного бунта только отделение плебеев от патрициев в древнем Риме и уход их из города, остановивший всю городскую жизнь и заставивший патрициев уступить. Боэций написал еще один призыв. Сильвен Марешаль в 1788 г., еще раз напомнил о примере Рима накануне французской Революции, Торо в половине XIX века выступил в защиту «Гражданского неповиновения» только в 1930 г. мы видим индусов Восточной Индии, применяющих на практике такое восстание.
Сейчас оно, по-видимому, распространяется на Египет. В Европе было с полдюжины таких случаев, длившихся всего дни или часы, когда режимы рушились со всеобщего согласия, когда все отказывались поддерживать тот или иной режим. Так был свергнут Наполеон III в Париже 1 сентября 1870 г., так царизм был покинут всеми живыми силами в России в октябре 1905 г. и марте 1917 г., так немецкие королевства и княжества низложили своих властителей в 1918 г., так Испания заявила о своем нежелании поддерживать далее диктатуру Примо ди Ривера в январе 1930 г. Так редки случаи, когда власть вызывают на борьбу и наносят ей поражение силою общественного мнения. Несмотря на героизм меньшинства и отдельных лиц, эти случаи продолжают быть редкими.
Такие действия меньшинства имеют место, главным образом, там, где нестерпимая нищета и угнетение доводят до отчаяния и вызывают бунты. Таковы бунты крестьян в большинстве европейских стран против крепостного права, а также политические восстания, местные гражданские войны из-за власти, вроде восстаний испанских федералистов и автономистов. Таковы и попытки Джерарда Уинстэнли и диггеров в Англии (1652 г.) отнять землю у земельной аристократии, либертарных анабаптистов в Антверпене, которым посвящена книга Георга Экгуда. В XVII веке некоторые религиозные секты отказались платить налоги и потребовали невмешательства в их религиозные дела. Среди этих сект наиболее замечательны квакеры, которые добились успеха ценой многих страданий и тяжелой борьбы.
В американских колониях, рядом с пуританской нетерпимостью, был дан высокий пример терпимости в те годы (1654–57), когда губернатором Род-Айленда был Роджер Вилльямс. Однако, именно там и в то время Вилльям Гаррис, проповедовавший, по-видимому, полное отрицание «всех земных властей», подвергся преследованию. Приблизительно около того же времени Плокбой в Голландии, а позднее, в 1695 г., Джон Беллерс в Англии, Роберт Уоллес (1761) в Шотландии, проповедовали конструктивный и экспериментальный социализм, т. е. социальные учреждения, основанные добровольными союзами.
Столетия прошли, прежде чем позднейшие средние века увидели в стороне от могущественных авторитарных организаций и от железной власти обычаев и законов постепенное развитие добровольных союзов. Некоторые из них были связаны с рыцарством и организациями менестрелей (бродячих певцов), имели в своих рядах и рыцарей, и ремесленников, связаны были с учеными гуманистами века Возрождения, с многочисленными артистами и искусными ремесленниками, с местными академиями во многих итальянских и других городах, с обществами, интересовавшимися, главным образом, естественной историей и научными исследованиями (таких обществ много было в Англии XVII века), с оккультными обществами, среди которых в ходу было много нелепых выдумок, но которые несмело еще стремились к человеческому братству.
В XVIII веке союзы соприкоснулись с гораздо более ясными либеральными целями франкмасонства, распространявшегося во всех странах с быстротой лесного пожара, и с иллюминатами, братством, имевшим весьма определенную задачу: борьбу с власть имущими. После всего этого, после усиленной подготовки умов свободомыслящими гуманистами и чрезвычайно либеральной пропагандой людей века Энциклопедистов, которые сами по себе уже представляли большую силу, как Вольтер и Руссо, Революция 1789 года, начавшаяся взятием Бастилии, была уже неизбежным результатом. Старой власти был брошен вызов, и она была сокрушена в значительной степени.
До этого предела дошло коллективное усилие, но помешать установлению новой власти оно было не в силах. Эта задача была еще недостаточно понята. Люди, определенно отвергшие принцип всякой власти, будь то король, поп, народный вождь или делегат, или хотя бы сам народ, пытающийся создать власть, такие люди слишком малочисленны, слишком редки, слишком мало сосредоточены на этой великой идее.
Результат ясен: им не удалось убедить народ, и революция приняла, поэтому, авторитарный характер и окончилась военной диктатурой, Наполеоновской империей, жестокой реакцией, периодом Реставрации 1815–1830 г. г., после которой только Июльской революции 1830 г. (замечу мимоходом, что сейчас никто, по-видимому, не спешит праздновать столетие этой революции) удалось отчасти ослабить рост новой власти, но только отчасти, не больше того.
Тем не менее, не лишены интереса воспоминания о людях либертарной мысли, живших в период от XVI до XVIII века, насколько их удалось обнаружить: ибо, как всегда, сторонники власти видели в них опасность для себя и обходили их молчанием или извращали их мнения. Авторы утопий почти все глубоко увязли в авторитарные нравы окружающей среды, и только Габриель Фуаньи в своей книге «Приключения Жака Садера, его путешествие и открытие Астральной Земли» (1676) описывает воображаемую страну без государства и законов, а население изображает двуполым (гермафродиты). В других книгах общественный строй без государства и законов изображался редко, например, в книге «Человек на луне» (1648) или в «Республике философов» (1768), также в «Мондо-Савио» (1562). Крестьяне Балтики в широко распространенной книге Фенелона «Приключения Телемаха», троглодиты в «Персидских письмах» (1721), маленькая республика Абеназара в немецких книгах Г. Ф. Ребмана (1794), все это либертарные страницы, но книги в целом не блещут передовыми идеями. Исследования, а также и случайное чтение многих забытых книг несомненно умножит это число известных нам проблесков либертарной мысли в разных закоулках. Социальная критика была уже весьма зрелой в XVIII веке. Кроме того, свободная философская мысль и острое сознание необходимости разрушить старый строй заставляли стремиться к созданию нового человечества на совершенно новых началах.
Наиболее свободным мыслителем был Дидро, хотя он и не сосредоточил свои анархические взгляды в одном определенном произведении чего никто еще не сделал (за исключением маленькой книжки Берка, 1756 г.) и, вероятно, не в силах был или не посмел сделать на континенте Европы. Дидро рассыпал свои мысли во многих своих писаниях, в одном из которых встречаются ставшие навсегда знаменитыми строки: «природа не создала ни слуги, ни господина я не хочу ни давать, ни получать законы». Дом Дешан, бенедиктинский монах, в восемнадцатом веке пришел к анархическим взглядам в рукописи, выдержки из которой были напечатаны только в 1865 г., и этот случай еще не вполне исследован, насколько мне известно. Также Лессинг, немецкий классик, в своих последних произведениях, а особенно в диалоге «Эрнст и Фальк», выразил антигосударственные взгляды. Также философы Фихте, Краузе и Вильгельм фон Гумбольдт в своих «Мыслях о попытке определить границы действий государства» (1792), выдвинули теорию сужения сферы государственного управления до крайнего минимума (признанного необходимым), как это сделали также Томас Джефферсон, а позднее Джон Стюарт Милль, Герберт Спенсер и другие в XIX веке.
«Оправдание природного общества» (Лондон, 1756), написанное непостоянным Эдмундом Берком, остается неразрешенным вопросом. Каждая глава ее кажется современному читателю-анархисту порицанием старого общества и пламенным восхвалением свободного общества. Все это объясняется тем, что автор ясно видел, как народ всегда обманывали политически и стригли социально все привилегированные сословия. Но сам Берк, вскоре после того, указывал, что его очерк имел целью высмеять передовые идеи указанием на то, до каких крайностей и для «респектабельного» читателя нелепостей эти идеи доводят. Является ли это благовидной уловкой ренегата отвергнуть то, что он писал, когда мыслил честно, или же Берк говорит правду, и его «Оправдание» всегда было только насмешкой над всеми передовыми идеями и социальными чаяниями бедняков? Таким образом, влияние этой маленькой книжки (если она когда-либо имела его) было вскоре подорвано самим автором.
Много лет спустя, после того, как американская война и французская революция вызвали такое возбуждение передовой мысли в Англии, от Томаса Пейна до молодых поэтов Саути, Кольриджа и других, мечтавших о «Пантисократии», (Телемское Аббатство Рабле также, по-видимому, не было забыто в то время), «Оправдание» вновь стали читать, и политические и социалистические писания 70-х, 80-х и 90-х годов, хотя и демократически-авторитарные, по большой части, также, пожалуй, содержали проблески либертарной мысли. Следовало бы изучить эту литературу, ибо Вильям Годвин, родившийся в 1756 г., близко соприкасался с ней и она, вероятно, оставила след на его взглядах.
В то время, если не считать Дидро, не решившегося, к несчастью, высказаться за полную анархическую свободу против авторитарности Руссо и ограниченного либерализма Вольтера, не было никого, кто открыто исповедовал бы анархические идеи, вплоть до 1789 г., за исключением Сильвена Марешаля (1750–1803), парижского писателя и библиотекаря, который, начав с пасторалей и слегка эротической поэзии (1770), стал певцом золотого века пастушеской жизни в Аркадии и анархической патриархальности (1782–1784 г. г.). Но он был также наиболее агрессивным писателем против фикции Бога, за что и попал в тюрьму. В его «Современных апологетах» (1788) чувствуется приближение революции, и он выступает с почти неприкрытой защитой социальной генеральной стачки и полнейшего равенства. Революция застала его на самом крайнем левом крыле, но ни единого шага вперед: он был не менее авторитарен, чем все остальные, и не выступал в защиту подлинной свободы. Позднее, в манифесте Бабефа и других заговорщиков он написал знаменитую фразу: «исчезните, возмутительные различия между правящими и управляемыми», которую Буонарроти, авторитарный коммунист, отверг с таким негодованием в своей речи на суде по делу Бабефа, его собственному и других, когда дело шло об их жизни. Таким образом, бурные волны Французской Революции увлекли с собой Сильвена Марешаля, еще ранее бросившего вызов власти и потом вернувшегося к своему идеалу, когда прошла буря, хотя зарождавшееся могущество Бонапарта помешало развитию его таланта до полной зрелости, а ранняя смерть унесла его в 1803 г. Можно по справедливости сказать, что то, чего он не сделал, не сделал и никто другой, другими словами, ни один анархический голос не прозвучал во время Революции. Ни один такой голос не стал известен и, во всяком случае, не дошел до нас. Все было построено на авторитете, государственности, централизме, уравнительстве, и всякое требование автономии, федерации, дифференциации, простора и свободы считалось изменой патриотическому единству государства, принципам равенства и повиновения декретам патриотических Законодательных Собраний, их комиссиям и всем местным комитетам.
Без сомнения, каждая фракция хорошо видела авторитарные проступки лиц, стоявших у власти, и временами это очень хорошо и логически изображалось, например, Леклерком, из группы Жака Ру в «Друге Народа» от августа 1793 (вскоре после этого группа была разогнана), но сами критики были сверх-авторитарными людьми и сами поступали так же, когда приходили к власти.
Французская Революция, закончившаяся империей, непрерывными войнами до 1816 г. и годами реакции до июля 1830 г., несомненно, усилила государственную власть, заменив слабое аристократическое государство Бурбонов, государство паразитов, сильным милитаристическим государством Наполеона, который умел побеждать чужие страны и привозил в Париж их богатства в качестве добычи. Отсюда возникла басня о социально-полезном государстве, которое построило наилучшие дороги, защищало ремесла и торговлю и заключало самые выгодные договоры с другими государствами. Возродился уравнительный национальный патриотизм и гордость, повиновение власти, которая в некоторых местностях выполняла полезные обязанности, устранив прежнее нерадение и произвол привилегированных.
Все это образует основу современного государственного социализма, обширные системы которого были задуманы людьми, жившими в те авторитарные времена. После 1815 г., при ненавистном строе Бурбонов эти люди обращались мыслью к славной эпохе Робеспьера и Наполеона Бонапарта с тем большей нежностью, что они не чувствовали уже более ее неприятных сторон гильотину и ненасытного Молоха постоянных войн. Сознательно или несознательно, они пришли к мысли, что социализм может быть установлен декретами могущественных Собраний, что он может управляться и регулироваться верховными комитетами и, если нужно, может быть насильно введен и укреплен военными диктаторами.
Именно этот авторитарный характер социализма сделал его так мало приемлемым для человечества XIX века, ибо сверх-авторитарный период с 1789 до 1830 г. создал стремление к либерализму и смягченным формам общественной жизни. Социализм понимали, как диктатуру революционных комитетов. Разумеется, буржуазия отвергала социализм с точки зрения интересов собственности и прибыли, как тигр не согласился бы быть посаженным на молочную диету, да чего и было ждать от нее. Но одновременно возраставшие интеллектуальные силы человечества, наука и техника, так грандиозно развившиеся в XIX веке, по крайней мере, часть представителей этих сил, чувствовали влечение к либеральным формам социализма и не желали видеть его скрытых или открытых диктаторских форм. Даже Фурье остановился на полдороге, будучи либертарным по своим практическим идеям, по своему мировоззрению, и авторитарным по природе своей, ибо люди, пережившие те времена, все были отмечены. То же самое, я думаю, может быть сказано о Роберте Оуэне, в котором промышленная революция Англии, с ее победным ходом машинизма, развила не менее авторитарные черты, чем Французская Революция и империя в Сен-Симоне и Фурье. Что же касается Бланки, Кабе и Луи Блана, то в них, как эпигонах, культ авторитета был тем сильнее, чем дальше они были от личного опыта. А что сказать о Карле Марксе, который пришел после всех и жил абстракциями, к которым живое человечество должно было приспособиться, хотело оно того или не хотело?
Только один тонкий наблюдатель и острый мыслитель наблюдал начало революции во Франции и, к счастью, тут же писал свою обширную книгу (XIII+895 стр.), прежде чем авторитарные черты революции резко выступили наружу. Это был Вильям Годвин (1756–1836), который издал свой замечательный труд, первое полное изложение анархизма в одной из его прекраснейших форм «Исследование относительно политической справедливости и её влиянии на всеобщую добродетель и счастье» (Лондон, февраль 1793), переиздававшееся несколько раз, хотя и в несколько измененной форме, а в последние годы только в извлечениях и сокращениях. О жизни Годвина, исследованной тщательно (но главным образом, в связи с его знакомством с Шелли, на которого «Политическая справедливость» оказала сильное влияние, оставившее следы на его произведениях) С. Киган Полем, а недавно еще Брауном и многими другими, наиболее ранний период его исследования и опыты, давшие ему возможность написать монументальную его «Политическую справедливость», наименее исследован и требует дальнейшего изучения. Книга дала весь ожидавшийся результат, сразу стала классическим произведением радикальной литературы и предметом изучения для всех передовых мыслителей на целых пятьдесят или шестьдесят лет. Книга была переиздана в Филадельфии (1798) и привлекла к себе значительное внимание. Издателем ее был Георг Форстер, германский ученый, совершивший путешествие вокруг земли с капитаном Куком и побудивший молодого Александра Гумбольдта посвятить себя науке. В издании принимал участие также католический мистик Франц Баадер. Первая часть была переведена на немецкий язык (1803), а Бенджамен Констан подготовил французский перевод, который не появился. Но, вообще говоря, книга не была известна в других странах и ее идеи не излагались нигде в те годы. Таким образом, в других странах публика никогда не имела возможности сравнить «анархический социализм» с авторитарным социализмом стольких других известных авторов.
В «Политической справедливости», которую я не собираюсь здесь ни излагать, ни разбирать, анархизм развертывается перед глазами читателя по мере того, как автор, изучая условия более высокого человеческого совершенства, сам, по его словам, все более убеждается, что правительства только препятствия на этом пути развития. Он видит ход умственного развития и желает строить дальше на той же основе, постепенно приходя к свободнейшему анархическому коммунизму. Такая постепенность не есть призыв к умеренности, но предостережение против диктатуры и постоянный призыв к моральным и интеллектуальным усилиям, которые убеждали бы и пробуждали бы волю к энергичным попыткам.
Эта книга, если бы её сделали основой серьезной пропаганды в первой половине XIX века, могла бы стать наилучшим обоснованием анархического социализма. Это не было сделано или было сделано не так, как следовало, и авторитарный социализм, половинчатые варианты Фурье и Роберта Оуэна, получили большое распространение. Отчаянное сопротивление фабричных рабочих, душе и жизни которых угрожал машинизм, либеральная и национальная агитация на европейском континенте и движение за реформу, имевшую целью сломить парламентскую монополию британской аристократии, все это также отвлекало и поглощало энергию борцов.
Таким образом, до первых годов XIX века анархизм существовал, как интеллектуальное подпочвенное течение, начиная с эпохи древней Греции, и в форме «Политической справедливости» создал в 1792 году замечательное по мастерству первое изложение своих целей и средств. Но как массовое движение, как революционный фактор, он еще не существовал в то время, не по своей вине, а потому, что люди, погрязшие в авторитарности с незапамятных времен, в то время еще только выходили из авторитарного кризиса. Девятнадцатый век лежал перед ними, как неисписанная ещё страница. Посмотрим же, что они написали на этом чистом листе бумаги.
\chapter{От начала XIX века до смерти Прудона (1865)}
В Великобритании, уже раздраженной потерей американских колоний, старой системе преобладания аристократии угрожало народное демократическое восстание, назревавшее после 1789 года под влиянием событий Французской Революции. Только тогда подымавшаяся буржуазия, укрепившаяся и разбогатевшая, благодаря развитию машинного производства и морской торговли, стала на сторону правительства, которое дало ей вооруженную защиту против фабричного пролетариата и демократически-настроенных городских ремесленников, и дало флот для охраны морских торговых путей.
Начались судебные преследования против тех, кто сочувствовал делу французских революционеров, и эти преследования стали многочисленны и жестоки. Только оправдание судом присяжных намеченных жертв большого лондонского процесса (1791) предотвратило, к счастью, дальнейшее ухудшение положения, остановив дальнейшие преследования. Однако, была инсценирована одна из тех больших газетных кампаний, какие мы наблюдаем и в наши дни: «анти-якобинская» кампания, на протяжении целых годов настраивавшая общественное мнение против всего реформистского и революционного, народного и демократического, французского и иностранного. Разумеется, некоторые убежденные и упорные демократы, социалисты и свободомыслящие стойко сопротивлялись. Но идеи, для своего распространения требовавшие спокойного и открытого обсуждения, как, например, анархические идеи, впервые изложенные Вильямом Годвином в 1793 г., не могли уже более обсуждаться, их гнусно извращали антиякобинцы, а революционеры, доведенные преследованиями до таких настроений, которые в наше время назвали бы большевицкими, считали анархические идеи слишком умеренными и мягкими. Они были более склонны к террористическим выступлениям, к устройству заговоров и другим предприятиям трагического характера, кончавшимся казнями и ссылками, начиная с заговора полковника Деспара (1803) и до двух дел Артура Тислвуда (1817, 1820).
Сам Годвин отошел от этой борьбы к менее компрометирующим литературным трудам и только, много лет спустя, был несколько затронут беспредельным энтузиазмом молодого Шелли, ненадолго вызванном в поэте идеями «Политической справедливости» и хорошо обоснованными Годвином принципами свободомыслия. Но Шелли, подобно более сильному Байрону, подвергся преследованию со стороны тогдашнего общественного мнения и кончил жизнь в добровольном изгнании. Роберт Оуэн, со своей цепкой настойчивостью, практической складкой и материальными средствами, занимал более прочную позицию, чем кто бы то ни было из других ранних социалистов. Но и он был, в конце концов, внесен, в каталог общественного мнения, как изменник и человек безнравственный, опасный для религии и семьи и таким образом был вытеснен из круга людей, привлекавших к себе общественное внимание. Таким путем было подорвано влияние либертарных идей в Англии.
Позднее оно возродилось только однажды, благодаря великодушному Вильяму Томпсону, автору «Исследования о принципах распределения благ, наиболее способных сделать людей счастливыми\dots{}» (Лондон, 1824, XXIV+600 стр.) и подробно разработанного труда о конструктивном социализме, выпущенного в 1830 году под заглавием «Практические указания». Он преждевременно умер в 1833 г. Его учение приняло позднее формальный характер под влиянием холодных резонеров, ограничившихся идеями добровольного экономического сотрудничества на основе строгой взаимности, как, например, Джон Грей, автор книги «Социальная Система: трактат о принципе обмена» (Эдинбург, 1831, XV 4–374 стр.) и других произведений. Иногда эти резонеры приходили к мысли о постепенном и добровольном устранении государства, подобно Герберту Спенсеру («Социальная статика,» 1850 г.), Джону Стюарту Миллю («О свободе,» 1859 г.) и другим. Позднее, еще более формальный индивидуализм, без всякого социального содержания, развился из этих идей. Это направление лучше всего представлено произведениями Оберона Лерберта, младшего сына лорда Кэрнарвона. Эти произведения не совсем лишены некоторого антигосударственного содержания. Эти же идеи повлияли на многих радикалов, помешали им, когда они стали социалистами, некритически уверовать в государственный социализм, особенно в марксизм. Этот полезный результат нашел себе, однако, противовес во многих других результатах, вследствие возраставшего влияния националистического патриотизма и теократического этатизма Мадзини, которыми прониклись молодые английские радикалы пятидесятых и шестидесятых годов. Это влияние Мадзини разрушало либертарную традицию, в течение полувека выросшую из великого произведения Годвина.
В Соединенных Штатах особенно в восточных штатах социальные условия все более ухудшались. Городской пролетариат был поглощен экономической самозащитой, организацией чисто-профессиональных союзов и борьбой за условия труда. В то же время в западных штатах сохранялись еще почти нетронутыми условия жизни первых пионеров, а в средней полосе все еще оставалось место для социальных опытов, добровольных общин всякого рода и для соответствующих этому положению разнообразнейших религиозных, экономических, сексуальных, либертарных и других идей.
Роберт Оуэн и здесь был глашатаем идей. Он организовал колонию «Новая Гармония» в 1825 г. В этом опыте приняли участие около 800 человек, получивших в свое распоряжение около 28 000 акров хорошей земли, свыше миллиона долларов и землю, уже возделанную продолжительной работой одной религиозной колонии. Однако, результаты были неудовлетворительны. Исходя от этих результатов, один из членов колонии, Джошуа Уоррен из Бостона (1798–1879), пришел к резкому отрицанию обычных для таких коммун принципов: безграничной солидарности и сотрудничества. Он выдвинул принципы единоличной работы, прямого обмена по себестоимости и строгой взаимности. Эти принципы Уоррен стал применять на практике, создав в 1827 г. в Цинциннати распределительный склад. Он стал рекомендовать повсеместную организацию точно таких же складов колониями, основанными на справедливом обмене продуктов и услуг. В этом духе он вел пропаганду на страницах первой анархической газеты в Соединенных Штатах «Мирный Революционер» («The Peaceful Revolutionist») в Цинциннати (1830), написал книгу «Справедливый товарообмен» (1846), «Практические подробности справедливого товарообмена» (1852) и проч. В течение больше, чем пятидесяти лет, он неутомимо вел пропаганду. Идеи Уоррена привлекли на его сторону Стефана П. Эндрюса, который разработал эту систему индивидуализма, главным образом, вопросы о политической и сексуальной независимости в книгах: «Наука об обществе: истинная конституция правительства при суверенитете личности» и «Стоимость, как предел цены\dots{}» (1851), а также «Любовь, брак и развод» (1852). Эти идеи настойчиво развивались очень упорными пропагандистами и пропагандистками, как Лизандр Спунер, В. Б. Грин, Эзра М. Хейвуд, Мозес и Лилиан Харман. Они достигли наибольшего распространения, благодаря деятельности Б. Р. Таккера (родился в 1854 г.), автора, переводчика, издателя и редактора «The Radical Review» в 1877 г. и «Liberty » (Бостон, позднее Нью-Йорк, 1881–1907).
Эти идеи в той или иной степени оказали влияние на’ движение в пользу земельной реформы, начиная с сороковых годов и вплоть до выступления Генри Джорджа, а также на движение в пользу монетной реформы. Они повлияли также на многие прогрессивные движения в антигосударственном направлении. Однако, эти идеи совсем не были наполнены социальным содержанием, и хотя они должным образом отвергли государственный социализм, зато они же одновременно отвергли и все социальные реформы анархизма (коллективистический и коммунистический анархизм) и особенно идеи Б. Р. Таккера были направлены к решительному дискредитированию этих форм анархизма. Это кончилось тем, что движение анархистов-индивидуалистов было отрезано от общего социально-революционного движения, а раскол лишил эти идеи возможности оказывать постоянное и растущее влияние, как раз в настоящее время, когда каждое антигосударственное движение так необходимо.
Факты свидетельствуют о том, что эти идеи, естественно выраставшие в пионерскую эпоху Джошуа Уоррена, сто лет назад, искусственно и чисто отвлеченным путем прививались Таккером и его поколением позднейшей и современной нам капиталистической Америки. Во время Уоррена на Западе, при обилии земель и минимуме государственного вмешательства и экономического давления, люди могли подниматься до среднего уровня экономического равенства. Они могли бы применять на практике принцип добросовестной взаимности и взаимной солидарности, если бы они этого действительно хотели. Но даже и при таких условиях ненасытная жадность немногих или многих увековечила бы взаимное недоверие. Сознательные люди, ведущие себя честно, были бы обречены на разочарование и изоляцию, если не на исчезновение. При всяких иных условиях современной жизни самые элементарные попытки встречали препятствие со стороны привилегии и монополии, государства и всемогущего капитала, и взаимность становилась невозможной. Это лишило индивидуалистический анархизм, проповедовавшийся Таккером, всякой почвы для действия, закрыло для него всякую социальную среду, где он мог бы применяться, отняло у него возможность связи с жертвами общественного строя, для которых свобода соглашения и надежда на взаимность были не более, как насмешкой.
В Европе Прудон (1809–1865), хорошо знакомый с французским централизованным государством, на его глазах подавлявшим местную жизнь, и с социалистическими системами, носившими принудительный и попечительный характер, в равной степени отрицавшими свободу личности, уже в 1840 г. отверг и государство, и эти системы («Что такое собственность?» Париж, 1840) и стал проповедовать экономическую организацию индивидов и ассоциаций для применения на практике принципов справедливого обмена и создания, путем федерации и соглашения, частного экономического общества, которое могло бы также практически организовать социальные функции государства, в то время, как не-социальные, принудительные функции современного государства были бы признаны просто вредными и упразднены путем отнятия у государства общественной поддержки; таким способом, государство было бы ликвидировано, как бесполезный и вредный организм.
Прудон, сам будучи рабочим, видел перед собой высоко развитый французский буржуазный и государственный режим и знал силу ассоциации и сочетания сил, практикуемых буржуазией и в сороковых годах все еще недоступных рабочим. Он, кроме того, всегда был настоящим социалистом, чувствовавшим гнет привилегированных и требовавших равенства условий жизни. Прежде всего он был ученым, в течение 25-ти лет своей социалистической деятельности с 1839 до 1864 г., постоянно погруженным в социальные проблемы и всегда изучавшим новые возможности великого перехода от власти к свободе, от вынужденного подчинения к соглашению равных, от монополии к переходу продуктов в пользование самих производителей. Его острый взор пронизывал вопрос о национальностях («О федеративном принципе и необходимости восстановить Партию Революции», Париж, 1863, XVIII+324 стр.), и в своем посмертном труде он наметил новую политику рабочего класса («О политической способности рабочего класса», Париж, 1865, VI+465 стр.).
В то время, как в Америке анархический индивидуализм окостеневал на пути от Уоррена до Таккера, сочинения Прудона, его столь разнообразная переписка, посмертные произведения и анализ тактики авторитарных революционеров, напечатанные в его больших периодических журналах в 1848–50 г. г., до сих пор сохраняют жизненность своих либертарных идей и вдохновляют всех европейских анархистов. Смело можно сказать, что подобно тому, как в Англии распространялись идеи Годвина, а в Соединенных Штатах, в описанных выше узких пределах, идеи Уоррена, так во всех других странах анархическая мысль распространялась и развивалась, главным образом, на основе интеллектуальных влияний, более или менее исходивших от Прудона.
На деле, однако, деятельность Прудона всегда встречала огромные препятствия среди передовых групп и партий во Франции. В сороковых годах все авторитарные социалисты были его ожесточенными противниками, а он был таким же их противником. В революционный и республиканский период 1848–1851 г. г. критика Прудона не привлекла к себе внимания, ибо народ был увлечен идеями государственного социализма Луи Блана, революционеры вообще нейтралистским якобинством, крестьяне и другие широкие слои народа бонапартизмом, и все вместе верою в правительство. Только молодой журналист Ансельм Белльгарриг, побывавший в Соединенных Штатах, Нью-Орлеане и в районе Миссисипи и пораженный тогдашней простотой американского городского и правительственного механизма, особенно по сравнению с французской бюрократией, выступил с мыслью о ликвидации правительственного аппарата и самоуправления, основанного на суверенитете муниципалитета (общины). Ежедневная газета «Цивилизация», издававшаяся в Тулузе в период с марта до декабря 1849 года, два больших номера журнала «Анархия» (Париж, апрель и май 1850 г.), несколько брошюр и других издании Белльгаррига и его друзей проповедовали это отрицательное отношение к французскому правительственному организму. В то же время эти издания воздерживались от поддержки какой бы то ни было социальной доктрины. Они, таким образом, отрывались от народных движений, но ими не пренебрегали политические мыслители: ибо иллюзорность веры в правительство и избирательной политики все более и более влияла на передовых мыслителей. Взамен парламентаризма они изобрели прямое представительство (Риттингаузен, Консидеран, Ледрю-Роллен в период 1850–51 г. г.) и другие способы упрощения и децентрализации правительственного организма. В то же время, в области экономики, государственному социализму Луи Блана были противопоставлены планы федеративных ассоциаций (Константин Пекер) в сороковых годах. Еще раньше того, в тридцатых годах, фурьеристами была выдвинута идея о «сосьетарной коммуне», блестяще изложенная Консидераном в его «Судьбе общества» (1837, 38, 44), и т. д.
Однако, все эти даровитые, образованные меньшинства не могли помешать Луи Бонапарту собрать урожай с посева идей авторитарной республики и объявить себя императором Наполеоном III, действуя по образцу своего дяди, императора Наполеона I, сделавшего свою добычу из авторитарной республики 1792 г. При Наполеоне III националистическая политика получила преобладание. Буржуазные и якобинские демократы и республиканцы поддерживали этот национализм, как их отцы поддерживали политику завоевания, проводившуюся первым Наполеоном.
Только Прудон с честью противостоял этому искушению и предостерегал против национальных войн и неурядиц, начавшихся с 1859 г. и до сих пор рвущих Европу на, куски и разоряющих ее. Прудон проповедовал федерацию, как это делал позднее и Бакунин, в 1867 г. Таким образом, в 1859–1863 годах, как и в 1848–1851 годах, Прудон возвысил свой предостерегающий голос и стал самым ненавистным человеком как раз для тех партий, которые считали себя наиболее передовыми в социальном и политическом отношениях.
Но много рабочих прислушивалось к нему (1863–1864 годах), и он резюмировал свои советы им в посмертном произведении, указанном выше. Его безвременная смерть (19 января 1865 года) оставила после себя пустоту, ибо все его друзья и ученики специализировались на отдельных частях его учения, ни один из них не мог заместить и дополнить его, подобно тому, как Анфантэн и Базар дополнили Сен-Симона, как Консидеран дополнил Фурье, и так далее. Верморель и Левердей обладали величайшими способностями, но обстоятельства помешали полному признанию их заслуг в то время. Кроме того, здесь надо упомянуть, что коллективизм победоносно развивался в те годы, в конце 60-х годов, заполняя пустое место, оставленное последователями. Прудона, и пропитывая все движение социалистическим духом, как это будет показано ниже.
Прудон привлек к себе большое внимание в Германии со стороны всех выдающихся социалистов того времени, от Карла Маркса до Макса Штирнера, а также радикальных философов вроде Арнольда Руге, социалистических философов и радикальных политиков вроде М. Гесса и Карла Грюна, ученых и музыкантов, вроде Карла Фохта и Рихарда Вагнера, и многих других. Все они считали государство вредным и ненавистным и все надеялись увидеть его устраненным, ликвидированным и исчезнувшим, хотя они и расходились по вопросу о способах и ближайших шагах для достижения этой цели. Мы видим, что таким же образом государство осуждалось и пренебрежительно оценивалось Пи-и-Маргалем в Испании (1854), английскими писателями в 50-х годах, писателем Писаканэ в Италии и т. д. Свое огромное развитие идея государства получила только благодаря политическому честолюбию бонапартистской Франции, национальному патриотизму Кавура, Мадзини и Гарибальди, благодаря польскому восстанию 1863 года, благодаря роли Пруссии в датской и австрийской воинах и американской гражданской войне (1859–1866 годов). В те годы изучение принудительного характера государственной власти, которым занимались почти все передовые мыслители от 30-х до 50-х годов, было придавлено густым слоем национализма. Позднее, начиная с 70-х годов, ту же роль играло открытие социально-охранительного характера государства. Государству стали щедро приписывать всякого рода социальные функции, чтобы создать впечатление, что оно необходимо. С того времени развитие непрерывно шло ретроградным путем вплоть до всепоглощающего и всем управляющего фашистского государства.
В 40-х годах Макс Штирнер опубликовал (декабрь 1844 года) свою книгу «Единственный и его собственность». В этом произведении он дал теорию совершеннейшего индивидуализма. При ближайшем рассмотрении эта теория оказывается глубже и богаче социальными чувствами, чем это принято думать. Неправильно выводить какой-нибудь вульгарный эгоизм из учения Штирнера. Он считал, что социальное освобождение зависит от интеллектуального и морального подъема личности, понимающей, чего требует её личный интерес, как не способна какая бы то ни было внешняя власть позаботиться о нуждах личности и как добровольное социальное сотрудничество лучше всего это может сделать. Другие, как Гесс и В. Марр, соединили учение Прудона с коммунистической экономикой и приблизились к анархическому коммунизму, или пропагандировали прудоновский мутуализм.
Пи-и-Маргаль, молодой каталонский республиканец, в период временной политической свободы, которая могла бы быть названа испанским 1848 годом, а именно, в период в 1854–1855 годов, напечатал знаменитую книгу «Реакция и Революция», политические и социальные наброски (Мадрид, 1854 г., 424 стр.) первый и единственный том, заключительная часть которого, однако, датирована 27 августа 1855 года. Эта редкая книга пыла перепечатана в 1928 году в «Revista Blanca» (Барселона, 478 стр.). Автор доказывает суверенность личности и заключает из этого, что ни один человек не должен обладать властью над другим человеком, ибо между суверенными существами могут быть только соглашения, договоры. Власть и суверенитет (автономия) друг другу противоречат. Власть, как социальный базис, должна быть заменена договором в качестве социального базиса. Этого требует логика. Демократия, говорит он, начинает допускать суверенитет личности в качестве своей единственной возможной основы, но всё ещё отвергает ту анархию, которая является следствием, не могущим быть отвергнутым. Поступая так, она приносит логику в жертву интересам минуты. Человек суверенен, власть же есть отрицание суверенности. Таково мое революционное понимание. Я должен уничтожить власть. Такова моя цель. Таким образом я знаю, какова моя исходная точка и какова моя цель, и я не колеблюсь.
В этом рассуждении Пи-и-Маргаль и его памятная книга стоят рядом с тремя наиболее замечательными книгами начала 50-х годов: «Социальная статика» Герберта Спенсера (Лондон, 1850), «Наука об обществе: истинная конституция правительства в суверенности личности» С. П. Эндрюса (Нью-Йорк, январь 1851 г.) и «Общая идея революции в XIX веке» Прудона (Париж, 1851). Совершенно не вероятно, чтобы Пи-и-Маргаль не знал этих книг и не был бы под влиянием их, не вдохновлялся бы ими прямо или косвенно, пополняя их своим богатым испанским опытом и своими прирожденными каталонскими склонностями к автономии.
В 60-х годах Пи-и-Маргаль и другие перевели важнейшие произведения Прудона, и эти произведения, вместе с книгой «Реакция и революция», были умственной пищей испанских федералистов-республиканцев, часть которых, в большинстве состоявшая из очень развитых ремесленников, была также затронута движением в пользу социальных ассоциаций, которое созрело среди испанских рабочих уже в 40-х годах. Таким образом, эти рабочие, стоявшие между Пи-и-Маргалем (который впоследствии втянулся в республиканскую политику) и Прудоном (социальное учение которого не удовлетворяло их), были хорошо подготовлены к восприятию чистого анархизма, связанного с, полным социализмом (коллективизмом), который Бакунин изложил им в 1868–1869 годах, как мы это увидим ниже.
50-ые годы дали еще другое замечательное социальное произведение, итальянские «Saggi sulla Rivoluzione» (Очерки революции в книге Карло Писаканэ «Saggi storia politici-military» Исторические, политические и военные очерки, Женева 1859 и Милан 1860, 4 части). Писаканэ, офицер и участник итальянских войн и восстаний 1848–1849 годов, независимый мыслитель и критик, стоявший в стороне от Мадзини, погиб, сражаясь в отчаянной попытке поднять революцию в тогдашнем неаполитанском королевстве (Июнь 1857 года). Он оставил после себя упомянутые очерки, которые были правильно редактированы, но так как они не понравились централистам, сторонникам власти и буржуазным националистам, то они были искусно изъяты из обращения. Как раз в период 60-х и 70-х годов, когда они особенно были бы полезны, чтобы показать, как дороги были либертарные воззрения признанному национальному герою, их сделали недоступными. Но Джузеппе Фанелли, товарищу Писаканэ, в 1857 году эти воззрения были хорошо известны, и в середине 60-х годов Фанелли стал ближайшим итальянским товарищем Бакунина. Фанелли был также тем человеком, который зимою 1868–1869 годов получил от Бакунина и его друзей поручение ознакомить с их идеями испанские кружки в Мадриде и Барселоне, как раз те круги ремесленников и промышленных рабочих, где идеи Пи-и-Маргаля, Прудона и других социалистов пользовались большим уважением и которые были вполне подготовлены к восприятию бакунинских идей в изложении Фанелли, друга Писаканэ. «Свобода и ассоциация» такова формула, резюмирующая цели Писаканэ. Он отвергает традиционные формы правительства, как непозволяющие истинной свободе развиваться. Лучшими гарантиями свободы для него являются автономные общины с соответствующими участками земли и ассоциации рабочих, которым доверяются надлежащие средства производства, но земля и средства производства остаются во владении коллектива.
Коллективистический анархизм, излагавшийся в 60-х годах Бакуниным и другими, близко подходит к системе Писаканэ. С этой системой учение Бакунина расходится в одном пункте: по мнению Бакунина необходим промежуточный организм между коммуной и коллективом для защиты изолированной коммуны, а именно округа или провинциальная федерация коммун, в то время как Писаканэ, помня о вражде и соперничестве многочисленных итальянских подразделений, стремился положить конец всякому роду подразделений и хотел осуществить это путем коммунальной автономии.
Из этого краткого обзора серьезных, антигосударственных тенденций в Англии, Соединенных Штатах, Франции, Германии, Испании, Италии, вплоть до 1860 года, в произведениях подлинного цвета политических мыслителей, социальных ученых, социалистов и выдающихся деятелей искусства и науки, мы можем заключить, что эти тенденции были и до сих пор остаются подлинным результатом, цветом прогрессивной мысли, несмотря на временные остановки в ее развитии, вызванные общим ходом событий, начиная с 1860 года. Препятствия были и до сих пор остаются очень серьезными.
Исторически эти препятствия были неизбежными последствиями усиления капитализма путем развития техники, фабричной системы и других факторов, начиная с конца XVIII века. Это развитие капитализма доставило большие преимущества в области промышленности в западной Европе: Англии, Франции, Бельгии. Политически разъединенные и слабые государства Германии и Италии стремились к государственному единству и национальной независимости, к экономическому развитию, свободному от английского импорта и от французской политической опеки. Отсюда эра национальных войн с 1859 г. до 1871 года. Отсюда столкновение национальных чаяний на востоке Европы, главным образом славянских народностей, нашедших себе выражение в мировой войне, и создание новой карты Европы после 1918 года с 36 государствами вместо 25, с 20 тысячами километров пограничной линии вместо 13 тысяч, с 30 образцами монет вместо 18. Эти перемены за время с 1918 по 1930 год принесли такие результаты, что в настоящее время дальнейшее деление считается нежелательным. Наоборот, коллективные группировки в форме пан-Европы, или в менее крупные объединения являются предметом серьезного обсуждения. Экономическая жизнь требует простора, а деление по национальному признаку не всегда может обеспечить этот простор. Экономически удушаемые страны создают международную депрессию. Прудон в своих произведениях и письмах 1859–1863 годов предвидел все это. Приближается время, когда справедливая федерация станет очередным вопросом.
Рабочие были физически ослаблены, и духовно искалечены грубой жестокостью развивавшейся машинной цивилизации. В то время, как британские тред-юнионы, делая огромное усилие, защищали рабочих не без успеха, в других странах, с другой исторической основой, это казалось невозможным, и единственным фактором, способным регулировать и смягчать худшие эксцессы эксплуатации, было государственное управление путем законодательства и охраны интересов граждан. Это объясняет поспешность, с которой континентальные социалисты стали добиваться на выборах влияния в парламенте, с целью проведения реформ и законодательной охраны труда, начиная от Луи Блана и Люксембургской комиссии в Париже в 1848 году и от агитации Лассаля за всеобщее избирательное право и государственную помощь в 60-х годах в Германии. После того, как события шли таким ходом в течение 70 лет, нам ясна теперь обманчивость этой отчаянной попытки доверить интересы рабочих государству, которое в первую очередь является опорой власть и капитал имущих и, в равной степени, оказывается защитником своих собственных интересов, т. е. интересов огромной и крепко организовавшейся бюрократии. Государство лишило силы все социалистические партии, которые на него опирались и дало рабочим, в обмен на их социалистический энтузиазм, выразившийся в миллионах избирательных бюллетеней только жалкую подачку в виде кой-какого законодательства, которое рабочие, при других обстоятельствах, с таким же успехом завоевали с помощью тред-юнионистской политики и синдикалистского прямого действия. Кроме того, там, где государству присвоены еще более широкие социальные функции путем частичной социализации, или, как в России путем управления всего, что жизненно в экономической и социальной жизни, или, как в современной Италии путем разделения населения на средневековые категории, результаты оказываются плачевными и нестерпимыми. Таким образом и здесь, если мы окажем разумно организованное противодействие, то окажемся почти у конца неудачной эволюции и могли бы избавить себя от необходимости испить до дна горькую чашу государственного всемогущества, в то время как неспособность государства так очевидна. Здесь также 70 лет опыта в ложном направлении создали невозможное положение: раздувшийся организм государства, производящий наименьшее количество полезного труда с наибольшими издержками и громоздкость бесполезной государственной машины с огромной бюрократией и милитаризмом, постоянная опасность войны и удушения нормального хода экономической жизни. Поэтому, должны быть основания для надежды, если анти-государственная идея вновь станет проповедоваться с той же силой и талантом, как в дни Прудона, Герберта Спенсера и многих других, к которым должны быть причислены лучшие представители либертарной этики, такие люди, как Торо, Уолт Уитмен, Эдуард Карпентер и Л. Н. Толстой.
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Анархизм имел ещё другой источник роста в первой половине XIX века, а именно: он развился из наиболее законченного и свободного истолкования и осуществления коммунизма.
Если коммунизм назначает «от каждого по его способностям, каждому по его потребностям», то для понимания этого требуется самая полная свобода. Это делает всякий регулированный и авторитарный коммунизм противоречием, нелепостью. Это и был наиболее значительный недостаток «икарианского» коммунизма Кабэ, так настойчиво пропагандировавшегося со времени напечатания «Путешествия в Икарию» (Париж 1840), а также и коммунизма Бабефа и Буонарроти, несколько более либерального коммунизма Дезами и проч. Группа парижских рабочих провозгласила это во всеуслышание и подняла знамя свободнейшего коммунизма, т. е. анархического коммунизма. «Гуманист, орган социальной науки», два больших номера которого вышли в июле и августе 1841 года, был их органом. Этот журнал был запрещен, группа была предана суду и разбита путем преследований, к которым присоединилась вражда со стороны Кабэ и всех других респектабельных, авторитарных коммунистов, которые считали, что их коммунистическая монополия нарушена этими коммунистами, анархистами, атеистами, врагами семьи, людьми, стремившимися сделать из жизни наслаждение. Жан Жозеф Мей, Ж. Шаравэй, Паж наиболее известные члены этой маленькой группы. Им хорошо был знаком анархизм, обоснованный в XVIII веке Сильвеном Марешалем. Их газета содержит чрезвычайно тщательно написанную его биографию.
По всей вероятности, им известно было также аббатство, описанное в книге Рабле, с его правилом: «делай, что хочешь». Такая жизнь предполагает изобилие, а при всеобщем изобилии такое правило жизни само собою разумелось бы. Так в горных округах, при изобилии родников и ключей, само собою разумеется неограниченное и бесконтрольное пользование водой, в то время как в безводных равнинах, где с водой приходится бережно обращаться, может потребоваться работа, и здесь обычай, вероятно, установил бы границы для свободного пользования даже водой.
«Гуманисты» знали всё это и намеревались выступить в качестве пропагандистов с целью распространения идей, которые они считали правильными. Они отказывались преклониться перед мнениями невежественных и слепых меньшинств, но их усилия оказались безрезультатными. Мне не ясно, придерживалась ли таких же взглядов другая группа «Друзья народа» в 1842 году, которую орган рабочих ассоциаций «L’Atelier» резко критиковал и назвал её «достойною господина Прудона, анархиста». Во всяком случае, этот свободный коммунизм захирел и уже не был более представлен в ежедневной парижской печати и литературе в 1848–1851 годах когда, особенно с марта до июня 1848 года, каждый оттенок социалистической мысли представлен был публике в печати или в речах ораторов. Я просмотрел довольно значительное количество этих материалов и не встретил никакого отражения взглядов «гуманитарных» групп. Кроме того, известно, что Ж. Ж. Мей умер уже к тому времени, пав жертвою африканского климата в качестве солдата, сосланного в Африку после нескольких лет изгнания, проведенных в Англии.
В те годы лишь очень немногие доходили до идей свободного коммунизма. До некоторой степени это сделал независимый фурьерист Эдуард де Помпери, в единственном вышедшем номере его газеты «L’Humanite» (25 октября 1845 года), где он описывает общество, в котором изобилие продуктов сделало бы ненужными все ограничения, предусмотренные фурьеризмом.
Никогда, однако, в те годы во Франции анархизм Прудона не связывали с законченной формой коммунизма ни в литературе, ни в устной пропаганде. Это было сделано лишь М. Гессом в его знаменитых очерках «Социализм я Анархия» и «Философия действия» в немецком эмигрантском издании в Цюрихе (июль 1843 года), а также Карлом Грюном в немецких журналах 1844 года. Кроме того, в противоположность авторитарному коммунизму немецкого портного Вейтлинга и его товарищей (1843–1845) Вильгельм Марр и его товарищи проповедовали среди немецких рабочих в Швейцарии свободный коммунизм, соединенный с антигосударственными идеями Прудона и с атеизмом, противопоставлявшимся библейским симпатиям многих авторитарных коммунистов. Период преследований устранил эту пропаганду летом 1845 года, и хотя Марр оставался активным и даже напечатал историю этого движения (1846), однако настоящая пропаганда никогда уже больше не возобновлялась, даже Гесс и Грюн изменили свои взгляды в 1843 и 1844 годах. Прекрасные мысли в этом духе встречаются в произведении Рихарда Вагнера «Искусство в будущем» (Лейпциг, 1850 г., стр. 216–218) и в других его произведениях.
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Каждый может легко убедиться в том, что, анархизм, ясно изложенный в теориях индивидуализма и мутуализма, а также коммунистический вариант этой теории до 1848 года и в произведениях 50-х годов, упомянутых выше, был мирным учением, сознававшим, что перед ним стоят огромные трудности в смысле преодоления воспитанного в массах предубеждения, и пренебрежительно относившийся к завоеванию власти авторитарными методами, с помощью которых можно добиться послушания, но нельзя добиться убежденности и сознательности. «Мирный революционер» ― таково было название первого индивидуалиста, «Гуманист» ― было имя первых коммунистических, анархических газет 1833 и 1841 годов.
Ожесточение и обострение революционных настроений были вызваны в этом мирном течении, не сходившем вначале с путей опыта и убеждения, грубыми преследованиями, главным же образом ― бойней, учиненной над парижским пролетариатом на баррикадах восстания в июне 1848 года.
Эти события преобразили никому неизвестного художника и декоратора Жозефа Дежака. В начале 1848 года мы видим его связанным с наиболее умеренной из этих групп и пишущим стихи в газете. В июне он стал борцом, а потом заключен был в тюрьму на продолжительное время. Он был, пожалуй, первым революционным анархистом. Ничто не может превзойти крайности тех способов, которые он проповедовал в своей книге «Революционный вопрос», написанной им в 1852–1853 годах в Джерси и прочитанной им в 1854 году в одном нью-йоркском французском обществе, а затем и напечатанной в том же году. Он разработал очень полную теорию коммунистического анархизма и изложил ее в утопии «Мир человечества, анархическая утопия», напечатанной в 1858–1859 годах в его газете «Libertaire» ― орган социального движения, (Нью-Йорк, 1858–1861) 27 номеров чрезвычайно тщательно изданной анархической газеты, написанной по большей части им самим. Даже он, готовый пустить в ход самые прямые разрушительные методы, примирился с необходимостью постепенной эволюции, в ходе которой прямое законодательство народа было бы мостом от распада существующего общества к обетованной земле будущего. Дежак, живя в изгнании в Джерси, в Лондоне, в Новом Орлеане, в Нью-Йорке и опять в Лондоне в начале 60-х годов, оставил по себе след и бросил вызов Прудону, как слишком умеренному мыслителю. Однако, Дежак едва ли имел друзей, стоявших на высоте его энтузиазма и преданности делу. Он всегда был очень беден и измучен заботами и умер в результате расстроенного здоровья или умственного переутомления в Париже в 60-х годах. Начиная с 1889 года я усиленно пытался найти сведения о его жизни, и мой первый очерк теории анархизма рассматривает Дежака, как «предшественника коммунистического анархизма» (в газете Моста «Фрайгайт», Нью-Йорк, январь-февраль 1890 года). Однако, даже путем бесед со старыми друзьями Дежака в Лондоне я не мог восстановить историю ни первых его шагов, ни его конца. Но главный период его деятельности с 1848 года до 1861 года ясно описан в его редких произведениях и других источниках.
Меня привлекал даже другой забытый французский коммунист-анархист того периода ― Эрнест Кердеруа (1825–1862) из Авалона в Бургундии, сын врача и сам врач, работавший в большом госпитале в центре Парижа, куда привозили раненых на июньских баррикадах 1848 года. Выходец из буржуазной среды, Кердеруа с этого времени почувствовал в своем сердце ожесточение против современного строя и стал искать силы, способной разрушить его. Он был очень активен в 1848–1849 годах в деле защиты республики против угрожавшего ей бонапартистского заговора и принял участие в попытке поднять народ на восстание 13 июня 1849 года. Он был наказан за это пожизненным изгнанием, во время которого он близко присмотрелся к честолюбию, интригам, неспособности авторитарных вождей республиканцев и социалистов. Две брошюры и 4 книги, написанные в 1852–1855 годах, представляют собой литературный труд, относящийся к периоду его определенно анархических воззрений. Наиболее замечательные части его произведений заключаются в двух томах книги «Дни изгнания» (Лондон 1854–1855, 300 и 577 стр. Перепечатано, с приложением подробной биографии, мной, Париж 1910–1911, в 3-х томах) и в чрезвычайно любопытной и, вместе с тем, чрезвычайно редкой, как и другие его произведения, его книге «Ура, или казачья революция» (издано на французском Языке в Лондоне, октябрь 1854, XI+437 стр.).
Кердеруа дает уже вполне отчетливое предвидение свободнейшего коммунистического анархизма и очень едкую революционную критику современного социального рабства. Влияние его произведений, запрещенных всеми сторонниками власти и их последователями, было ослаблено его настойчивым выдвиганием гипотезы, подсказанной ему, главным образом, его неверием в существование подлинно революционных сил в обществе, подчиненном власти правительства и буржуазии. Он надеялся на разрушительное завоевание Западной Европы казаками Николая I, на всеобщее разрушение, на смешение рас, на возникновение последнего бунта из крайней нищеты и на обновление и возрождение разложившегося современного общества. Здесь не хватает двух его намеченных, может быть, написанных произведений (т. е. они не были напечатаны): «Казачья революция» должна была последовать за книгой «Революция личности» и «Социалистическое преобразование». Только отчаяние и мысль о сходстве современности с периодом падения древнего мира и нашествия варваров привели его к этим взглядам, которые он изложил, между прочим, в письме к Александру Герцену (напечатано в «Сборнике посмертных статей», Женева, 1870). И Дежак, и Кердеруа, также и Бельгарриг, хотя иногда и цитировавшиеся мимоходом там и здесь, были совершенно не известны анархистам Интернационала и позднее, в 60, 70 и 80-х годах. Они были вновь открыты только коллекционерами и любителями, случайно пришедшими в соприкосновение, главным образом, в Лондоне и Женеве, с очень немногими лицами, знавшими о них. Коммунистический анархизм, упоминающийся на стольких страницах книг и газет 50-х годов, был совершенно не разработан и не мог дойти до людей 60 и 70-х годов ― Бакунина, Кропоткина и других. Это ― небеспочвенное предположение, я его доказал в отношении названных трех писателей и положительным и отрицательным способами настолько основательно, насколько это оказалось возможным, начиная с 90-х годов, когда многие, ныне ушедшие от нас, были еще живы.
Можно сказать, таким образом, что, начиная с «Гуманиста» 1841 года и до Жозефа Дежака 1861 года, коммунистический анархизм, хотя и полностью продуманный и изложенный талантливо и с пламенным энтузиазмом, не имел дальнейшего распространения какими бы то ни было известными путями, за исключением случайных бесед отдельных мирных людей в тех редких случаях, когда им приходилось говорить с активными людьми, интересовавшимися историей. Именно эти люди и рассказали Бенуа Малону об этих забытых авторах и дали ему возможность посвятить им страницу в его «Истории социализма», куда лишь очень немногие анархисты заглядывали и где эти авторы вновь были похоронены и забыты. Еще один анархист должен быть отмечен в этом периоде 1848–1851 годов ― Элизе Реклю (1830–1905). Относительно Реклю рукопись, помеченная 1851 годом, дает возможность с точностью установить факты. Эта рукопись содержит следующие слова:
«\dots{}Наше назначение состоит в том, чтобы достигнуть того состояния идеального совершенства, при котором народы не будут более нуждаться в опеке правительства или другого народа. Это ― отсутствие всякого правительства, ― это анархия, высочайшее выражение порядка; кто думает, что на земле никогда нельзя будет жить без опеки, тот не верит в прогресс и является реакционером».
От социализма молодой Реклю требует, чтобы он гарантировал одновременно и права личности, и права всех. Это прежде всего тенденция, пребывающая в сердцах людей, а не система, покоящаяся в книгах Прудона или Луи Блана.
Только тот, кто равно любит свободу и солидарность, кто признает, что права налагают обязанности, и обратно, и что человек сам, а не другие люди за него, должен устанавливать равновесие между тем, что он берет от общины и что дает ей, может понять, что Реклю жил этими идеями, начиная с 1851 года, когда ему было 21 год отроду, до своего последнего дня, а также в течение невыясненного числа лет до 1851 года. Остается вопрос, познакомился ли он с социалистической литературой в 16 или 17 лет, или еще раньше, но это уже второстепенная подробность: когда бы это ни случилось, эта литература заставила зазвучать некоторые струны в одно и то же время в его сердце и в сердце его брата Эли (1827–1904). Так произошло то, что не социалистические системы Фурье, Пьера Леру или Луи Блана и не анархическая теория Прудона целиком захватила собою Элизе Реклю, а либертарная сторона учения Прудона, пропитанная духом свободного коммунизма. Это последнее сочетание, составленное из свободы и любви, свободы и солидарности, получило преобладание во взглядах Реклю.
Характерно, однако, для Реклю, что еще на протяжении многих лет, даже после ужасного опыта Парижской Коммуны, утопленной в крови, Реклю готов был помогать каждому доброму делу, к которому он примкнул частным образом, войдя в кружок интимных друзей Бакунина в 1864 году. Свою принадлежность к этому направлению он публично признал в своей речи на Бернском Конгрессе в 1868 г.
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Таким образом, я привел сведения о главных анархических мыслителях и борцах, за исключением Бакунина, за период до первых годов Интернационала, основанного в 1864 году. Мы видим, что бок о бок с поднимающимся в XIX веке социализмом очень часто на передовых постах встречается в 50 и 60-х годах и анархизм. Прямо или косвенно, он оказывал влияние на многих социалистов, среди которых были и теоретики строго государственного и диктаторского социализма, как Буонарроти, Бланки, Луи Блан, Маркс и деспотические системы, подобные позитивистским системам или полуавторитарному коммунизму типа Кабэ.
За анархистов был дух ассоциации, федерации, волюнтаризма, прежде всего требовавший свободы, взаимности, справедливости и личной ответственности. Если бы обе тенденции слились, как они слились во взглядах Реклю, то были бы созданы элементы широко задуманного мирового социалистического анархизма, или анархического социализма.
Этого не случилось, ибо настроения Реклю были исключением, а в 60-х годах Прудон стоял в первом ряду, Маркс был еще мало известен, Бланки считался отчаянным фанатиком, с небольшим числом равно фанатических последователей, а другие социалистические системы почти сошли на нет. После смерти Прудона открыт был путь к тому, чтобы пропитать анархическое учение новым социалистическим духом: результатом был коллективистический анархизм.
Коммунистический анархизм очень ясно был формулирован в период 1841–1861 г. г., но дальше он не распространился, и его создатели были преданы забвению. Уже они чувствовали, что делу анархизма не суждено быть вопросом ближайшего дня. Дежак относит свою утопию к 2858 году, а Кердеруа понадобился страшный катаклизм и всеобщая гибель, чтобы в его представлении стало возможным возрождение общества. С другой стороны, Прудон всегда неутомимо искал точек приложения прямого действия и инициативы. К несчастью, он умирал как раз в то время, когда возник Интернационал. Но в то же самое время огромная фигура Бакунина уже появилась и на каких-нибудь 10 лет анархизм получил мощный толчок от этой замечательной личности.
\chapter{Бакунин, Бельгийские интернационалисты и коллективистический анархизм с 1864 до начала семидесятых годов}
Как видно из предыдущей статьи, вплоть до смерти Прудона анархические идеи, гармонически изложенные, пожалуй, одним только Вильямом Годвином, в большинстве случаев содержали слишком мало подлинно-социальной мысли и социалистического духа и были слишком далеки от революционной инициативы, воли и метода. Они не могли, поэтому, внутренне соответствовать настроениям, которые созданы были нищетой и недовольством среди эксплуатируемых и угнетенных жертв развивающегося капиталистического общества. Взаимопомощь возможна была на первых порах, на дальнем американском западе, среди пионеров, обладавших умеренными и приблизительно равными средствами, т. е. среди людей, которым легко доступны были необработанная земля и обыкновенные орудия. Все другие производители наталкивались на суровых и жестоких монополистов. Ассоциации и кооперативы развивались очень медленно, ибо лишь очень немногие из обездоленных имели силы, чтобы порвать с прошлым не только теоретически и исповедовать социализм, помогая друг другу справиться с затруднениями первых дней. Социальные идеи Прудона, хотя и вызывавшие большой энтузиазм, оставались на бумаге. Английские организации трудового обмена и американские свободные общины не преуспевали и жили недолго. С другой стороны, в реформах для защиты труда было отказано: рабочие организации, социалистическая пропаганда, каждая попытка освобождения преследовались так жестоко, что стало ясно, что монополия и привилегия не сделают уступок, а утвердятся еще прочнее. Отсюда возникли методы Годвина, Оуэна и стольких других, ― методы мирного идейного убеждения и доказательства путем опыта, отсюда же предложения и предостережения Прудона. Но все это оказалось бесполезным, ибо готовность уступить доводам разума и справедливости совершенно отсутствовали у правящих классов, которые полагались только на силу организованного принуждения. Естественно, что нашлись люди, почувствовавшие, что только ниспровержение существующего строя, правительства и собственности может создать фундамент для нового, свободного общества.
Если авторитарные социалисты, вроде Бабефа, Буонарроти, Бланки и других, проповедовали это право, начиная с Французской Революции, то анархисты, от Годвина до Прудона искали мирных путей ― путей убеждения, опыта, взаимопомощи на справедливых началах. Но резня, устроенная в Париже в июне 1848 года, превратила некоторых из них в революционеров, в первую очередь Дежака и Кердеруа. Но мы уже видели, как страшно одиноки были эти люди. Таково было положение до конца 1861 года, когда начал действовать М. А. Бакунин (1814–1876). Он стал наполнять анархизм определенно социалистическим духом и революционной волей и пытался организовать активные силы, обратившись к социально-революционным инстинктам, дремавшим, по его мнению, в массах. Этим четырем определенным задачам он посвятил остальные годы своей жизни.
Обилие биографических материалов показывает, что уже на первых порах тенденции, дававшие ему возможность действовать в этих четырех направлениях, развивались в Бакунине при благоприятных обстоятельствах. Любовь к свободе и применение принципа солидарности в сочувствовавшей и доверявшей ему среде, стремление расширить эту сферу, понимание глубоких различий между полезностью посвященных и активных сторонников и деятельностью людей равнодушных или затронутых лишь поверхностно, ― вера в непреодолимость инстинктов, дремлющих во всех людях, способных возмущаться несправедливостью, ― вера в коллективную революционную борьбу, которая велась временами и которую, конечно, не угасила современная жизнь, неограниченные, поэтому, возможности действия при условии, что и решительное и сознательное меньшинство, путем разумного убеждения и решительной инициативы, вызовет отклик в народных инстинктах, все это составляло положительную сторону личности Бакунина, анархической революционной силы первой величины. Он обладал также некоторыми другими качествами, более личного характера, которые мешали полному развитию этих положительных качеств и которые, совместно с множеством враждебных сил, которым он бросил вызов, сковывали его и украли у него лучшие годы жизни, проведенные в тюрьме и ссылке. В результате он лишь к концу 1863 года, в возрасте почти пятидесяти лет, смог приступить к своей настоящей и прямой задаче, да и то лишь на несколько лет и в узких пределах.
Бесполезно рассматривать здесь в подробностях задерживающие факторы, которые заставили Бакунина так долго блуждать в религиозно-мистических философских и националистических пустынях, где он напрасно искал той полноты жизни, к которой стремился сам и которой хотел для всех других. Между 1841 и 1846 годами Бакунин достиг наивысшего развития своих интеллектуальных сил и моральной энергии. В то время, как философские иллюзии держали умы людей в интеллектуальном рабстве, у Бакунина вырабатывался новый взгляд на страдания масс и пробуждавшиеся в них социалистические и социально-революционные чаяния. В годы, проведенные им в Дрездене, Швейцарии и Париже, идя от Руге через Вейтлинга, Прудона, он попутно изучал также всех других социалистов того времени, богатого проявлениями социалистических настроений. Эти радикально-философские и гуманистические социальные настроения и революционные чаяния наполнили всё его существо. Это был анархизм, это был социализм, это была также революционная воля, и все это вместе дало основу для деятельности, в обстановке недовольства масс и их возраставшей готовности действовать. В течение 1848–1849 годов эта готовность к действию получила самые очевидные доказательства: именно в те годы надежд социальные чаяния народа были очень сильным фактором, хотя эта готовность встречалась со всякого рода разочарованиями, подавлялась силою, искусственно отводилась в сторону национализма и войн правительствами и заблуждавшимися или эгоистичными революционерами не-социалистами. Эти силы омрачили также мысль Бакунина с того времени, как он в 1844 году повстречался со старым польским патриотом Лелевелем в Брюсселе, а затем, начиная с 1846 года, подпал под влияние славянских национальных чаяний. Здесь в 1846–1847 годах, которые были годами затишья для социальных масс, он нашел, как ему казалось, поле для действия. 1848 год развернул как будто широкие возможности для него, и Бакунин с головой ушел в националистическую агитацию. Осенью 1848 года он уже ясно понимал, что несломленный деспотизм больших континентальных государств был главным препятствием на пути борьбы. С того времени он старался собрать демократические силы трех национальностей, которые он считал враждебными друг другу: славян, мадьяров и немцев. Это вдохновило его написать свой «Призыв к славянам» (в 1848 г.). Готовый отдать за это дело свою жизнь, он оказал полную поддержку Дрезденской революции в мае 1849 года. Эта революция возникла из тогдашнего политического положения в Германии и ничем не была связана с какими бы то ни было собственными планами Бакунина. В результате Бакунин был арестован, дважды приговорен к смерти, попал в Петропавловскую крепость и только в 1861 году вернул себе свободу путем побега из Сибири.
В социальном отношении на Бакунина мало повлияло то, что он видел в своей юности, имея перед глазами закрепощённое крестьянство. Социальные стремления возникают у него, наконец, только в 1841 году, когда философски и политически он дошел до крайнего левого фланга. Прочитанные им выдающиеся книги о социализме и коммунизме дали ему представление о многочисленных уже в то время коммунистических и социалистических движениях. Кроме того, в скором времени личное соприкосновение с германскими коммунистами в Швейцарии в 1843 году и с большинством социалистов, съехавшихся в Париж в 1844 и 1845 годах, от Маркса до Прудона, также расширили его взгляды. Анархизм Прудона и коммунизм многих рабочих оба притягивали его к себе, и его острый логический ум видел, что ни тот, ни другой не были разработаны: коммунизм не уделял места свободе, а в анархизме Прудона не было места для социальной солидарности, идущей дальше простой взаимности. Каждая из этих систем, как и всякая система, заранее устанавливает решения для тех, кому в свое время придется действовать, вместо того, чтобы предоставить им действовать самим, когда придет их время. Таким образом Бакунин не присоединился ни к одной из этих социальных систем, дружественно относился к либертерам и всегда чувствовал отвращение к авторитарным социалистам, особенно к Марксу, который не довольствовался тем, что предлагал и отстаивал своё личное понимание социализма, а провозглашал и вбивал в головы своих сторонников, что сама эволюция, причина всего человеческого развития, будет развиваться в направлениях и по правилам, которое он открыл. Последствием этого было, что эволюция развивалась независимо от Маркса, а Маркс, чтобы поддержать свой престиж, вынужден был приспособлять свои взгляды к ходу эволюции и воздерживаться от действий. Эта худосочная тактика постепенно устраняла марксистов от борьбы за подлинно социалистические чаяния и заставляла их примыкать к существующему политическому и социальному механизму, прежде всего к государственной машине и к парламентскому или диктаторскому управлению.
Бакунин знал, что социальная революция не может быть избегнута, обойдена, устранена марксистским диалектическим фокусничеством и что гордость и жадность правящих не допустят мирной эволюции. Для него разрушительный период был жестокой необходимостью, а народные массы ― его неустранимыми действующими лицами. Здесь, в качестве русского, знакомого с традициями Стеньки Разина и Пугачева, он ближе стоял к подлинно-социальным восстаниям, чем многие другие на Западе. В 1848–1849 годах он надеялся увидеть прежде всего крестьянские восстания в Германии и в Богемии. Действительно, революция в Богемии, которую он обдумал и подготовил зимою и весною 1849 года, была бы истинно разрушительной социальной революцией, но очень немногие видели положение в таком свете, поэтому Бакунин всегда был очень одиноким в осуществлении своих планов. Затем двенадцать лет тюрьмы и сибирской ссылки пришлось ему пережить, прежде чем он услышал о политически-революционных событиях, о Гарибальди, сокрушившим королевский деспотизм в Неаполе в 1860–1861 годах. Бакунин предвидел тогда весну революции во всей Европе и бежал из Сибири.
По-видимому, он горячо надеялся, что, в сотрудничестве с Гарибальди, революционные восстания славян и мадьяров могли бы быть вызваны им и другими в Австро-Венгрии, что эти восстания можно будет распространить через Польшу и Украину на Россию и что таким образом Гарибальди, Бакунин и европейские революционеры победят царизм, центральные европейские монархии и, вместе с освобождением Франции от ярма Наполеона, начнется новая и универсальная революция, новый 1848 год и на этот раз установит настоящую социальную и национальную справедливость и федерацию свободных народов.
Жестокий опыт 1862 и 1853 годов показал ему, что такие надежды не могут осуществиться, и особенно, что национальные вопросы попали в руки государств и государственных деятелей и оказались связанными с государственными и капиталистическими интересами, которые, вероятно, во всё время были настоящими вершителями подобных вопросов. Он увидел, кроме того, что национальные чаяния без социального содержания не привлекали к себе народ и что национальные вожди, бывшие чистыми буржуа и антисоциалистами, не могли стать двигателями революции даже тогда, когда они обладали огромным престижем Гарибальди и Мадзини. Прямым врагом была теперь, с его точки зрения, государственная власть, все сильнее опиравшаяся теперь на милитаризм, а косвенными врагами были антисоциалистически настроенные националисты типа Мадзини, которые отвлекали народ от его социальных интересов, а также авторитарные социалисты, которые не желали разрушить государство, а хотели использовать государственный механизм для установления социализма без свободы, если бы они могли. С одной стороны, таким образом, стояли Гарибальди, Мадзини, Бланки и Маркс, а с другой Прудон, которого он снова посетил, как друга, но с которым, как и двадцать лет назад, он не мог сойтись в наиболее важных вопросах.
Бакунин остался почти один, но к концу 1863 года он решил не заниматься больше славянскими национальными вопросами и посвятить свою энергию подготовке европейской социальной революции.
В этих целях он стал действовать частными способами, т. е. секретно, при условиях, описанных в его биографии. Местом действий были Флоренция, Стокгольм, Лондон, Неаполь. В период 1864–1867 годов он стал знакомить со своими заветными идеями людей, которых считал ценными, и стал объединять их в Международное Революционное Общество, впоследствии называвшееся также Международным Братством, и стал создавать национальные отделы его, из которых известен итальянский отдел, относительно которого имеются специальные документы. Нас здесь могут занимать только идеи, выдвигавшиеся Бакуниным в описываемое время. Мы находим эти идеи в вполне развитой форме в отрывках рукописи 1865 г., в которых эти идеи разъяснялись масонским группам. Эти отрывки еще не напечатаны полностью; но те же идеи были подробно изложены в «Цели Общества и Революционный Катехизис» в начале 1866 года и ныне напечатаны целиком в германском переводе (1924), в нескольких немецких нелегальных выпусках (1866–1868), в настоящее время воспроизведенных в моей книге «Бакунин и Интернационал в Италии с 1864 по 1872 год» (Женева. 1928 г., XXXI+397 стр., с предисловием Э. Малатесты), затем в различных изложениях принципов Интернационального Братства и тайного Интернационального Альянса Социальной Демократии и в других набросках, написанных, по большей части, осенью 1868 года. Некоторые из этих набросков, по-видимому, лишь с небольшими изменениями, были положены в основу принципов Альянса Революционных Социалистов, организованного в сентябре 1872 года, и Славянского Братства 1872–1873 годов. Эти последние тексты неизвестны полностью, но, быть может, еще существуют и могут быть установлены с помощью отрывков, ставших известными, а также при помощи брошюры «К русским революционерам» 1873 года, которая была напечатана одним из членов Славянского Братства, не оправдавшим оказанного ему доверия, после того, как Славянское Братство отделилось от Бакунина. Из всех этих частных документов мы видим, что учение Бакунина развивалось с ничем не нарушенной последовательностью. Мы находим его главные идеи изложенными во многих обширных рукописях, в статьях и брошюрах, и видим причины, побудившие его объединять активных революционеров в этих тесных организациях. Эти причины были полностью объяснены в письмах к итальянским, французским, испанским товарищам, к Александру Герцену и в специальном очерке, напечатанном в русской книге «Историческое развитие Интернационала» в 1873 году.
Всё это, таким образом, проверено в настоящее время и частью доступно в подлинных документах, подтвержденных свидетельством членов, из которых некоторые ещё живы.
Известно также, до какой степени все сохранялось в строгой тайне, и как Маркс, Энгельс, Утин, Лафарг и другие враги Бакунина бродили во тьме и писали лишь вздорные небылицы, приводили в своих произведениях 1872 и 1873 годов лишь самые туманные подробности об этом предмете и проч. Марксисты до сих пор считают эти произведения серьезными источниками информации. Как эта «информация» собиралась, можно теперь видеть из письма Лафарга к Энгельсу относительно Альянса в Испании, от 1872 года, напечатанного в моей книге «Неопубликованные документы об Интернационале и Альянсе в Испании» (Буэнос-Айрес, 1930, 210 стр.) а соответствующие действия Энгельса в Италии описаны в моей упомянутой итальянской книге на основании оставленных Энгельсом писем и т. п.
После нескольких лет такой деятельности Бакунин выступил публично, впервые в 1863 г. (Стокгольм), на Конгрессе в Женеве, где Лига Мира и Свободы была создана. Бакунин пытался проникнуть в среду членов Лиги для пропаганды своих федералистских идей, в которых антигосударственный федерализм сливался с анархизмом. Он пытался привить этим участникам демократических движений, по большей части выходцам из буржуазии, по крайней мере, дружественное отношение к целям социализма. Это ему не удалось, и тогда он и его друзья возымели желание работать с Интернационалом, к которому Бакунин лично уже принадлежал, вступив в него в составе особой организации ― Интернационального Альянса. Когда им в этом было отказано, они стали действовать в качестве секции или, в других случаях, внутри секции Интернационала.
Все это происходило, начиная с осени 1868 года. Сотрудничество этих групп завершилось Базельским конгрессом в сентябре 1869 года. Позднее, Юрская Федерация отделилась от женевских политиков в апреле 1870 года. Испанская Федерация, основанная в июне 1870 г., итальянская федерация, основанная в августе 1872 г., и Славянская секция в Цюрихе (1872–1873) полностью поддерживали принципы, совершенно сходные с теми, которые выдвигал Бакунин.
Бакунин ушел от общественной жизни в сентябре 1873 года. От кружка своих ближайших друзей он отошел годом позднее.
В течение десяти лет, начиная с 1864 года, мы находим его активно работающим в рядах итальянского движения 1866–67 г. г., 1869 г., а с 1871 г. он вдохновляет местные движения во Флоренции, Неаполе, Милане, бросает вызов Мадзини и освобождает многих от его влияния. Наконец, в 1874 году, он готовится занять свое место в Болонье, в намеченном всеобщем восстании. Его ближайший итальянский товарищ Джузеппе Фанелли, по инициативе основанной группы, создает испанскую федерацию в Мадриде и Барселоне (1868–1869) на основе программы Альянса. Сам Бакунин с помощью личных связей с Р. Фаргой Пеллицером и Г. Сентинионом (лето и осень 1869 г.) подготовляет испанскую публику и тайные организации. Испанский Интернационал и Альянс остаются до 1873 года в связи с ним, примыкают к идеям, которые он отстаивал, и делают это дольше, чем какая бы то ни было другая часть Интернационала.
Бакунин был очень активен в Женеве в общественном движении, в широкой организационной работе, в секциях; Альянса и в газете «Эгалитэ» (последние месяцы 1868 г. и 1869 г. до августа месяца), а также в юрских секциях непрерывно, начиная с февраля 1869 года. Интернационалисты Лиона и Марселя были в тесной связи с ним, и он взял на себя инициативу революционной организации и повстанческих движений, главным образом, в Лионе в сентябре и октябре 1870 года. Он был на Юре во время Парижской коммуны, когда усилия революционеров направлены были к тому, чтобы подготовить диверсию с целью помочь коммуне. Он принял участие в попытках создать русское анархическое движение (газета «Народное Дело», сентябрь 1868 года, имела задачей поднять все слои русского общества на всеобщее движение) в нечаевский период 1869–1870, чтобы вести пропаганду революционных идей среди русских студентов в Цюрихе (1872 год) и подготовлять пропагандистов, готовых «идти в народ» поднять его на восстание и объединить крестьян для организации революционных бунтов (1872–1873). Сербские студенты также были под влиянием идей и личности Бакунина, в то время как среди поляков он всегда терпел неудачу, ибо никогда не соглашался, чтобы поляки управляли Малороссией и Белоруссией (1872 год.).
Такова приблизительно была область личного влияния Бакунина в те годы. Следует заметить, что в других районах, где анархические идеи также развивались в те годы, в Париже, в Бельгии, особенно в Голландии, его связи были слабы, и он был скорее далеким дружественным наблюдателем, чем активным сотрудником, хотя он и встречался с единомышленниками из этих мест на Конгрессах. Джеймс Гильом, так тесно связанный с Бакуниным, был также в тесной связи с Варленом в Париже и с де Папом в Брюсселе; тем не менее, они остались вне сферы влияния Бакунина.
По отношению к Парижу это было вполне естественно, ибо, помимо организационной и пропагандистской работы Интернационала, там происходили великие битвы труда, действовали местные синдикальные организации, искавшие случая свергнуть Наполеона III соединёнными общественными силами, путем вооруженного выступления, заговора или другим способом, и постоянно переходившие от удач к разочарованиям и обратно. Эта деятельность в трёх направлениях была в руках местных активистов ― Варлена и некоторых других, имевших целью добиться наибольших революционных успехов своими собственными силами. Это объясняет, почему в те годы все социалистические движения оставались движениями общего характера, не становясь сектантскими или преследующими специальные цели: отсюда то относительное единство цели, которое сделало возможным однородность планов, выдвигавшихся зимою 1870–1871 годов, которое привело к Парижской Коммуне 1871.
Анархизм, понятый как не-авторитарный коллективизм, был приземлён для Варлена и дорог ему и его единомышленникам и, придя на смену их первоначальному прудонизму, стал их подлинным личным убеждением, но в водовороте разнообразной деятельности, описанной выше, у них было мало случаев для специальной пропаганды анархизма. Можно сказать, что населению эти взгляды остались неизвестными. Даже наиболее пламенные социальные революционеры, подобно Луизе Мишель, которая была хорошо осведомлена о Бакунине, не восприняли в то время бакунинских идей. Луиза Мишель стала анархисткой на опыте Коммуны, когда она увидела, что даже самые лучшие социалисты, деятели Коммуны, в целом действовали не лучше, во многих случаях, чем другие правительства. Под этим впечатлением, отправляясь в ссылку в Новую Каледонию, она и сделалась анархисткой, как она рассказала об этом позднее.
В Бельгии, Женеве и Лондоне и в очень немногих других городах, где французским изгнанникам ещё можно было дышать в 50-х и 60-х годах, французские социалистические и анархистические идеи, от Консидерана до идей Прудона, встречали хороший прием в местных группах, состоявших из свободомыслящих, а часто и решительных революционеров, которые в больших городах старались завязывать связи с многочисленными промышленными рабочими ― металлистами, текстильщиками, шахтёрами, а в провинции ― с земледельческими рабочими. Таким образом, когда был основан Интернационал (в сентябре 1864 года), то Бельгийская Федерация, после всей подготовительной работы, стала цветущей организацией. К ней стало примыкать также значительное число интеллигентов-студентов и лиц свободных профессий, которые, в качестве свободомыслящих и политических радикалов, отошли от буржуазной и клерикальной среды и охотно встречались с наиболее передовыми мыслителями того времени, завязывали личные связи с Прудоном, ибо Прудон прожил несколько лет в качестве эмигранта в Брюсселе, куда позднее приехал Бланки также в поисках убежища.
Политический социализм в то время не был вопросом дня в Бельгии, ибо народ не голосовал, а всеобщие выборы не привлекали никого из передовых мыслителей, за исключением нескольких демократов, ибо наполеоновский плебисцит во Франции показал, что миллионы избирателей всегда становятся добычей власть и капитал имущих. Это объясняет, почему в шестидесятых годах в Бельгии почти все социалисты считали государство столь тесно связанным с капиталистическим строем, что оба они должны были пасть одновременно, и социализм по необходимости должен был бы создать новые политические формы. Это привело к объединению анархизма в духе Прудона с социализмом свободнейшего ассоциационного типа ― как раз то, что Писаканэ и Бакунин имели в виду. Бельгийские социалистические газеты шестидесятых годов, Tribune du Peuple, Rive Gauche, Liberte и другие, вдумчивые произведения Цезаря де Папа (1841–1890), Евгения Гимса (1839–1923), Виктора Арну и многих других говорят о действительно блестящем развитии, возникшем из этого соединения лучших продуктов анархизма и социализма, стремившихся обосновать свободнейший из всех видов социализма, самый социальный из всех видов анархизма.
Когда Интернационал стал укрепляться, это молодые бельгийцы первые стали в оппозицию к авторитарному социализму, вносимому марксистами, и против бледного, почти антисоциалистического прудонизма французских эпигонов Прудона, Толена и других парижских рабочих. Молодые бельгийцы выдвинули на первый план идеи коллективистического анархизма, сначала очень умеренного, так как желательно было постепенно сделать эти идеи приемлемыми для широких масс. Лица, наиболее охотно примыкавшие к этим идеям, стали теми интернационалистами французской Швейцарии, которые изжили свои ранние увлечения местной швейцарской радикальной политикой и которые, попав в среду, проникнутую идеями федерализма и раннего социализма, были хорошо подготовлены для того, чтобы воспринять целиком коллективистический анархизм. Я говорю о группе интеллигентов и рабочих ― Джеме Гильом, Шварцгебель и другие ― в городках Юры и Женеве. Находясь в тесной связи с бельгийцами, с некоторыми из парижских интернационалистов и с Бакуниным (с осени 1868 г.), они образовали одну из тех европейских групп, где это новое сочетание, распространявшееся, с одной стороны Бакуниным, а с другой ― бельгийцами, встречалось с чувством большого удовлетворения, изучалось тщательно и разумно и пустило глубокие корни. Федерация, позднее названная Юрской Федерацией, была мала, но являлась опорой и очень значительным фактором в анархическом движении. Испанская и итальянская федерации на протяжении многих годов, а бельгийская федерация в течение более короткого периода (в начале 70-х годов) и юрская федерация были первыми опорными пунктами анархизма, начиная с конца 60-х и вплоть до 80-х годов. Какая перемена со времени унылой изоляции Кердеруа и Дежака, десять лет тому назад, в 50-х годах! Огромный шаг вперед сделан был, главным образом, благодаря блестящему взлету Прудона в его последние годы (1858–1864), не менее блестящему развертыванию деятельности Бакунина, начиная с 1863–1864 годов, небывалому расцвету молодых социалистических талантов в Бельгии в 60-х годах и преданности и отзывчивости, с какими встречались анархические идеи в разных частях Швейцарии, Италии и Испании, где такой прием был давно уже подготовлен, как показывает ближайшие рассмотрение вопроса. Так, например, Юра была районом местной автономии, где преобладали развитые и самостоятельно мыслившие рабочие (часовая промышленность в то время была совершенно децентрализована и свободна от машинного производства), итальянская Романия, Флоренция, Милан, Неаполь и т. д. были гнездами восстаний и заговоров на протяжении многих лет; эти восстания всегда были направлены против государственной власти, которую восставшие в этих местностях считали совершенно бесполезной, нелепой и ненавистной. Каталонские части Испании были проникнуты духом федерализма, а среди рабочих крупной текстильной промышленности было сильно ассоциационное движение. Андалузские провинции, под влиянием нищеты населения, созрели для социальных и аграрных восстаний и т. д. Здесь практика местной автономии, там ― влияние учений федерализма (Писаконэ, Пи-и-Маргаль) еще задолго до того подготовили почву. Государство, церковь, буржуазия, земельные собственники и весь авторитарный механизм, на который они все опирались, были признаны врагами.
Таким образом, путем естественной игры сил и факторов притяжения и отталкивания, ― подобно зернам, брошенным на ветер и частью попавшим на бесплодную почву, а частью давшим роскошные всходы на плодоносной почве, ― анархические идеи в 60-х годах, когда Интернационал и другие силы (например, кооперация в Англии и Франции, лассальянское движение в Германии и т. д.) повсюду объединили секции, общества и союзы, наиболее подвижных и деятельных рабочих и социалистических друзей рабочих, анархические идеи пустили корни в большом масштабе и в самой плодоносной почве, как уже сказано выше. При этом, конечно, неизбежно было, что анархизм медленнее развивался на менее подготовленной почве (напр., во Франции) и почти вовсе не развивался в странах, где такие благоприятные условия совершенно отсутствовали. Таким представляется положение, ― по крайней мере, на мой взгляд, если оглянуться на пройденный путь теперь, когда мы можем изучить и сравнить многие моменты движения, смысл которых был сокрыт от современников. С другой стороны, весь повседневный опыт деятелей того времени исчез вместе с ними, и мы не можем уже точно установить его.
Мы вынуждены допускать неточности и ошибки во многих наших годах, но это естественное местное распределение сил анархизма в 60-х и 70-х годах объясняет много других вопросов, напр., бесполезность столь многочисленных споров того времени и позднейших времен о необходимости сделать универсальную, одну единственную социалистическую доктрину: ни Маркс, добивавшийся этого, ни энтузиасты анархизма, которые этого жаждали и надеялись на это, не добились успеха. Не говоря уже о том, что на это дело было убито много энергии, эти попытки дали повод также к широко распространенному недоверию, при наличии существовавших в то время расовых теорий, считавших латинскую и славянскую расы едва ли не прирожденными анархистами, а англо-саксонскую и тевтонскую расы ― прирожденными сторонниками власти. Бакунин чрезвычайно занят был этими теориями, и через эту широкую дверь большинство его национальных идей 1846–1863 годов вновь вошли в его анархическое учение, как это неоспоримо доказывает его книга «Государственность и Анархия» (1873) и последовавшие за нею труды. Инициатива Прудона, выдвинувшего идею федерализма 1859–1863 года, была уже совершенно забыта, равно и все его предостережения.
Национальная гордость и вражда между народами были, таким образом, снова разожжены; между тем как если бы развитие общества пошло по пути настоящего анархизма, то, при условии правильной оценки положения, можно было бы, ― по крайней мере, по моему мнению, ― попытаться дать анархизму пустить корни в наиболее подготовленной федеративной и революционной среде внутри каждой нации, страны и расы. Такая среда, в качестве отправной точки существует повсюду ― так же, как повсюду существуют реакционные центры, враждебные прогрессу.
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Недостаток места не позволяет мне подвести итоги социальным идеям Бакунина, которые заслуживают того, чтобы ознакомиться с ними в подлиннике или в переводах, которые теперь бесконечно более доступны, чем в его время и много лет спустя после его смерти, когда лишь очень небольшая часть его произведений существовала в редких изданиях. Главная масса его произведений осталась в рукописях. Очень важные письма его, а также много рукописей были уничтожены или затеряны.
Серьезному исследователю я бы рекомендовал, по крайней мере, первое изложение его принципов, сделанное, как уже сказано, в 1866 году, проекты 1868 года, речи в Берне (сентябрь 1868), статьи в «Эгалите» (1869), русские статьи и воззвания (1868–1869), рукописи, где рассматривались положение во Франции в октябре 1870 года и предположение о превращении войны в социальную революцию и затем переход к обсуждению интеллектуальных условий человеческой свободы; отрывок, названный «Бог и Государство», с двумя трактатами о происхождении религии, «Антитеологизм» 1868 г. и рассуждение о «Божественном призраке» 1870, затем публичные доклады на Юре, очень сжатый отрывок «Принцип государства», отрывки о Парижской Коммуне и статьи против Мадзини, также циркулярное письмо его итальянским товарищам, помеченное 1871 годом, статьи относительно Маркса до и после Гаагского Конгресса 1872 года, «Государственность и Анархия» 1873 года (ныне доступные в русской перепечатке и в испанском переводе 1929 года), ― все эти письма, а также письма, напечатанные в книге Корнилова, переписка Герцена и Огарева, письма о запутанных принципиальных вопросах, пропаганде, организации и тактике, посланные итальянским, французским, испанским и другим товарищам, также личные документы, от «Исповеди» (1851) до Шплигенского мемуара 1874 года (с 1929 г. также доступен в полном испанском переводе) и т. д.
В течение 45 лет, с начала 30-х годов до 1876 года, Бакунин вел чрезвычайно деятельную и разнообразную интеллектуальную жизнь, в которой единство цели сочетается с тесным соприкосновением с самыми различными представителями передовых групп в целом ряде стран. Несмотря на то, что так много его произведении было уничтожено или исчезло без следа, многое все же было разыскано. Ознакомиться с этим наследством хотя бы вкратце будет делом необходимым. Серьезное изучение этого наследства требует также знакомства со многими лицами, идеями, политическими и социальными положениями, дружественными и враждебными факторами, с которыми Бакунину пришлось сталкиваться. Я могу только рекомендовать издания его произведений, из которых французское вышло в 6 томах, 1895–1913, ― немецкое в 3 томах, 1921–1924, ― испанское в 5-ти томах, 1924–1929. Ни одно из этих изданий еще не закончено и лишь содержит часть произведений Бакунина. Русские перепечатки делают доступными все новые произведения Бакунина, а многие тексты существуют только в редких, первых изданиях и в неопубликованных рукописях.
Было бы поэтому совершенно нелепым создавать себе мнение о Бакунине, как это до сих пор делают некоторые, на основании очень ограниченного числа его произведений, или даже, как это случилось недавно с кое-кем во Франции, на основании не заслуживающих доверия и рассчитанных на сенсацию биографий Бакунина. Такова, например, биография, написанная г-жой Извольской (Париж, 1930), которая основывается на совершенно неверной марксистско-большевистской биографии, составленной Стекловым.
Я пытался изложить деятельность Бакунина на многих страницах немецкой книги «Анархизм от Прудона до Кропоткина,» 1859–1880 (Берлин, 1927, 312 стр.), особенно в главах II, III, VII – XII, где я указал каждое теоретическое, тактическое или организационное выступление Бакунина в течение 1864–1874 годов. Сюда я отнес статьи, излагающие его взгляды и касающиеся современников Бакунина ― анархистов, оппонентов Бакунина из числа марксистов, а также исторические события тех лет. Бельгийская анархическая литература 60-х годов, имеющая своим источником Прудона и независимая от Бакунина, описана в той же книге, главы 4, 8 и 9, а упадок этой литературы описан в главе 13. Подробный отчет о собрании, состоявшемся в Патигисе (Арденны) 26 декабря 1863 года (Цезарь де Пап) и длинный ряд документов, перечисленных выше, являются основой для изучения этой ветви анархизма, вместе с отчетами Конгрессов Интернационала, главным образом, за годы 1867, 1868, 1869. Очень тщательно выбранные из этих бельгийских документов статьи М. П. Сажина и Бакунина собраны в редкой русской книге «Историческое развитие Интернационала» (Цюрих, 1873 года, 275 стр.).
Бакунин при помощи итальянцев и русских (Н. Жуковский), юрцев и некоторых женевских социалистов, бельгийцев и некоторых французских социалистов, а также испанских интернационалистов, перезнакомился с целым рядом этих организаций и все они перезнакомились между собой и установили между собой подлинно дружеские отношения на основе солидарности. Эти отношения, частью открытые, частью же частного характера (называвшиеся тайными отношениями), продолжались много лет. В тайные отношения не входили только бельгийцы, питавшие отвращение к такого рода отношениям. Таким образом была сформирована антиавторитарная фаланга, которая противостояла авторитарному влиянию Маркса и политическим соблазнам, исходившим от развивавшейся социал-демократии. В этом последнем пункте бельгийцы составили исключение в середине 70-х годов. Историческое изложение того, как все это происходило, весьма интересно и поучительно. Такое изложение ни в коем случае не является «Древней Историей», ибо анархизм все еще имеет дело с теми же самыми врагами и препятствиями, которых он не смог уничтожить, ибо они объединились со всеобщей реакцией и всеобщим распространением централистических тенденций. Однако, анархизм крепко стоит в борьбе с этими врагами. Обо всем этом можно узнать из прекрасной книги ― «Записки Юрской Федерации», напечатанной в 1873 году в Швейцарии. Документально всё это можно установить с точностью по книге Джемса Гильома «Интернационал», 1864–1878 (Париж 1905–1910, 4 больших тома). Дальнейшие подробности могут быть почерпнуты в серьезных изданиях, касающихся Бакунина тех лет, а также из произведений серьёзных противников, как полное издание переписки между Марксом и Энгельсом и т. д.
Здесь я могу коснуться только очень немногих подробностей, относящихся к общему развитию анархических идей в те годы.
Когда Бакунин повернулся спиной к воинствующему национализму (1863), то он сделал это потому, что близко узнал национализм, проникнутый государственными стремлениями и государственным строительством. Никто не был заинтересован в справедливом национальном федерализме, который был предложен Бакуниным в 1848 году («Основы новой славянской политики»). Национализм стремился только к размножению государств. Его идеал достигнут был в 1919 году, когда 25 европейских государств превратились в 36 государств. Бакунин стремился к ассоциации и федерации, признавал право на самоопределение и автономию и отрицал право завоевания (13 пунктов предложенных им Комитету «Лиги Мира и Свободы» в конце 1867 года, являются классическим изложением его взглядов. Это изложение напечатано во французском издании сочинений Бакунина, том I).
Это могло бы быть достигнуто только тогда, когда власть государства над личностью была бы сломана путем уничтожения организованного угнетения в интересах монополии и привилегии. Социальное недовольство могло быть рычагом для этой цели, но его нужно было бы возбудить, а если бы исторические события вызвали его, то его нужно было бы защитить от принесения его в жертву новым господам ― новым политическим и социальным порабощениям силами авторитарной организации, механизмом государственных социалистов. Бакунин это предвидел, а большевизм осуществил его предвидения с точностью и оказался даже хуже того, что предвидел Бакунин.
В 60-х годах ежедневно ожидались события, которые могли бы создать новое положение, как, например, падение Наполеона II во Франции. Его исчезновение в то время могло бы привести к переменам такого же характера, как и падение Муссолини в наши дни. Мог бы установиться любой режим, от Орлеанской монархии до красной республики и коммуны. Бакунин хотел быть подготовленным к такому положению, которое могло бы повести к новому, социально-революционному, противогосударственному и социалистическому 1848 году. Во всяком случае, стоило попытаться. Бакунин стал собирать способных единомышленников-рабочих. Применяясь к тогдашним условиям, когда Мадзини, Бланки и другие вожди объединяли свои организации при помощи тайных связей, Бакунин основал тайное общество, позднее названное Международным Братством. Только после того, как это было сделано, Международное Товарищество Рабочих было основано в сентябре 1864 года, а несколькими неделями позднее Маркс, услышав о поездке Бакунина через Лондон, посетил его и хотел заинтересовать его в Интернационале, главным образом потому, что Бакунин мог бы противодействовать влиянию Мадзини на итальянских рабочих, так как Бакунин жил в то время во Флоренции. Они расстались в дружественных отношениях, как видно из писем, но, хотя Бакунин был в оппозиции также и к Мадзини, он не мог вести с ним борьбу в интересах Маркса, который был противником Бакунина в других вопросах. Бакунин предпочел прекратить сношения с Марксом и работать самостоятельно в Италии и в международном масштабе, и, наконец, в «Лиге Мира и Свободы» (1867–1868). Когда это стало совершенно невозможным, тогда его друзья из Братства (французские и итальянские члены) придумали создание отдельного общества, открытого «Альянса», который пожелал присоединиться к Интернационалу. Это было отвергнуто генеральным советом, и с этого момента Маркс и Энгельс стали питать жестокую вражду к Бакунину. Последний работал в Интернационале и вполне приспособился к открытой пропаганде ― не анархизма, не революционных принципов, а к пропаганде только организации рабочих масс в большие общества на основе международной солидарности труда против капитала и надежды на полное освобождение труда путем солидарности и борьбы. Это был современный синдикализм с конечными социалистическими целями. Это было, далее, усилие освободить организованные массы от прямого влияния какой бы то ни было социалистической школы, вроде политического социализма, социал-демократии, бланкизма и т. д.
Рядом с этой открытой и не-сектантской организацией, Бакунин считал полезным и необходимым поддерживать индивидуальные формы борьбы, установить частные связи с активистами, исповедовавшими взгляды революционного анархизма, подобно ему самому. Он считал, что это могло бы обратить их способности на агитацию и пропаганду среди таких же элементов в открытых секциях и вообще могло бы защитить наиболее опытных членов таких организаций от авторитарного влияния умеренных и всяких иных социалистов.
Маркс пользовался другими средствами, а именно: его сторонники пытались внедрить свои партийные взгляды в открытые секции, а сам он пытался навязать эти идеи принудительно, при помощи неограниченной власти, врученной ему и его сторонникам в администрации общества.
Оба способа действия были ошибочны, но и организационный принцип всей группы также был ошибочный. Партийные идеи не должны навязываться открытым организациям. Большая организация не может успешно работать, если не может быть достигнуто идейное единство. Авторитарные и антиавторитарные идеи не могут сожительствовать в мире, если не принято мер в духе автономии и взаимной терпимости.
В сущности столкновение между открытой и подпольной пропагандой было неизбежно, проповедуемые идеи стали известны широкой публике. Что касается практической деятельности и личных отношений, то взаимное недоверие и вражда привели к тому, что все это стало тайным. Это положение привело от скрытой борьбы к открытой войне и расколу в 1871–1872 годах (между Лондонской Конференцией и Гаагским Конгрессом). Таким образом тщательно обдуманный план Бакунина ― отделить массовую открытую, синдикальную организацию от маленькой, тесной анархической организации, Интернационал от Альянса, ― был разрушен силою обстоятельств, разными путями и в разных местах. В общем там, где заранее была подготовлена почва для анархизма, открытые секции скоро стали анархическими, и Альянс стал основной группой, где происходило обсуждение тактических и других тайных или частных дел, тогда как в районах, где преобладало авторитарное влияние, в секциях получили преобладание авторитарные идеи. Альянс был бессилен в таких секциях, или лучше сказать, отсутствовал там, вовсе никогда не существовал там (все подробности об этих организациях вполне установлены в настоящее время).
Таким образом в упомянутых выше районах Интернационал с 1870 до 1873 года отождествился с анархическим движением, тогда как в авторитарных районах он слился с социал-демократическими и им подобными партиями, или вовсе был покинут для присоединения к этим партиям. Быстрый ход развития в течение нескольких лет и колоссальное событие ― Парижская Коммуна 1871 года, в которой все участвовали и которая окончилась так трагически, ― все это произошло раньше, чем наступил кризис в организации. Обе группы ― и авторитарные социалисты, и анархисты ― увидели в Коммуне подтверждение некоторых своих идей, и отсюда возникло среднее течение ― коммунисты, сочетавшие свободу в теории и власть на практике.
Все это было немалым успехом для анархизма, столь резко встречавшегося в 50-х годах, а теперь, в начале 70-х, ставшего руководящим принципом Интернационала в организациях Юры, Италии, Испании, Бельгии и Голландии и нашедшего множество сторонников среди французов и русских.
\chapter{Период 1871–1890 годов}
Парижская Коммуна (Март ― Май 1871) была огромным, событием, изменившим направление развития Интернационала, всего социального движения Европы и развития анархизма. Париж в руках социальной революции, бросивший вызов всему государственному механизму, вдохновляемый всеми социалистами того времени, от продолжателей парижских традиций Французской Революции, бланкистов и других бунтарей 1848 года, до федералистов-прудонистов и интернационалистов коллективистско-анархического направления, ― все это вместе взятое было не виданным подтверждением требований социализма и доказательства его силы и способности к мощному действию, его боевой энергии. Но ужасное поражение в мае, убийство многих тысяч, обращение всех других защитников восстания Парижа в узников, согнанных в одно место, подвергавшихся грубому обращению и тысячами отправляемых в ссылку, в Новую Каледонию, или выделенных из массы для предания показательным и грубым судам, а затем расстреливавшихся непрерывно до 1873 года, с промежутками, достаточными для того, чтобы держать нервы в напряжении, ― все это было жесточайшим из поражений революции. За этим поражением последовал период безжалостной мести побежденным и отвратительнейших клеветнических выступлений политиканов, в их печати, против рабочего дела.
На деле Коммуна оказалась преждевременным восстанием, логически вытекавшим из недовольства народных масс в Париже, организованных и вооруженных за время месяцев осады. Этому восстанию легко удалось собрать запасы пищи и низложить ненавистное правительство в день 18 марта. Это было правительство г-на Тьера, предпочетшего ускользнуть в Версаль в тот день, чтобы быть в состоянии вернуться назад с целой армией и раздавить Париж. Таким образом, победа была чрезвычайно легка, ибо все ненавидели правительство, но эти настроения только подтолкнули социалистов к занятию ответственной и рискованной позиции в качестве избранных членов Коммуны (26 марта), но не заставили их предпринять подлинно социалистические действия, выступления против частной собственности. Социалисты знали неподготовленность общественного мнения к таким действиям и воздержались от решительных мер. Таким образом буржуазия сделала их ответственными за социальную революцию, которая не была совершена. Им было трудно защищаться, ибо они сами воздержались от подлинно социалистических мер.
То же самое произошло в смысле политической организации. Для масс и для всего населения Коммуна была лишь протестом Парижа, вызванным лишениями осады, протестом против трусливого и реакционного правительства. Для бланкистов и якобинцев, стоявших за традиции 1793 года, это было мощное городское самоуправление, поднявшее голову против государства. Для прудонистов это была первая из сорока тысяч общинных единиц Франции, долженствовавших образовать постепенно Федерацию и таким образом занять место в государственной администрации во всей стране. Для интернационалистов типа Варлена только Париж был социальной коммуной, будущей живой социалистической единицей. И, опять таки, все эти далеко идущие идеи не способны были развернуться и проявить себя более активно в силу того факта, что население в целом не разделяло ни одной из них, как не стремилось оно к социализму, а понимало только гневный протест сегодняшнего дня против надменного правительства, опиравшегося на провинциальных реакционеров и стремившегося унизить Париж.
При таком положении дел было бы вполне возможно придти к соглашению на основе муниципальных свобод, которых Париж того времени еще не добился. Это было бы возможно, если бы правительство г. Тьера не стремилось нанести сокрушительное поражение всему, что было социалистического, уничтожить социалистические поколения 1848–1870 годов, стереть с лица земли социализм, как общественную силу во Франции, что и было на самом деле совершено в период до 1880 года. Эта жестокая воля утопила Коммуну в крови и придала безнадежный вид борьбе против капитализма, каким он выглядел после баррикадной борьбы в Лионе 1834 г., после парижских баррикад июня 1848 г. Это третье поражение французского пролетариата оказывает свое влияние и до сегодняшнего дня, 60 лет спустя, ибо ни одна значительная попытка вооруженного восстания не имела места во Франции с 1871 г.
Таким образом перед Интернационалом и перед всеми рабочими Европы был факт героического выступления социализма и федерализма в дни 18 и 26 марта и факт кровопролитного безжалостного выступления капитализма, милитаризма и государственной власти, плававших в крови парижского народа в мае 1871 года. Все они придали себе храбрый вид и объявили себя теоретически и лично солидарными с Коммуной ― и так же поступил Карл Маркс в своей «Гражданской войне во Франции», признав коллективное управление вещами более решительным шагом, чем государственное управление людьми. Так же поступили все анархисты и; конечно, все эмигранты Коммуны в Женеве и в Лондоне. Некоторые из них, как Ж. Лефрансе, разработали теорию федерального социалистического коммунализма, как систему, среднюю между авторитарным социализмом и анархизмом.
Однако, на практике и взглядах революционеров поражение Коммуны отразилось очень сильно. Перед глазами всех было немое молчание Парижа на протяжении многих лет, полное отсутствие Франции на советах социализма, жестокий пробел, напоминавший упадок движения на протяжении 50-х годов в результате событий 1851 года.
Теперь авторитарные социалисты стали проповедовать неверие в вооруженную революцию. Исключение составляли только бланкисты, которые, однако, никогда не обладали ни силой, ни верой, ни волей приступить к бунтарским действиям и, позднее, слились с политическими социалистами Франции (гедистами) или были вовлечены в движения патриотических социалистов (буланжистов). Социалистический парламентаризм 60-х годов существовал на деле только в Швейцарии и Германии, теперь же он стал универсальной социалистической панацеей. Маркс навязал его авторитарной части Интернационала (1871–1872) и этим вызвал раскол всей организации, которая могла быть единой лишь до тех пор, пока каждое социалистическое воззрение уважалось и ставилось в равные условия с другими и ни одно из них не делалось обязательным, как того захотел Маркс в вопросе о «политической борьбе», т. е. о борьбе с помощью избирательного вотума.
Либертарные социалисты, этим желанием Маркса навязать свои личные идеи Интернационалу, вынужденные отделиться от авторитарных федераций, составили одну группу в качестве реорганизованного свободного интернационала 1873 года (Женевский Конгресс). Им помогали лишь несколько личных противников Маркса в Англии и несколько французских коммунистов. В качестве анархистов-коллективистов они имели в своей среде всю испанскую федерацию, которая осенью 1873 года насчитывала около 50 тысяч членов в 500 секциях, организованных по отраслям промышленности. Сюда входила также итальянская федерация, бесконечно менее многочисленная, так как она ждала революционного подъема и не имела ни досуга, ни желания привлекать значительные массы членов, организованных по отраслям промышленности. Здесь же была федерация швейцарской Юры, где идеи и защита труда были соединены, но где не было ни революционных задач, ни перспектив, как это и подобает Швейцарии. Находилась здесь и бельгийская федерация, где, однако, некоторые теоретики, как Цезарь де Пап и фламандская секция, проделали обратную эволюцию в направлении к коммунизму, а затем к политическому социализму. Та же ретроградная эволюция имела место и в Голландии. Сочувствующие были также в тайных секциях юга Франции.
Затем здесь был Бакунин, который немедленно понял всю огромность поражения, но сохранил бодрость духа и оказал очень большую услугу делу в 1871–1872 г. г. своей защитой дела коммуны и Интернационала против низких нападок Мадзини в его речах к итальянскому юношеству и рабочим. Этим самым Бакунин содействовал тому великому собиранию вокруг Интернационала интеллигентных и энергичных элементов из числа сторонников Мадзини и Гарибальди. Это движение привело к созданию конституции итальянской федерации в Ремини в августе 1872 г.
Бакунин также очень много содействовал этому движению во время своего пребывания в Цюрихе летом 1872 года и своим непрерывным сотрудничеством с М. П. Сажиным, а также (1872–1873) с Гольштейном, Элсвицем и Ралли. Совместно с ними он рассеял предубеждения, возникшие под влиянием действий Нечаева в русских организациях. Нечаев был типом бланкистского заговорщика, ультра-авторитарного централиста. Его идеи и тактика, без жестокости, свойственной лично Нечаеву, нашли лишь очень немногих сторонников, вроде Турского, Ткачева и других. Другие русские социалисты отчасти вдохновлялись учением Бакунина в 1872–1874 г. г., частью же оставались умеренными и удовлетворялись умеренной политикой Лаврова из «Вперёд» (1873–1876, 1877) ― органа, посвятившего себя пропаганде среди крестьян («народники»). Несколько позднее, раздраженные жестокими преследованиями, главным образом против политических террористов, убивших Александра II в марте 1881 года, многие социалисты примкнули к террористическим организациям. Эта позиция, укрепившаяся вследствие преследований, отодвинула личные взгляды социалистов на второй план. Много ростков анархизма в 1872–1874 г. г. выросли под личным влиянием Бакунина и под влиянием его русских книг, главным образом «Государственность и Анархия» и его знаменитого Прибавления II, о деятельности русских революционеров. Эти ростки не совсем погибли, и только рост их временно приостановлен был вследствие преследования террористов. Женевская «Община» 1878–1879 г. г. была их последним и хорошо прочувствованным выражением в течение некоторого времени. Сам Кропоткин, столь преданный анархическим идеям в русских вопросах, воздержался от вмешательства с точки зрения, теоретически расходившейся с геройской террористической борьбой. Каждый, кто не мог помочь этой борьбе непосредственно, наблюдал за ней в безмолвном почтении, воздерживаясь от критики.
Антиавторитарный Интернационал имел очень активных и способных защитников в лице Джеймса Гильома, чья работа в юрском «Бюллетене» (1872–1878) и особенно в его книге «Мысли о социальной организации», написанной осенью 1874 г. и напечатанной в 1876 году, затем в лице Поля Брусса, очень активного молодого студента, в то время бывшего эмигрантом, активно выступавшего в Барселоне в 1873 году и в Швейцарии (начиная с осени 1873 года до конца 1878 года). Он отстаивал идеи революционного коллективистического анархизма, а с 1877 года ― анархический коммунизм. В числе защитников Интернационала был также Рафаэль Парга Пеллисер, очень искусный печатник, и Хозе Барсия Биниас, студент медицины в Барселоне, Андриа Коста, Эррико Малатеста, Карло Кафиеро, Эмилио Ковелли и много других социальных бунтарей, ранних коммунистических анархистов, группа которых существовала осенью 1876 года. Затем Элизе Реклю, Франсуа Дюмартерэ, Андриан Перрарэ, ранние французские коммунисты-анархисты (начиная с 1876 года), находившиеся в швейцарском изгнании: Поль Робен в Лондоне, Пётр Кропоткин в Лондоне, Бельгии, Швейцарии, Франции и Испании, в Женеве, в Лондоне и вблизи Женевы, в Савойе; бельгийские анархисты в Вевей, русские анархисты: Бакунин, Сажин, Ралли, Эльсвиц и другие, первые германские сторонники анархизма в Берне: Рейнсдорф, Эмиль Вернер, Ринке и другие, приблизительно с 1876 г. Эти люди и многие другие, имена которых достойны упоминания ― Швицгебель, Шпихигер, Луи Пинди (член парижской Коммуны), Мораго, Сориано, Франциско Томас, А. Лоренцо в Испании, Ф. С. Мерлино, А. Фаджиоли, Ф. Натто, Г. Грасси и еще много других добрых товарищей в Италии, ― все они поддерживали пропаганду в пользу коллективистического анархизма. Некоторые из них, главным образом итальянцы и французы, начиная с 1876 года, стали развивать идеи коммунистического анархизма.
Они действовали как революционеры, когда это было возможно: испанцы ― в 1873 году при Алькойи и Сан Люкар де Барромедо, итальянцы в 1874 году в Болонье, Флоренции и Акулийских горах, а в 1875 г. в провинциях Неаполя и Беневенто. Они поддерживали связь между секциями Интернационала в качестве запрещенной подпольной организации в Испании (1874–1881) и в Италии и были близки к революционному восстанию в Испании в 1877 году и к аграрным бунтам по всей Андалузии, этой Испанской Ирландии. Конгрессы, конференции, газеты, брошюры ― всеми этими путями преданные и настойчивые сторонники анархических идей распространяли их в период глубокой революционной депрессии в 1871–1878 г. г.
Мало ли, много ли, но это все, что могло быть сделано в те годы сокрушительного поражения Парижской Коммуны и падения Испанской республики. Парламентарное отступничество социалистов равнялось полному неверию их в дело революции, ― неверию, ставшему символом веры вплоть до русской мартовской революции 1917 года, которая научила их тому, что революции все ещё являются реальными возможностями, а не пережитками прошлого и не галлюцинацией анархистов. В те дни торжества милитаризма и дипломатических интриг, подготовлявших «реванш» в дни балканского национализма, вызвавшего первый ряд войн, войн Греции и России против Турции, в дни роста капитализма, создания государства Конго, борьбы за Африку, французского и германского колониального империализма, постоянного расширения английских владений в Южной Африке, Египте, Судане, Бирме, и т. д., ― большего достигнуть нельзя было. В те годы подлинно либертарный дух, пробудившийся в 60-х годах, снова упал. Я могу привести лишь очень короткий эпизод ― выступления Евгения Дюринга в Германии, университетского преподавателя экономических наук, который в 1872–1873 г. г. выступил против государственного социализма и в защиту системы федеративных ассоциаций, очень сходной с экономической организацией, предлагающейся анархистами-коллективистами. На мой взгляд, теория Дюринга и возникла под их влиянием и под влиянием Парижской Коммуны, которая была первым крупным выражением недоверия государству и попыткой обойтись без него. Однако Дюрингу самому не доставало либертарного духа и воли. Хотя он оказал влияние в качестве противоядия против марксизма в Германии и, хотя Маркс и Энгельс чувствовали это влияние, как занозу в боку, но как раз та часть этого учения, которая здесь упоминается, меньше всего была понята. Сам автор не очень занимался этой частью своей теории в позднейшие годы, хотя некоторые даровитые его последователи вновь открыли ее и выдвинули ее на первый план 20 лет спустя, в начале 90-х годов, и тем еще раз помогли поколебать веру в марксизм (к этому я вернусь ещё позднее).
Другим, достойным упоминания, событием была большая забастовка железнодорожников линии Пенсильвания-Огайо в 1877 году, приведшая к столкновению в Питтсбурге и бунтам, которые Элизе Реклю приветствовал, как Питтсбургскую Коммуну, и которые, хотя и не долговечные, отметили собой пробуждение американских рабочих от веры в личный успех и в политическую борьбу. С тех пор социалистическое движение в Соединенных Штатах выдвинуло левые течения, сторонники социальной революции стали выступать против защитников избирательной борьбы и шаг за шагом, более интенсивными стали усилия борцов, пока годы 1881–1886 не принесли с собой расцвет социально-революционной борьбы. Сознательные коллективисты-анархисты, сильнее всего бывшие в районе Чикаго и быстро возраставшие в числе, развивали свое движение быстрым темпом вплоть до трагического периода, начавшегося в мае 1886 года, когда капиталистическая репрессия снова раздавила надежды рабочих на процессе 11 ноября 1887 года.
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В конце 70-х годов особые обстоятельства, вроде преследования издававшейся Полем Бруссом газеты «Авангард» и отсутствия сильной группы, которая могла бы принять этот вызов, понудили Кропоткина взять большую часть работы на свои плечи и основать журнал «Револьте» (февраль 1879 г.). В то время существовали лишь чрезвычайно слабые секции в нескольких странах, очень слабые газеты, очень небольшое число активистов, из которых многие были уже истощены тягостями личной жизни, а другие потеряли бодрость духа или соблазнились иллюзиями избирательной борьбы. Правда, велась также борьба, направленная к социальному бунту: недовольство ирландских земельных арендаторов, приведшее ко многим жестоким столкновениям, затем обострившиеся бедствия андалузских рабочих, совершивших несколько отчаянных актов аграрного террора; подобные же настроения замечались среди голодавших тогда итальянских рабочих. Кроме того, налицо была деятельность русских террористов, сосредоточившихся на борьбе против царя, но никогда не перестававших надеяться на восстание крестьян.
К этим реальным факторам следует прибавить, особенно по мнению Кропоткина, твердую веру в то, что возвратившиеся французские коммунары и французские рабочие, пробудившиеся от уныния после сокрушительного удара 1871 года, создадут движение, которое вновь приведет к Коммуне, и что на этот раз Коммуна будет настоящей социалистической Коммуной, и не только в Париже, но и в каждом большом городе Франции. От такой Коммуны можно было ожидать, что она будет самодеятельным организмом для целей экспроприации и что она создаст множество таких же коммун. Такова была надежда и вера Кропоткина в 1879–1882 годах, почерпнутые на французских митингах, где такие надежды действительно находили себе выражение. Кропоткин пришел к заключению, что приближается французская революция, масштаба Великой Революции. Это побудило его высоко поднять знамя и выдвинуть задачи непосредственной экспроприации, вслед за которой должен был придти коммунистический анархизм. Он сделал это впервые в своей статье «Парижская Коммуна», напечатанной 20 марта 1880 года (позднее эта статья вошла в качестве главы в его книгу «Речи Бунтовщика»). В октябре 1879 г. на Юрском Конгрессе он провозгласил: «Коммунистический анархизм, как цель, и коллективизм, как переходная форма собственности» («Револьте,» 18 октября 1879 г.).
Таким образом, в марте 1880 года он отбросил мысль о коллективизме, как переходной форме, т. е. мысль о создании нового порядка вещей путем организации распределения в соответствии с количеством работы, выполненной каждым производителем. Он стал на точку зрения, что меры и расчеты должны быть отброшены и что коммунизм, т. е. работа и вознаграждение по усмотрению каждого, должен быть немедленно осуществлен. Сказалось ли здесь влияние Реклю, с которым Кропоткин как раз тогда начал сотрудничать над выпуском, посвященного Сибири тома «Географии» Реклю (том 6-й, 1881, 918 стр.), ― этого я не могу сказать. В начале осени Кропоткин, посоветовавшись со своими женевскими друзьями Дюмартерэ, Герцигом, Кафиеро и Реклю, предложил Юрскому Конгрессу 1880 года, состоявшемуся в Шо-де-Фон 9 и 10 октября, принять для Юрской Федерации коммунистический анархизм. Это было принято, и с того времени обвинение в отсталости, в сохранении системы наемного труда и авторитарной организации для подготовки и поддержания этой системы, ― это обвинение стало выдвигаться многими против коллективистического анархизма, который в течение 13 лет был гордостью анархистов и который сам Кропоткин защищал в октябре 1879 года, как переходную форму к более высокой цели, к анархическому коммунизму. Теперь стали утверждать, что применение мерки к труду приводит обратно к власти и что путем накопления сбережений теми, кто выполнял бы больше работы, общество пришло бы обратно к капитализму. В этом усмотрены были зародыши реакций, которые следовало отринуть.
Эта перемена произошла после ухода Джемса Гильома в мае 1878 года. Иначе он мог бы сказать, что лишь очень узкое понимание коллективизма превратило его в. теорию постоянного наёмного труда, тогда как для него, а также для испанских товарищей, эта теория была бы лишь системой, обеспечивающей рабочему «полный продукт его труда», иными словами ― без вычетов в пользу государства и капиталистических эксплуататоров и паразитов, хотя и с вычетами в пользу народного образования, общественных работ, содержания инвалидов и стариков местной единицы или федерации таких единиц. Вне этого, ассоциация или группа свободна была бы в выборе между коллективистической, коммунистической или средней между ними организацией, в зависимости от решения своих членов. Кроме того, Гильом в своих «Мыслях» 1874 г. (1876 г.) определенно рекомендовал постепенный прогресс от вознаграждения за выполненную работу к совершенно свободному пользованию продуктами труда. Он лишь обусловил это зависимостью от производительности, так как свободное пользование продуктами предполагает изобилие их.
Таким образом свобода группы устраиваться по своему усмотрению и серьезное соображение о количестве явились возражениями, выдвинутыми, вероятно, коллективистами (От имени которых говорил Швицгебель), но Конгресс 1880 года не согласился с ними, ибо, как я уже сказал, с коллективизмом казались связанными все возможные опасности реакции. После революции, когда в работу вложен был огромный прилив свежей энергии, а быстрый ход изобретений и сберегавших труд машин привели к накоплению огромных запасов продуктов, были сметены все сомнения, вызванные постановкой вопроса о количестве.
На Кропоткина, кроме того, повлияло принятие термина «коллективизм» французскими марксистами и Бенуа Малоном, а также решительное признание термина «коммунизм» бланкистами. Он ненавидел марксистов, но, подобно многим социалистам тех дней, питал слабость к бланкистам, когда Бланки был еще жив (он умер в конце 1880 года) и считался одним из наиболее уважаемых революционеров тех лет. Так или иначе, но этим путем, совместными усилиями Реклю, который был коммунистом всю свою жизнь, Кафиеро, итальянского коммуниста с 1876 г., и Кропоткина изменение было сделано и не встретило никакой оппозиции во французских, бельгийских, франко-швейцарских и итальянских группах. В Испании же этой перемены не замечали в течение годов. Эта перемена совершенно не привлекла внимания Иоганна Моста, когда он приступил к изложению своего понимания анархизма.
Означала ли эта перемена забвение коллективизма, как единоспасающего средства? При том положении, какое существовало в годы 1880–1882, когда усиленная революционная агитация велась во Франции анархистами, наиболее широко охватывающая, наиболее решительная доктрина казалась наиболее способной разбудить народ и заставить его действовать. Коммунистическая идея была в высокой степени приспособлена к этой цели, она представляла все дело таким простым, изображала его так, что все будет достигнуто единым порывом и что никто не остановится на полпути. В своем письме к Юрскому Конгрессу 4 июня 1882 года Кропоткин ― впервые, по-видимому, ― ссылается в печати на изречение Бланки, что революцию надо считать неудавшейся, если в течение 24 часов рабочие не почувствуют улучшения в своем положении вполне осязательным образом, и что немедленная экспроприация, переселение в лучшие квартиры, свободный доступ к пище ― должны осуществиться в срочном порядке. Отсюда возникли бы неслыханное воодушевление и порыв к работе и, таким образом, положено было бы начало организации нашего общества на началах свободного коммунизма, и уже никто не стал бы думать о возвращении к индивидуальным расценкам и вознаграждению за исполненную работу.
В этом историческом очерке я могу только вкратце изложить мой вывод, что это чарующее изображение анархизма, осуществляемого единым махом, ускоренного голодными массами, которые получают немедленные выгоды и после этого всегда уже работают с неослабным рвением и потребляют без корыстной заинтересованности, ― все это было рассчитано так, чтобы привлечь к анархизму много людей, настроенных так же, как и сам Кропоткин. Однако, эта теория показалась, вероятно, неудовлетворительной тем, кто не пылал подобным оптимизмом. Знакомясь с социалистическими доктринами и жизнью и характерами их творцов, мы находим в них поразительно сходные черты. Так обстоит дело и в данном случае. Кто трудился так неутомимо, как Кропоткин, и пользовался вознаграждением с такой неприхотливой умеренностью, как Кропоткин? Он был типом коммуниста-анархиста, о каком он сам мечтал. Столь же бескорыстным был Кафиеро, таков же был Реклю. Они часто жили одним рисом и сливами и были неприхотливы так, как никто из нас. Те же качества бескорыстия и неприхотливости свойственны Малатесте, но он имел и имеет гораздо большее соприкосновение с подлинной жизнью, чем любой из названных товарищей, поэтому Кропоткинский оптимизм никогда не удовлетворял его, как мы увидим. На ораторов парижских митингов это производило огромное впечатление, они спешили навстречу анархической идее, никогда не позволяя ей застояться ни на минуту и подвергнуться загрязнению при столкновении с действительностью. Если кто-нибудь говорил, что достаточно 4 часов ежедневной работы, то другой возвещал, что достаточно двух часов. Говорят, что таким образом они дошли до 20 или 30 минутного рабочего дня и что неслыханное изобилие накопленных продуктов сделало бы всякую организацию для продолжения работы ненужной уже в самые ближайшие годы.
В 80-х годах мы наблюдаем кипение нового анархического коммунизма. Принцип ассоциаций по необходимости ослабел под этим импульсом, а принцип организации был поколеблен на долгие годы. Если все доступно в изобилии при минимуме труда, то ассоциация и сотрудничество становятся лишь новым бременем и препятствием к свободному пользованию общественным запасом продуктов. Организация становилась оковами автономии, авторитарной помехой. Лондонский Интернациональный Социально-Революционный Конгресс 1881 года (с 14 по 20 июля) отмечает собою отвержение какой бы то ни было организующей формы, как, напр., Интернационал либертарного типа, какой придал ему Женевский Конгресс 1873 года. Тот же Конгресс признал лишь номинально и против желания некий призрак организации, а в сущности не более, как комиссию с функциями лишь передаточного пункта для переписки в качестве способа интернациональной связи между группами разных стран. Эта организация исчезла, год спустя, и имела лишь кратковременное существование в течение 1881–1882 годов. Другими словами, группы пользовались независимым существованием и считали себя притесненными при одной мысли о задаче, выполняемой по постановлению коллектива групп.
Личная точка зрения Кропоткина была совсем не такова. В тесном контакте с юрскими секциями и французскими секциями Юга, Востока, лионскими и сент-этьенскими группами долины Роны, он всегда стремился вдохновить к совместному действию и организации, но был бессилен сделать это по отношению к парижским группам, группам Юго-запада и Юга Франции, к району от Бордо и Пиренеев до Марселя, где антиорганизационные течения и самые категорические, безусловные формулировки свободного коммунизма менее всего были общепризнанны в движении 1880–1882 годов. То же самое еще в большой степени наблюдалось в годы 1883–1885, когда Кропоткин, Готье и пропагандисты Лиона и Сент-Этьена были в тюрьме, а Жан Грав, никогда не бывший организатором, но никогда не стоявший за полное отрицание организации, отсутствовал в Париже, живя в Женеве в течение многих месяцев и работая над «Ле Револьте». Когда Кропоткин был освобожден (январь 1886 г.), он вообразил, на основании того, что он видел в Париже за время своего короткого пребывания там, что описанные здесь тенденции уже исчезли. Однако это было не так, они продолжали существовать и всегда шли параллельно с его собственными усилиями.
Эррико Малатеста усиленно добивался на Лондонском Конгрессе 1881 г. (душою которого он был и в недолговечной комиссии которого он был самым активным членом) содействия интернациональному сотрудничеству, но группы, стоявшие против всякой организации, главным образом французские группы, оказались сильней. В качестве революционера и коммуниста, стоявшего за экспроприацию, он в своих итальянских статьях 1884 года защищал, разумеется, идеи коммунистического анархизма, но совсем не в форме той исключительности, которая считала местный или временный коллективизм реакционной тенденцией. Он никогда не стоял за ту нетерпимую форму, которая соглашалась допустить лишь одну форму и устраняла все разнообразие организационных форм. Никогда он не был пропитан тем духом отрицания организаций по принципу, который ожидал всего от самопроизвольных, моментальных комбинаций усилий и считал планомерность, подготовку недопустимыми авторитарными принуждениями. Ни широко распространенный народный диалог «Среди рабочих» и «Программа и организация Международного Общества Рабочих» (оба изданы во Флоренции в 1884 году), ни доктор Мерлино в своих книгах «Анархия» (Флоренция 1887) и «Социализм или монополизм» не высказываются за описанный выше ничем не ограниченный неорганизованный коммунизм, а наоборот, предостерегают против него. В статьях Мерлино того времени такое понимание называется «аморфия,» т. е. аморфизм (отсутствие форм). Такое состояние может быть достигнуто на позднейших этапах, когда все станут анархистами, когда полное доверие станет преобладающим среди людей и когда изобилие продуктов будет обеспечено. Но единым прыжком перескочить к этому совершенству прямо от капитализма казалось нереальностью, слишком неправдоподобной, чтобы на неё можно было рассчитывать. Невозможно ожидать, что мировое движение, накопляющее силы для разрушения современного строя, разовьется на почве такого утверждения веры или чаяния. Мерлино выступал в защиту договорных соглашений, на первых шагах соглашений, которые обеспечивали бы более или менее совершенное применение коммунизма в соответствии с местными условиями и по мере постепенного продвижения к более совершенным формам на этом базисе.
Мерлино не слушали. Всякий такой совет, рекомендовавший осторожность, очень многими считался антиреволюционным. Тем не менее в 80-х годах движение на началах коллективистического анархизма или на основах коммунизма (движение Малатесты) были реальными и широкими движениями во многих странах. Укажу на Испанский Интернационал и Испанскую Районную Федерацию Рабочих, непрерывно существовавшую с 1870–1888 года, затем на германское движение, образовавшееся вокруг Иоганна Моста. Несколько позднее возникло движение рабочих, говоривших на немецком и английском языках в районе Чикаго, в Америке (до трагического периода 1886–1887 годов). Укажу также на большое общественное движение в Австрии с 1881 г. до начала 1884 г., на немецкие группы в Швейцарии в 1881–1885 годах, на итальянские секции, реорганизованные Малатестой и другими в 1883–1884 г., на британское социалистическое движение 80-х годов, созданное анархистами вроде Джозефа Лейна и бывшее, на протяжении многих годов (1883–1890), в тесной солидарной связи с Вильямом Моррисом и Социалистической Лигой (1885–1890). Сюда же относятся группы юго-восточной Франции того времени, когда Кропоткин был в тесной связи с ними (1881–1882); эти группы мало расходились с его взглядами и тактикой, которые никогда не были направлены в сторону антиорганизации и никогда не были аморфистскими, подобно взглядам парижских и других групп.
Сравнительно с 70-ми годами, когда существовали лишь редкие разбросанные, подпольные секции, эти большие открытые общественные движения в Испании, части Франции, Австралии, Англии, части Соединенных Штатов и части Италии являются чрезвычайно замечательными движениями. Анархические идеи и дух были подлинно живы в 80-х годах. Было бы необходимо развивать движение по тем же линиям и прививать этот дух все растущим массам населения. Но общим явлением было то, что такая спокойная и постоянная работа никогда не считалась достаточно успешной с точки зрения тех, кто верил только в пропаганду идей в их самой неограниченной форме и в принятие самых бескомпромиссных способов борьбы. Отсюда возникло равнодушие и даже вражда, как принципиальная, так и личная по отношению к умеренным и организованным движениям. Некоторые участники движения сочли себя вынужденными прибегнуть к актам, которые, хотя и давали им личное удовлетворение, зачастую ценою их собственной жизни, но навлекали репрессии, преследования и приводили к подрыву всего движения в данной местности. По причине этих все усиливающихся правительственных репрессий все движение распалось, загнано было в подполье и уже не возродилось. Позднее, в конце 80-х годов, наступило время, когда осуществилось по крайней мере это желание: анархисты достигли минимума организованности и желали не быть организованными вовсе.
Оглядываясь назад на эти 50 лет, прожитые с 1880 года, нельзя не видеть в настоящее время, что пламенные революционные чаяния того времени выросли из ошибочных суждений. Во Франции, когда установлены были, начиная с 1880 года, свободы слова, собраний, союзов, все социалисты поспешили уйти в политику. Никто и пальцем не шевельнул для борьбы за новую коммуну, зато возник спор за места в муниципальных советах. Аграрные движения в далеких Андалузии и Ирландии были подавлены или отведены в политические каналы, как в Ирландии. Царизм фактически раздавил террористические группы в течение 80-х годов, как это столь патетически показывает Вера Фигнер в своих воспоминаниях.
Изолированные акты социальной мести по отношению к отдельным жестоким работодателям во Франции, изолированные акты индивидуальной экспроприации в разных странах, изолированные случаи убийства единичных полицейских чиновников в разных местах, даже события огромного масштаба, вроде Хеймаркетских событий в Чикаго 4 мая 1886 года, ― все это не вызвало коллективных действий, не привело к широким народным движениям сочувствия. Самыми большими событиями были восстание шахтёров в Бельгии весною 1886 г. и бунт лондонских безработных в 1886 году, а также столкновение на Трафальгарском сквере в ноябре 1887 года, ― но роль анархистов в этих вспышках недовольства, вызванных острой нуждой, была мала, и они чувствовали это повсеместно, в каждом отдельном случае. Таким образом возможности революции в действительности еще не существовали и было бы благоразумно перейти к прямой пропаганде самого открытого и широкого характера вместо того, чтобы попытаться ускорить события путем нескольких индивидуальных актов, воображая при этом, что дело близится к социальной революции, что обыкновенная пропаганда едва ли еще нужна. Это отсутствие правильного понимания было тем более роковым, что в 80-х годах авторитарные социалисты сделали очень большие успехи, создали свои рабочие и социалистические партии, организовали Широкие массы для завоевания свободы и избирательных прав и объединили рабочих в их социалистических синдикатах.
Таким образом, в течение этих 80-х годов большинство анархистов, вольно и невольно, вынуждены были вести существование в форме разбросанных групп, свободных, конечно, от всяких посторонних влияний или вмешательства, но зато отделенных от масс, с которыми, во время Интернационала, они старались быть в тесном соприкосновении. Авторитарные социалисты, слабые и достаточно дискредитированные в течение первых годов упомянутого периода, выдвинулись на первый план и завоевали массы, до которых голос и протесты анархистов доходили со всё возрастающими затруднениями. Я не упускаю здесь из вида, что анархисты делали героические попытки вернуть себе утерянную почву, но после таких попыток те же самые причины ― отвращение к коллективному, согласованному усилию ― опять привели их к изоляции и уменьшили их численность.
Итак, последний период коллективистического анархизма в Испании, особенно в годы 1886–1893, представляют собой прекрасное зрелище. Коммунисты-анархисты, в лице некоторых групп, относились к коллективистам с насмешкой и пренебрежением, называя их ископаемыми, но их самих считали чрезвычайно односторонними и примитивными фанатиками. Сами коллективисты, ознакомившись в 1886 году с более соответствующими изложениями коммунизма, ― с английскими произведениями Кропоткина, главным образом, ― и услышав позднее, в конце 1891 года, Малатесту во время его испанского лекционного тура, когда он излагал коммунизм в указанном выше духе, пришли к тому, что стали считать это понимание равноправным с их собственным пониманием и сделали заключение, что только будущий опыт сможет решить, кто был прав. Поэтому многие из них придерживались того, что они называли «анархизмом без эпитета», просто анархизма, отказываясь связывать себя и тех, кого привлекала их пропаганда, с какой-нибудь экономической доктриной, еще не проверенной на опыте. Каждую доктрину должны проверить на будущем опыте деятели грядущих времен, и только они могут решить, что правильно, а что неправильно, что следует принять, а что отвергнуть.
Эта беспристрастная позиция, рекомендованная всем группам международного объединения на конференции её 1889 и 1897 годов, не была принята, и на это предложение даже редко обращали внимание анархисты других стран. Они стояли за единое экономическое решение, считая необходимым бороться со всеми другими экономическими взглядами. Религиозные люди поступили бы так же, как они поступили, наука же рассматривала бы все такие предвидения будущего, как простые гипотезы. Она стала бы на сторону испанских товарищей, которые 40 лет тому назад придерживались экономического агностицизма, хотя лично они при этом имели свои собственные экономические убеждения, близкие их сердцу. Однако, они не считали, что их желания или предпочтения были свободны от возможных ошибок.
Те же самые испанские коллективисты-анархисты добровольно отказались от своей старой организации, которая, в сущности была организацией Интернационала 1870 г., ― в пользу экономической организации агрегата различных антикапиталистических организаций ― «Федерация Сопротивления Капиталу», ― и агрегата групп различных анархических течений ― «Анархической Организации».
Они были единственными анархистами, которые, начиная с 1886 года, примкнув к американской инициативе, стали подготовлять первомайские выступления не как простые демонстрации, а по примеру широко распространившихся знаменитых генеральных стачек в Каталонии, в мае 1890 и 1891 г. г. Репрессии после андалузского аграрного бунта в январе 1892 г., равнодушие многих анархистов к согласованным усилиям и жестокие преследования с применением пыток, последовавшие за некоторыми индивидуальными террористическими актами в последние месяцы 1893 года, подорвали дальнейшее развитие этого прекрасного и широкого движения.
Другая сочувственная попытка была сделана Малатестой после его возвращения из Аргентины, где он провел время с 1885 до середины 1889 года, после его побега из Италии. Он вернулся и стал издавать газету «L’Assoziazione». Он же предложил объединить анархические группы в новый интернационал ― «Интернациональную Социалистическо-Анархическую Революционную Партию». Уже это название показывает, что он был противником всяких односторонних доктрин. В социалистическом анархизме было место для коммунистов и коллективистов. Слово «социалистический» было прибавлено в качестве указания на то, что речь шла об анархистах, признававших социализацию частной собственности, так как школа американских индивидуалистов-анархистов (Б. Р. Таккер) состояла из анархистов, стоявших за частную собственность и отвергавших все, что носило социалистический характер.
Это предложение Малатесты, благоприятно встреченное в Испании, не нашло никакого отклика в других странах. Даже в Италии, после 1 мая 1891 года и позднейших преследований, принцип организации был отвергнут, хотя и не так решительно, как во Франции. Не следует думать, что я чересчур высоко ценю организацию. Я ― последний, кого можно в этом обвинить. В очень многих случаях обычные дружеские отношения между группами делают организационные связи совершенно бесполезными: здесь налицо взаимное доверие, сходство взглядов, личные отношения. Отсюда само собой возникает соответствующее сотрудничество, когда к тому представляется случай, совершенно так, как два друга не имеют никакой нужды и формальной связи для того, чтобы помогать друг другу при определенных условиях. Никто не может возразить против этого. Но были также и анти-организационисты, настроенные против даже таких дружественных отношений. Они считали, что их автономии причиняется ущерб каким бы то ни было соглашением или обязательством, требовавшим точного выполнения. В каждом, кто пытался согласовать усилия, они видели диктатора, общественную опасность. Такие преувеличения вставляли палки в колеса всякой солидарной работе.
В общем, эти тенденции к распылению были сильнее в 80-х годах, чем тенденции к координации. Существует, по-видимому, противоречие между этим чрезмерно осторожным скептицизмом, видевшим в наиболее активных товарищах прежде всего будущих начальников и диктаторов, и чрезмерной доверчивостью тех, кто считал, что после социальной революции люди станут продуктивно сотрудничать и что вся задача производства и распределения будет почти автоматически выполняться без дальнейших препятствий и затруднений. Да, это противоречие существует, и оно объясняется склонностью к абстрактным рассуждениям, доводившим до предельных крайностей, какие может построить мысль в каждом вопросе.
Этот ригоризм, пренебрегавший предостережениями Малатесты и Мерлино, подстегнутый несравненным оптимизмом Кропоткина и укрепленный молчаливым согласием Реклю, хорошо понимавшим, что это была лишь переходная ступень, которая будет пройдена тем скорее, чем меньше будет вмешательства со стороны, ― все это характерно для 80-х годов, когда анархизм, до тех пор развивавшийся в маленьких группах, стал известным и приемлемым для значительно более широких слоев народа, главным образом среди французских, немецких, английских и американских рабочих, которые вложили в него иное понимание, чем малочисленные группки ранних его сторонников.
Я пытался объяснить всё это путём ссылок на подлинные источники в моей книге «Анархисты и социальные революционеры» (издана на немецком языке в 1931 году, 409 стр.), дающей изложение периода 1881–1886 годов, а также в моей рукописи такого же объема, если не больше, почти законченной и доводящей изложение до периода 1886-1894 годов в разных странах. Изложенное выше представляет собою некоторые из моих выводов. В следующей статье я добавлю еще изложение французского движения периода 1886–1894 годов, а затем перейду к рассмотрению периода 1895–1914 годов в истории наших идей.
\chapter{Значение произведений Кропоткина. Период 1890–1911 годов. Заключение: период до 1931 года}
Толчок, который дал Кропоткин интернациональному анархическому движению своими вдохновенными и хорошо продуманными агитационными теоретическими статьями в «Револьтэ», очень скоро получившими широкое распространение в виде брошюр, был временно ослаблен тремя годами его тюремного заключения, с 1883 до 1885 года. Когда человек твёрдых убеждений оказывается таким образом отрезанным от жизни на годы, то это может повлиять на его здоровье, но вынужденный отрыв от наблюдения жизни и от действия, от повседневного хода событий до некоторой степени возмещается более глубоким изучением и наблюдением вещей в более широком масштабе и с большего расстояния. Даже тогда, когда изучение становится затруднительным, а вести с воли поступают скупо, остается возможность вознаградить себя путем сосредоточенного размышления, изучения идей и фактов и накопления доказательств.
Таким путем Бланки, проведя 40-е годы, потом 50-ые, затем опять 70-е годы в тюрьме, вышел из тюрьмы с крепко пустившей корни системой идей. Бакунин выработал комплекс своих идей, неизменно (с большими исключениями) излагавшихся им в течение боевого периода его жизни с 1864 по 1874 год, тоже, по-видимому, во время своего пребывания в тюрьме с 1849 по 1857 год. В тюрьме же он, по-видимому, привел в систему эти идеи. Кропоткин также воспользовался годами тюрьмы, чтобы подготовиться умственно ― у меня нет никаких сведений о том, что он, может быть, написал за это время ― к продумыванию основ анархизма, имея в виду определенную цель: связать анархизм, если не отождествить его, с реальной жизнью, с главным и наиболее широким течением жизни и прогресса, чтобы таким образом установить неизбежность анархизма. На этой основе Кропоткин хотел построить выводы о путях и условиях скорейшего осуществления анархизма и прихода социальной революции, становившихся неизбежными ввиду народного недовольства и банкротства капитализма. Его задача была ― указать формы этой революции, наметить задачи, предотвратить ошибки, таким образом, чтобы революция привела непосредственно к осуществлению анархизма.
Таким образом, начав с выяснения причин растущего недовольства («Дух бунта», май-июнь 1881 года), указав на подъем молодежи («К юношеству», июнь-август 1880 года), на значение экспроприации (ноябрь-декабрь 1882 года), обращаясь к бунтарям с призывом разрушить старый строй, он теперь присоединяет сюда доказательства того, что новый порядок уже сейчас создается путем растущей сети добровольных организаций, отодвигающих государство на задний план.
Кропоткин доказывает, что все учреждения, кроме тех, которые созданы жадностью капиталистов и государственным принуждением, обычаи и привычки, складываются в направлении к коммунизму. В этом смысле свободно организованное научное общество представляет собою частицу анархизма.
В той степени, в какой библиотека и другие специальные преимущества свободно предоставляются на равных началах всем его членам, посетителям и даже гостям, это ученое общество применяет на практике свободный коммунизм. Таковы же привычки людей, когда их пробуждают от рутины: как в великие дни Французской Революции, они свободно организуются в группы, если не встречают препятствия со стороны власти. Они распределяют продукты на началах равенства, принимая в соображение нужды каждого и с уважением относясь к слабому.
Поэтому революция, когда ей удается избежать роковой ошибки ― вручения своей судьбы новым вождям ― сделает то, что социально и политически правильно. Революция немедленно приступит к снабжению пищей, одеждой и жилищем всех нуждающихся, путем использования существующих запасов и жилищ, при помощи добровольцев и местных жителей.
Те же люди организуются для производства на тех же началах свободы и удобства. Так как вопрос о пище станет неотложным в первую очередь и так как смена успехов и неудач революции, сопротивление реакционеров и другие препятствия расстроят транспорт товаров, то пища будет добываться на местах путем специальных современных методов. Передовые местности станут независимыми от снабжения их менее передовыми и враждебными округами.
Таким путем Кропоткин связал воедино ряд возможностей, каждая из которых заключала в себе некоторую жизненную реальность в прошлом или в настоящем. В целом, это было лишь его личное понимание того, как события могли бы случиться. Его парижская лекция «Анархия в эволюции социализма», в начале 1886 г., статьи в «XIX Сенчури» за 1887 г., «Научные основы анархии» и «Грядущая анархия», его статьи в «Ле Револьтэ» и «Ла Револьт», вошедшие в его книгу «Хлеб и Воля», и такой же ряд статей, приспособленных к положению в Англии и напечатанных в «Фридом», затем мелкие статьи, речи и лекции в Англии в 80-х годах, ― во всех этих и затем в позднейших произведениях одна и та же серия ожидаемых событий воспроизводится в одной и той же связи и последовательности, с непоколебимой верой и логикой.
Продовольственный вопрос, включая производства на тестах методами интенсивной агрикультуры, оранжерейное выращивание фруктов, согревание почвы и т. д., будучи разрешен путем такой децентрализации, приводит к подобной же децентрализации в области промышленности. Это вызовет политическую анархию: максимум автономии, минимум взаимозависимости. «Поля, фабрики и мастерские», ― книга основанная на статьях 1888, 1890 и 1900 г. г., ― и «Земледелие» (1890–91) дают изложение этих вопросов.
Когда ультра-буржуазный дарвинист проф. Гексли в лекции, прочитанной в Оксфорде в 1888 г., бросил вызов самой основе социального чувства, Кропоткин ответил тем, что изобразил развитие социального элемента на протяжении всех стадий животной и человеческой жизни в книге «Взаимопомощь». Он приступил к исследованию основы социальных отношений в прошлом, настоящем и возможном будущем в лекции «Справедливость и нравственность» и в своем позднейшем труде «Этика», который ему не удалось закончить. Здесь он намеривался описать три стадии: взаимопомощь, справедливость, равенство и великодушие, основываясь на изысканиях Ж. М. Гюйо. Очевидно, что если период справедливости-равенства соответствует коллективизму, то великодушие, как принцип, исключающий всякое измерение, соответствует свободному коммунизму. Этика в ее высшем развитии целиком совпала бы с коммунистическим анархизмом.
Историческим примером, подтверждающим все эти концепции, и в то же время образцом грядущей революции, была для Кропоткина Французская Революция, если рассматривать её в её подлинно народной форме, очищенной от авторитарных препон и ошибок, коренящихся в авторитарном инстинкте и идеологии. Кроме того, зрелище ошибок и неудач авторитарных партий в ходе русских революционных событий 1905–06 годов косвенно отразились в книге Кропоткина «Великая Революция 1789–1793», напечатанной в 1909 году.
Такова вкратце работа всей жизни Кропоткина. Чем пристальнее я ее изучал в последнее время, тем более я поражался строгостью ее линий и ее целеустремленностью в течение всей его долгой жизни. Эти качества свидетельствуют о силе его убеждений, но не могут придать чисто личной концепции значение общепринятой теории, не подлежащей изменению. Иначе как быть с индивидуальными концепциями всех других анархических мыслителей? Считать, что все они не правы, а прав один только Кропоткин, после которого уже ничего более не осталось сказать?
Разумеется, Кропоткин не предъявлял такой претензии. В предисловии к изложению совершенно иного понимания грядущей социальной перемены ― к книге «Как мы совершим революцию», написанной Э. Пато и Эмилем Пуже, напечатанной в ноябре 1909 года и переизданной в 1911 году, а в 1920 году вышедшей в русском переводе, в издании «Голоса Труда», Кропоткин высказался о характере и значении социальных предвидений. Он не считал их вредными помехами для свободной самодеятельности народа в день революции. Такое возражение могло бы быть выдвинуто против каждой выдающейся книги по социологии. Он считает полезным показать нам путем таких описаний, как различные системы могли бы действовать. Он считает, что мысль всегда предшествовала осуществлению и напоминает о путях развития воздухоплавания, где цель, по внешности утопическая, была достигнута на деле. Мы должны приучиться не приписывать даже самым лучшим книгам больше значения, чем они в действительности имеют. Книга не есть Евангелие, она содержит только высказывания и предложения, из которых читатель сам должен сделать выбор. У каждого из нас есть своя собственная мечта о будущем. Мы хотим иметь общее представление о революции, а не революционный рецепт. Очертания грядущего общества намечаются для нас в форме равенства, справедливости, независимости и свободного соглашения, и эти формы будут отвечать желаниям\dots{} Такие же соображения заставили меня 30 лет тому назад разработать набросок социальной утопии в «Хлеб и Воля». Теперь Пато и Пуже нарисовали картину синдикальной утопии ― преобразования синдикатов для целей борьбы труда с капиталом в производящие группы, самостоятельно преобразующие производство и распределение. В той же картине они изобразили переход государственных и муниципальных функций в руки промышленных, коммунальных и кооперативных групп.
Кропоткин возражает, что всё это ещё не есть анархизм, но одобряет широту взглядов и терпимость авторов по отношению к взглядам иным, чем их собственные.
Эти замечания, изложенные здесь вкратце и без попытки исчерпать вопрос, основаны на письме Кропоткина к Пуже. Последний получил от Кропоткина разрешение напечатать это письмо в качестве предисловия к своей книге, при чем Кропоткин придал своему изложению более точную форму. Предложения синдикалистов о том, чтобы использовать нынешнюю общественную организацию в качестве основы для будущего общества ― не новая идея. Эта мысль была уже предложена бельгийскому Интернационалу в 1896 году и безоговорочно принята испанским интернационалом в 1870 году. Она сохранялась в качестве излюбленной догмы до 1888 года, но именно эти идеи найдены были слишком застойными и отвергнуты были коммунистами-анархистами в 1876 и 1880 годах.
Кропоткин знал об этом и совсем не стоял за старую идею, но, как мы уже видели, он допускал существование разных типов социального предвидения и свое собственное понимание будущего назвал «Завоеванием Хлеба» ― «очерком социальной утопии». Именно это я и хочу установить: это одна из социальных утопий, одна из прекраснейших утопий, но это не единственная такая утопия и не следует думать, что только эта утопия правильна.
В таком понимании мы можем наслаждаться каждой мыслью Кропоткина и оказывать ей величайшее внимание, если она действует на наши чувства. При таком понимании значения постоянных и лучших доктрин анархизма я могу сказать: Кропоткин был человек велик, но анархизм ещё более велик. Анархизм существовал до Кропоткина, он живет и развивается во многих формах и после Кропоткина.
Мне кажется, что предыдущее поколение анархистов, например, Бакунин, а также Малатеста, выросший с ними, вдохновлялись духом 1841 года, духом всемирной революции и братства. Кропоткин находился под влиянием прежде всего европейских войн 60 и 70-х годов и Парижской Коммуны 71 года. Войны были антисоциальным явлением, а Коммуна была трагедией безнадежно защищаемого дела. Осада Парижа выдвинула на первый план вопрос о продовольствии осажденного города.
Такая же проблема встала бы, в случае социалистического восстания в Англии, где снабжение продовольствием зависит от морских перевозок. Всё это создало серьезное, даже ужасное положение.
«Мы, немногие, выступали против всего мира». При таких положениях только мощное развитие всех местных ресурсов может помочь, поскольку помощь здесь вообще возможна. Люди 1848 года видели, как великая новая идея переходила из страны в страну, подобно лесному пожару, но люди 1871 года видели вокруг себя только врагов и умирающих друзей. Первый период был периодом революционного прилива, а второй ― периодом контрреволюционного отлива.
Бакунин, оставшись один, возобновил борьбу против царя. Дон Кихот, как он сам себя назвал, истинный человек 1848 года, как мы должны его называть. Кропоткин был уже свидетелем жестоких форм этой борьбы, исхода которой не могли решить энтузиасты «хождения в народ».
Террор убил царя, убил также всех террористов. Он оказался неспособным помешать тирании длиться ещё долгие годы, вплоть до 1905 и 1917 г. г. Все это породило в душе Кропоткина, при всем его оптимизме и душевной бодрости, очень горькое и болезненное жизнеощущение.
Он правильно предвидел уже в 1914 году, что при таком положении на долю народов Европы выпадут жестокие страдания и реакция. Он находил утешение в том, что отдавался самой интенсивной работе в местных организациях, в децентрализации и в духе солидарности, который обычно, всего сильнее бывает в местных организациях. На этот дух солидарности он и возлагал надежды, считая, что именно он проделает все эти чудеса немедленного создания коммунистического порядка, интенсивной местной агрикультуры и местной добровольной работы во всех областях прогресса. Он потерял надежду на всеобщность борьбы и уверовал в древнейшую форму связи между людьми, в связь между дружественно настроенными соседями?
Был ли он прав? При нынешнем положении вещей именно эти местные связи слишком часто разрываются, и гораздо более прочные отношения связывают людей одинаковых взглядов и интересов на огромных пространствах и в разных странах. На это и возлагают свои надежды многие. Годы 1880–1930 лежат теперь перед нами, как позднейший период истории. Мы были свидетелями событий этих лет и начинаем понимать работу его внутренних движущих сил, благодаря обилию источников для изучения этого периода. Была ли идея Коммуны важным фактором в социальных чаяниях? Я думаю, что нет.
Государство, мягкое и пассивное, в течение либерального периода до 1870 года, чудовищно выросло после него, а идея самоуправления пошла на примирение с государством. Местные и центральные власти поделили между собою сферы авторитарного управления. Это был период колониальных завоеваний, империализма. Этот дух преобладал также в малых единицах, например, местные, муниципалитеты Лондона превратились в «великий Лондон», в территорию муниципального совета лондонского округа 1889 года. Маленькие национальности стремились стать национальными государствами и получили самостоятельное государственное бытие после войны в 1918 и следующих годах.
Эти государства стали насаждать местную промышленность не в идиллическом гармоничном духе кропоткинской «промышленной деревни», самодовлеющей и дружественной по отношению к своим соседям, а в качестве средств увеличения своей государственной власти с целью дальнейшего роста и завоевания власти над своими более слабыми соседями и соперниками.
Децентрализация, таким образом, создала нечто противоположное солидарности и умножила причины трении и напряженности. Надежды на улучшение заключаются в восстановлении солидарности, в федерации более крупных единиц, в разрушении новых местных барьеров и ограничении, в коллективном контроле недр земного шара, естественных богатств и других преимуществ.
Хотя возможно механически выращивать зерно и фрукты в оранжереях, при искусственном свете и тепле, даже и в наиболее бесплодных северных районах, однако, это способ, к которому могут обращаться поневоле только люди, отрезанные от всего остального мира. Этот способ требовал бы много методических усилий и предполагал бы существование очень странного мира, подразделенного на много районов, еще более отчужденных друг от друга, чем современные европейские государства.
В этих районах люди работали бы в очень различных условиях природы, климата. Общим для всех было бы состояние неравенства, которое привело бы к соответствующему напряженному и враждебному настроению и никогда не создало бы ничего, приближающегося к анархизму. Боюсь, что предвидение Кропоткина не отвечало подлинному духу и тенденциям периода 1880–1930 годов, который еще продолжается. Социалистический дух стремился к универсальности и солидарности до тех пор, пока не был преодолен националистическими интересами в социализме, порожденными районным, парламентарным, избирательным и тред-юнионным социализмом каждой страны. Анархизм, единственный защитник солидарности всего человечества, также стал терять интерес к нему, устремившись к индустриально-деревенской атомизации человечества, проповедуемой Кропоткиным.
Элизе Реклю, всю свою жизнь стоявший за анархический коммунизм, никогда не пытался идти в направлении, взятом Кропоткиным, как не делал этого и Малатеста, да, в сущности, и никто, за исключением очень многочисленных, безоговорочных и нерассуждавших сторонников Кропоткина, которые считали анархизм воплотившимся в его учении.
Мерлино был первым, открыто выступившим с критикой этого учения в ноябре 1893 г., но его арест в Италии в январе 1894 положил конец его анархической пропаганде. Присматриваясь ближе к старым изданиям, можно заметить, что особые идеи Кропоткина, перечисленные выше, редко осуждались, редко подвергались сомнению, но зато и редко полностью принимались независимыми писателями. В самом деле, все, что он говорил, всегда бывало связано со столькими хорошими идеями, что отвержение этих идей всегда воспринималось, как попытка обнаружить их слабые стороны.
Я думаю, что довольно точно изображу действительное положение в следующих словах: многим мнения Кропоткина казались не подлежащими сомнению истинами, а другим представлялось нежелательным поднимать вопросы, чтобы не ослабить огромное влияние, какое оказывали личность, талант и преданность его своему делу. Кроме того, многие думали, что было просто невозможно ожидать, что он изменит свои взгляды под влиянием критики.
Все это создало в конце 80-х годов период передышки в анархическом движении. Эта передышка не была повсеместной, но охватила значительную площадь нашей деятельности. Несогласные элементы почувствовали себя вне движения, ожесточились и стали подчеркивать пункты разногласий, так как лишь в редких случаях к ним протягивалась дружеская рука.
Коллективистический анархизм, как он представлен был тогда многими членами старой испанской организации, английскими анархистами, вроде фракции старых членов социалистической лиги 80-х годов, Иоганном Мостом и его товарищами в германском движении в Лондоне и Соединенных Штатах в 80-х годах, Густавом Ландауером и другими в новом германском движении начала 90-х годов, ― был безжалостно отметен в сторону коммунистами-анархистами, которые считали своим долгом вывести из употребления то, что они считали устаревшей верой.
Та же самая атака по всей линии была направлена против остатков организации. На другом фланге анархизма были выдвинуты индивидуалистические требования на коммунистической основе ― и отвергнуты. Здесь также методы борьбы выдвинулись на первый план за пределы линий морали, начертанных коммунистами-анархистами. Отсюда возникла жестокая полемика: здесь Мерлино и Кропоткин стояли плечом к плечу, тогда как Элизе Реклю и Поль Реклю выдвинули более широкое понимание задачи. Короче, в то время, как все эти оттенки анархических взглядов могли бы образовать широкий и разнообразный фронт, на самом деле, получилось дробление на множество враждующих фракций, считавших необходимым опровергать точку зрения всех других фракций.
По причине этих расколов первомайское движение оказалось совершенно бессильным во Франции после 1890 года, но оно было внушительным, благодаря генеральной стачке в испанской Каталонии (1890, 1891) и попыткам сотрудничества анархистов и революционных социалистов в Италии (1891).
Акты насилия и покушения на частную собственность во Франции имели двоякое происхождение ― деятельность искренно убежденных экспроприаторов, в роде Дюваля (1885), Пини (1887-1889) и других, и месть за полицейские и судебные жестокости, за дурное обращение с заключенными, ссылки, казнь человека, который никого не убил (Вальян) и тому подобные действия властей, вызвавшие ожесточение и жажду мести (1891–1894).
Это относится также к таким актам в Испании, которые возникли под влиянием казни херецких рабочих, истязаний первых заключенных в тюрьме Монтжуих и т. п. (1893–1896). Подобным же образом и режим Криспи в Италии своими жестокими репрессиями вызвал несколько попыток мести, например, после кровавых репрессий в результате Миланского восстания 1898 г., монтжуихских пыток 1896-7 г. г. и других актов жестокости. То же относится к целому ряду покушений в Германии и Австрии (1882–83), за исключением очень немногих случаев убийств, совершенных по инициативе отдельных лиц в 1882 и 1883 г. г. Все покушения анархистов могут быть отнесены именно на счет таких причин ― возмущение против жестокости в большинстве случаев, действия же в связи с индивидуальными экспроприациями ― только в немногих случаях.
Среди народных движений некоторые выделяются своими значительными размерами ― бельгийские бунты осенью 1886 г., великое социальное брожение по всей Италии, особенно в Сицилии зимой 1893-4 г. г., движение херецких рабочих в январе 1892 г., хлебные бунты от Фогии до Милана весной 1898 г., бунты лондонских безработных в феврале 1886 г. Упомяну также большую политическую генеральную стачку в Бельгии в 1893 г. и генеральную стачку в Барселоне в 1902 г., затем «красные недели» в Барселоне в июле 1909 г. (предлог для судебного убийства Франциска Феррера) и в Анконе, а также в городах Романьи в июне 1914 г., где Малатеста опять выступал в роли бойца.
Имели место также огромные стачки, вроде стачки лондонских грузчиков в 1889 г., и много затяжных стачек во Франции, руководимых синдикалистами. Во всех этих трудных испытаниях анархисты и анархисты-синдикалисты внесли свою долю усилий, опасностей, лишений и потерь, но все это не привело к подлинному, широкому революционному движению. Чем дальше, тем больше социалисты и их реформистские рабочие организации оказывались решающим фактором. Этим объяснялся недостаток широкой поддержки и бесплодность многих начинаний, вызывавших большие надежды. Это влияние политического социализма и рабочего реформизма начинается с конца восьмидесятых годов, когда анархисты, настаивая на ненужности организаций, на самом полном осуществлении свободного коммунизма и применении исключительно революционных методов, установили такую степень ригоризма, которая была недоступна и непонятна средним передовым рабочим, как раз в то время, около 1890 г., переживавшим острое недовольство и социально самоопределявшимся.
Плоды этого были пожаты и использованы политическими социалистами. Только тогда, как это показали английские забастовки 1889 г. и знаменитое первомайское выступление 1890 г., рабочие большей части Европы пришли в состояние небывалого возбуждения, стали выходить на демонстрации невиданными ранее массами и в самых захолустных местностях.
Но как раз в то время, как я уже сказал, анархисты меньше всего имели связей с этим движением (кроме Испании), а политические социалисты, ― чьи два международных конгресса в Париже в 1889 г. оказались такими недоносками, ― монополизировали и использовали настроения и интересы рабочих.
Но они зашли слишком далеко и вызвали протест в своих собственных рядах. Так называемые «независимые» (левое крыло) социалисты появились в Германии, Голландии и в Дании в то время как во Франции наиболее рабочая фракция политических социалистов, аллеманисты и многие синдикаты, отвернулись от своих политических лидеров и создали антипарламентарное и чисто социалистическое течение.
Лучшие элементы покинули политические партии в начале 90-х годов. Сначала они подчеркнули свою преданность революционной социал-демократии и бескомпромиссному марксизму, но Энгельс, полностью стоявший на стороне крупнейших вождей, высказался против позиции отколовшихся. Эти группы отколовшихся представлены в Голландии Ф. Домелой Ньювенгаусом и Хр. Корнелиссеном, в Германии ― Вильгельмом Вернером, Паулем Кампфмеером, Густавом Ландауером и другими, во Франции ― Фернандом Пеллутье, анархистом, деятельно ведущим работу в синдикатах при помощи решительных людей, выходцев из всех социалистических фракций, вырвавших организованных рабочих из лап парламентских лидеров, воображавших себя их прирожденными господами.
Италия была вне этого хода событий. Там свободные и энергичные анархисты типа Пиетро Гори и Луиджи Галлеани, присоединили лучших из социалистов к анархизму. Затем наступили годы реакции (1894–1896), а позднее, в 1897 г., Малатеста, вернувшись в Италию, снова убедил анархистов повсюду вести совместную прямую пропаганду. Снова возникли хлебные бунты периода 1898 года и пришли годы репрессий, пока Бреши не совершил цареубийство, после чего летом 1900 года, были восстановлены более нормальные условия. Пропаганда развивалась до 1914 года, когда «красная неделя» в Романье, а вскоре после того ― кампания социалистов-интернациолистов в пользу войны не создала новое положение.
В Голландии либеральный социализм, как назвал его Ф. Д. Ньювенгаус, или революционный коммунизм, как предпочитал именовать его Корнелиссен, стал делать реальные успехи, хотя социал-демократы основывали свои организации повсеместно рядом с организациями анархистов. Несколько лет спустя, в Швеции также появился так называемый «молодой социализм», обязанный своим возникновением главным образом работе синдикалистов. Он стал распространяться и пускать корни, жить своей независимой жизнью и процветать. Такое же движение стало развиваться в Норвегии, но в значительно меньшем масштабе, и когда в 1889 году в Дании возникла оппозиция, это движение умерло.
В Германии независимые разделились на революционных социал-демократов, постепенно втягивавшихся обратно в старую партию, и на независимых анархистов, среди которых пользовались влиянием идеи Дюринга о коллективистическом анархизме и их собственные независимые взгляды. Самым замечательным представителем их был Густав Ландауер. Из независимых же образовалась группа коммунистов-анархистов, вроде Бернгарда Кампфмеера, который был пламенным сторонником идей Кропоткина, изложенных в книге «Хлеб и Воля».
В течение нескольких лет продолжалось сотрудничество двух последних групп, представленных берлинским «Социалистом», издававшимся Ландауером, но в 1897 году коммунисты-анархисты пошли своим собственным путем, а Ландауер ― своим. Этот путь привел Ландауера близко к Прудону и заставил его заинтересоваться в непосредственных анархических достижениях (в жизни, поведении и работе), как это показывает создание им в 1908 году Социалистического Союза, его новые статьи в «Социалисте» (1909–1915), его немецкая книга «Призыв к социализму» (1911) и т. д.
Это была попытка совершенно независимого либертарного мыслителя. Такою же независимостью отличалась деятельность Вильяма Морриса в Лондоне в течение периода 1883–1890 годов его жизни, особенно в Социалистической Лиге (1885–1890). Об этом свидетельствуют «Коммонвил», его знаменитая утопия «Вести Ниоткуда» и много других произведений того периода. Оба они, Моррис и Ландауер, очень хорошо знали Кропоткина и его взгляды, но ни один из них не разделял его надежд на немедленное самопроизвольное рождение коммунистического анархизма, которое Кропоткин считал возможным и желательным и в защиту которого он горячо выступал, а многие из его сторонников надеялись даже увидеть еще при жизни. Оба они, Моррис и Ландауер, считали такую моральную и интеллигентную подготовку необходимой для того, чтобы такие идеи могли осуществиться и получить прочное существование. Таково также было и осталось мнение Малатесты, которое, я думаю, разделяется и всеми серьезными современными анархистами.
Итак, в Германии Ландауер и его друзья пошли своим путем, а коммунисты-анархисты ― своим. Но постепенно независимые и чисто социалистические синдикаты объединились в Германии в группу, организованную Фрицом Катером и другими. Эта группа, сочувствующая французскому, революционному социализму, после войны познакомилась, главным образом, благодаря Рудольфу Рокеру, с анархизмом, и с тех пор стала содействовать распространению анархизма в своих рядах путем многих изданий, рекомендовавших историческое и теоретическое изучение анархизма. В качестве горячих поклонников личности Кропоткина, они издали много его произведений, но не были такими безусловными сторонниками идей «Хлеба и Воли», как германские коммунисты-анархисты. Они перевели утопию Пуже, изданную в 1909 году, и упомянутую выше, и она лучше всего отвечала их программе, их чаяниям и надеждам.
Во Франции период 1886–1894 годов был временем появления разнообразнейшей массы анархистов и сочувствующих, активистов, пропагандистов и писателей, среди которой было много интеллектуальной и артистической молодежи, поэтов и артистов. Эти группы оказывали косвенное влияние на тех рабочих, которые уже отворачивались от политического социализма и становились в сторону синдикализма.
Но период покушений, годы 1892–94 причинили много потерь вследствие казни, ссылок на каторгу, осуждений в тюрьму и изгнаний. Потерь было так много, что летом 1894 года, после смерти Карно от руки молодого итальянского пекаря Санте Казерио, после исключительных законов, наступил период истощения сил.
Хотя полное уничтожение движения (путем задуманных высылок в Африку) было предотвращено, благодаря оправдательным приговорам на большом процессе 30-ти, все же оставалось сознание, что все эти события не подняли народ на выступления.
Зимою 1894–95 изгнанники, находившиеся в Лондоне, собрались для обсуждения нового положения. Некоторые из них, в том числе Эмиль Пуже, редактор очень популярной анархической газеты в Париже «Le Pere Peinard» (1889–94) стояли за вознобновление работы среди синдикалистов, где Фернард Пеллутье, сам бывший анархист, подготовил для них доброжелательный прием.
Однако, другие синдикалисты, пришедшие из рядов политических социалистов и бланкистов, также присоединились и стали влиятельными. Таким путем неизбежно наступил момент, когда, при всем большом таланте, энергии и воле Пуже и других анархистов, работавших в Генеральной Конфедерации Труда, они оказались менее способными работать для анархизма среди синдикалистов, чем они рассчитывали и чем принято было думать.
Это привело к суровым суждениям о синдикализме со стороны многих анархистов, когда первые радости работы в массовых организациях поблекли. Разумеется, прежде существовали и чисто анархические синдикаты, вроде синдиката столяров. В синдикатах, куда входили рабочие одной и той же специальности, но различных социалистических взглядов, естественно, люди выдвигались благодаря своим личным качествам и трудолюбию. Таких работоспособных людей с течением времени создалась целая группа, и они отличались друг от друга не менее, чем члены какого-нибудь парламента. Здесь была рабочая дипломатия и рабочий парламент скорее, чем организация, воодушевленная подлинно революционной волей.
Джемс Гильом, из Юрской Федерации, вернулся к работе в 1903 или 1904 году и посвятил все свои силы и знания работе среди синдикалистов, а также поднял деятельность синдикалистов в разных частях Швейцарии. Но застойный характер французского синдикализма становился всё более очевидным и был подвергнут критике Луиджи Бертони, более 30 лет состоявшим редактором женевских газет «Reveil» и «Risveglio», также доктором Пьеро, в настоящее время состоящим издателем «Plus loin» (Париж), затем в брошюрах, которые издавал Жан Грав и которые были продолжением старого «Revolte» 1879 г., и многими другими.
В течение всех этих лет анархисты имели свои собственные газеты «Temps Nouveaux,» «Libertaire,» «L’anarchie.» Произведения индивидуалистов печатались под редакцией Э. Арман, но перемена, происшедшая вскоре после дела Дрейфуса, была одной из причин, почему прежнее преобладающее влияние их движения, существовавшее с 1892 до 1894 года, никогда уже более не возрождалось.
Элизе Реклю, которого вынудили жить в Брюсселе после 1894 года и который умер в 1905 году, оставил по себе большой пробел в движении, а влияние Кропоткина, за время его долгого отсутствия, стало ослабевать. В анархической литературе было больше рутины и повторений, чем оригинальности в течение всего периода до 1914 года, и писатели уже предчувствовали катастрофический перерыв в свободной интеллектуальной жизни.
Что касается Англии, то слабые силы остатков Социалистической Лиги и группы «Фридом», организованной в 1886 году Кропоткиным, доктором Мерлино и английскими товарищами, объединились в 1895 году, но постоянная мирная пропаганда, вплоть до 1914 года, имела очень узкие границы в смысле силы и распространения, хотя ежемесячная газета «Фридом» выходила непрерывно (1886–1927).
Кропоткин оказал ей некоторую помощь, но он постепенно все более уходил в свою русскую работу, в русские газеты анархистов-коммунистов группы «Хлеб и Воля», в работу и исследования. Он погрузился в изучение Французской Революции и русской революции 1905 года, наглядно изображавшейся перед ним во всех формах благодаря посетителям, письмам и газетам. Анархизм открыто пропагандировался в России в течение некоторого времени, и движение стало постоянным благодаря работе значительного числа активных групп. Мне не приходится здесь объяснять, что в России существовали другие тенденции рядом с тенденцией близких друзей Кропоткина. Среди них нужно отметить Черкезова, Шапиро и Гогелия, и существовали различия во взглядах, главным образом по основным вопросам тактики.
В те годы идеи Л. Н. Толстого находили сторонников по всей Европе и его критика государства, насилия и войны оказывала значительное влияние на общественное мнение. Его голос также умолк в мрачные годы, предшествовавшие войне.
В Соединенных Штатах движение, после Чикагской трагедии 11 ноября 1887 года, прошло через сильную депрессию, только Дайер де Лум, Вильям Холмс, Иоганн Мост, Роберт Райцель (издатель детройтского «Arme Teufel») и некоторые другие остались верными. Молодая группа, в которой стоял доктор Мерлино, стала издавать в 1892 году «Solidarity» (Нью-Йорк). Итальянская группа, которой также помогал Мерлино, начала выпускать «Grido degli Oppressi», испанские товарищи ещё раньше основали «Despertar». «Freiheit» продолжала выходить. Некоторые другие немецкие газеты, по большей части стоявшие в оппозиции к Мосту, также существовали уже в то время. Эмма Гольдман и Александр Беркман были тогда в оппозиции к Мосту. Беркман лично напал в Питтсбурге на Крика, директора Карнеги, и ударил этого крупнейшего представителя капитала. Это было в дни очень трудной забастовки, привлекшей к себе симпатии рабочих, но не надолго заинтересовавшей инертные массы, давшие повесить чикагских анархистов, подобно тому, как 10Ёлет спустя они позволили казнить на электрическом кресле Сакко и Ванцетти.
Беркман провел в тюрьме несколько ужасных лет, но покинул тюрьму духовно не сломленным и возобновил свою деятельность в одном из главных течений движения, непрерывно развившегося после своего возрождения в 1892 году. Я помню длинный ряд прекрасных газет: «Agitator», «Solidarity», «Firebrand», «Free Society», «Mother Earth», «Discontent» и другие, а также газету индивидуалистов «Liberty» (В. Р. Таккер, 1881–1907). Помню также влияние человечности Уолта Уитмена и его друзей, «Conservator» в Кемдене, Нью-Джерси, газеты о личной и половой свободе, «Lucifer» и другие газеты анархистов ― сторонников единого налога («Twentieth Century»), около 1890 года. Помню их разраставшуюся борьбу за высокие цели. Помню также работу итальянских анархистов на протяжении многих лет, начиная с 1895 года в «Questione Sociale», (временно издававшейся также Малатестой) и «Era Nuova», «Cronaca Sovversiva», «Аврора» (1903–1919) и так далее. Педро Эстев и Луиджи Галлеани были здесь наиболее крупными фигурами.
Но выше всех вершин в области либертарного чувства и художественной красоты стояла Вольтерина де Клейр (1866–1912), впервые вдохновленная чикагской трагедией и идеями Дайера де Лума. Ей принадлежит незабываемая заслуга в том смысле, что в своей лекции об анархизме, прочитанной в Филадельфии в 1902 году, она выступила в защиту равенства всех направлений анархизма. Эта широта ее взглядов объективно ставит ее, по моему мнению, выше даже самых верных и энергичных сторонников единой и единственной доктрины, пренебрежительно относившихся ко всем другим толкованиям.
В Италии очень много молодых и активных элементов выступили на первый план. Из них упомяну Пьетро Гори, Этторе Мулинари, Луиджи Фабри, Паоло Шикки, Эдуарда Милана (последний был немного старше) и т. д. С 1913 года до июня 1924 года Малатеста еще раз организовал широкую кампанию пропаганды, издавал газету «Volonta» (Анкона) и был душою движения в Романьи, которое усилиями реформистов было доведено до поражения.
В Испании, после казни в Монтжуихе, после пыток и высылок заключенных в Африканскую каторгу, после изгнания многих активистов (испанской национальности) в Англию, в 1897 году, в защиту прав человека был организован ряд непрерывных кампаний усилиями Жуана Монтсени (Федерико Уралес), в настоящее время состоящего издателем «Revista Blanca» (Барселона) в Мадриде и своих собственных газет.
Оставшиеся в живых заключенные из Монтжуихской тюрьмы 1896 года, участники бунта в Херене 1892 года и жертвы преследований Мано Негро 1882–83 годов были, наконец, освобождены. Рабочая Федерация (анархическая) была вновь основана в 1899 году, и Барселонская Генеральная стачка 1902 года стала самым крупным событием в жизни труда того времени.
В анархической печати, помимо Ансельмо Лоренцо, всегда на первом плане был также Рикардо Мелло, один из первых прудонистов, в то время бывший убежденным коллективистом. Он был одним из последних, согласившихся воспринять коммунизм, но и после того он продолжал отстаивать равноправие всех подобных экономических концепций и доказывал невозможность предвидеть форму организации людей в будущем обществе. Он настаивал на том, что преждевременно установленные решения экономических вопросов окажутся бременем для будущего. Не было человека, который тверже стоял бы за свои убеждения, чем Мелло, но именно по этой причине он считал необходимым уважать мнения других и требовал такого же уважения к своим собственным убеждениям.
Сильное движение развилось в Аргентинской республике. Его происхождение можно проследить вплоть до 60-х годов. Оно пережило влияния французского, испанского и итальянского социализма и анархизма. Малатеста активно выступал там, также Пьетро Гори, Жозе Прат и много других активистов из Испании. Здесь коллективисты и коммунисты научились, в 80-х годах, жить бок о бок.
Проблема организаций широких масс в новой стране была правильно поставлена на обсуждение ― не сверху, а с низов, с действующих групп, сформировавшихся под влиянием местных условий, вступавших в сношения между собой и сотрудничавших друг с другом, когда к тому представлялся случай. Во многих отношениях Аргентина была той страной, где анархическая пропаганда и деятельность среди рабочих шла рука об руку, ибо многие из тех вопросов, которые всех нас тяготят в Европе, здесь не существовали.
Постепенно авторитарный социализм и здесь стал раскалывать рабочих, влияние иностранных капиталистов стало свирепым. В наши дни, в сентябре 1930 года, благодаря этому влиянию возникла та военная диктатура, которая уничтожила или, лучше сказать, принудила к вынужденному молчанию самое цветущее из современных анархических движений. Такое положение не может долго длиться.
На Кубе, где анархизм, ввезенный из Испании, развивался, начиная с 80-х годов, это движение также подвергается теперь ударам диктатуры Мачадо, как аргентинское движение ― под ударами Урибуры. В довоенные годы наиболее верными выразителями анархизма были люди вроде Малатесты, Ф. Домелы Ньювенгауса, Густава Ландауера, Луиджи Бертони, Луиджи Галлеани, Александра Беркмана, Эммы Гольдман и других, рядом с Кропоткиным, которого плохое состояние здоровья и русские дела удерживали несколько вдали от активной работы. Были также анархисты, целиком слившиеся с синдикалистами и потерявшие веру в прямую анархическую борьбу и интерес к ней. Таковы были Эмиль Пуже, Джеймс Гильом, а также Хр. Корнелиссен, который никогда не имел такой веры, но готов был придти к соглашению и действовать вместе с революционными коммунистами и коммунистами-анархистами. Были также молодые образованные анархические мыслители, главным образом во Франции и Италии, от которых можно было ожидать некоторого содействия подлинному прогрессу в области идей.
Однако, нельзя пройти молчанием тот факт, что ни один из всех этих талантов не подал сигнала тревоги против двух тенденций в общем анархическом движении ― против рутины и специализации. Рутина была здесь налицо в том смысле, что теперь мы имели несколько превосходных книг, много хороших брошюр, жизнеспособные газеты с постоянными редакторами и регулярно платившими подписчиками, хорошими ораторами, устраивали иногда конгрессы и даже, после Конгресса 1907 года в Амстердаме, ― организовали Анархический Интернационал.
Это удовлетворяло многих, и такое положение сохранялось автоматически из недели в неделю, из года в год. Это была жизнь в спокойствии и удовлетворении, которые годились бы для консервативной партии, но не могли иметь большого значения для анархизма, для живой идеи, которая никогда не может успокоиться на лаврах прошлого, на результатах, описанных в старых книгах или на резолюциях минувших конгрессов.
Слишком мало оставалось дела, и это создало специализации ― антисиндикализм, антимарксизм, антимилитаризм, неомальтузианство и сексуализм, натуризм, самый крайний индивидуализм, экспроприационизм и жизнь за пределами общества, уединение в вегетарианских и других маленьких колониях и проч.
Одним словом, возникло множество специальностей, поглотивших тех, кто ими интересовался, и лишивших широкое движение их содействия. Другим источником смуты было то, что эти люди стремились внести свои специальные интересы в широкое движение. Коротко говоря, все эти виды деятельности, среди которых были превосходные формы движения, создали видимость того, что все очень заняты в нашей среде. А между тем, мы мало заботились о подлинных задачах этого периода, когда война 1914 года, наряду с технической подготовкой, подготовлялась также идейно тысячами открытых и скрытых путей.
Налицо был также возродившийся культ национализма, порождение ложного и грубого индивидуализма и преклонения перед энергией, постоянного усиления вражды и предрассудков среди больших народов, смеси различных социалистических взглядов с хорошими и плохими качествами наций, как будто каждый француз был либертером, а каждый немец ― сторонником авторитарного начала.
Свободомыслие подрывалось философией Бергсона, подготовкой фашизма произведениями Маринетти в искусстве (футуризм) и Жоржа Сореля в социальной политике, ― этого человека, который оскорбил казненного Франциско Феррера. Анархисты недооценили всего этого, отметая все в сторону с презрением или не замечая этих тенденций. Они считали, что все эти явления их не касаются. Можно сказать, что они систематически подвергались влиянию господствовавших в Европе идейных течений и морально отравлялись ими в течение десятилетия, предшествовавшего войне.
Как раз в это время, после обратившего на себя внимание всего мира разоблачения милитаризма, благодаря делу Дрейфуса, после разоблачения империализма в результате жестокого и вероломного сокрушения южно-африканских республик властью британских капиталистов, началась борьба в огромном масштабе между властью, пойманной на месте преступления, и человечеством. Власть, под влиянием угрозы, стала искать спасения в войне, когда все лучшие элементы человечества начали презирать власть.
Для свободы приблизился тогда час, когда можно было принять вызов и повести борьбу в крупном масштабе с большим шансом на успех, ибо люди были действительно морально возмущены против власти в те годы с 1898 до 1901, когда они каждый день убеждались в том, что власть может жить только жестокостью и преступлением.
Но этого не случилось по настоящему, а наоборот: после того, как маленькие бурские республики были задушены, большие государства стали выказывать свои симпатии к маленьким европейским народам, сообразно со своими особыми интересами и военной политикой. Некоторые анархисты увидели в этом тенденцию к децентрализации и федерализму и были совершенно счастливы.
Всеми путями человечество подвергалось тогда одурачению. Государственная власть и милитаризм, столь опозоренные несколько лет тому назад, были реабилитированы. Национализм с жестокой уверенностью и твердостью подавил интернационализм. Например, трения среди французских синдикалистов, руководимых Жуо, и немецкими реформистами-синдикалистами, руководимыми Легиеном, едва ли были менее острыми, чем вражда между французскими и немецкими правительствами.
Война считалась роковой неизбежностью даже среди анархистов, вроде Кропоткина. До последнего момента ее рассматривали здесь, как глупость и преступное безумие. Затея казалась до такой степени нелепой, что ее считали невероятной и даже невозможной. Так смотрел на дело, между прочим Малатеста. Войну считали также чисто буржуазным делом, не представлявшим никакого интереса для социалистов и анархистов, как будто могут быть специально буржуазные землетрясения, буржуазные эпидемии и тому подобное, безопасные для рабочих.
Так произошло то, что несмотря на всю напряженность международных отношений, ― как раз в августе 1914 года, когда началась война, международный социалистический конгресс (моральным главою которого был бы Жорес, подло убитый 31-го июля) имел состояться в Вене, а интернациональный Анархический конгресс имел быть в Лондоне.
Эти две даты являются осязаемыми доказательствами того, как далеки были от действительности и социалисты, и анархисты в решительные часы надвигавшейся мировой катастрофы.
Я не могу войти здесь в подробное обсуждение этого рокового довоенного периода 1901–1914 г. г. Приведенный выше очерк может объяснить, почему я думаю, что мы, анархисты, все без исключения, не стояли на высоте задачи, лежавшей тогда на нас. Мы должны были понимать, что наше дело может прогрессировать лишь в либеральном, гуманитарном мире, способном развивать здоровые и полноценные элементы, которые могли бы расширить и укрепить наши слабые ряды, ― а не в мире, отравленном реакцией, огрубевшем и гниющем, каким мир представляется сейчас, после возрождения авторитарной власти в 1931 году.
Война застала нас совершенно неподготовленными. Каждый оказался предоставленным самому себе и должен был действовать так, как он думал и делал в течение многих лет до войны. Кропоткин и его друзья поступили так, как говорили и писали и как они думали в течение многих лет. Малатеста оставался подлинным интернационалистом, каким он всегда был с 1871 года. Также поступили Себастьян Фор во Франции, Бертони в Швейцарии, Луиджи Галлеани и Эстев в Соединенных Штатах, Лоренцо в Испании, Ландауер в Германии, Ньювенгаус в Голландии, Эмма Гольдман и Беркман в Соединенных Штатах, Томас Килл в Англии, а также русские и другие товарищи во многих странах.
Позднее победа большевиков опять внесла раскол в анархическое движение. Одни из анархистов соблазнились, а другие сохранили ясность мысли. Потом пришли годы очень близких, по-видимому, возможностей для анархистов в Италии (1919–1921) и в Испании (приблизительно в тот же период и немного позднее).
В обоих случаях это было положение, когда сотни тысяч людей можно было побудить к действию, а миллионы других, руководимых политическими социалистами, остались пассивными, прошли мимо этой возможности действовать и, таким образом, дали возможность возникнуть самой грубой диктатуре ― Муссолини и итальянскому фашизму, а также испанской Директории, возглавлявшейся генералом Примо де Ривера. И до сих пор еще цепи, которыми скована Италия, держат в неволе великую и свободомыслящую нацию.
Привели ли все эти события анархистов к пониманию того, что, быть может, традиция и рутина не могут освободить от необходимости постоянного исследования, новой творческой работы, которая должна привести нас в соприкосновение с событиями этого жестокого и авторитарного века, так страшно отличающегося от либерального XIX века, от радикального столетия, когда наши идеи росли и распространялись? Мы не можем исправить это положение, открыв доступ для авторитарного духа и позволив ему проникнуть в наши ряды, как это делают платформисты и им подобные. Мы можем улучшить положение, по моему мнению, только путем возобновления связей с еще не пробудившимися, а также с распыленными и отошедшими в сторону либеральными и гуманитарными резервами человечества.
Эти резервы существуют, они стонут под ударами этого жестокого, механизированного, огрубевшего века. Они все же могли бы восстать и придать либеральный поворот так же и этому веку, как это сделали их предки 100 лет тому назад. Ведя борьбу при Робеспьере, при Наполеоне и в эпоху клерикальной реакции с 1792 до 1813 года, они дали XIX веку период с 1830 до 1901 года.
Теперь, как и тогда, радикальное движение должно стать универсальным. Анархический мир не должен унизить свое достоинство, если анархисты хотят быть в первых рядах движения, подобно Прудону, Бакунину и Реклю в их времена. Отравленная атмосфера должна быть освежена чистым воздухом, иначе анархизм не сможет развиваться, когда все вокруг него гибнет.
В этом направлении, как мне кажется, перед нами много работы. Мы не сможем отстоять свои позиции и развиваться, если будем придерживаться рутины. Как ни люблю я изучать и записывать историю нашего движения, все же я делаю это не для того, чтобы видеть повторение старого, а для того, чтобы дать толчок движению вперед от прошлого.
Меньше всего может либертарное понимание искать отдыха в какой бы то ни было момент движения и представлять себе, что оно достигло последней степени совершенства. Много хорошей работы сделано в прошлом. Я пытался набросать здесь историю этой работы, но еще много такой же работы лежит впереди. Движение подает надежды, оно идет в правильном направлении, но оно не должно топтаться на месте, как оно это делает, ― по крайней мере, так мне кажется, ― в настоящее время.
% begin final page
\clearpage
% if we are on an odd page, add another one, otherwise when imposing
% the page would be odd on an even one.
\ifthispageodd{\strut\thispagestyle{empty}\clearpage}{}
% new page for the colophon
\thispagestyle{empty}
\begin{center}
Библиотека Анархизма
\smallskip
Антикопирайт
\bigskip
\includegraphics[width=0.25\textwidth]{logo-en}
\bigskip
\end{center}
\strut
\vfill
\begin{center}
Макс Неттлау
Очерки по истории анархических идей
1931
\bigskip
Сохранено 23 октября 2012 года из \href{http://flibusta.net/b/223384/read}{flibusta.net}
Опубликовано в одноименном сборнике 1951г., Детройт
\bigskip
\textbf{ru.theanarchistlibrary.org}
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https://grosskurth.ca/bib/1992/singleton.tex | grosskurth.ca | CC-MAIN-2021-39 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-39/segments/1631780056752.16/warc/CC-MAIN-20210919065755-20210919095755-00421.warc.gz | 336,578,977 | 1,340 | \bib{1992/singleton}
\yr 1992
\by Paul Singleton
\by Pearl Brereton
\paper Building software by deduction: why and how
\paperinfo Technical Report TR92-17
\publ Deptartment of Computer Science, Keele University
\url http://grosskurth.ca/\allowbreak bib/\allowbreak entries.html#\allowbreak 1992/\allowbreak singleton
\endref
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https://ctan.math.washington.edu/tex-archive/info/examples/PSTricks_6_de/15-02-5.ltx | washington.edu | CC-MAIN-2022-27 | text/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-27/segments/1656103341778.23/warc/CC-MAIN-20220627195131-20220627225131-00163.warc.gz | 246,684,171 | 1,067 | %%
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%%
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http://pj.freefaculty.org/guides/stat/Descriptive/DescriptiveTables/output/mm.sumry3.tex | freefaculty.org | CC-MAIN-2019-13 | application/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-13/segments/1552912202628.42/warc/CC-MAIN-20190322034516-20190322060516-00386.warc.gz | 162,698,862 | 894 | % latex table generated in R 3.5.1 by xtable 1.8-2 package
% Tue Sep 11 14:12:40 2018
\begin{table}[H]
\centering
\caption{xtable output from model.matrix output}
\label{tab:sumry3}
\begin{tabular}{rrr}
\hline
& mean & sd \\
\hline
(Intercept) & 1.0000 & 0.0000 \\
ses & 0.0001 & 0.7794 \\
size & 1056.8618 & 604.1725 \\
sectorCatholic & 0.4931 & 0.5000 \\
genderFemale & 0.5282 & 0.4992 \\
ethnicityNon-white & 0.2747 & 0.4464 \\
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https://www.zentralblatt-math.org/matheduc/en/?id=59406&type=tex | zentralblatt-math.org | CC-MAIN-2019-35 | text/plain | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-35/segments/1566027313936.42/warc/CC-MAIN-20190818145013-20190818171013-00201.warc.gz | 1,052,650,169 | 1,323 | \input zb-basic
\input zb-matheduc
\iteman{ZMATH 2004a.00275}
\itemau{Kuntze, Sebastian}
\itemti{How do teachers let their students take part in proving in geometry teaching? First results of the evaluation of video-taped lessons. (Wie beteiligen Lehrer ihre Sch\"uler an Beweisen im Geometrieunterricht? Erste Ergebnisse einer Auswertung videografierter Unterrichtsstunden.)}
\itemso{Henn, Hans Wolfgang, Beitr\"age zum Mathematikunterricht 2003. Vortr\"age. Franzbecker, Hildesheim (ISBN 3-88120-354-0). 373-376 (2003).}
\itemab
Wie beteiligen Lehrer ihre Sch\"uler an Beweisen im Geometrieunterricht? Auf der Basis einer empirischen Auswertung videografierter Unterrichtsstunden werden Aspekte dieses Fragenkomplexes untersucht. Die Daten, die auf einer Serie von Unterrichtsvideos aus der 8. Jahrgangsstufe des Gymnasiums basieren, legen Zeugnis ab vom problematischen Verh\"altnis zwischen praktizierten Formen fragend-entwickelnden Vorgehens und dem Lerninhalt "Beweisen in der Geometrie".
\itemrv{~}
\itemcc{D43 C73 E53 G43}
\itemut{}
\itemli{}
\end |
http://dlmf.nist.gov/2.10.E34.tex | nist.gov | CC-MAIN-2017-17 | application/x-tex | null | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-17/segments/1492917120092.26/warc/CC-MAIN-20170423031200-00277-ip-10-145-167-34.ec2.internal.warc.gz | 109,598,880 | 648 | \[g(z)=e^{-\pi i/4}(2\mathop{\sin\/}\nolimits\alpha)^{-1/2}\left(e^{-i\alpha}-z%
\right)^{-1/2}+e^{\pi i/4}(2\mathop{\sin\/}\nolimits\alpha)^{-1/2}\left(e^{i%
\alpha}-z\right)^{-1/2}.\] |
http://ftp.rrzn.uni-hannover.de/tex-archive/info/biblio/printing-history.ltx | uni-hannover.de | CC-MAIN-2021-49 | text/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-49/segments/1637964358953.29/warc/CC-MAIN-20211130050047-20211130080047-00175.warc.gz | 29,680,343 | 1,678 | %%% -*-LaTeX-*-
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Nelson H. F. Beebe\\
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https://git.bettercrypto.org/ach-master.git/blob_plain/46b7a570966bc389c3a09848eb4625a7383cb500:/src/acknowledgements.tex | bettercrypto.org | CC-MAIN-2022-33 | text/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-33/segments/1659882571222.74/warc/CC-MAIN-20220810222056-20220811012056-00275.warc.gz | 259,763,860 | 1,400 | \newpage
\section*{Acknowledgements}
\label{section:Reviewers}
We would like to express our thanks to the following reviewers and people who have generously offered their time and interest (in alphabetical order):
\begin{multicols}{2}{\parskip=0pt\centering\obeylines%
Brown, Scott \\
Brulebois, Cyril \\
Dirksen-Thedens, Mathis \\
Dulaunoy, Alexandre \\
G\"uhring Philipp \\
Grigg, Ian \\
Horenbeck, Maarten \\
Huebl, Axel \\
Kovacic, Daniel \\
Lenzhofer, Stefan \\
Lor\"unser, Thomas \\
Millauer, Tobias \\
O'Brien, Hugh \\
Pacher, Christoph \\
Palfrader, Peter \\
Pape, Tobias (layout) \\
Petukhova, Anna (Logo) \\
Pichler, Patrick \\
Roeckx, Kurt \\
Seidl, Eva (PDF layout) \\
Wagner, Sebastian (``sebix'') \\
Zangerl, Alexander \\
}\end{multicols}
%% *@[email protected] --> AKA
%% devops mailing lists --> Pepi, Azet
%% cryptography liste (at release time) --> Azet
The reviewers did review parts of the document in their area of
expertise; all remaining errors in this document are the sole
responsibility of the primary authors.
%% *@[email protected] --> AKA
%% devops mailing lists --> Pepi, Azet
%% cryptography liste (at release time) --> Azet
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https://faculty.uml.edu/jpropp/192/P21.tex | uml.edu | CC-MAIN-2021-49 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-49/segments/1637964362589.37/warc/CC-MAIN-20211203030522-20211203060522-00484.warc.gz | 324,993,766 | 1,375 | \documentclass[12pt]{article}
\newcommand{\sign}{{\rm sign}}
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\pagestyle{empty}
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\begin{center}
Math 192r, Problem Set \#21 \\
(due 12/13/01)
\end{center}
\medskip
\begin{enumerate}
\item
For $n \geq 0$
let $A(n) = \sum_{n/2 \leq k \leq n} 2^k$
(where the sum is only over integer values of $k$),
so that $A(0) = 1$, $A(1) = 2$, $A(2) = 6$, etc.
Extend $A(n)$ to the negative domain in two different ways,
and check that they agree:
first, by finding a formula for $A(n)$ when $n$ is positive;
and second, by applying the polytope reciprocity theorem.
\item
For $n \geq 0$,
let $f(n)$ be the number of integer sequences of length $n+1$
consisting of 1's, 2's, 3's, and 4's,
such that the first term is 1, the last term is 1,
and any two consecutive terms differ by 0 or $\pm 1$.
Thus $f(0)=1$, $f(1)=1$, $f(2)=2$, $f(3)=4$, $f(4)=9$, etc.
Show that this sequence satisfies a linear recurrence
with constant coefficients,
so that $f(-1), f(-2), f(-3),\dots$ have natural values.
Interpret these values combinatorially.
%Hint: $f(n)$ is the upper left entry of $M^n$,
%where $M$ is the matrix
%\[
%\left( \begin{array}{cccc}
% 1 & 1 & 0 & 0 \\
% 1 & 1 & 1 & 0 \\
% 0 & 1 & 1 & 1 \\
% 0 & 0 & 1 & 1
%\end{array} \right) .
%\]
%To interpret $f(-1)$, $f(-2)$, $f(-3)$, \dots,
%consider products of inverses of matrices of the form
%\[
%\left( \begin{array}{cccc}
% a_i & a_i & 0 & 0 \\
% b_i & b_i & b_i & 0 \\
% 0 & c_i & c_i & c_i \\
% 0 & 0 & d_i & d_i
%\end{array} \right) .
%\]
\end{enumerate}
\end{document}
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http://dlmf.nist.gov/24.5.E1.tex | nist.gov | CC-MAIN-2014-10 | application/x-tex | null | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-10/segments/1394010303377/warc/CC-MAIN-20140305090503-00003-ip-10-183-142-35.ec2.internal.warc.gz | 47,892,794 | 602 | \[\sum_{{k=0}}^{{n-1}}{n\choose k}\mathop{B_{{k}}\/}\nolimits\!\left(x\right)=nx%
^{{n-1}},\] |
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\title{Anarchy in Action}
\date{1996}
\author{Colin Ward}
\subtitle{}
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\begin{document}
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\chapter{Introduction to the Second Edition}
\begin{quote}
The anarchist movement grows in times of popular self-activity, feeds it and feeds
off it, and declines when that self-activity declines\dots{} The anarchists in England
have paid for the gap between their day-to-day activities and their utopian aspirations.
This gap consists basically of a lack of strategy, a lack of ability to assess the
general situation and initiate a general project which is consistent with the anarchists
utopia, and which is not only consistent with anarchist tactics but inspires
them.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
John Quail, \emph{The Slow Burning Fuse:}\forcelinebreak
\emph{The Lost History of the British Anarchists} (Paladin 1978)
\end{flushright}
Anarchism as a political and social ideology has two separate origins. It
can be seen as an ultimate derivative of liberalism or as a final end for
socialism. In either case, the problems that face the anarchist propagandist
are the same. The ideas he is putting forward are so much at variance
with ordinary political assumptions, and the solutions he offers are so
remote, there is such a gap between what \emph{is}, and what, according to the
anarchist, \emph{might be}, that his audience cannot take him seriously.
One elementary principle of attempting to teach anyone anything is
that you attempt to build on the common foundation of common experience
and common knowledge. That is the intention of the present
volume.
This book was commissioned by the publishers Allen and Unwin and
originally appeared from them in 1973, and was subsequently published
in America and, in translation, in Dutch, Italian, Spanish and Japanese. It
was not intended for people who had spent a life-time pondering the
problems of anarchism, but for those who either had no idea of what the
word implied, or who knew exactly what it implied, and had rejected it,
considering that it had no relevance for the modern world.
My original preference as a title was the more cumbersome but more
accurate “Anarchism as a theory of organisation”, because as I urge in
my preface, that is what the book is about. It is not about strategies for
revolution and it is not involved with speculation on the way an anarchist
society would function. It is about the ways in which people organise
\emph{themselves} in any kind of human society, whether we care to categorise
those societies as primitive, traditional, capitalist or communist.
In this sense the book is simply an extended, updating footnote to
Kropotkin’s \emph{Mutual Aid}. Since it was written I have edited for a modern
readership two other works of his, and I am bound to say that the experience
has enhanced my agreement with George Orwell’s conclusion
that Peter Kropotkin was “one of the most persuasive of anarchist
writers” because of his “inventive and pragmatic outlook”.
In particular, as an amplification of some of the ideas expressed in the
present volume, I would like readers to be aware of the edition I
prepared of his \emph{Fields, Factories and Workshops} (London: 1974, reprinted
with additional material by Freedom Press, 1985) New York: Harper \&
Widstrand 1980). Anyone who wants to understand the real nature of
the crisis of the British economy in the nineteen-eighties would gain
more enlightenment from Kropotkin’s analysis from the eighteen-
nineties than from the current spokesmen of any of the political parties.
But if this book is just a footnote to Kropotkin, and if it is open to the
same criticism as his book (that it is a selective gathering of anecdotal
evidence to support the points that the author wants to make) it does
attempt to look at a variety of aspects of daily life in the light of traditional
anarchist contentions about the nature of authority and the
propensity for self-organisation.
Many years of attempting to be an anarchist propagandist have
convinced me that we win over our fellow citizen to anarchist ideas,
precisely through drawing upon the common experience of the
informal, transient, self-organising networks of relationships that in fact
make the human community possible, rather than through the rejection
of existing society as a whole in favour of some future society where
some different kind of humanity will live in perfect harmony.
\hairline
Since this edition is a reproduction of the original text, my purpose here
is to add a few comments and further references, both to update it and to
take note of critical comments.
\section{Anarchy and the State}
This is a restatement of the classical anarchist criticism of government
and the state, emphasising the historical division between anarchism and
Marxism. In 1848, the year of the Communist Manifesto, Proudhon
gave vent to an utterance of marvellous invective, which I had meant to
include in this chapter:
“To be ruled is to be kept an eye on, inspected, spied on, regulated,
indoctrinated, sermonised, listed and checked-off, estimated, appraised,
censured, ordered about, by creatures without knowledge and without
virtues. To be ruled is, at every operation, transaction, movement, to be
noted, registered, counted, priced, admonished, prevented, reformed,
redressed, corrected. It is, on the pretext of public utility and in the
name of the common good, to be put under contribution, pressured, mystified,
robbed; then, at the least resistance and at the first hint of
complaint, repressed, fined, vilified, vexed, hunted, exasperated,
knocked-down, disarmed, garroted, imprisoned, shot, grape-shot,
judged, condemned, deported, sacrificed, sold, tricked; and to finish off
with, hoaxed, calumniated, dishonoured. Such is government! And to
think that there are democrats among us who claim there’s some good in
government!”
That must have seemed a ludicrous over-statement in 19\textsuperscript{th}-century
France. But wouldn’t it be perfectly comprehensible to any citizen who
steps out of line in any of the totalitarian regimes of the Right or Left
that today govern the greater part of the world? Among the attributes of
government which Proudhon did not include in his list of horrors, is
systematic torture, a unique prerogative of governments in the 20\textsuperscript{th}
century.
When this chapter was previously published in a symposium on
Participatory Democracy the editors made comments which I found
both gratifying and suggestive of ways in which its thesis could be
extended. They wrote:
“The anarchist critique of the state, which has often seemed simplistic,
is here presented in one of its most sophisticated forms. Here the state is
conceived of as the formalisation — and rigidification — of the unused
power that the social order has abdicated. In American society it takes
the form of a coalition of political, military, and industrial elites, preempting
space that is simply not occupied by the rest of society.
“Ward believes that the state represents a kind of relationship between
people which becomes formalised into a set of vested interests that
operates contrary to the interests of the people — even to the point
where it evaluates its means in terms of megadeaths. One could take the
number of people employed directly by the state as a function of total
populations, the amount of state spending as a function of total spending
(in socialist states this would require careful functional definition of what
constituted the domain of the state as opposed to the social order) and in
general compare the resource use of the two areas. One could then
analyse the social order in terms of degree of participation, key decisions
involving utilisation of social resources and who makes them. Studies of
the correlations between state power and social participation in various
countries would verify Ward’s thesis: those countries that are top-heavy
with state power are the countries in which social participation is weak.
A more devastating critique of statism could probably not be imagined.”
\section{The Theory of Spontaneous Order}
% FIXME there is no p. 146, even in the scan
This chapter drew largely on popular experience of revolutionary situations,
actual or potential, before a New Order had filled the gap
occupied by the old order. In addition to the works cited on p. 146,
several more studies of the Spanish revolution of 1936 have become
available since, notably the English translation of Gaston Leval’s
\emph{Collectives in the Spanish Revolution} (Freedom Press 1975).
To the experience of Hungary in 1956 and Czechoslovakia in 1968
must be added that of Poland in 1980. However the story ends, the
achievements of Solidarity in forcing concessions, without loss of life, on
a ruling bureaucracy which had not hesitated a decade earlier to order its
forces to shoot down striking workers, is a remarkable triumph of
working-class self organization.
\section{The Dissolution of Leadership}
\section{Harmony Through Complexity}
\section{Topless Federations}
These three chapters, using non-anarchist sources, try to set out three
key principles of an anarchist theory of organisation: the concept of
leaderless groups, the notion that a healthy society \emph{needs} diversity rather
than unity, and the idea of federalist organisations without a central
authority. A number of more recent books reinforce the evidence for
these chapters. Proudhon’s \emph{Du Principe Federatif} has at last been published
in English. (Translated by Richard Vernon, University of Toronto Press
1979) The inferences drawn from the history of Swiss federalism are
enhanced by Jonathan Steinberg’s \emph{Why Switzerland?} (Cambridge
University Press 1976), and the anthropological material on stateless
societies is added to in part five of Kirkpatrick Sale’s \emph{Human Scale} (Secker
\& Warburg 1980).
\section{Who Is to Plan?}
\section{We House, You Are Housed, They Are Homeless}
The arguments of these two chapters are set out at much greater length
in my books \emph{Tenants Take Over} (Architectural Press 1974) and \emph{Talking
Houses} (Freedom Press 1990) as well as in John Turner’s \emph{Housing by People}
(Marion Boyars 1976).
\section{Open and Closed Families}
One reviewer criticised this chapter for its claim that the revolution in
sexual behaviour in our own day is an essentially anarchist revolution,
because in his view it was simply a result of a chemico-technical breakthrough,
the contraceptive pill. My own Dutch translator felt that it was
marred by an absence of appreciation of the feminist point of view. I
don’t think so myself, but I do think that this chapter just skates over the
surface of the dilemmas of personal freedom and parental responsibility.
As Sheila Rowbotham wrote recently, “A campaign for child care which
demands the liberation of women and the liberation of children
not only reveals the immediate tensions between the two; it also requires
a society based on cooperation and free association.”
\section{Schools No Longer}
This chapter needs no updating, but is extended to some degree by a
lecture of mine called “Towards a Poor School”, published in \emph{Talking
Schools}, (Freedom Press, 1995) as well as by Chapter 16 of my book \emph{The
Child in the City}. Of the various occupations in which I worked for forty
years, teaching is the only one which I have a government licence to
perform. I am the author of several school books, and the former
director of a Schools Council project. I am even a former branch secretary
of one of the teaching unions. Yet on every significant issue I have
found myself totally opposed to the views of the teaching profession. It
sought, and won, the raising of the minimum age limit for compulsory
schooling. I favoured its abolition. It wants to eliminate the “private
sector” in education, while I see it as the one guarantee that genuine
radical experiment can happen. It \emph{opposes} the abandonment of the legal
right to hit children.
I am well aware that the organised opinion of the profession is not the
same as that of individual teachers. I revere education. I just can’t
stomach the dreadful pretensions of the education industry, especially
when compared with the results. And I know that my misgivings about
education are paralleled by a consideration of any other aspect of the
contemporary West-European corporate state, like, for example, the
health service or the public provision of housing.
None of my own writings, alas, can be said to propound an anarchist
theory of education, but they do raise some of the ironies and paradoxes
of attempts to achieve economic equality or social change through the
manipulation of the education system. A brave effort to draw together
the various streams of anarchist ideas on education is made in Joel H.
Spring’s \emph{A Primer of Libertarian Education} (New York: Free Life Editions,
1975).
\section{Play as an Anarchist Parable}
Play \emph{is} a parable of anarchy, since it is an area of human activity which is
self-chosen and self-directed, but this very fact leads to a comparison
with work.
\bigskip
\noindent
\begin{minipage}[t]{\textwidth}
\begin{tabularx}{\textwidth}{|X|X|}
\hline
\relax Work is & Leisure is \\
\hline
\relax Hated & Enjoyed \\
\relax Long & Brief \\
\relax For someone else & For yourself \\
\relax Essential for livelihood & Inessential for livelihood \\
\relax Concentrated & At your own pace \\
\relax For fixed hours & In your own time \\
\hline
\end{tabularx}
\end{minipage}
\bigskip
I quote this polarisation from my school book on \emph{Work} (Penguin
Education 1972), because any discussion of play and of leisure (Britain’s
fastest-growing industry’) leads to a consideration of what is wrong with
people’s working lives.
\section{A Self-Employed Society}
This is the chapter which is most in need of bringing up to date, but
which has an enormously relevant title. Readers do need reminding that
for several decades, until the 1960s, the anarchists (apart from a few
faithful stalwarts of the producer co-operative movement) were virtually
the only people publishing propaganda for worker self-management in
industry. Since this book was first published there have been a variety of
new experiences and new ventures, and an absolute mountain of new
literature.
In left-wing political circles in Britain, for sixty years, the demand for
workers’ self-management was regarded as a marginal and diversionary
issue compared with the demand for nationalisation, the universal cure-all.
The atmosphere changed only in the 1970s, when, as an alternative
to quiet extinction, workers in a number of enterprises threatened by
closure, sought, through protracted “sit-ins” to demand that they should
be helped to keep the plant open under workers’ control. Readers will
remember the particular local epics at Upper Clyde Shipbuilders at
Govan, at the former Fisher-Bendix factory outside Liverpool, at the
Scottish Daily Express, at Fakenham Enterprises in Norfolk and at the
Meriden motorcycle plant at Coventry.
When Anthony Wedgwood Benn persuaded his fellow members of
the Labour government to back these aspirations with public money (a
policy which would have been followed automatically when ordinary
capitalist industry was concerned), it represented a complete turnaround
in his interpretation of socialism as applied to industry. For it was
Mr Benn who, in the 1964 Labour government, had been the mastermind,
through his Industrial Reorganisation Corporation, of the takeover
of half the motor industry by Leylands (a formerly successful bus
and lorry firm from Lancashire) and most of the electrical industry by
GEC, in the hope of enabling British industry to complete on equal
terms for the continental market with the European giants.
These were vain hopes, and one of the glumly hilarious spectacles of
the 1980s has been to see a Conservative government, committed to
laissez-faire liberalism, continually bailing out British Leyland from tax
revenue. The Benn-sponsored co-ops have mostly collapsed, or have had
to rely so completely on capitalist investment that their co-operative
structure has been submerged. It was only because these firms were
dying that the workers’ aspirations were given an airing, and there are
even people with a conspiratorial view of history who see the whole
episode as having been invented to discredit the co-operative ideal.
But as unemployment continually increases in Britain, people who
have lost confidence in the usual political panaceas, have shown an
increasing interest in co-operative ventures. The British discovered the
Mondragon co-operatives in the Basque country, with pilgrimages of
trade union officers and local councillors going to Spain to discover the
secret of Mondragon’s success. The significant recent books are \emph{Worker-Owners:
The Mondragon Achievemnt} (Anglo-German Foundation 1977),
Robert Oakeshott’s \emph{The Case for Workers’ Co-ops} (Routledge \& Kegan
Paul 1978), Workers’ Co-operatives: A Handbook (Aberdeen People’s Press
1980) and Jenny Thomley: \emph{Workers’ Co-operatives: Jobs and Dreams}
(Heinemann 1981).
The majority of recent co-operative ventures cannot be regarded as
success stories: they have failed. Nor are the apparent pre-conditions for
success particularly acceptable to anarchists. Robert Oakeshott, for
example, concludes that there are at least four such conditions: “first, the
main thrust to get the enterprises off the ground must come from the
potential workforce itself; second, the commitment of the workforce
needs to be further secured by the requirement of a meaningful capital
stake; third, the prospective enterprise must be equipped with a manager
or a management team which is at least not inferior to that which a
conventional enterprise would enjoy; fourth, these enterprises must
work together in materially supportive groupings, for in isolation they
are hopelessly vulnerable.”
\section{The Breakdown of Welfare}
This chapter does have the merit of raising issues which are unfashionable
both among the defenders of the contemporary British welfare state
and among its critics. Since it was written we have moved into the era of
cuts in welfare expenditure, imposed by both Labour and Conservative
governments. It is not at all easy to take part in the arguments
surrounding the cuts from an anarchist point of view. On the one hand
we have the political left which regards the provision of welfare,
subsidised housing or subsidised transport as a “social wage” which mitigates
the exploitation which it associates with the capitalist system. On
the other hand is the political right which claims that the people who
derive most from the public services are people who could perfectly well
afford to meet their true cost. (And in fact it is perfectly true that the
poor derive the least from welfare provision). The whole argument is
complicated by the fact that we have now entered the period of mass
unemployment.
Welfare is administered by a top-heavy governmental machine which
ensures that when economies in public expenditure are imposed by its
political masters, they are made by reducing the service to the public,
not by reducing the cost of administration. Thus, as Leslie Chapman
remarked in his book \emph{Your Disobedient Servant}, in this way “the wicked
injustice of the cuts, the desirability of replacing them as quickly as
possible, the unwisdom of those who imposed them and the long
suffering patience of those who received them were all demonstrated in
one convenient package.” This was subsequently demonstrated during
both Labour and Conservative governments. Writing in 1977, A. H.
Halsey observed that “we live today under sentence of death by a
thousand cuts, that is, of all things except the body of bureaucracy”. And
Peter Townsend noted two years later commenting on “Social Policy in
Conditions of Scarcity” that “services to consumers or clients were much
more vulnerable than staff establishments.”
This was nowhere better demonstrated than in the evolution of the
National Health Service. In the ten years before its reorganisation, health
service staff generally increased by 65 per cent. However, during that
period medical and nursing staff increased by only 21 per cent and
domestic staff by 2 per cent. The rest was administration. The government
hired a firm of consultants, McKinsey’s, to advise on reorganisation.
The members of McKinsey’s staff who produced the new structure
are now convinced that they gave the wrong advice. Similarly the
former chief architect to the DHSS is now convinced that the advice he
gave for ten years on hospital design was in fact misguided.
We have failed to come to terms with the fact that our publicly-provided
services, just like our capitalist industries, also propped up by
taxation, are dearly bought. This was less apparent in the past when
public services were few and cheap. Old people who recall the marvellous
service they used to get from the post office or the railways, never
mention that these used to be low wage industries which, in return for
relative security, were run with a military-style discipline, to which not
even the army, let alone you or I, would submit today.
Any public service nowadays has to pay the going rate, and there is
every reason why this should be so. The question at issue is whether
government provision is the best way of meeting social needs. We are
always offering superior advice to those third world countries where
“aid” is dissipated in the cost of administering it, but we are in just the
same situation ourselves. “Added to the traditional burdens of the poor,”
remark the authors of \emph{The Wincroft Youth Project}, “there is now the weight
of a bureaucracy that, ironically, is employed to serve them.”
\section{How Deviant Dare You Get?}
This chapter deals, however inadequately, with the objection most
people raise to anarchist ideas: the anarchist rejection of the law, the legal
system and the agencies of law-enforcement. Since this book was first
published there have been three new contributions to this debate. One,
which, sadly, fails to live up to the promise of its title is Larry Tifft and
Dennis Sullivan: \emph{The Struggle to be Human: Crime, Criminology and
Anarchism} (Cienfuegos Press 1980). Another is Alan Ritter’s \emph{Anarchism:
A Theoretical Analysis} (Cambridge University Press 1980) whose author
concludes on this issue that “Even under anarchy there remains some
danger of misconduct, which authority sanctioned by rebuke prevents.
Though anarchists do not call this rebuke punishment, it is easy to show
that they should.” The third, and most suggestive is the chapter on “A
Policy for Crime Control” in Stuart Henry’s \emph{The Hidden Economy}
(Martin Robertson 1978). Henry argues for what he calls normative
control of crime, by which he means “group or community control”. He
remarks that, “It may be too early to predict, but it would seem that the
administration of criminal justice for some types of offence may be
about to complete a full circle. Beginning with community control in an
underdeveloped society, we have progressed through various stages of
formal, professional, bureaucratic justice as industrialisation has gathered
momentum. However, recent years have witnessed a new wave of dissatisfaction
with centralised, bureaucratic structures through which most
aspects of our life are managed. In areas as diverse as government,
industry, health and welfare, the emerging trend is toward devolution,
decentralisation, democratisation and popular participation. A part of
this trend is the de-centralisation of criminal justice to a form of
community control which was once commonplace\dots{} Many commentators
are rapidly reaching the conclusion that only people involved in
and aware of the community can act as effective forces in crime prevention
and that simply increasing police and court capacity will neither
solve the problems presently plaguing criminal justice systems, nor equip
these systems to cope with changing trends in crime. It is felt that the
only way out of the present situation is for criminal justice and the
community to be brought closer together, so that those who judge and
those who are judged are part of the same society\dots{} I believe that only
with this degree of involvement and understanding can we ever hope to
liberate ourselves from the hypocrisy of our attitude to “crime”, and only
then will we be capable of controlling it.”
\section{Anarchy and a Plausible Future}
The muted and tentative conclusions of this chapter still seem to me to
be valid. If I were writing it today I would certainly have had more to
say about the collapse of employment. When this book was written
Britain had 800,000 workers registering as unemployed. This was
thought at the time to be a scandalous and totally unacceptable figure.
Eight years later the figure has risen to 3 million (October 1981).
Belatedly we are groping after alternative forms of work to employment.
Nobody really believes that manufacturing industry is going to recover
lost markets. Nobody really believes that robots or microprocessors are
going to create more than a small proportion of the jobs they displace.
Finally we have even lost faith in the idea that the service economy is
going to expand to fill the jobs lost in the production economy. Jonathan
Gershuny shows in his book \emph{After Industrial Society} (Macmillan 1979) that
service industries themselves are already declining and that what is more
likely to emerge is a \emph{self-service} economy.
It is the inexorable whittling away of employment that is leading to
speculation about the potential of other ways of organising work, a
theme of several chapters in this book. The pre-industrial economy was
a domestic economy, (Elliot Jacques reminds us that the word “employment”
has only been used in its present sense since the 1840s), and
perhaps a domestic economy of individual or collective self-employment
is the pattern for the future of work. Hence the growing interest in what
is variously termed the irregular economy, the informal economy, or the
black economy. Gershuny and Ray Pahl invite us to consider a future in
which more and more people move out of “employment” into working
for themselves. “Is it sapping the moral fibre of the nation or is it
strengthening kin links and neighbourly relations more than armies of
social workers and priests have ever been able to do? What, in a phrase,
will it be like to live in a world dominated more and more by household
and hidden economies and less by the formal economy?”
One of the possibilities they see is of a dual labour market: a high-pay,
high technology, aristocracy of labour and a low-wage, low-skill sector,
and beyond both the mafiosi of big bosses and little crooks. Another is of
a police state dominated by a vast bureaucracy of law enforcement,
where “people would feel much like those caught in the “socialism” of
Poland or Czechoslovakia.”
Their third, and more hopeful, alternative depends on “a deeper
understanding of the socially desirable aspects of the informal economy
and by sympathetic encouragement of them.” But who is going to give
sympathetic encouragement to the dismantling of industrialism, one of
the bulwarks of social control? Not the captains of industry. Not the
manipulators of the machinery of government.
Suppose our future in fact lies, not with a handful of technocrats
pushing buttons to support the rest of us, but with a multitude of small
activities, whether by individuals or groups, doing their own thing?
Suppose the only plausible economic recovery consists in people picking
themselves up off the industrial scrapheap, or rejecting their slot in the
micro-technology system, and making their own niche in the world of
ordinary needs and their satisfaction. Wouldn’t that be something to do
with anarchism?
\begin{flushright}
\textbf{C. W.}
\end{flushright}
\chapter{Preface}
\begin{quote}
“Nothing to declare?” “Nothing.” Very well. Then political questions. He asks:
“Are you an anarchist?” I answer. “\dots{} First, what do we understand under
‘Anarchism’? Anarchism practical, metaphysical, theoretical, mystical, abstractional,
individual, social? When I was young”, I say, “all these had for me signification.”
So we had a very interesting discussion, in consequence of which I passed
two whole weeks on Ellis Island.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
Vladimir Nabokov, \emph{Pnin}
\end{flushright}
How would you feel if you discovered that the society in which you
would really like to live was already here, apart from a few little, local
difficulties like exploitation, war, dictatorship and starvation? The
argument of this book is that an anarchist society, a society which organises
itself without authority, is always in existence, like a seed beneath the
snow, buried under the weight and its injustices, nationalism and its suicidal
loyalties, religious differences and their superstitious separatism.
Of the many possible interpretations of anarchism the one presented
here suggests that, far from being a speculative vision of a future society,
it is a description of a mode of human organisation, rooted in the experience
of everyday life, which operates side by side with, an in spite of,
the dominant authoritarian trends of our society. This is not a new
version of anarchism. Gustav Landauer saw it, not as the founding of
something new, “but as the actualisation and reconstruction of something
that has always been present, which exists alongside the state, albeit
buried and laid waste”. And a modern anarchist, Paul Goodman, dedared
that: “A free society cannot be the substitution of a ‘new order’ for the
old order; it is the extension of spehers of free action until they make up
most of social life.”
You may think that in describing anarchy as \emph{organisation}, I am being
deliberately paradoxical. Anarchy you may consider to be, by definition,
the \emph{opposite} of organisation. But the word really means something quite
different; it means the absence of government, the absence of authority.
It is, after all, governments which make and enforce the laws that enable
the “haves” to retain control of social assets to the exclusion of the “have-nots”.
It is, after all, the principle of authority which ensures that people
will work for someone else for the greater part of their lives, not because
they enjoy it or have any control over their work, but because to do so is
their only means of livelihood. It is, after all, governments which prepare
for and wage war, even though \emph{you} are obliged to suffer the consequences
of their going to war.
But is it only governments? The power of a government, even the
most absolute dictatorship, depends on the agreement of the governed.
Why do people consent to be ruled? It isn’t only fear; what have millions
of people to fear from a small group of professional politicians and their
paid strong-arm men? It is because they subscribe to the same values as
their governors. Rulers and ruled alike believe in the principle of
authority, of hierarchy, of power. They even feel themselves privileged
when, as happens in a small part of the globe, they can choose between
alternative labels on the ruling elites. And yet, in their ordinary lives they
keep society going by voluntary association and mutual aid.
Anarchists are people who make a social and political philosophy out
of the natural and spontaneous tendency of humans to associate together
for their mutual benefit. Anarchism is in fact the name given to the idea
that it is possible and desirable for society to organise itself without
government. The word comes from the Greek, meaning \emph{without
authority}, and ever since the time of the Greeks there have been advocates
of anarchy under one name or another. The first person in modern
times to evolve a systematic theory of anarchism was William Godwin,
soon after the French revolution. A Frenchman, Proudhon, in the mid-nineteenth
century developed an anarchist theory of social organisation,
of small units federated together but with no central power. He was
followed by the Russian revolutionary, Michael Bakunin, the contemporary
and adversary of Karl Marx. Marx represented one wing of the
socialist movement, concentrated on siezing the power of the state,
Bakunin represented the other, seeking the destruction of state power.
Another Russian, Peter Kropotkin, sought to give a scientific foundation
to anarchist ideas by demonstrating that mutual aid — voluntary cooperation
— is just as strong a tendency in human life as aggression and
the urge to dominate. These famous names of anarchism recur in this
book, simply because what they wrote speaks, as the Quakers say, to our
condition. But there were thousands of other obscure revolutionaries,
propagandists and teachers who never wrote books for me to quote but
who tried to spread the idea of society without government in almost
every country in the world, and especially in the revolutions in Mexico,
Russia and Spain. Everywhere they were defeated, and the historians
wrote that anarchism finally died when Franco’s troops entered
Barcelona in 1939.
But in Paris in 1968 anarchist flags flew over the Sorbonne, and in the
same year they were seen in Brussels, Rome, Mexico City, New York,
and even in Canterbury. All of a sudden people were talking about the
need for the kind of politics in which ordinary men, women and
children decide their own fate and make their own future, about the
need for social and political decentralisation, about workers’ control of
industry, about pupil power in school, about community control of the
social services. Anarchism, instead of being a romantic historical by-way,
becomes an attitude to human organisation which is more relevant today
than it ever seemed in the past.
Organisation and its problems have developed a vast and expanding
literature because of the importance of the subject for the hierarchy of
government administration and industrial management. Very little of
this vast literature provides anything of value for the anarchist except in
his role as destructive critic or saboteur of the organisations that
dominate our lives. The fact is that while there are thousands of students
and teachers of government, there are hardly any of non-government.
There is an immense amount of research into methods of administration,
but hardly any into self-regulation. There are whole libraries on, and
expensive courses in, industrial management, and very large fees for
consultants in management, but there is scarcely any literature, no course
of study and certainly no fees for those who want to do away with
management and substitute workers’ autonomy. The brains are sold to
the big battalions, and we have to build up a theory of non-government,
of non-management, from the kind of history and experience which has
hardly been written about because nobody thought it all that important.
“History”, said W. R. Lethaby, “is written by those who survive,
philosophy by the well-to-do; those who go under have the experience.”
But once you begin to look at human society from an anarchist point of
view you discover that the alternatives are already there, in the interstices
of the dominant power structure. If you want to build a free society, the
parts are all at hand.
\chapter{Chapter I. Anarchy and the State}
\begin{quote}
As long as today’s problems are stated in terms of mass politics and
‘mass organisation’, it is clear that only States and mass parties can
deal with them. But if the solutions that can be offered by the existing
States and parties are acknowledged to be either futile or wicked, or
both, then we must look not only for different ‘solutions’ but
especially for a different way of stating the problems themselves.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
Andrea Caffi
\end{flushright}
If you look at the history of socialism, reflecting on the melancholy
difference between promise and performance, both in those countries
where socialist parties have triumphed in the struggle for political power,
and in those where they have never attained it, you are bound to ask
yourself what went wrong, when and why. Some would see the Russian
revolution of 1917 as the fatal turning point in socialist history. Others
would look as far back as the February revolution of 1848 in Paris as “the
starting point of the two-fold development of European socialism, anarchistic
and Marxist”,\footnote{Vaclav Cerny, “The Socialistic Year 1848 and its Heritage”, \emph{The Critical Monthly}, Nos.~1 and 2 (Prague, 1948).} while many would locate the critical point of
divergence as the congress of the International at The Hague in 1872,
when the exclusion of Bakunin and the anarchists signified the victory
of Marxism. In one of his prophetic criticisms of Marx that year Bakunin
previsaged the whole subsequent history of Communist society:
\begin{quote}
Marx is an authoritarian and centralising communist. He wants what we
want, the complete triumph of economic and social equality, but he
wants it in the State and through the State power, through the dictatorship
of a very strong and, so to say, despotic provisional government,
that is by the negation of liberty. His economic ideal is the State as sole
owner of the land and of all kinds of capital, cultivating the land under
the management of State engineers, and controlling all industrial and
commercial associations with State capital. We want the same triumph
of economic and social equality through the abolition of the State and of
all that passes by the name of law (which, in our view, is the permanent
negation of human rights). We want the reconstruction of society and
the unification of mankind to be achieved, not from above downwards
by any sort of authority, nor by socialist officials, engineers, and other
accredited men of learning — but from below upwards, by the free federation
of all kinds of workers’ associations liberated from the yoke of the
State.\footnote{Michael Bakunin, “Letter to the Internationalists of the Romagna” 28 January 1872}
\end{quote}
The home-grown English variety of socialism reached the point of
divergence later. It was possible for one of the earliest Fabian Tracts
to declare in 1886 that “English Socialism is not yet Anarchist or
Collectivist, not yet defined enough in point of policy to be classified.
There is a mass of Socialistic feeling not yet conscious of itself as
Socialism. But when the unconscious Socialists of England discover their
position, they also will probably fall into two parties: a Collectivist party
supporting a strong central administration and a counterbalancing
Anarchist party defending individual initiative against that administration.”\footnote{Fabian Tract No~4, \emph{What Socialism Is} (London, 1886).}
The Fabians rapidly found which side of the watershed was theirs
and when a Labour Party was founded they exercised a decisive influence
on its policies. At its annual conference in 1918 the Labour Party
finally committed itself to that interpretation of socialism which identified
it with the unlimited increase of the State’s power and activity
through its chosen form: the giant managerially-controlled public
corporation.
And when socialism has achieved power what has it created?
Monopoly capitalism with a veneer of social welfare as a substitute for
social justice. The large hopes of the nineteenth century have not been
fulfilled; only the gloomy prophecies have come true. The criticism of
the state and of the structure of its power and authority made by the
classical anarchist thinkers has increased in validity and urgency in the
century of total war and the total state, while the faith that the conquest
of state power would bring the advent of socialism has been destroyed in
every country where socialist parties have won a parliamentary majority,
or have ridden to power on the wave of a popular revolution, or have
been installed by Soviet tanks. What has happened is exactly what the
anarchist Proudhon, over a hundred years ago, said would happen. All
that has been achieved is “a compact democracy having the appearance
of being founded on the dictatorship of the masses, but in which the
masses have no more power than is necessary to ensure a general serfdom
in accordance with the following precepts and principles borrowed from
the old absolutism: indivisibility of public power, all-consuming centralisation,
systematic destruction of all individual, corporative and regional
thought (regarded as disruptive), inquisitorial police.”\footnote{Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, \emph{The Political Capacity of the Working Class} (Paris, 1864).}
Kropotkin, too, warned us that “The State organisation, having been the
force to which the minorities resorted for establishing and organising
their power over the masses, cannot be the force which will serve to
destroy these privileges,” and he declared that “the economic and political
liberation of man will have to create new forms for its expression in life,
instead of those established by the State.”\footnote{Peter Kropotkin, \emph{Modern Science and Anarchism} (London, 1912).} He thought it self-evident that
“this new form will have to be more popular, more decentralised, and
nearer to the folk-mote self-government than representative government
can ever be,” reiterating that we will be compelled to find new forms of
organisation for the social functions that the state fulfils through the
bureaucracy, and that “as long as this is not done, nothing will be done”.\footnote{The same, French edition (Paris, 1913)}
When we look at the \emph{powerlessness} of the individual and the small
face-to-face group in the world today and ask ourselves \emph{why} they are
powerless, we have to answer not merely that they are weak because of
the vast central agglomerations of power in the modern, military-industrial
state, but that they are weak \emph{because} they have surrendered their
power to the state. It is as though every individual possessed a certain
quantity of power, but that by default, negligence, or thoughtless and
unimaginative habit or conditioning, he has allowed someone else to
pick it up, rather than use it himself for his own purposes. (“According to
Kenneth Boulding, there is only so much human energy around. When
large organisations utilise these energy resources, they are drained away
from the other spheres.”)\footnote{George Benello, “Wasteland Culture”, \emph{Our Generation}, Vol.~5, No.~2, (Montreal, 1967)}
Gustav Landauer, the German anarchist, made a profound and simple
contribution to the analysis of the state and society in one sentence:
“The state is not something which can be destroyed by a revolution, but
is a condition, a certain relationship between human beings, a mode of
human behaviour; we destroy it by contracting other relationships, by
behaving differently.” It is \emph{we} and not an abstract outside identity,
Landauer implies, who behave in one way or the other, politically or
socially. Landauer’s friend and executor, Martin Buber, begins his essay
\emph{Society and the State} with an observation of the sociologist, Robert
MacIver, that “to identify the social with the political is to be guilty of
the grossest of all confusions, which completely bars any understanding
of either society or the state.” The political principle, for Buber, is characterised
by power, authority, hierarchy, dominion. He sees the social
principle wherever men link themselves in an association based on a
common need or common interest.
What is it, Buber asks, that gives the political principle it ascendancy?
And he answers, “the fact that every people feel itself threatened by the
others gives the state its definite unifying power; it depends upon the
instinct of self-preservation of society itself; the latent external crisis
enables it to get the upper hand in internal crises \dots{} All forms of
government have this in common: each possesses more power than is
required by the given conditions; in fact, this excess in the capacity for
making dispositions is actually what we understand by political power.
The measure of this excess which cannot, of course, be computed
precisely, represents the exact difference between administration and
government.” He calls this excess the “political surplus” and observes that
“its justification derives from the external and internal instability, from
the latent state of crisis between nations and within every nation. The
political principle is always stronger in relation to the social principle
than the given conditions require. The result is a continuous diminution
in social spontaneity.”\footnote{Martin Buber, “Society and the State”, \emph{World Review}, (London, 1951).}
The conflict between these two principles is a permanent aspect of
the human condition. Or as Kropotkin put it: “Throughout the history
of our civilisation, two traditions, two opposed tendencies, have been in
conflict: the Roman tradition and the popular tradition, the imperial
tradition and the federalist tradition, the authoritarian tradition and the
libertarian tradition.” There is an inverse correlation between the two:
the strength of one is the weakness of the other. If we want to strengthen
society we must weaken the state. Totalitarians of all kinds realise this,
which is why they invariably seek to destroy those social institutions
which they cannot dominate. So do the dominant interest groups in the
state, like the alliance of big business and the military establishment for
the “permanent war economy” suggested by Secretary of Defence
Charles E. Wilson in the United States, which has since become so
dominant that even Eisenhower, in his last address as President, felt
obliged to warn us of its menace.\footnote{Fred J Cook, \emph{The Warfare State} (London, 1963).}
Shorn of the metaphysics with which politicians and philosophers
have enveloped it, the state can be defined as a political mechanism using
force, and to the sociologist it is \emph{one} among many forms of social
organisation. It is however, “distinguished from all other associations by its
exclusive investment with the final power of coercion”.\footnote{MacIver and Page, \emph{Society} (London, 1948).} And against
whom is this final power directed? It is \emph{directed} at the enemy without, but
it is \emph{aimed} at the subject society \emph{within}.
This is why Buber declared that it is the maintenance of the latent
external crisis that enables the state to get the upper hand in internal
crises. Is this a conscious procedure? Is it simply that “wicked” men
control the state, so that we could put things right by voting for “good”
men? Or is it a fundamental characteristic of the state as an institution? It
was because she drew this final conclusion that Simone Weil declared
that “The great error of nearly all studies of war, an error into which all
socialists have fallen, has been to consider war as an episode in foreign
politics, when it is especially an act of interior politics, and the most
atrocious act of all: For just as Marx found that in the era of unrestrained
capitalism, competition between employers, knowing no other weapon
than the exploitation of their workers, was transformed into a struggle of
each employer against his own workmen, and ultimately of the entire
employing class against their employees, so the state uses war and the
threat of war as a weapon against \emph{its own} population. “Since the directing
apparatus has no other way of fighting the enemy than by sending its
own soldiers, under compulsion, to their death — the war of one State
against another State resolves itself into a war of the State and the
military apparatus against its own people.\footnote{Simone Weil, “Reflections on War”, \emph{Left Review}, (London, 1938).}
It doesn’t look like this, of course, if you are a part of the directing
apparatus, calculating what proportion of the population you can afford
to lose in a nuclear war — just as the governments of all the great powers,
capitalist and communist, have calculated. But it does look like this if
you are part of the expendable population — unless you identify your
own unimportant carcase with the state apparatus — \emph{as millions do}. The
expendability factor has increased by being transfered from the
specialised, scarce and expensively trained military personnel to the
amorphous civilian population. American strategists have calculated the
proportion of civilians killed in this century’s major wars. In the First
World War 5 per cent of those killed were civilians, in the Second World
War 48 per cent, in the Korean War 84 per cent, while in a Third World
War 90–95 per cent would be civilians. States, great and small, now have
a stockpile of nuclear weapons equivalent to ten tons of TNT for every
person alive today.
In the nineteenth century T. H. Green remarked that war is the
expression of the “imperfect” state, but he was quite wrong. War is the
expression of the state in its most perfect form: it is its finest hour. War is
the health of the state — the phrase was invented during the First World
War by Randolph Bourne, who explained:
\begin{quote}
The State is the organisation of the herd to act offensively or defensively
against another herd similarly organised. War sends the current of
purpose and activity flowing down to the lowest level of the herd, and
to its most remote branches. All the activities of society are linked
together as fast as possible to this central purpose of making a military
offensive or a military defence, and the State becomes what in peacetime
it has vainly struggled to become \dots{} The slack is taken up, the cross-currents
fade out, and the nation moves lumberingly and slowly, but
with ever accelerated speed and integration, towards the great end,
towards that \emph{peacefulness of being at war} \dots{}\footnote{Randolph Bourne, \emph{The State}, Resistance Press, (New York, 1945). (first published 1919).}
\end{quote}
This is why the weakening of the state, the progressive development of
its imperfections, is a social necessity. The strengthening of \emph{other} loyalties,
of \emph{alternative} foci of power, of \emph{different} modes of human behaviour, is an
essential for survival. But where do we begin? It ought to be obvious
that we do \emph{not} begin by supporting, joining, or hoping to change from
within, the existing political parties, nor by starting new ones as rival
contenders for political power. Our task is not to gain power, but to
erode it, to drain it away from the state. “The State bureaucracy and
centralisation are as irreconcilable with socialism as was autocracy with
capitalist rule. One way or another, socialism must become more
popular, more communalistic, and less dependent upon indirect government
through elected representatives. It must become more self-governing.”\footnote{Peter Kropotkin, \emph{op.~cit.}}
Putting it differently, we have to build networks instead of
pyramids. All authoritarian institutions are organised as pyramids: the
state, the private or public corporation, the army, the police, the church,
the university, the hospital: they are all pyramidal structures with a small
group of decision-makers at the top and a broad base of people whose
decisions are \emph{made for them} at the bottom. Anarchism does not demand
the changing of the labels on the layers, it doesn’t want different people
on top, it wants \emph{us} to climber out from underneath. It advocates an
extended network of individuals and groups, making their own decisions,
controlling their own destiny.
The classical anarchist thinkers envisaged the whole social organisation
woven from such local groups: the \emph{commune} or council as the territorial
nucleus (being “not a branch of the state, but the free association of
the members concerned, which may be either a co-operative or a
corporative body, or simply a provisional union of several people united
by a common need,”\footnote{Camillo Bernen, \emph{Kropotkin, His Federalist Ideas} (London, 1943).}) and the \emph{syndicate} or worker’s council as the industrial
or occupational unit. These units would federate together not like
the stones of a pyramid where the biggest burden is borne by the lowest
layer, but like the links of a network, the network of autonomous
groups. Several strands of thought are linked together in anarchist social
theory: the ideas of direct action, autonomy and workers’ control,
decenralisation and federalism.
The phrase “direct action” was first given currency by the French
revolutionary syndicalists of the turn of the century, and was associated
with the various forms of militant industrial resistance — the strike, go-slow,
working-to-rule, sabotage and the general strike. Its meaning has
widened since then to take in the experience of, for example, Gandhi’s
civil disobedience campaign and the civil rights struggle in the United
States, and the many other forms of do-it-yourself politics that are
spreading round the world. Direct action has been defined by David
Wieck as that “action which, in respect to a situation, \emph{realises the end
desired}, so far as this lies within one’s power or the power of one’s group’
and he distinguishes this from indirect action which realises \emph{an irrelevant
or even contradictory end}, presumably as a means to the “good” end. He
gives this as a homely example: “If the butcher weighs one’s meat with
his thumb on the scale, one may complain about it and tell him he is a
bandit who robs the poor, and if he persists and one does nothing else,
this is \emph{mere talk}; one may call the Department of Weights and Measures,
and this is \emph{indirect action}; or one may, talk failing, insist on weighing one’s
own meat, bring along a scale to check the butcher’s weight, take one’s
business somewhere else, help open a co-operative store, and these are
\emph{direct actions}.” Wieck observes that: “Proceeding with the belief that in
every situation, every individual and group has the possibility of \emph{some}
direct action on \emph{some} level of generality, we may discover much that has
been unrecognised, and the importance of much that has been underrated.
So politicalised is our thinking, so focused to the motions of
governmental institutions, that the effects of direct efforts to modify
one’s environment are unexplored. The habit of direct action is, perhaps,
identical with the habit of being a free man, prepared to live responsibly
in a free society.”\footnote{David Wieck, “The Habit of Direct Action”, \emph{Anarchy} 13 (London, 1962), reprinted in Colin Ward (ed.), \emph{A Decade of Anarchy}, (London, Freedom Press, 1987).}
The ideas of autonomy and workers’ control and of decentralisation
are inseparable from that of direct action. In the modern state, everywhere
and in every field, one group of people makes decisions, exercises
control, limits choices, while the great majority have to accept these
decisions, submit to this control and act within the limits of these externally
imposed choices. The habit of direct action is the habit of wresting
back the power to make decisions affecting \emph{us} from \emph{them}. The autonomy
of the worker at work is the most important field in which this expropriation
of decision-making can apply. When workers’ control is
mentioned, people smile sadly and murmur regretfully that it is a pity
that the scale and complexity of modern industry make it a utopian
dream which could never be put into practice in a developed economy.
They are wrong. There are no \emph{technical} grounds for regarding workers’
control as impossible. The obstacles to self-management in industry are
the same obstacles that stand in the way of any kind of equitable share-out
of society’s assets: the vested interest of the privileged in the existing
distribution of power and property.
Similarly, decentralisation is not so much a technical problem as an
approach to problems of human organisation. A convincing case can be
made for decentralisation on economic grounds, but for the anarchist
there just isn’t any other solution consistent with his advocacy of direct
action and autonomy. It doesn’t occur to him to seek centralist solutions
just as it doesn’t occur to the person with an authoritarian and centralising
frame of thought to seek decentralist ones. A contemporary anarchist
advocate of decentralisation, Paul Goodman, remarks that:
\begin{quote}
In fact there have always been two strands to decentralist thinking. Some
authors, e.g. Lao-tse or Tolstoy, make a conservative peasant critique of
centralised court and town as inorganic, verbal and ritualistic. But other
authors, e.g. Proudhon or Kropotkin, make a democratic urban critique
of centralised bureaucracy and power, including feudal industrial power,
as exploiting, inefficient, and discouraging initiative. In our present era
of State-socialism, corporate feudalism, regimented schooling, brainwashing
mass-communications and urban anomie, both kinds of
critique make sense. We need to revive both peasant self-reliance and
the democratic power of professional and technical guilds.
Any decentralisation that could occur at present would inevitably be
post-urban and post-centralist: it could not be provincial\dots{}\footnote{Paul Goodman, \emph{Like a Conquered Province} (New York, 1967).}
\end{quote}
His conclusion is that decentralisation is “a kind of social organisation; it
does not involve geographical isolation, but a particular sociological use
of geography”.
Precisely because we are not concerned with recommending
geographical isolation, anarchist thinkers have devoted a great deal of
thought to the principle of federalism. Proudhon regarded it as the alpha
and omega of his political and economic ideas. He was not thinking of a
confederation of states or of a world federal government, but of a basic
principle of human organisation.
Bakunin’s philosophy of federalism echoed Proudhon’s but insisted
that only socialism could give it a genuinely revolutionary content, and
Kropotkin, too, drew on the history of the French Revolution, the Paris
Commune, and, at the very end of his life, the experience of the Russian
Revolution, to illustrate the importance of the federal principle if a
revolution is to retain its revolutionary content.
Autonomous direct action, decentralised decision-making, and free
federation have been the characteristics of all genuinely popular uprisings.
Staughton Lynd remarked that “no real revolution has ever taken
place — whether in America in 1776, France in 1789, Russia in 1917,
China in 1949 — without \emph{ad hoc} popular institutions improvised from
below, simply beginning to administer power in place of the institutions
previously recognised as legitimate.” They were seen too in the German
uprisings of 1919 like the Munich “council-republic”, in the Spanish
Revolution of 1936 and in the Hungarian Revolution of 1956, or in the
Spring days in Prague in 1968 — only to be destroyed by the very party
which rode to power on the essentially anarchist slogan “All Power to the
Soviets” in 1917. In March 1920, by which time the Bolsheviks had
transformed the local soviets into organs of the central administration,
Lenin said to Emma Goldman, “Why, even your great comrade Errico
Malatesta has declared himself for the soviets.” “Yes,” she replied, “For the
\emph{free} soviets.” Malatesta himself, defining the anarchist interpretation of
revolution, wrote:
\begin{quote}
Revolution is the destruction of all coercive ties; it is the autonomy of
groups, of communes, of regions, revolution is the free federation
brought about by a desire for brotherhood, by individual and collective
interests, by the needs of production and defense; revolution is the
constitution of innumerable free groupings based on ideas, wishes and
tastes of all kinds that exist among the people; revolution is the forming
and disbanding of thousands of representative, district, communal,
regional, national bodies which, without having any legislative power
serve to make known and to co-ordinate the desires and interests of
people near and far and which act through information, advice and
example. Revolution is freedom proved in the crucible of facts — and
lasts so long as freedom lasts, that is until others, taking advantage of the
weariness that overtakes the masses, of the inevitable disappointments
that follow exaggerated hopes, of the probable errors and human faults,
succeed in constituting a power which, supported by an army of mercenaries
or conscripts, lays down the law, arrests the movement at the
point it has reached, and then begins the reaction.\footnote{Vernon Richards (ed.), \emph{Malatesta: His Life and Ideas} (London, Freedom Press, 1965).}
\end{quote}
His last sentence indicates that he thought reaction inevitable, and so it
is, if people are willing to surrender the power they have wrested from a
former ruling elite into the hands of a new one. But a reaction to every
revolution is inevitable in another sense. This is what the ebb and flow of
history implies. The \emph{lutte finale} exists only in the words of a song.
As Landauer says, every time after the revolution is a time before the revolution
for all those whose lives have not got bogged down in some great
moment of the past. There is no final struggle, only a series of partisan
struggles on a variety of fronts.
And after over a century of experience of the theory, and over half a
century of experience of the practice of the Marxist and social democratic
varieties of socialism, after the historians have dismissed anarchism
as one of the nineteenth-century also-rans of history, it is emerging
again as a coherent social philosophy in the guerilla warfare for a society
of participants, which is occurring sporadically all over the world. Thus,
commenting on the events of May 1968 in France, Theodore Draper
declared that “The lineage of the new revolutionaries goes back to
Bakunin rather than to Marx, and it is just as well that the term ‘anarchism’
is coming back into vogue. For what we have been witnessing is
a revival of anarchism in modern dress or masquerading as latter-day
Marxism. Just as nineteenth-century Marxism matured in a struggle
against anarchism, so twentieth-century Marxism may have to recreate
itself in another struggle against anarchism in its latest guise.”\footnote{Theodore Draper in \emph{Encounter}, August 1968.} He went
on to comment that the anarchists did not have much staying-power in
the nineteenth century and that it is unlikely that they will have much
more in this century. Whether or not he is right about the new anarchists
depends on a number of factors. Firstly, on whether or not people
have learned \emph{anything} from the history of the last hundred years;
secondly, on whether the large number of people in both east and west —
the dissatisfied and dissident young of the Soviet empire as well as of the
United States who seek an alternative theory of social organisation — will
grasp the relevance of those ideas which we define as anarchism; and
thirdly, on whether the anarchists themselves are sufficiently imaginative
and inventive to find ways of applying their ideas today to the society we
live in in ways that combine immediate aims with ultimate ends.
\chapter{Chapter II. The Theory of Spontaneous Order}
\begin{quote}
In every block of houses, in every street, in every town ward, groups of volunteers
will have been organised, and these commissariat volunteers will find it easy to
work in unison and keep in touch with each other \dots{} if only the self-styled “scientific”
theorists do not thrust themselves in \dots{} Or rather let them expound their
muddle-headed theories as much as they like, provided they have no authority, no
power! And that admirable spirit of organisation inherent in the people \dots{} but
which they have so seldom been allowed to exercise, will initiate, even in so huge a
city as Paris, and in the midst of a revolution, an immense guild of free workers,
ready to furnish to each and all the necessary food.
Give the people a free hand, and in ten days the food service will be conducted
with admirable regularity. Only those who have never seen the people hard at
work, only those who have passed their lives buried among documents, can doubt
it. Speak of the organising genius of the “Great Misunderstood”, the people,
to those who have seen it in Paris in the days of the barricades, or in London during
the great dock strike, when half a million of starving folk had to be fed, and they
will tell you how superior it is to the official ineptness of Bumbledom.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
Peter Kropotkin, \emph{The Conquest of Bread}
\end{flushright}
An important component of the anarchist approach to organisation is
what we might call the theory of spontaneous order: the theory that,
given a common need, a collection of people will, by trial and error, by
improvisation and experiment, evolve order out of the situation — this
order being more durable and more closely related to their needs than
any kind of externally imposed authority could provide. Kropotkin
derived his version of this theory from his observations of the history of
human society as well as from the study of the events of the French
Revolution in its early stages and from the Paris Commune of 1871, and
it has been witnessed in most revolutionary situations, in the \emph{ad hoc}
organisations that spring up after natural disasters, or in any activity
where there are no existing organisational forms or hierarchical
authority. The principle of authority is so built in to every aspect of our
society that it is only in revolutions, emergencies and “happenings” that
the principle of spontaneous order emerges. But it does provide a
glimpse of the kind of human behaviour that the anarchist regards as
“normal” and the authoritarian sees as unusual.
You could have seen it in, for example, the first Aldermaston March
or in the widespread occupation of army camps by squatters in the
summer of 1946, described in Chapter VII. Between June and October
of that year 40,000 homeless people in England and Wales, acting on
their own initiative, occupied over 1,000 army camps. They organised
every kind of communal service in the attempt to make these bleak huts
more like home — communal cooking, laundering and nursery facilities,
for instance. They also federated into a Squatters’ Protection Society.
One feature of these squatter communities was that they were formed
from people who had very little in common beyond their homelessness
— they included tinkers and university dons. It could be seen in spite of
commercial exploitation in the pop festivals of the late 1960s, in a way
which is not apparent to the reader of newspaper headlines. From “A
cross-section of informed opinion” in an appendix to a report to the
government, a local authority representative mentions “an atmosphere of
peace and contentment which seems to be dominant amongst the
participants” and a church representative mentions “a general atmosphere
of considerable relaxation, friendliness and a great willingness to share”.\footnote{\emph{Fifty Million Volunteers}, Report on the Role of Voluntary Organisations and Youth in the Environment (London, 1972).}
The same kind of comments were made about the instant city of the
Woodstock Festival in the United States: “Woodstock, if permanent,
would have become one of America’s major cities in size alone, and
certainly a unique one in the principles by which its citizens conducted
themselves.”\footnote{Graham Whiteman, “Festival Moment”, \emph{Anarchy} 116, October 1970.}
An interesting and deliberate example of the theory of spontaneous
organisation in operation was provided by the Pioneer Health Centre at
Peckham in South London. This was started in the decade before the
Second World War by a group of physicians and biologists who wanted
to study the nature of health and of healthy behaviour instead of
studying ill-health like the rest of the medical profession. They decided
that the way to do this was to start a social club whose members joined
as families and could use a variety of facilities in return for a family
membership subscription and for agreeing to periodic medical examinations.
In order to be able to draw valid conclusions the Peckham biologists
thought it necessary that they should be able to observe human
beings who were free — free to act as they wished and to give expression
to their desires. There were consequently no rules, no regulations, no
leaders. “I was the only person with authority,” said Dr Scott Williamson,
the founder, “and I used it to stop anyone exerting any authority.” For the
first eight months there was chaos. “With the first member-families”, says
one observer, “there arrived a horde of undisciplined children who used
the whole building as they might have used one vast London street.
Screaming and running like hooligans through all the rooms, breaking
equipment and furniture,” they made life intolerable for everyone. Scott
Williamson, however, “insisted that peace should be restored only by the
response of the children to the variety of stimulus that was placed in
their way”. This faith was rewarded: “In less than a year the chaos was
reduced to an order in which groups of children could daily be seen
swimming, skating, riding bicycles, using the gymnasium or playing
some game, occasionally reading a book in the library \dots{} the running
and screaming were things of the past.”
In one of the several valuable reports on the Peckham experiment,
John Comerford draws the conclusion that “A society, therefore, if left to
itself in suitable circumstances to express itself spontaneously works out
its own salvation and achieves a harmony of actions which superimposed
leadership cannot emulate.”\footnote{John Comerford, \emph{Health the Unknown: The Story of the Peckham Experiment} (London, 1947). See also Innes Pearse and Lucy Crocker, \emph{The Peckham Experiment} (London, 1943); \emph{Biologists in Search of Material} by G. Scott Williamson and I. H. Pearse (London, 1938).} This is the same inference as was drawn by
Edward Allsworth Ross from his study of the true (as opposed to the
legendary) evolution of “frontier” societies in nineteenth-century
America.\footnote{Edward Allsworth Ross, \emph{Social Control} (New York, 1901).}
Equally dramatic examples of the same kind of phenomenon are
reported by those people who have been brave enough, or self-confident
enough, to institute self-governing, non-punitive communities of
“delinquent” youngsters — August Aichhorn, Homer Lane and David
Wills are examples. Homer Lane was the man who, years in advance of
his time, started a community of boys and girls, sent to him by the
courts, called the Little Commonwealth. He used to declare that
“Freedom cannot be given. It is taken by the child in discovery and
invention.” True to this principle, says Howard Jones, “he refused to
impose upon the children a system of government copied from the institutions
of the adult world. The self-governing structure of the Little
Commonwealth was evolved by the children themselves, slowly and
painfully, to satisfy their own needs.”\footnote{See Homer Lane, \emph{Talks to Parents and Teachers} (London, 1928); W. David Wills, \emph{Homer Lane: a Biography} (London, 1964); Howard Jones, \emph{Reluctant Rebels} (London, 1963).} Aichhorn was an equally bold man
of the same generation who ran a home for maladjusted children in
Vienna. He gives this description of one particularly aggressive group:
“Their aggressive acts became more frequent and more violent until
practically all the furniture in the building was destroyed, the window
panes broken, the doors nearly kicked to pieces. It happened once that a
boy sprang through a double window ignoring his injuries from the
broken glass. The dinner table was finally deserted because each one
sought out a corner in the playroom where he crouched to devour his
food. Screams and howls could be heard from afar!”\footnote{August Aichhorn, \emph{Wayward Youth} (London, 1925).}
Aichhorn and his colleagues maintained what one can only call a
superhuman restraint and faith in their method, protecting their charges
from the wrath of the neighbours, the police and the city authorities,
and “Eventually patience brought its reward. Not only did the children
settle down, but they developed a strong attachment to those who were
working with them \dots{} This attachment was now to be used as the foundation
of a process of re-education. The children were at last to
be brought up against the limitations imposed upon them by the real
world.”\footnote{\emph{ibid.}}
Time and again those rare people who have themselves been free
enough and have had the moral strength and the endless patience and
forbearance that this method demands, have been similarly rewarded. In
ordinary life the fact that one is not dealing (theoretically at least,) with
such deeply disturbed characters should make the experience less
drastic, but in ordinary life, outside the deliberately protected environment,
we interact with others with the aim of getting some common
task done, and the apparent aimlessness and time-consuming tedium of
the period of waiting for spontaneous order to appear brings the danger
of some lover of order intervening with an attempt to impose authority
and method, just to get something accomplished. But you have only to
watch parents with their children to see that the threshold of tolerance
for disorder in this context varies enormously from one individual to
another. We usually conclude that the punitive, interfering lover of
order is usually so because of his own unfreedom and insecurity. The
tolerant condoner of disorder is a recognisably different kind of character,
and the reader will have no doubt which of the two is easier to live with.
On an altogether different plane is the spontaneous order that
emerges in those rare moments in human society when a popular revolution
has withdrawn support, and consequently power, from the forces
of “law-and-order”. I once spoke to a Scandinavian journalist back from a
visit to South Africa, whose strongest impression of that country was
that the White South Africans \emph{barked} at each other. They were, he
thought, so much in the habit of shouting orders or admonitions to their
servants that it affected their manner of speech to each other as well.
“Nobody there is gentle any more.” he said. What brought his remark
back to my mind was its reverse. In a broadcast on the anniversary of the
Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia a speaker looked back to the summer
of 1968 in Prague as one in which, as she put it, “Everyone had become
more gentle, more considerate. Crime and violence diminished. We all
seemed to be making a special effort to make life tolerable, just because
it had been so intolerable before.”
Now that the Prague Spring and the Czechoslovak long hot summer
have retreated into history, we tend to forget — though the Czechs will
not forget — the change in the \emph{quality} of ordinary life, while the historians,
busy with the politicians floating on the surface of events, or this
or that memorandum from a Central Committee or a Praesidium, tell us
nothing about what it felt like for people in the streets. At the time John
Berger wrote of the immense impression made on him by the transformation
of values: “Workers in many places spontaneously offered to
work for nothing on Saturdays in order to contribute to the national
fund. Those for whom, a few months before, the highest ideal was a
consumer society, offered money and gold to help save the national
economy. (Economically a naive gesture but ideologically a significant
one.) I saw crowds of workers in the streets of Prague, their faces lit by
an evident sense of opportunity and achievement. Such an atmosphere
was bound to be temporary. But it was an unforgettable indication of the
previously unused potential of a people: of the speed with which
demoralisation may be overcome.”\footnote{John Berger, “Freedom and the Czechs” (\emph{New Society}, 29 August 1968).} And Harry Schwartz of the \emph{New York
Times} reminds us that “Gay, spontaneous, informal and relaxed were the
words foreign correspondents used to describe the vast outpouring of
merry Prague citizens.”\footnote{Harry Schwartz, \emph{Prague’s 200 Days} (London, 1969).} What was Dubcek doing at the time? “He was
trying to set limits on the spontaneous revolution that had been set in
motion and to curb it. No doubt he hoped to honour the promises he
had given at Dresden that he would impose order on what more and
more conservative Communists were calling ‘anarchy’”.\footnote{\emph{ibid.}} When the
Soviet tanks rolled in to impose \emph{their} order, the spontaneous revolution
gave way to a spontaneous resistance. Of Prague, Kamil Winter declared,
“I must confess to you that nothing was organised at all. Everything went
on spontaneously \dots{}”\footnote{\emph{The Listener}, 5 September 1958.} And of the second day of the invasion in
Bratislava, Ladislav Mňačko wrote: “Nobody had given any order.
Nobody was giving any orders at all. People knew of their own accord
what ought to be done. Each and every one of them was his own
government, with its orders and regulations, while the government itself
was somewhere very far away, probably in Moscow. Everything the
occupation forces tried to paralyse went on working and even worked
better than in normal times; by the evening the people had even
managed to deal with the bread situation”.\footnote{Ladislav Mnacko, \emph{The Seventh Night} (London, 1969).}
In November, when the students staged a sit-in in the universities,
“the sympathy of the population with the students was shown by the
dozens of trucks sent from the factories to bring them food free of
charge,”\footnote{Schwartz, \emph{op. cit.}} and “Prague’s railway workers threatened to strike if the
government took reprisal measures against the students. Workers of
various state organisations supplied them with food. The buses of the
urban transport workers were placed at the strikers’ disposal \dots{} Postal
workers established certain free telephone communications between
university towns.”\footnote{Daniel Guérin, “The Czechoslovak Working Class and the Resistance Movement” in \emph{Czechoslovakia and Socialism} (London, 1969).}
The same brief honeymoon with anarchy was observed twelve years
earlier in Poland and Hungary. The economist Peter Wiles (who was in
Poznan at the time of the bread riots and who went to Hungary in the
period when the Austrian frontier was open) noted what he called an
“astonishing moral purity” and he explained:
\begin{quote}
Poland had less chance to show this than Hungary, where for weeks
there was no authority. In a frenzy of anarchist self-discipline the people,
including the criminals, stole nothing, beat no Jews, and never got
drunk. They went so far as to lynch only security policemen (AVH)
leaving other Communists untouched \dots{} The moral achievement is
perhaps unparalleled in revolutionary history \dots{} It was indeed intellectuals
of some sort that began both movements, with the industrial
workers following them. The peasants had of course never ceased to
resist since 1945, but from the nature of things, in a dispersed and passive
manner. Peasants stop things, they don’t start them. Their sole initiative
was the astonishing and deeply moving despatch of free food to
Budapest after the first Soviet attack had been beaten.\footnote{\emph{Encounter}, January 1957.}
\end{quote}
A Hungarian eyewitness of the same events declared:
\begin{quote}
May I tell you one thing about this common sense of the street, during
these first days of the revolution? Just, for example, many hours standing
in queues for bread and even under such circumstances not a single
fight. One day we were standing in a queue and then a truck came with
two young boys with machine guns and they were asking us to give
them any money we could spare to buy bread for the fighters. All the
queue was collecting half a truck-full of bread. It is just an example.
Afterwards somebody beside me asked us to hold his place for him
because he gave all his money and he had to go home to get some. In
this case the whole queue gave him all the money he wanted. Another
example: naturally all the shop windows broke in the first day, but not a
single thing inside was touched by anybody. You could have seen
broken-in shop windows and candy stores, and even the little children
didn’t touch anything in it. Not even camera shops, opticians or
jewellers. Not a single thing was touched for two or three days. And in
the streets on the third and fourth day, shop windows were empty, but it
was written there that, “The caretaker has taken it away”, or “Everything
from here is in this or that fiat.” And in these first days it was a custom to
put big boxes on street corners or on crossings where more streets met,
and just a script over them “This is for the wounded, for the casualties or
for the families of the dead,” and they were set out in the morning and
by noon they were full of money\dots{}\footnote{Tape-recording in the BBC Sound Archives.}
\end{quote}
In Havana, when the general strike brought down the Batista regime and
before Castro’s army entered the city, a despatch from Robert Lyon,
Executive Secretary of the New England office of the American Friends
Service Committee reported that “There are no police anywhere in the
country, but the crime rate is lower than it has been in years,\footnote{Robert Lyon in \emph{Peace News}, 20 February 1959} and the
BBC’s correspondent reported that “The city for days had been without
police of any sort, an experience delightful to everyone. Motorists — and
considering that they were Cubans this was miraculous — behaved in an
orderly manner. Industrial workers, with points to make, demonstrated
in small groups, dispersed and went home; bars closed when the
customers had had enough and no one seemed more than normally
merry. Havana, heaving up after years under a vicious and corrupt police
control, smiled in the hot sunshine.”\footnote{Alan Burgess in the \emph{Radio Times}, 13 February 1959.}
In all these instances, the new regime has built up its machinery of
repression, announcing the necessity of maintaining order and avoiding
counter-revolution: “The Praesidium of the Central Committee of the
CPC, the Government and the National Front unequivocally rejected
the appeals of the statement of \emph{Two Thousand Words}, which induce to
anarchist acts, to violating the constitutional character of our political
reform.”\footnote{Appendix III of Philip Windsor and Adam Roberts, \emph{Czechoslovakia 1968} (London, 1969).} And so on, in a variety of languages. No doubt people will
cherish the interregnum of elation and spontaneity merely as a memory
of a time when, as George Orwell said of revolutionary Barcelona, there
was “a feeling of having suddenly emerged into an era of equality and
freedom when human beings were trying to behave like human beings
and not as cogs in the capitalist machine,”\footnote{George Orwell, \emph{Homage to Catalonia} (London, 1938).} or when, as Andy Anderson
wrote of Hungary in 1956, “In the society they were glimpsing through
the dust and smoke of the battle in the streets, there would be no Prime
Minister, no government of professional politicians, and no officials or
bosses ordering them about.”\footnote{Andy Anderson, \emph{Hungary 1956} (London, 1964).}
Now you might think that in the study of human behaviour and
social relations these moments when society is held together by the
cement of human solidarity alone, without the dead weight of power
and authority, would have been studied and analysed with the aim of
discovering what kind of preconditions exist for an increase in social
spontaneity, “participation” and freedom. The moments when there
aren’t even any police would surely be of immense interest, if only for
criminologists. Yet you don’t find them discussed in the texts of social
psychology and you don’t find them written about by the historians.
You have to dig around for them among the personal impressions of
people who just happened to be there.
If you want to know why the historians neglect or traduce these
moments of revolutionary spontaneity, you should read Noam
Chomsky’s essay “Objectivity and Liberal Scholarship”\footnote{In Noam Chomsky, \emph{American Power and the New Mandarins} (London, 1969).} The example he
uses is one of the greatest importance for anarchists, the Spanish revolution
of 1936, whose history, he remarks, is yet to be written. In looking
at the work in this field of the professional historians, he writes: “It seems
to me that there is more than enough evidence to show that a deep bias
against social revolution and a commitment to the values and social
order of liberal bourgeois democracy has led the author to misrepresent
crucial events and to overlook major historical currents.” But this is not
his main point. “At least this much is plain,” he says, “there are dangerous
tendencies in the ideology of the welfare state intelligentsia who claim to
possess the technique and understanding required to manage our ‘post-industrial
society” and to organise an international society dominated by
American superpower. Many of these dangers are revealed, at a purely
ideological level, in the study of the counter-revolutionary subordination
of scholarship. The dangers exist both insofar as the claim to knowledge
is real and insofar as it is fraudulent. Insofar as the technique of
management and control exists, it can be used to diminish spontaneous
and free experimentation with new social forms, as it can limit the possibilities
for reconstruction of society in the interests of those who are
now, to a greater or lesser extent dispossessed. Where the techniques fail,
they will be supplemented by all of the methods of coercion that
modern technology provides, to preserve order and stability.”
As a final example of what he calls spontaneous and free experimentation
with new social forms, let me quote from the account he cites of
the revolution in the Spanish village of Membrilla:
\begin{quote}
“In its miserable huts live the poor inhabitants of a poor province; eight
thousand people, but the streets are not paved, the town has no newspaper,
no cinema, neither a cafe nor a library. On the other hand, it has
many churches that have been burned.” Immediately after the Franco
insurrection, the land was expropriated and village life collectivised.
“Food, clothing, and tools were distributed equitably to the whole
population. Money was abolished, work collectivised, all goods passed
to the community, consumption was socialised. It was, however, not a
socialisation of wealth but of poverty.” Work continued as before. An
elected council appointed committees to organise the life of the
commune and its relations to the outside world. The necessities of life
were distributed freely, insofar as they were available. A large number
of refugees were accommodated. A small library was established, and a
small school of design. The document closes with these words: “The
whole population lived as in a large family; functionaries, delegates, the
secretary of the syndicates, the members of the municipal council, all
elected, acted as heads of a family. But they were controlled, because
special privilege or corruption would not be tolerated. Membrilla, is
perhaps the poorest village of Spain, but it is the most just”.\footnote{\emph{ibid.} The best available accounts in English of the collectivisation of industry and agriculture in the Spanish revolution are in Vernon Richards, \emph{Lessons of the Spanish Revolution} (London, Freedom Press, 2\textsuperscript{nd} ed. 1983) and Burnett Bolloten, \emph{The Grand Camouflage} (London, 1961).}
\end{quote}
And Chomsky comments: “An account such as this, with its concern for
human relations and the ideal of a just society, must appear very strange
to the consciousness of the sophisticated intellectual, and it is therefore
treated with scorn, or taken to be naive or primitive or otherwise irrational.
Only when such prejudice is abandoned will it be possible for
historians to undertake a serious study of the popular movement that
transformed Republican Spain in one of the most remarkable social
revolutions that history records.” There is an order imposed by terror,
there is an order enforced by bureaucracy (with the policeman in the
corridor) and there is an order which evolves spontaneously from the
fact that we are gregarious animals capable of shaping our own destiny.
When the first two are absent, the third, as infinitely more human and
humane form of order has an opportunity to emerge. Liberty, as
Proudhon said, is the mother, not the daughter of order.
\chapter{Chapter III. The Dissolution of Leadership}
\begin{quote}
Accustomed as is this age to artificial leadership \dots{} it is difficult for it to realise the
truth that leaders require no training or appointing, but emerge spontaneously
when conditions require them. Studying their members in the free-for-all of the
Peckham Centre, the observing scientists saw over and over again how one
member instinctively became, and was instinctively but not officially recognised as,
leader to meet the needs of one particular moment. Such leaders appeared and
disappeared as the flux of the Centre required. Because they were not consciously
appointed, neither (when they had fulfilled their purpose) where they consciously
overthrown. Nor was any particular gratitude shown by members to a leader either
at the time of his services or after for services rendered. They followed his guidance
just as long as his guidance was helpful and what they wanted. They melted away
from him without regrets when some widening of experience beckoned them on to
some fresh adventure, which would in turn throw up its spontaneous leader, or
when their self-confidence was such that any form of constrained leadership would
have been a restraint to them.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
John Comerford, \emph{Health the Unknown:\forcelinebreak
The Story of the Peckham Experiment}
\end{flushright}
Take me to your leader! This is the first demand made by Martians to
Earthlings, policemen to demonstrators, journalists to revolutionaries.
“Some journalists”, said one of them to Daniel Cohn-Bendit, “have
described you as the leader of the revolution \dots{}” He replied, “Let them
write their rubbish. These people will never be able to understand
that the student movement doesn’t need any chiefs. I am neither a leader nor
a professional revolutionary. I am simply a mouthpiece, a megaphone.”
Anarchists believe in leaderless groups, and if this phrase is familiar it is
because of the paradox that what was known as the leaderless group
technique was adopted in the British and Australian armies during the
war — and in industrial management since then — as a means of selecting
leaders. The military psychologists learned that what they considered to
be leader or follower traits are not exhibited in isolation. They are, as
one of them wrote, “relative to a specific social situation — leadership
varied from situation to situation and from group to group.” Or as the
anarchist, Michael Bakunin, put it over a hundred years ago: “I receive
and I give — such is human life. Each directs and is directed in his turn.
Therefore there is no fixed and constant authority, but a continual
exchange of mutual, temporary and, above all, voluntary authority and
subordination.”
Don’t be deceived by the sweet reasonableness of all this. The anarchist
concept of leadership is completely revolutionary in its implications
— as you can see if you look around, for you will see everywhere in operation
the opposite concept: that of hierarchical, authoritarian, privileged
and permanent leadership. There are very few comparative studies available
of the effects of these two opposite approaches to the organisation
of work. Two of them are mentioned in Chapter XI. Another comes
from the architectural profession. The Royal Institute of British
Architects sponsored a report on the methods of organisation in architects’
offices.\footnote{RIBA, \emph{The Architect and His Office} (London, 1962).} The survey team felt able to distinguish two opposite
approaches to the process of design, which gave rise to very different
ways of working and methods of organisation. “One was characterised
by a procedure which began by the invention of a building shape and
was followed by a moulding of the client’s needs to fit inside this three-dimensional
preconception. The other began with an attempt to understand
fully the needs of the people who were to use the building around
which, when they were clarified, the building would be fitted.”
For the first type, once the basic act of invention and imagination is
over, the rest is easy and the architect makes decisions quickly, produces
work to time and quickly enough to make a reasonable profit. “The
evidence suggests that this attitude is the predominant one in the group
of offices which we found to be using a centralised type of work organisation,
and it clearly goes with rather autocratic forms of control.” But
“the other philosophy — from user’s needs to building form — makes
decision making more difficult \dots{} The work takes longer and is often
unprofitable to the architect, although the client may end up with a
much cheaper building put up more quickly than he had expected.
Many offices working in this way had found themselves better suited by
a \emph{dispersed} type of work organisation which can promote an informal
atmosphere of free-flowing ideas \dots{}” The team found that (apart from a
small “hybrid” group of large public offices with a very rigid and hierarchical
structure, a poor quality of design, poor technical and managerial
efficiency) the offices surveyed could be classed as either centralised or
dispersed types. Staff turnover, which bore no relation at all to earnings,
was high in the centralised offices and low or very low in the dispersed
ones, where there was considerable delegation of responsibility to assistants,
and where we found a lively working atmosphere”.
This is a very live issue among architects and it was not a young revolutionary
architect but Sir William Pile, when he was head of the
Architects and Buildings Branch of the Ministry of Education, who
specified among the things he looked for in a member of the building
team that “He must have a belief in what I call the non-hierarchical
organisation of the work. The work has got to be organised not on the
star system but on the repertory system. The team leader may often be
junior to a team member. That will only be accepted if it is commonly
accepted that primacy lies with the best idea and not with the senior
man.” Again from the architectural world, Walter Gropius proclaimed
what he called the technique of “collaboration among men, which
would release the creative instincts of the individual instead of smothering
them. The essence of such technique should be to emphasise individual
freedom of initiative, instead of authoritarian direction by a boss
\dots{} synchronising individual effort by a continuous give and take of its
members\dots{}”\footnote{Walter Gropius, an address given at the RIBA, April 1956.}
Similar findings to those of the RIBA survey come from comparative
studies of the organisation of scientific research. Some remarks of
Wilhelm Reich on his concept of “work democracy” are relevant here. I
am bound to say that I doubt if he really practised the philosophy he
describes, but it certainly corresponds to my experience of working in
anarchist groups. He asks, “\dots{} On what principle, then, was our organisation
based, if there were no votes, no directives and commands, no
secretaries, presidents, vice-presidents, etc.?” And he answers:
\begin{quote}
What kept us together was our \emph{work}, our mutual interdependencies in
this work, our factual interest in one gigantic problem with its many
specialist ramifications. I had not solicited co-workers. They had come
of themselves. They remained, or they left when the work no longer
held them. We had not formed a political group or worked out a
programme of action \dots{} Each one made his contribution according
to his interest in the work \dots{} There are, then, objective biological work
interests and work functions capable of regulating human co-operation.
Exemplary work organises its forms of functioning organically and spontaneously,
even though only gradually, gropingly and often making
mistakes. In contra-distinction, the political organisations, with their
“campaigns” and “platforms” proceed without any connection with the
tasks and problems of daily life.\footnote{Wilhelm Reich, Work Democracy in Action, \emph{Annals of the Orgone Institute}, Vol.~1, 1944.}
\end{quote}
Elsewhere in his paper on “work democracy” he notes that: “If personal
enmities, intrigues and political manoeuvres make their appearance in an
organisation, one can be sure that its members no longer have a factual
meeting ground in common, that they are no longer held together by a
common work interest \dots{} Just as organisational ties result from common
work interests, so they dissolve when the work interests dissolve or begin
to conflict with each other.”\footnote{\emph{ibid.}}
This fluid, changing leadership derives from authority, but this
authority derives from each person’s self-chosen function in performing
the task in hand. You can be \emph{in} authority, or you can be \emph{an} authority, or
you can \emph{have} authority. The first derives from your rank in some chain of
command, the second derives from special knowledge, and the third
from special wisdom. But knowledge and wisdom are not distributed in
order of rank, and they are no one person’s monopoly in any undertaking.
The fantastic inefficiency of any hierarchical organisation — any
factory, office, university, warehouse or hospital — is the outcome of two
almost invariable characteristics. One is that the knowledge and wisdom
of the people at the bottom of the pyramid finds no place in the
decision-making leadership hierarchy of the institution. Frequently it is
devoted to making the institution work in spite of the formal leadership
structure, or alternatively to sabotaging the ostensible function of the
institution, because it is none of their choosing. The other is that they
would rather not be there anyway: they are there through economic
necessity rather than through identification with a common task which
throws up its own shifting and functional leadership.
Perhaps the greatest crime of the industrial system is the way in which
it systematically thwarts the inventive genius of the majority of its
workers. As Kropotkin asked, “What can a man invent who is
condemned for life to bind together the ends of two threads with the
greatest celerity, and knows nothing beyond making a knot?”
\begin{quote}
At the outset of modern industry, three generations of workers \emph{have}
invented; now they cease to do so. As to the inventions of the engineers,
specially trained for devising machines, they are either devoid of genius
or not practical enough \dots{} None but he who knows the machine — not
in its drawings and models only, but in its breathing and throbbings —
who unconsciously thinks of it while standing by it, can really improve
it. Smeaton and Newcomen surely were excellent engineers; but in their
engines a boy had to open the steam valve at each stroke of the piston;
and it was one of those boys who once managed to connect the valve
with the remainder of the machine, so as to make it open automatically,
while he ran away to play with the other boys. But in the modern
machinery there is no room left for naive improvements of that kind.
Scientific education on a wide scale has become necessary for further
inventions, and that education is refused to the workers. So that there is
no issue out of the difficulty, unless scientific education and handicraft
are combined together — unless integration of knowledge takes the place
of the present divisions.\footnote{Peter Kropotkin, \emph{Fields, Factories and Workshops Tomorrow}, edited by Colin Ward, (London, Freedom Press, 1985).}
\end{quote}
The situation today is actually worse than Kropotkin envisaged. The
divorce between design and execution, between “manager” and worker,
is more complete. Most people in fact are “educated” beyond their level
in the industrial pyramid. Their capacity for invention and innovation is
not wanted by the system. “You’re not paid to think, just get on with it,”
says the foreman. “We are happy that we have re-established the most
fundamental principle — management’s right to manage,” said Sir Alick
Dick when he took over as chairman of the Standard Motor Company
(only to be “resigned” himself when Leylands decided to manage
instead).
The remark I value most among the things that were said about the
anarchist journal I used to edit, was that of a reviewer who remarked that
it was concerned with “the way in which individual human beings are
prevented from developing” and that “at the same time there is a vision of
the unfulfilled potentialities of every human being”.\footnote{Richard Boston in \emph{Peace News}, 23 February 1962.} However much this
described the intention rather than the result, the sentiment is true.
People do go from womb to tomb without ever realising their human
potential, precisely because the power to initiate, to participate in innovating,
choosing, judging, and deciding is reserved for the top men. It is
no accident that the examples I have given of leadership revolving
around functional activities come from “creative” occupations like architecture
or scientific research. If ideas are your business, you cannot afford
to condemn most of the people in the organisation to being merely
machines programmed by somebody else.
But why are there these privileged enclaves where different rules
apply?
\begin{quote}
Creativity is for the gifted few: the rest of us are compelled to live in the
environments constructed by the gifted few, listen to the gifted few’s
music, use the gifted few’s inventions and art, and read the poems,
fantasies and plays by the gifted few. This is what our education and
culture condition us to believe, and this is a culturally induced and
perpetuated lie.\footnote{Simon Nicholson, “The Theory of Loose Parts”, \emph{Bulletin of Environmental Education}, April, 1972.}
\end{quote}
The system makes its morons, then despises them for their ineptitude,
and rewards its “gifted few” for their rarity.
\chapter{Chapter IV. Harmony through Complexity}
\begin{quote}
People like simple ideas and are right to like them. Unfortunately, the simplicity
they seek is only to be found in elementary things; and the world, society, and
man are made up of insoluble problems, contrary principles, and conflicting forces.
Organism means complication, and multiplicity means contradiction, opposition,
independence.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
P.-J. Proudhon, \emph{The Theory of Taxation} (1861)
\end{flushright}
One of the most frequently met reasons for dismissing anarchism as a
social theory is the argument that while one can imagine it existing in a
small, isolated, primitive community it cannot possibly be conceived in
the context of large, complex, industrial societies. This view misunderstands
both the nature of anarchism and the nature of tribal societies.
Certainly the knowledge that human societies exist, or have existed,
without government, without institutionalised authority, and with social
and sexual codes quite different from those of our own society, is bound
to interest the advocates of anarchy if only to rebut the suggestion that
their ideas run contrary to “human nature”, and you will often find
quoted in the anarchist press some attractive description of a tribal
anarchy, some pocket of the Golden Age (seen from the outside) among
the Eskimo, innocent of property, or the sex-happy Trobrianders.
An impressive anthology could be made of such items, as the travel
books and works of popular anthropology roll off the presses — from
\emph{Aku-Aku} to \emph{Wai-Wai}. Several anarchist writers of the past did just this:
Kropotkin in his chapter on “Mutual Aid Among Savages”, Élisée Reclus
in his \emph{Primitive Folk} and Edward Carpenter in his essay on “Non-governmental Society”,
but anthropology has developed its techniques and
methods of analysis greatly since the days of the anecdotal approach
with its accumulation of travellers” tales. Today, when we view the “simpler”
societies we realise that they are not simple at all. When early Western
travellers first came back from African journeys they wrote of the
cacophonous sound of the savage jungle drums, or of the primitive mud
and straw huts, in patronising or pitying tones because they were blinkered
by assumptions about their own society’s superiority which blinded
them to the subtlety and wonder of other people’s culture. Nowadays
you can spend a lifetime exploring the structure of African music or the
ingenuity and variety of African architecture. In the same way early
observers described as sexual promiscuity or group marriage what was
simply a different kind of family organisation, or labelled certain societies
as anarchistic when a more searching examination might show that
they had as effective methods of social control and its enforcement as any
authoritarian society, or that certain patterns of behaviour are so rigidly
enforced by custom as to make alternatives unthinkable.
The anarchist, in making use of anthropological data today, has to ask
more sophisticated questions than his predecessors about the role of law
in such societies. But what constitutes “the law”? Raymond Firth writes:
“When we turn to the sphere of primitive law, we are confronted by
difficulties of definition. There is usually no specific code of legislation,
issued by a central authority, and no formal judicial body of the nature of
a court. Nevertheless there are rules which are expected to be obeyed
and which, in fact, are normally kept, and there are means for ensuring
some degree of obedience.\footnote{Raymond Pirth, \emph{Human Types} (London, 1970).}
On the classification of these rules and the definition of law anthropologists
are divided. By the test of the jurist, who equates the law with
what is decided by the courts, “primitive people have no \emph{law}, but simply
a body of customs”; to the sociologists what is important is the whole
body of rules of all sorts that exist in a society and the problem of their
functioning. Malinowski included in primitive law “all types of binding
obligation and any customary action to prevent breaches in the pattern
of social conformity”. Godfrey Wilson takes as the criterion of legal
action “the entry into an issue of one or more members of a social group
who are not themselves personally concerned”, though others would call
the kind of adjudication of a dispute by a senior kinsman or respected
neighbour, which Wilson described among the Nyakysua, not law but
private arbitration. Indeed Kropotkin in his essay \emph{Law and Authority}
singles this out as the antithesis of law: “Many travellers have depicted the
manners of absolutely independent tribes, where laws and chiefs are
unknown, but where the members of the tribe have given up stabbing
one another in every dispute, because the habit of living in society has
ended by developing certain feelings of fraternity and oneness of
interest, and they prefer appealing to a third person to settle their differences.”\footnote{Peter Kropotkin, \emph{Law and Authority}, reprinted in Baldwin (ed.), \emph{Kropotkin’s Revolutionary Pamphlets} (New York, 1927, 1968).}
Wilson, however, sees “law” as the concomitant of this habit of living
in society, defining it as “that customary force which is kept in being by
the inherent necessities of systematic co-operation among its members”.
Finally, the school of thought represented by Radcliffe-Brown restricts
the sphere of law to “social control through the systematic application of
the force of politically organised society”. But what kind of political
organisation? Evans-Pritchard and Meyer Fortes distinguished three
types of political system in traditional African societies. Firstly, those like
that of the Bushmen where the largest political units embrace people
who are all related by kinship so that “political relations are co-terminous
with kinship relations”, secondly, those with “specialised political
authority that is institutionalised and vested in roles attached to a state
administration”, and thirdly, those where political authority is uncentralised.
In them “the political system is based upon a balance of power
between many small groups which, with their lack of classes or
specialised political offices, have been called \emph{ordered anarchies}”. Several
African societies which are law-less in this sense — in that there are no
patterns for formal legislation nor for juridical decisions, and which have
no law-enforcement officers of any kind — are described in the symposium
\emph{Tribes Without Rulers}.\footnote{John Middleton and David Tait (eds), \emph{Tribes without Rulers: Studies in African Segmentary Systems} (London, 1958).}
The Tiv, a society of 800,000 people who live on either side of the
Benue River in Northern Nigeria were studied by Laura Bohannan.
The political attitudes of the Tiv are conveyed in two expressions, to
“repair the country” and to “spoil the country”. Dr Bohannan explains
that “any act which disturbs the smooth course of social life — war, theft,
witchcraft, quarrels — spoils the country; peace, restitution, successful
arbitration repairs it”. And she warns that if we try “to isolate certain
attributes of the roles of elders or men of influence as political, we falsify
their true social and cultural position \dots{} I mean this in a positive and
not a negative way: a segmentary system of this sort functions not despite
but through the absence of an indigenous concept of ‘the political’.
Only the intricate interrelations of interests and loyalties through the
interconnection of cultural ideology, systems of social grouping, and
organisation of institutions and the consequent moral enforcement of
each by the other, enables the society to work.”\footnote{\emph{ibid.}}
The Dinka are a people numbering some 900,000 living on the fringe
of the central Nile basin in the Southern Sudan. (A correspondent of
The Sunday Times remarked of them that “touchiness, pride and reckless
disobedience are their characteristic reaction towards authority”.)
Godfrey Lienhardt’s contribution to \emph{Tribes Without Rulers} describes their
intricately subdivided society and the very complicated inter-relationships
resulting from the fusion and fission of segments in different
combinations for different economic and functional purposes.
\begin{quote}
It is a part of Dinka political theory that when a subtribe for some reason
prospers and grows large, it tends to draw apart politically from the tribe
of which it was a part and behave like a distinct tribe. The sections of a
large subtribe similarly are thought to grow politically more distant from
each other as they grow larger, so that a large and prosperous section of a
subtribe may break away from other sections \dots{} In the Dinka view, the
tendency is always for their political segments, as for their agnatic
genealogical segments, to grow apart from each other in the course of
time and through the increase in population which they suppose time to
bring.\footnote{\emph{ibid.}}
\end{quote}
The Dinka explain their cellular sub-division with such phrases as “It
became too big, so it separated” and “They were together long ago but
now they have separated.” They value the unity of their tribes and
descent groups but at the same time they value the feeling for autonomy
in the component segments which lead to fragmentation, and Dr
Lienhardt observes that “these values of personal autonomy and of its
several sub-segments are from time to time in conflict”.
From a totally different African setting comes Ernest Gellner’s
description of the system of trial by collective oath which operated
until recently among the Berber tribes of the Atlas mountains:
\begin{quote}
This system originally functioned against a background of anarchy; there
was no law-enforcing agency. But whilst there was nothing resembling a
state, there was a society, for everyone recognised, more or less, the
same code, and recognised, more or less the universal desirability of
pacific settlements of disputes \dots{} Suppose a man is accused of an offence
by another: the man can clear himself of the charge by bringing a set of
men, co-jurors so to speak, to testify in a fixed order, according to
family proximity in the male line to the man on trial \dots{} The rule, the
decision procedure, so to speak is that if some of the co-jurors fail to
turn up, or fail to testify, or make a slip while testifying, the whole oath
is invalid and the case is lost. The losing party is then obliged to pay the
appropriate fine determined by custom. In some regions, the rule is
even stranger: those co-jurors who failed to turn up, or failed when
testifying are liable for the fine, rather than the testifying group
as a whole.\footnote{Ernest Gellner, “How to Live in Anarchy”, \emph{The Listener}, 3 April 1958.}
\end{quote}
How strange, Mr Gellner remarks, that this system should work at all.
Not only by contrast with the legal procedures we are familiar with, but
in view of the possible motives of the participants. One would expect
the co-jurors always to testify for their clansman, whether they thought
him to be innocent or guilty. Yet the system did work, not merely
because the tribesmen believed perjury a sin, punishable by supernatural
forces, but because other social forces are at work. “We must remember
that each of the two groups is just as anarchic internally as the two
are in their external relations with each other: neither internally nor externally
is there a law-and-order-enforcement machinery, though there is a
recognised law and a recognised obligation to respect law and order. In
fact this distinction between internal and external politics does not
apply.” And the system was applied in disputes at any level, between two
families or between tribal confederacies numbered in tens of thousands.
\begin{quote}
Given this anarchy, this lack of enforcement within as well as without
the group, one way short of violence or expulsion which a clan or
family have of disciplining one of their own number is by letting him
down at the collective oath. Far from never having a motive for letting
down a clansman, or only a transcendental one, they may in fact
frequently have such a motive: a habitual offender within their own
number may be a positive danger to the group. If he repeats his offences
he may well provoke surrounding groups into forming a coalition
against it — if, that is, his own group habitually stands by him at the
collective oath.
\end{quote}
They may do it the first time but the second time they may, even at
their own expense, decide to teach him a lesson though it imposes a
legal defeat on themselves. Thus trial by collective oath can be a
“genuine and sensitive decision procedure whose verdict is a function of
a number of things, amongst which justice is one but not the only one”.
Mr Gellner develops his account of this extraordinarily subtle system at
great length. The threat of the collective oath is often enough to settle
the issue out of court, and the oath itself” does indeed give any determined,
cohesive clan the veto on any decision that would, in virtue of
that cohesion, unenforceable anyway; on the other hand, however, it
gives groups the possibility of half-throwing culprits to the wolves, of
giving in gracefully, or disciplining the unruly member without actually
having to expel him or kill him.” The strange system of social control he
describes provides, not a series of totally unenforceable judgments, but
at least a half-loaf of justice. One common misconception, he
concludes, is that “the situation in anarchic contexts would be improved
if only the participants could overcome their clan or bloc loyalty, if only,
instead of “my clan or bloc, right or wrong”, they would think and act as
individuals \dots{} It seems to me, on the contrary, that unless and until
there is genuine enforcement, only blocs or clans can make an anarchic
system work.”
Now my purpose in describing the handling of social conflict in non-governmental
societies is not to suggest that we should adopt collective
oaths as a means of enforcing social norms, but to emphasise that it is not
anarchy but government which is a crude simplification of social organisation,
and that the very complexity of these tribal societies is the condition
of their successful functioning. The editors of \emph{Tribes Without Rulers}
summarise the implications in these terms:
\begin{quote}
In societies lacking ranked and specialised holders of political authority
the relations of local groups to one another are seen as a balance of
power, maintained by competition between them. Corporate groups
may be arranged hierarchically in a series of levels; each group is significant
in different circumstances and in connection with different social
activities — economic, ritual and governmental. Relations at one level
are competitive in one situation, but in another the formerly competitive
groups merge in mutual alliance against an outside group. A group
at any level has competitive relations with others to ensure the maintenance
of its own identity and the rights that belong to it as a corporation,
and it may have internal administrative relations that ensure
coherence of its constituent elements. The aggregates that emerge as
units in one context are merged into larger aggregates in others \dots{}\footnote{Middleton and Tait, \emph{op.cit.}}
\end{quote}
The “balance of power” is in fact the method by which social equilibrium
is maintained in such societies. Not the balance of power as
conceived in nineteenth-century international diplomacy, but in terms
of the resolution of forces, exemplified by the physical sciences.
Harmony results not from unity but from complexity. It appears, as
Kropotkin put it:
\begin{quote}
as a temporary adjustment established among all forces acting upon a
given spot — a provisory adaption. And that adjustment will only last
under one condition: that of being continually modified; of representing
every moment the resultant of all conflicting actions \dots{}
Under the name of anarchism, a new interpretation of the past and
present life of society arises \dots{} It comprises in its midst an infinite variety
of capacities, temperaments and individual energies: it excludes none. It
even calls for struggles and contentions; because we know that periods
of contests, so long as they were freely fought out without the weight of
constituted authority being thrown on one side of the balance, were
periods when human genius took its mightiest flights \dots{}
It seeks the most complete development of individuality combined
with the highest development of voluntary association in all its aspects,
in all possible degrees, for all imaginable aims; ever changing, ever
modified associations which carry in themselves the elements of their
durability and constantly assume new forms which answer best to the
multiple aspirations of all. A society to which pre-established forms,
crystallised by law, are repugnant; which looks for harmony in an ever-changing
and fugitive equilibrium between a multitude of varied forces
and influences of every kind, following their own course \dots{}\footnote{Peter Kropotkin, \emph{Anarchism: Its Philosophy and Ideal}, reprinted in Baldwin, op.cit.}
\end{quote}
Anarchy is a function, not of a society’s simplicity and lack of social
organisation, but of its complexity and multiplicity of social organisations.
Cybernetics, the science of control and communication systems,
throws valuable light on the anarchist conception of complex self-organising
systems. If we must identify biological and political systems, wrote
the neurologist Grey Walter, our own brains would seem to illustrate the
capacity and limitations of an anarchosyndicalist community: “We find
no boss in the brain, no oligarchic ganglion or glandular Big Brother.
Within our heads our very lives depend on equality of opportunity, on
specialisation with versatility, on free communication and just restraint,
a freedom without interference. Here too, local minorities can and do
control their own means of production and expression in free and equal
intercourse with their neighbours.”\footnote{W. Grey Walter, “The Development and Significance of Cybernetics”, \emph{Anarchy} 25, March 1963.} His observations led John D.
McEwan to pursue the cybernetic model further. Pointing to the relevance
of the Principle of Requisite Variety (“if stability is to be attained
the variety of the controlling system must be at least as great as the
variety of the system to be controlled”) he cites Stafford Beer’s illustration
of the way in which conventional managerial ideas of organisation
fail to satisfy this principle. Beer imagines a visitor from Mars who
examines the activities at the lower levels of some large undertaking, the
brains of the workers concerned, and the organisational chart which
purports to show how the undertaking is controlled. He deduces that
the creatures at the top of the hierarchy must have heads yards wide.
McEwan contrasts two models of decision-making and control:
\begin{quote}
First we have the model current among management theorists in
industry, with its counterpart in conventional thinking about government
in society as a whole. This is the model of a rigid pyramidical hierarchy,
with lines of “communication and command” running from the
top to the bottom of the pyramid. There is fixed delineation of responsibility,
each element has a specified role, and the procedures to be
followed at any level are determined within fairly narrow limits, and
may only be changed by decisions of elements higher in the hierarchy.
The role of the top group of the hierarchy is sometimes supposed to be
comparable to the “brain” of the system.
The other model is from the cybernetics of evolving self-organising
systems. Here we have a system of large variety, sufficient to cope with a
complex, unpredictable environment. Its characteristics are changing
structure, modifying itself under continual feedback from the environment,
exhibiting “redundancy of potential command”, and involving
complex interlocking control structures. Learning and decision-making
are distributed throughout the system, denser perhaps in some areas than
in others.\footnote{John D. McEwin, “Anarchism and the Cybernetics of Self-organising Systems, Anarchy 31, September 1963, reprinted in Colin Ward (ed.), \emph{A Decade of Anarchy}, (London, Freedom Press, 1987).}
\end{quote}
The same cybernetic criticism of the hierarchical, centralised, governmental
concept of organisation has come more recently (and in rather
more opaque language) from Donald Schon in his 1970 Reith Lectures.
He writes that “the centre-periphery model has been the dominant
model in our society for the growth and diffusion of organisations
defined at high levels of specificity. For such a system, the uniform,
simple message is essential. The system’s ability to handle complex situations
depends upon a simple message and upon growth through uniform
replication.” Like the anarchists, he sees as an alternative, \emph{networks} “of
elements connecting through one another rather than to each other
through a centre”, characterised “by their scope, complexity, stability,
homogeneity and flexibility” in which “nuclei of leadership emerge and
shift” with “the infrastructure powerful enough for the system to hold
itself together\dots{} without any central facilitator or supporter \dots{}”\footnote{Donald Schon, \emph{Beyond the Stable State} (London, 1971).}
Alone among the reviewers of Donald Schon’s lectures Mary Douglas
perceived the connection with non-governmental tribal societies:
\begin{quote}
Once anthropologists thought that if a tribe has no central authority it
had no political unity. We were thoroughly dominated by centre theory
and missed what was under our noses. Then in 1940 Professor Evans-Pritchard
described the Nuer political system and Professor Fortes the
Tallensi. They analysed something uncannily close to Schon’s
Movement or network system: a political structure with no centre and
no head, loosely held together by the opposition of its parts. Authority
was diffused through the entire population. In each case politics were
conducted in an idiom of high generality, the idiom of kinship, which
sat very loosely to the political facts. In different contexts, different
versions of their governing principles had only a family resemblance.
The system was invincible and flexible.\footnote{Mary Douglas in \emph{The Listener}, 1971.}
\end{quote}
Thus both anthropology and cybernetic theory support Kropotkin’s
contention that in a society without government, harmony would result
from ‘an ever-changing adjustment and readjustment of equilibrium
between the multitudes of forces and influences’ expressed in “an
interwoven network, composed of an infinite variety of groups and federations
of all sizes and degrees, local, regional, national and international —
temporary or more or less permanent — for all possible purposes:
production, consumption and exchange, communications, sanitary
arrangements, education, mutual protection, defence of the territory,
and so on; and on the other side, for the satisfaction of an ever-increasing
number of scientific, artistic, literary and sociable needs.”\footnote{Peter Kropotkin, article on \emph{Anarchism} written in 1905 for \emph{Encyclopaedia Britannica}, 11\textsuperscript{th} edition. (Reprinted in \emph{Anarchism \& Anarchist Communism}, London, Freedom Press, 1987).}
How crude the governmental model seems by comparison, whether
in social administration, industry, education or economic planning. No
wonder it is so unresponsive to actual needs. No wonder, as it attempts
to solve its problems by fusion, amalgamation, rationalisation and coordination,
they only become worse because of the clogging of the lines
of communication. The anarchist alternative is that of fragmentation,
fission rather than fusion, diversity rather than unity, a mass of societies
rather than a mass society.
\chapter{Chapter V. Topless Federations}
\begin{quote}
The fascinating secret of a well-functioning social organism seems thus to lie not in
its overall unity but in its structure, maintained in health by the life-preserving
mechanism of division operating through myriads of cell-splittings and rejuvenations
taking place under the smooth skin of an apparently unchanging body.
Wherever, because of age or bad design, this rejuvenating process of subdivision
gives way to the calcifying process of cell unification, the cells, now growing behind
the protection of their hardened frames beyond their divinely allotted limits, begin,
as in cancer, to develop those hostile, arrogant great-power complexes which cannot
be brought to an end until the infested organism is either devoured, or a forceful
operation succeeds in restoring the small-cell pattern.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
Leopold Kohr, \emph{The Breakdown of Nations}
<\Slash{}irght>
People used to smile at Kropotkin when he instanced the lifeboat institution
as an example of the kind of organisation envisaged by anarchists,
but he did so simply to illustrate that voluntary and completely non-coercive
organisations could provide a complex network of services
without the principle of authority intervening. Two other examples
which we often use to help people to conceive the federal principle
which anarchists see as the way in which local groups and associations
could combine for complex functions without any central authority are
the postal service and the railways. You can post a letter from here to
China or Chile, confident that it will arrive, as a result of freely arrived-at
agreements between different national post offices, without there
being any central world postal authority at all. Or you can travel across
Europe over the lines of a dozen railway systems — capitalist and
communist — co-ordinated by agreement between different railway
undertakings, without \emph{any kind} of central railway authority. The same is
true of broadcasting organisations and several other kinds of internationally
co-ordinated activities. Nor is there any reason to suppose that
the constituent parts of complex federations could not run efficiently
on the basis of voluntary association. (When we have in Britain more
than one railway line running scheduled services on time, co-ordinating
with British Rail, and operated by a bunch of amateurs, who dare say
that the railwaymen could not operate their services without the aid of
the bureaucratic hierarchy?) Even within the structure of capitalist
industry there are interesting experiments in organising work on the
basis of small autonomous groups. Industrial militants regard such
ventures with suspicion, as well they might, for they are undertaken not
with the idea of stimulating workers’ autonomy but with that of
increasing productivity. But they are valuable in illustrating our
contention that the whole pyramid of hierarchical authority, which has
been built up in industry as in every other sphere of life, is a giant
confidence trick by which generations of workers have been coerced in the
first instance, hoodwinked in the second, and finally brainwashed into
accepting.
In territorial terms, the great anarchist advocate of federalism was
Proudhon who was thinking not of customs unions like the European
Common Market nor of a confederation of states or a world federal
government but of a basic principle of human organisation:
\begin{quote}
In his view the federal principle should operate from the simplest level
of society. The organisation of administration should begin locally and as
near the direct control of the people as possible; individuals should start
the process by federating into communes and associations. Above that
primary level the confederal organisation would become less an organ of
administration than of coordination between local units. Thus the
nation would be replaced by a geographical confederation of regions,
and Europe would become a confederation of confederations, in which
the interest of the smallest province would have as much expression as
that of the largest, and in which all affairs would be settled by mutual
agreement, contract, and arbitration. In terms of the evolution of anarchist
ideas, \emph{Du Principe Federatif} (1863) is one of the most important of
Proudhon’s books, since it presents the first intensive libertarian development
of the idea of federal organisation as a practical alternative to
political nationalism.\footnote{George Woodcock, \emph{Anarchism: A History if Libertarian Ideas and Movements} (Cleveland 1962; London 1963).}
\end{quote}
Now without wishing to sing a song of praise for the Swiss political
system we can see that, in territorial terms, the twenty-two sovereign
cantons of Switzerland are an outstanding example of a successful federation.
It is a federation of like units, of small cells, and the cantonal
boundaries cut across the linguistic and ethnic boundaries, so that unlike
the many examples of unsuccessful political federation, the confederation
is not dominated by a single powerful unit, so different in size and
scale from the rest that it unbalances the union. The problem of federalism,
as Leopold Kohr puts it in his book \emph{The Breakdown of Nations}, is
one of division, not of union. Proudhon foresaw this:
\begin{quote}
Europe would be too large to form a single confederation; it would have
to be a confederation of confederations. This is why I pointed out in my
most recent publication (\emph{Federation and Unity in Italy}) that the first
measure of reform to be made in public law is the re-establishment of
the Italian, Greek, Batavian (Netherlands), Scandinavian and Danubian
confederations as a prelude to the decentralisation of the large States,
followed by a general disarmament. In these conditions all nations
would recover their freedom, and the notion of the balance of power in
Europe would become a reality. This has been envisaged by all political
writers and statesmen but has remained impossible so long as the great
powers are centralised States. It is not surprising that the notion of federation
should have been lost amid the splendours of the great States, since
it is by nature peaceful and mild and plays a self-effacing role on the
political scene.\footnote{P.-J. Proudhon, \emph{Du Principe Federatif} quoted in Stewart Edwards (ed.) \emph{Selected Writings of Pierre Joseph Proudhon} (London, 1970).}
\end{quote}
Peaceful, mild and self-effacing the Swiss may be and we may consider
them a rather stodgy and provincial lot, but they have something in their
national life which we in the nations which are neither mild nor self-effacing
have lost. I was talking to a Swiss citizen (or rather a citizen of
Zurich, for strictly speaking that is what he was) about the cutting-back
to profitable inter-city routes of the British railway system, and he
remarked that it would be inconceivable in a Swiss setting that a
chairman in London could decide, as Dr Beeching did in the 1960s, to
“write off the railway system of the north of Scotland. He cited Herbert
Luethy’s study of his country’s political system in which he explained
that:
\begin{quote}
Every Sunday the inhabitants of scores of communes go to the polling
booths to elect their civil servants, ratify such and such an item of
expenditure, or decide whether a road or a school should be built; after
settling the business of the commune, they deal with cantonal elections
and voting on cantonal issues; lastly \dots{} come the decisions on federal
issues. In some cantons the sovereign people still meet in Rousseau-like
fashion to discuss questions of common interest. It may be thought that
this ancient form of assembly is no more than a pious tradition with a
certain value as a tourist attraction. If so, it is worth looking at the results
of local democracy.
The simplest example is the Swiss railway system, which is the
densest network in the world. At great cost and with great trouble it has
been made to serve the needs of the smallest localities and most remote
valleys, not as a paying proposition but because such was the will of the
people. It is the outcome of fierce political struggles. In the nineteenth
century the “democratic railway movement” brought the small Swiss
communities into conflict with the big towns, which had plans for
centralisation \dots{}
And if we compare the Swiss system with the French which, with
admirable geometrical regularity, is entirely centred on Paris so that the
prosperity or the the life or death, of whole regions has
depended on the quality of the link with the capital we see the difference
between a centralised state and a federal alliance, The railway map
is the easiest to read at a glance, but let us now superimpose on it
another showing economic activity and the movement of population.
The distribution of industrial activity all over Switzerland, even in the
outlying areas, accounts for the strength and stability of the social structure
of the country and prevented those horrible nineteenth-century
concentrations of industry, with their slums and rootless proletariat.\footnote{Herbert Luethy, “Has Switzerland a Future?”, \emph{Encounter}, December 1962.}
\end{quote}
I suspect that times have changed, even in Switzerland, and quote Dr
Luethy, not to praise Swiss democracy, but to indicate that the federal
principle which is at the centre of anarchist theory is worth very much
more attention than it is given in the textbooks on political science.
Even in the context of ordinary political and economic institutions, its
adoptation has a far-reaching effect. If you doubt this, consult an up-to-date
map of British Rail.
The federal principle applies to every kind of human organisation.
You can readily see its application to communications of all kinds: a
network of local papers sharing stories, a network of local radio and
television stations supported by local listeners (as already happen with a
handful of stations in the United States) sharing programmes,\footnote{See Theodore Roszak, “The Case for Listener-supported Radio”, \emph{Anarchy} 93, November 1968.} a network
of local telephone services (it already happens in Hull which through
some historical anomaly runs its own telephone system and gives its
citizens a rather better service than the Post Office gives the rest of us).
It already applies in the world of voluntary associations, unions, and
pressure groups, and you will not disagree that the lively and active ones
are those where activity and decision-making is initiated at local level,
while those that are centrally controlled are ossified and out of touch
with their apathetic membership, Those readers who remember the days
of CND and the Committee of 100 may recall the episode of the Spies
for Peace. A group of people unearthed details of the RSGs or Regional
Seats of Government, underground hide-outs to ensure the survival of
the ruling elite in the case of nuclear war. It was of course illegal to
publish this information, yet all over the country it appeared in little
anonymous duplicated pamphlets within a few days, providing an enormously
interesting example of \emph{ad hoc} federal activity through loose
networks of active individuals. We later published in \emph{Anarchy} some
reflections on the implications of this:
One lesson to be drawn from “Spies for Peace” is the advantage of \emph{ad hoc}
organisation, coming rapidly into being and if necessary disappearing
with the same speed, but leaving behind innumerable centres of activity,
like ripples and eddies on a pond, after a stone has been thrown into it.
Traditional politics (both “revolutionary” and “reformist”) are based on
a central dynamo, with a transmission belt leading outwards. Capture of
the dynamo, or its conversion to other purposes, may break the transmission
entirely. “Spies for Peace” seems to have operated on an entirely
different basis. Messages were passed from mouth to mouth along the
route, documents from hand to hand. One group passed a secret to a
second, which then set about reprinting it. A caravan became the source
of a leaflet, a shopping basket a distribution centre. A hundred copies of
a pamphlet are distributed in the streets: some are sure to reach the
people who will distribute them.
Contacts are built on a face to face basis. One knows the personal
limitations of one’s comrades. X is an expert at steering a meeting
through procedural shoals, but cannot work as a duplicator. Y can use a
small printing press, but is unable to write a leaflet. Z can express himself
in public, but cannot sell pamphlets. Every task elects its own workers,
and there is no need for an elaborate show of hands. Seekers of personal
power and glory get little thrill from the anonymously and skilfully
illegal. The prospect of prison breeds out the leader complex. Every
member of a group may be called upon to undertake key tasks. And all-round
talent is developed in all. The development of small groups for
mutual aid could form a basis for an effective resistance movement.
There are important conclusions. Revolution does not need
conveyor belt organisation. It needs hundreds, thousands, and finally
millions of people meeting in groups with informal contacts with each
other. It needs mass consciousness. If one group takes an initiative that is
valuable, others will take it up. The methods must be tailored to the
society we live in. The FLN could use armed warfare, for it had hills and
thickets to retreat into. We are faced by the overwhelming physical
force of a State better organised and better armed than at any time in its
history. We must react accordingly. The many internal contradictions of
the State must be skilfully exploited. The Dusseldorf authorities were
caught in their own regulations when the disarmers refused to fasten
their safety belts. MI5 cannot conceive of subversion that is not master-minded
by a sinister Communist agent. It is incapable of dealing with a
movement where nobody takes orders from anyone else. Through
action, autonomy and revolutionary initiative will be developed still
further. To cope with our activities the apparatus of repression will
become even more centralised and even more bureaucratic. This will
enhance our opportunities rather than lessen them.\footnote{“The Spies for Peace Story”, \emph{Anarchy} 29, July 1963.}
This was a federation whose members did not even know each other,
but whose constituent cells had an intimate personal understanding. The
passport to membership was simply a common involvement in a
common task. Innumerable voluntary organisations from the Scouts to
the Automobile Association started in the same impromptu way. Their
ossification began from the centre. Their mistake was a faith in
centralism. The anarchist conclusion is that every kind of human activity
should begin from what is local and immediate, should link in a network
with no centre and no directing agency, hiving off new cells as the
original ones grow. If there is any human activity that does not appear to
fit this pattern our first question should be “Why not?” and our second
should be “How can we re-arrange it so as to provide for local autonomy,
local responsibility, and the fulfilment of local needs?”
\end{flushright}
\chapter{Chapter VI. Who Is To Plan?}
\begin{quote}
Urban development is the capitalist definition of space. It is one particular realisation
of the technically possible, and it excludes all alternatives. Urban studies
should be seen — like aesthetics, whose path to complete confusion they are about to
follow — as a rather neglected type of penal reform: an epidemiology of the social
disease called revolt.
The “theory” of urban development seeks to enlist the support of its victims,
to persuade them that they have really chosen the bureaucratic form of conditioning
expressed by modem architecture. To this end, all the emphasis is placed on
utility, the better to hide the fact that this architecture’s real utility is to control
men and reify the relations between them. People need a roof over their heads:
superblocks provide it. People need informing and entertaining: telly does just
that. But of course the kind of information, entertainment and place to live which
such arguments help sell are not created for people at all, but rather without them
and against them.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
Kotanyi and Vaneigem, \emph{Theses on Unitary Urbanism}
\end{flushright}
Contemporary town planning had its origins in the sanitary reform and
public health movements of the nineteenth century, overlaid by architectural
notions about civic design, economic notions about the
location of industry, and above all by engineering notions about
highway planning. Today, when there are close links between official
planners and speculative developers, to the corruption of the former
and the enrichment of the latter, we forget that there was also, in the
early ideologists of town planning like Patrick Geddes and Ebenezer
Howard, the hope of a great popular movement for town improvement
and city development, and for a regionalist and decentralist approach to
physical planning. There was even a link with anarchism through the
persons of anarchist geographers like Kropotkin and Élisée Reclus and
their friendship with Patrick Geddes (whose biographer writes: “an
interesting book could be written about the scientific origins of the
international anarchist movement, and if it were, the name of Geddes
would not be absent”.)\footnote{Philip Mairet, \emph{Patrick Geddes} (London, 1959).}
But, in a society where urban land and its development are in the
hands of speculative entrepreneurs and where the powers of urban initiative
are in the hands of local and national government, it was inevitable
that the processes of change and innovation should be controlled by
bureaucracies and speculators or by an alliance between the two. With
not the slightest provision for popular initiative and choice in the whole
planning process it is scarcely surprising that the citizen mistrusts and
fears the “planner” who for him is just one more municipal functionary
working in secrecy in City Hall.
When the poor working-class districts of our cities were devastated by
bombing in the Second World War it was said that Hitler had
provided the opportunity for massive slum clearance and reconstruction which
could never have been achieved in peace-time. Comprehensive redevelopment
of the bombed areas was undertaken. But so wedded was the
planning profession and its municipal employers to the huge, utilitarian
rehousing project that they proceeded with their own \emph{blitzkrieg}, with the
demolition contractor taking the place of the bomber.
“Raze and rise” was their crude philosophy, a terrible simplification of
the historical process of urban decay and renewal, as though the intention
was to obliterate the fact that our cities had a past. And it was
pursued with the thoroughness of total war, as you can see with surrealist
clarity in a city like Liverpool where hundreds of acres have been devastate
while neither the Corporation nor anyone else has the finance for
rebuilding. They either sow grass on the flattened streets or deposit
rubble to keep out the Gypsies. Another aspect of the war of planning
against the poor has been the universal policy of building inner ring
roads or urban motorways for the benefit of the out-of-town commuter
and the motoring lobby. The highway engineer has staked his professional
reputation on getting the traffic through — at whatever cost — and,
needless to say, it is the poor districts of the city that provide the cheapest
route.
In the United States similar policies of urban renewal have meant the
destruction of the run-down, top-down sector of town to replace low-income
housing by office blocks, parking lots or expensive apartments at
high rents. In practice, “bringing back life to the city” meant “running
the Blacks out of town”. What happened to the inhabitants unable to
afford the new high rents? Obviously they were squeezed into the
remaining run-down districts, thus increasing their housing problems.
The result, apart from the long, hot summers of the late 1960s, was a
revulsion against the idea of “planning”, and the growth of the idea of the
planner, not as the servant of the powerful interests that govern the city
but as the advocate of the inhabitants, to help them formulate their own
plan, or at least their own demands on City Hall.
The same loss of faith in “planning” led to the provisions in current
British legislation for “public participation in planning”.\footnote{Town and Country Planning Act 1968, and \emph{People and Planning: Report of the Committee on Public Participation in Planning} (Skeffington Report), (London: 1969).} So foreign are
these mildly democratic notions to the way things are actually managed
in a formally democratic society that many of the early attempts at
promoting “advocacy planning” have been seen as yet another subtle
form of manipulation, of gaining a community’s acquiescence in its own
destruction, while in Britain the planning profession’s interpretation of
public participation has simply meant \emph{informing} the public of what is in
store once the basic decisions have already been taken. In urban
rehousing the planners congratulate themselves on abandoning the
inhuman and grossly uneconomic tower block housing policy only to
institute urban rehabilitation policies which in practice have meant that
landlords, aided by government grants, have rehabilitated their property,
“winkled out” the original tenants and either let the improved properties
at middle-class rents or sold them to middle-class purchasers. Their
former tenants are added to the numbers of overcrowded or homeless
city dwellers, compelled by their low incomes to be the superfluous
people, the non-citizens of the city who man its essential services at
incomes that do not allow them to live there above the squalor level.
Planning, the essential grid of an ordered society which, it is said,
makes anarchy “an impossible dream”, turns out to be yet another way in
which the rich and powerful oppress and harass the weak and poor. The
disillusionment with planning as a plausible activity has led to quite
serious suggestions that we would be better off without it, not merely, as
would be predictable, from the free market entrepreneurs, resenting any
limitation on their sacred right to make maximum profits, but from
involved professionals. One such group in Britain flew a kite labelled
“Non-Plan: An Experiment in Freedom”. Why not have the courage,
they asked, to let people shape their own environment? And they
declared that:
\begin{quote}
The whole concept of planning (the town and country kind at least) has
gone cock-eyed. What we have today represents a whole cumulation of
good intentions. And what those good intentions are worth, we have
almost no way of knowing \dots{} As Melvin Webber has pointed out:
planning is the only branch of knowledge purporting to be a science
which regards a plan as being \emph{fulfilled} when it is merely \emph{completed}; there’s
seldom any sort of check on whether the plan actually does what it was
meant to do, and whether, if it does something different, this is for the
better or for the worse.\footnote{Rayner Banham, Peter Hall, Paul Barker and Cedric Price, “Non-Plan: An Experiment in Freedom”, \emph{New Society}, 20 March 1969.}
\end{quote}
They illustrate this with examples of the way in which many of the
aspects of the physical environment that we admire today were developed
for absolutely different reasons, which the planner never foresaw. Most
planning, they declare, is aristocratic or oligarchical in its methods. At a
deeper level Richard Sennett has written a book, \emph{The Uses of Disorder},
which led one critic to declare that “with this book the process of
redefining nineteenth-century anarchism for the twentieth century is
begun”. Several different threads of thought are woven together in
Sennett’s study of “personal identity and city life”. The first is a notion
that he derives from the psychologist Erik Erikson that in adolescence
men seek a purified identity to escape from uncertainty and pain and
that true adulthood is found in the acceptance of diversity and disorder.
The second is that modern American society freezes men in the adolescent
posture — a gross simplification of urban life in which, when rich
enough, people escape from the complexity of the city, with its
problems of cultural diversity and income disparity, to private family
circles of security in the suburbs — the purified community. The third
is that city planning as it has been conceived in the past — with techniques
like zoning and the elimination of “non-conforming users” — has abetted
this process, especially by projecting trends into the future as a basis for
present energy and expenditure.
\begin{quote}
This means guessing the future physical and social requirements of a
community or city and then basing present spending and energy so as to
achieve a readiness for the projected future state. In planning schools,
beginning students usually argue that people’s lives in time are
wandering and unpredictable, that societies have a history in the sense
that they do what was not expected of them, so that this device is
misleading. Planning teachers usually reply that of course the projected
need would be altered by practical objections in the course of being
worked out; the projective-need analysis is a pattern of ideal conditions
rather than a fixed prescription.
But the facts of planning in the last few years have shown that this
disclaimer on the part of planners is something that they do not really
mean. Professional planners of highways, of redevelopment housing, of
inner-city renewal projects have treated challenges from displaced
communities or community groups as a threat to the value of their plans
rather than as a natural part of the effort at social reconstruction. Over
and over again one can hear in planning circles a fear expressed when
the human beings affected by planning changes become even slightly
interested in the remedies proposed for their lives. “Interference”,
“blocking”, and “‘interruption of work” — these are the terms by which
social challenges or divergences from the planners’ projections are interpreted.
What has really happened is that the planners have wanted to
take the plan, the projection in advance, as more “true?” than the historical
turns, the unforeseen movements in the real time of human lives.\footnote{Richard Sennett, \emph{The Uses of Disorder: Personal Identity and City Life} (New York, 1970; London, 1971).}
\end{quote}
His prescription for overcoming the crisis of American cities is a reversal
of these trends, a move for “outgrowing a purified identity”. He wants
cities where people are forced to confront each other: “There would be
no policing, nor any other form of central control, of schooling, zoning,
renewal, or city activities that could be performed through common
community action, or even more importantly, through direct, non-violent
conflict in the city itself’ Non-violent? Yes, because Sennett
claims that the present, modern, affluent city is one in which aggression
and conflict are denied outlets other than violence, precisely because of
the lack of personal confrontation. (Cries for law and order are loudest
when communities — in the American suburb — are most isolated from
other people in the city.) The clearest example, he suggests, of the way
this violence occurs “is found in the pressures on the police in modern
cities. Police are expected to be bureaucrats of hostility resolution” but “a
society that visualises the lawful response to disorder as an impersonal,
passive coercion only invites terrifying outbreaks of police rioting”.
Whereas the anarchist city that he envisages, “pushing men to say what
they think about each other in order to forge some mutual pattern of
compatibility”, is not a compromise between order and violence but a
wholly different way of living in which people wouldn’t have to choose
between the two:
\begin{quote}
Really “decentralised” power, so that the individual has to deal with
those around him, in a milieu of diversity, involves a change in the
essence of communal control, that is, in the refusal to regulate conflict.
For example, police control of much civil disorder ought to be sharply
curbed; the responsibility for making peace in neighbourhood affairs
ought to fall on the people involved. Because men are now so innocent
and unskilled in the expression of conflict, they can only view these
disorders as spiralling into violence. Until they learn through experience
that the handling of conflict is something that cannot be passed on to
policemen, this polarisation and escalation of conflict into violence will
be the only end they can frame for themselves. This is as true of those
who expect police reprisals against themselves, like the small group of
militant students, as those who call in the police “on their side”\footnote{\emph{ibid.}}
\end{quote}
The professional’s task is changed too. “Instead of planning for some
abstract urban whole, planners are going to have to work for the
concrete parts of the city, the different classes, ethnic groups and races it
contains. And the work they do for these people cannot be laying out
their future; the people will have no chance to mature unless they do
that for themselves, unless they are actively involved in shaping their
social lives.”
The emphasis shifts from the distant city planning authority to the
local community association and the growth and growing sophistication
of such associations is a hopeful pointer in the direction of Sennett’s
urban anarchy. We already have examples, both in Britain and in the
United States, of community groups (with no “official” status) developing
their own rehousing plans, just as feasible as those of the local
authority, but more in tune with the desires of tenants, and capable,
even under present-day conditions, of financial viability through
housing society finance. The next step is the Neighborhood Council
idea, and the step after that is for neighbourhoods to achieve real
control of neighbourhood facilities. After that comes the federation of
neighbourhoods.
The paradox here is that you can see the usual indifference and low
electoral turn-out for the local authority elections and, at the same time,
widespread support for and interest in an \emph{ad hoc} community action group
which devotes much of its time to fighting the local authority. From an
anarchist point of view this is not surprising. The council, polarised on
political party lines, remote from the neighbourhood, dominated by its
professional officials who, as Chris Holmes said, operate the machinery
in such a way as to make local initiative fruitless, is the descendent of
nineteenth-century squirearchical paternalism. The Community
Association, springing up from real concern over real issues, operates on
the scale of face-to-face groups, and for this very reason is invested with
a kind of popular legitimacy.
Ioan Bowen Rees, in the course of his valuable book \emph{Government by
Community}, compares the timid recommendations of the Skeffington
Report on public participation in planning with current practice in
Switzerland: “It was with the public that the Swiss began, with the Parish
Meeting, as it were, passing its own planning statute and approving its
own development plan.” The person who is intoxicated by large-scale
thinking asks how planning could operate under these conditions. Well,
Mr Bowen Rees emphasises, “No community in Switzerland is insignificant.
This means that a small commune can — and sometimes does —
hold up a motorway. And also that a small commune can — and sometimes
does — save itself from economic stagnation by its own efforts. And
why not? The result is neither poverty nor chaos.”\footnote{Ioan Bowen Rees, \emph{Government by Community} (London, 1971)}
The idea of social planning and social administration through a
decentralised network of autonomous communities is not a new idea,
it is a return to a very old one. Walter Ullman remarks that the towns
of the Middle Ages “represent a rather clear demonstration of entities
governing themselves” and that: “In order to transact business, the
community assembled in its entirety \dots{} the assembly was not ‘representative’
of the whole, but was the whole.” He describes the antipathy
between federations of autonomous communes and the central
authorities:
\begin{quote}
That the communes, the \emph{communitates}, became the target of attack by the
“establishment” is not difficult to understand. In some instances the word
“commune” was even employed as a term of abuse \dots{} From the point of
view of autonomy it is understandable why and how the towns entered
into alliances, also called \emph{conjurationes}, or leagues with other towns. The
populist complexion of the towns perhaps tended to harbor a certain
revolutionary spirit, directed against the wielders of the \emph{Obrigkeit}, against
Authority.\footnote{Walter Ullmann, \emph{Principles of Government and Politics in the Middle Ages} (London, 1961, 1966).}
\end{quote}
The early history of the United States was a period when in local
administration the Town Meeting was supreme. As Tom Paine wrote:
“For upwards of two years from the commencement of the American
War, and for a longer period in several of the American states, there were
no established forms of government. The old governments had been
abolished and the country was too much occupied in defence to employ
its attention in establishing new governments; yet during this interval
order and harmony were preserved as inviolate as in any country of
Europe.”\footnote{Tom Paine, \emph{The Rights of Man}. Pt~II. Ch.~1.} And Staughton Lynd comments: “In the American tradition,
too, rebellion against inherited authorities was not mere ‘anti-institutionalism’.
Implicit, sometimes explicit, in the American revolutionary
tradition was a dream of the good society as a voluntary federation of
local communal institutions, perpetually recreated from below by what
Paul Goodman calls ‘a continuous series of existential constitutional
acts’.”\footnote{Staughton Lynd, \emph{Intellectual Origins if American Radicalism} (New York, 1968; London, 1969).}
The rediscovery of community power, arising from the enormities of
centralised bureaucratic planning, could b e the beginning of a recreation
of this tradition. And it is precisely because we are in the very
early stages of rediscovering it in a society dominated by bureaucratic
administration that we have to learn through experience the pitfalls and
disappointments of community organisation without community power,
community consultation as a diversion from real community action. In
Barnsbury, in North London, middle-class amenity pressure groups
succeeded in getting traffic shifted into adjoining working-class districts
where community pressure was less vocally organised. Here, of course,
there is an answer, given years ago in another context by the traffic
pundit, Professor Buchanan: “Sandbag a few streets, and see what
happens.”\footnote{Prof. Colin Buchanan, reported in \emph{The Sunday Times}, 25 September 1966.}
An American planner, Sherry Arnstein, devised a “ladder of participation”
as a means of evaluating the genuineness or spuriousness of
schemes for community participation in planning.\footnote{Sherry R. Arnstein, “A Ladder of Citizen Participation in the USA”, \emph{Journal of the American Institute of Planners}, July 1969 and \emph{Journal of the Royal Town Planning Institute}, April 1971.} The rungs of her
ladder are:
\begin{alltt}
CITIZEN CONTROL
DELEGATED POWER
PARTNERSHIP
PLACATION
CONSULTATION
INFORMING
THERAPY
MANIPULATION
\end{alltt}
Arnstein’s ladder is a very useful device for cutting our ideas about
participation down to size. The Skeffington Report, especially as translated
into practice, is only up to rungs three or four of the ladder. Its
emphasis is on \emph{educating} the public to an understanding of the planning
authorities. It says, “we see the process of giving information and opportunities
for participation as one which leads to a greater understanding
and co-operation rather than to a crescendo of dispute”. But a crescendo
of dispute is precisely what we need if we are ever to climb the rungs
of Arnstein’s ladder to full citizen control.
\chapter{Chapter VII. We House, You Are Housed, They Are Homeless}
\begin{quote}
In English, the word “housing” can be used as a noun or as a verb. When used as
a noun, housing describes a commodity or product. The verb “to house” describes
the process or activity of housing \dots{}
Housing problems are defined by material standards, and housing values are
judged by the material quantity of related products, such as profit or equity. From
the viewpoint of a central planner or an official designer or administrator, these are
self-evident truths \dots{}
According to those for whom housing is an activity, these conclusions are
absurd. They fail to distinguish between what things are, materially speaking,
and what they do in people’s lives. This blindness, which pervades all institutions
of modern society explains the stupidity of tearing down “sub-standard” houses or
“slums” when their occupants have no other place to go but the remaining slums,
unless, of course, they are forced to create new slums from previously “standard”
homes. This blindness also explains the monstrous “low-cost” projects (which
almost always turn out to have very high costs for the public as well as for the
unfortunate “beneficiaries”).
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
John Turner, “Housing as a Verb” in \emph{Freedom to Bulid}
\end{flushright}
Ours is a society in which, in every field, one group of people makes
decisions, exercises control, limits choices, while the great majority have
to accept these decisions, submit to this control and act within the limits
of these externally imposed choices. Nowhere is this more evident than
in the field of housing: one of those basic human needs which
throughout history and all over the world people have satisfied as well as
they could for themselves, using the materials that were at hand and their
own, and their neighbours’ labour. The marvellously resourceful anonymous
vernacular architecture of every part of the globe is a testimony to
their skill, using timber, straw, grass, leaves, hides, stone, clay, bone,
earth, mud and even snow. Consider the igloo: maximum enclosure of
space with minimum of labour. Cost of materials and transportation, nil.
And all made of water. Nowadays, of course, the eskimos live on welfare
handouts in little northern slums. Man, as Habraken says, “no longer
houses himself: he is housed.”\footnote{N. J. Habraken, \emph{Supports: an Alternative to Mass Housing} (London, 1972)}
Even today “a third of the world’s people house themselves with their
own hands, sometimes in the absence of government and professional
intervention, sometimes in spite of it.”\footnote{John Turner and Robert Fichter (eds), \emph{Freedom to Build: Dweller Control of Housing Process} (New York, 1972).} In the rich nations the more
advances that are made in building technology and the more complex
the financial provision that is made for housing, the more intractable the
“problem” becomes. In neither Britain nor the United States has huge
public investment in housing programmes met the needs of the poorest
citizens. In the Third World countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America
the enormous movement of population into the big cities during the last
two decades has resulted in the growth of huge peripheral squatter
settlements around the existing cities, inhabited by the “invisible” people
who have no official urban existence. Pat Crooke points out that cities
grow and develop on two levels, the official, theoretical level and the
popular, actual, unofficial level, and that the majority of the population
of many Latin American cities are unofficial citizens with a “popular
economy” outside the institutional financial structure of the city. Here is
Barbara Ward’s description of these unofficial cities, \emph{colonial proletarias} as
they are called in Mexico, \emph{barriadas} in Peru, \emph{gourbivilles} in Tunis, \emph{bustees} in
India, \emph{gecekondu} in Turkey, \emph{ranchos} in Venezuela:
\begin{quote}
Drive from the neo-functional glass and concrete of any big-city airport
in the developing world to the neo-functional glass and concrete of the
latest big-city hotel and somewhere in between you are bound to pass
one or other of the sectors in which half and more of the city-dwellers
are condemned to live.
Sometimes the modern highway passes above them. Looking down,
the traveller catches a glimpse, under a pall of smoke from cooking pots
in back-yards, of mile on mile of little alleys snaking through densely
packed huts of straw, crumbling brick or beaten tin cans. Or the main
road slices through some pre-existent shanty-town and, for a brief span,
the visitor looks down the endless length of rows of huts, sees the holes,
the mud, the rubbish in the alleyways, skinny chickens picking in the
dirt, multitudes of nearly naked children, hair matted, eyes dull, spindly
legs, and, above them, pathetic lines of rags and torn garments strung up
to dry between the stunted trees.\footnote{Barbara Ward, \emph{Poor World Cities} (London, 1970).}
\end{quote}
Well, that is how it looks to the visitor. The local official citizens don’t
even notice the invisible city. But does it feel like that on the ground to
the inhabitant, making a place of his own, as a physical foothold in urban
life and the urban economy? The official view, from city officials,
governments, newspapermen, and international agencies,
is that such settlements are the breeding-grounds for every kind of
crime, vice, disease, social and family disorganisation. How could they
not be since they sprang up without official sanction or finance and as
the result of illegal seizure of land? The reality is different:
\begin{quote}
Ten years of work in Peruvian \emph{barriadas} indicates that such a
view is grossly inaccurate: although it serves some vested political and
bureaucratic interests, it bears little relation to reality , ..
Instead of chaos and disorganisation, the evidence instead points to
highly organised invasions of public land in the face of violent police
opposition, internal political organisation with yearly local elections,
thousands of people living together in an orderly fashion with no police
protection or public services, The original straw houses constructed
during the invasions are converted as rapidly as possible into brick and
cement structures with an investment totalling millions of dollars in
labour and materials, Employment rates, wages, literacy, and educational
levels are all higher than in central city slums (from which most
\emph{barriada} residents have escaped) and higher than the national
average. Crime, juvenile delinquency, prostitution and gambling are
rare, except for petty thievery, the incidence of which is seemingly
smaller than in other parts of the, city.\footnote{William P. Mangin and John C. Turner, “Benavides and the Barriada Movement” in Paul Oliver (ed.) \emph{Shelter and Society} (London, 1969).}
\end{quote}
Such reports could be quoted from the squatter experience of many parts
of the world. These authors, John Turner and William Mangin, ask the
obvious question: can the \emph{barriada} — a self-help, mass
migration community development by the poor, be exported to, for
example, the United States: ‘Some observers, under the impression that
the governments of Peru, Brazil, Chile, Turkey, Greece and Nigeria had
adopted the \emph{barriada} movements as a policy for solving these
same problems, have thought the US could do the same, In fact, these
governments’ main role in \emph{barriada} formation has been their
lack of ability to prevent mass invasions of land. They are simply not
powerful enough nor sure enough of their own survival to prevent
invasions by force. In the United States, the government is firmly
entrenched and could prevent such action. Moreover, every piece of land
is owned by someone, usually with a clear title\dots{}’\footnote{\emph{ibid.}} They point too
to the lessons of Oscar Lewis’s \emph{The Culture of Poverty}: that
putting people into government housing projects does little to halt the
economic cycle in which they are entrapped, while ‘when people move on
their own, seize land, and build their own houses and communities, it
has considerable effect’. Lewis’s evidence shows that many social
strengths, as well as ‘precarious but real economic security’ were lost
when people were moved from the self-created communities of San Juan
into public housing projects. ‘The rents and the initial investment for
public housing are high, at the precise time the family can least afford
to pay. Moreover, public housing is created by architects, planners, and
economists who would not be caught dead living in it, so that the
inhabitants feel no psychological or spiritual claim on it.’\footnote{\emph{ibid.}}
In the US, Turner and Mangin conclude, the agencies that are
supposedly helping the poor, in the light of Peruvian experience,
actually seem to be \emph{keeping} them poor.
The poor of the Third World shanty-towns, acting anarchically,
because no authority is powerful enough to prevent them from doing so,
have three freedoms which the poor of the rich world have lost. As John
Turner puts it, they have the freedom of community self-selection, the
freedom to budget one’s own resources and the freedom to shape one’s
own environment. In the rich world, every bit of land belongs
to someone, who has the law and the agents of law-enforcement firmly on
his side. Building regulations and planning legislation are rigidly
enforced, unless you happen to be a developer who can hire architects
and negotiators shrewd enough to find a way round them or who can do
a deal with the authorities.
In looking for parallels in British experience, what exactly are we
seeking? If it is for examples of defiance of the sacred rights of property,
there are examples all through our history. If you go back far enough, all
our ancestors must have been squatters and there have continually been
movements to assert people’s rights to their share of the land. In the
seventeenth century a homeless person could apply to the Quarter
Sessions who, with the consent of the township concerned, could grant
him permission to build a house with a small garden on the common
land. The Digger Movement during the Commonwealth asserted this
right at George’s Hill near Weybridge, and Cromwell’s troops burnt
down their houses. Our history must be full of unrecorded examples of
squatters who were prudent enough to let it be assumed that they had
title to the land. It is certainly full of examples of the theft of the
common land by the rich and powerfuL If we are looking for examples
of people building for themselves, self-build housing societies are a
contemporary one. If it is simply the application of popular direct action
in the field of housing, apart from the squatter movement of 1946, mass
rent strikes, like those in Glasgow in 1915 or in East London in 1938,
are the most notable examples, and there are certainly going to be more
in the future.
At the time of the 1946 squatting campaign, I categorised the stages or
phases common to all examples of popular direct action in housing in a
non-revolutionary situation. Firstly, \emph{initiative}, the individual action or
decision that begins the campaign, the spark that starts the blaze.
Secondly, \emph{consolidation}, when the movement spreads sufficiently to constitute
a threat to property rights and becomes big enough to avoid being
snuffed out by the authorities. Thirdly, \emph{success}, when the authorities have
to concede to the movement what it has won. Finally, \emph{official action},
usually undertaken unwillingly to placate the popular demand, or to
incorporate it in the status quo.\footnote{Colin Ward, “The People Act”, \emph{Freedom}, Vol.~7, No.~22, 24 August 1946}
The 1946 campaign was based on the large-scale seizure of army
camps emptied at the end of the war. It started in May of that year when
some homeless families in Lincolnshire occupied an empty camp, and it
spread like wildfire until hundreds of camps were seized in every part of
Britain. By October 1,038 camps had been occupied by 40,000 families
in England and Wales, and another 5,000 families in Scotland. That
month, Aneurin Bevan, the Minister of Health who was responsible for
the government’s housing programme, accused the squatters of “jumping
their place in the housing queue”. In fact, of course, they were jumping
right out of the queue by moving into buildings which would not
otherwise have been used for housing purposes. Then suddenly the
Ministry of Works, which had previously declared itself not interested,
found it possible to offer the Ministry of Health 850 former service
camps, and squatting became “official”.
Some of the original squatter communities lasted for years. Over a
hundred families, who in 1946 occupied a camp known as Field Farm in
Oxfordshire, stayed together and twelve years later were finally rehoused
in the new village of Berinsfield on the same site.
A very revealing account of the differences between the “official” and
the “unofficial” squatters comes from a newspaper account of a camp in
Lancashire after the first winter:
\begin{quote}
There are two camps within the camp — the official squatters (that is the
people placed in the huts after the first invasion) and the unofficial
squatters (the veterans, who have been allowed to remain on sufferance).
Both pay the same rent of 10s a week — but there the similarity ends.
Although one would have imagined that the acceptance of rent from
both should accord them identical privileges, in fact, it does not.
Workmen have put up partitions in the huts of the official squatters —
and have put in sinks and other numerous conveniences. These are the
sheep; the goats have perforce to fend for themselves.
A commentary on the situation was made by one of the young
welfare officers attached to the housing department. On her visit of
inspection she found that the goats had set to work with a will, improvising
partitions, running up curtains, distempering, painting and using
initiative. The official squatters, on the other hand, sat about glumly
without using initiative or lending a hand to help themselves and
bemoaning their fate, even though might have been removed from
the most appalling slum property. Until the overworked corporation
workmen got around to them they would not attempt to improve affairs
themselves.\footnote{“The Squatters in Winter”, \emph{News Chronicle}, 14 January 1947.}
\end{quote}
This story reveals a great deal about the state of mind that is induced by
free and independent action, and that which is induced by dependence
and inertia: the difference between people who initiate things and act for
themselves and people to whom things just happen.
The more recent squatters’ campaign in Britain had its origins in the
participation of the “libertarian Left” in campaigns in the 1960s over
conditions in official reception centres for homeless people, principally
the year-long campaign to improve conditions at the King Hill hostel in
Kent. “The King Hill campaign began spontaneously among the hostel
inmates, and when outsiders joined it a general principle was that decisions
should be taken by the homeless people themselves and the activities
should confine their part to giving advice, gathering information,
getting publicity and raising support and this pattern has been repeated
in every subsequent campaign.”\footnote{Nicolas Walter, “The New Squatters”, \emph{Anarchy}, Vol~9, No.~102, August 1969, reprinted in Colin Ward (ed.), \emph{A Decade of Anarchy}, (London, Freedom Press, 1987).} From the success of the King Hill
campaign the squatters’ movement passed on to the occupation of
empty property, mostly belonging to local authorities who had
purchased it for eventual demolition for road improvements, car parks,
municipal offices, or in the course of deals with developers. This was at
first resisted by the authorities, and a protracted lawsuit followed the use
of so-called private detectives and security agencies to terrorise and
intimidate the squatters. Councils also deliberately destroyed premises,
(and are continuing to do so) in order to keep the squatters out. The
London Family Squatters Association then applied a kind of Gandhian
moral blackmail before the court of public opinion to enforce the
collaboration of borough councils in handing over short-term accommodation
to squatting families. In some cases, to avoid political embarrassment,
councils have simply turned a blind eye to the existence of the
squatters.
Just one of the many predictable paradoxes of housing in Britain is the
gulf between the owner-occupier and the municipal tenant. Nearly a
third of the population live in municipally-owned houses or flats, but
there is not a single estate controlled by its tenants, apart from a handful
of co-operative housing societies. The owner-occupier cherishes and
improves his home, although its space standards and structural quality
may be lower than that of the prize-winning piece of municipal architecture
whose tenant displays little pride or pleasure in \emph{his} home. The
municipal tenant is trapped in a syndrome of dependence and resentment,
which is an accurate reflection of his housing situation. People
care about what is theirs, what they can modify, alter, adapt to changing
needs and improve for themselves. They must be able to attack their
environment to make it truly their own. They must have a direct responsibility
for it.
As the pressure on municipal tenants grows through the continuous
rent increases which they are powerless to oppose except by collective
resistance, so the demand will grow for a change in the status of the
tenant, and for tenant control. The tenant take-over of the municipal
estate is one of those obviously sensible ideas which is dormant because
our approach to municipal affairs is still stuck in the grooves of nineteenth-century
paternalism. We have the fully-documented case-history
of Oslo in Norway as a guide here. It began with the problems of one of
their pre-war estates with low standards, an unpleasant appearance and
great resistance to an increase in rents to cover the cost of improvements.
As an experiment the estate was turned over to a tenant co-operative, a
policy which transformed both the estate and the tenants’ attitudes.
Now Oslo’s whole housing policy is based on this principle. This is not
anarchy, but it is one of its ingredients.\footnote{Andrew Gilmour, \emph{The Sale if Council Houses in Oslo} (Edinburgh, 1971) For a fuller presentation of the case for tenant control see Colin Ward, “Tenants Take Over” (\emph{Anarchy} 83, January 1968).}
\chapter{Chapter VIII. Open and Closed Families}
\begin{quote}
In choosing a partner we try both to retain the relationships we have enjoyed in
childhood, and to recoup ourselves for fantasies which have been denied us. Mate-selection
accordingly becomes for many an attempt to cast a particular part in a
fantasy production of their own, and since both parties have the same intention but
rarely quite the same fantasies, the result may well be a duel of rival producers.
There are men, as Stanley Spencer said of himself, who need two complementary
wives, and women who need two complementary husbands, or at least two
complementary love objects. if we insist first that this is immoral or “unfaithful”,
and second that should it occur there is an obligation on each love-object to insist
on exclusive rights, we merely add unnecessary difficulties to a problem which
might have presented none, or at least presented fewer, if anyone were permitted to
solve it in their own way.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
Alex Comfort, \emph{Sex in Society}
\end{flushright}
One essentially anarchist revolution that has advanced enormously in
our own day is the sexual revolution. It is anarchist precisely because it
involves denying the authority of the regulations laid down by the state
and by various religious enterprises over the activities of the individual.
And we can claim that it has advanced, not because of the “breakdown”
of the family that moralists (quite erroneously) see all around them, but
because in Western society more and more people have decided to
conduct their sexual lives as they see best. Those who have prophesied
dreadful consequences as a result of the greater sexual freedom which
the young assert — unwanted babies, venereal disease and so on — are
usually the very same people who seek the fulfilment of their prophesies
by opposing the free availability to the young of contraception and the
removal of the stigma and mystification that surround venereal disease.
The official code on sexual matters was bequeathed to the state by the
Christian Church, and has been harder and harder to justify with the
decline of the beliefs on which it was based. Anarchists, from Emma
Goldman to Alex Comfort, have observed the connection between
political and sexual repression and, although those who think sexual
liberation is necessarily going to lead to political and economic liberation
are probably optimistic, it certainly makes people happier. That
there is no immutable basis for sexual codes can be seen from the wide
varieties in accepted behaviour and in legislation on sexual matters at
different periods and in different countries. Male homosexuality became
a “problem” only because it was the subject of legislation. Female homosexuality
was no problem because its existence was ignored by (male)
legislators. The legal anomalies are sometimes hilarious: “Who can
explain just why anal intercourse is legal in Scotland between male and
female, but illegal between male and male? Why is anal intercourse
illegal in England between male and female, yet okay between males if
both are over 21?”\footnote{Ian Dunn, “Gay Liberation in Scotland”, \emph{Scottish International Review}, March 1972.}
The more the law is tinkered with in the effort to make it more
rational the more absurdities are revealed. Does this mean that there are
no rational codes for sexual behaviour? Of course not: they simply get
buried in the irrationalities or devalued through association with irrelevant
prohibitions. Alex Comfort, who sees sex as “the healthiest and
most important human sport” suggests that “the actual content of sexual
behaviour probably changes much less between cultures than the individual’s
capacity to enjoy it without guilt”. He enunciated two moral
injunctions or commandments on sexual behaviour: “Thou shalt not
exploit another person’s feelings,” and “Thou shalt under no circumstances
cause the birth of an unwanted child.”\footnote{John Ellerby, “The Anarchism of Alex Comfort”, \emph{Anarchy} 33, November 1963.} His reference to
“commandments” led Professor Maurice Carstairs to tease him with the
question why, as an anarchist, Comfort was prescribing rules? — to which
he replied that a philosophy of freedom demanded higher standards of
personal responsibility than a belief in authority. The lack of ordinary
prudence and chivalry which could often be observed in adolescent
behaviour today was, he suggested, precisely the result of prescribing a
code of chastity which did not make sense instead of principles which
are “immediately intelligible and acceptable to any sensible youngster”.
You certainly don’t have to be an anarchist to see the modern nuclear
family as a straitjacket answer to the functional needs of home-making
and child-rearing which imposes intolerable strains on many of the
people trapped in it. Edmund Leach remarked that “far from being the
basis of the good society, the family, with its narrow privacy and tawdry
secrets, is the source of all our discontents”.\footnote{Edmund Leach, \emph{A Runaway World} (BBC Reith Lectures, 1967).} David Cooper called it “the
ultimate and most lethal gas chamber in our society”, and Jacquetta
Hawkes said that “it is a form making fearful demands on the human
beings caught up in it; heavily weighted for loneliness, excessive
demands, strain and failure”.\footnote{Jacquetta Hawkes in \emph{The Human Sum} (ed.) C.H. Rolph (London, 1957).} Obviously it suits some of us as the best
working arrangement but our society makes no provision for the others,
whose numbers you can assess by asking yourself the question: “How
many happy families do I know?”
Consider the case of John Citizen. On the strength of a few happy
evenings in the discotheque, he and Mary make a contract with the state
and\Slash{}or some religious enterprise to live together for life and are given a
licence to copulate. Assuming that they surmount the problems of
finding somewhere to live and raise a family, look at them a few years
later. He, struggling home from work each day, sees himself caught in a
trap. She feels the same, the lonely single-handed housewife, chained to
the sink and the nappy-bucket. And the kids too, increasingly as the
years go by, feel trapped. Why can’t Mum and Dad just leave us alone?
There is no need to go on with the saga because you know it all
backward.
In terms of the happiness and fulfilment of the individuals involved,
the modern family is an improvement on its nineteenth-century predecessor
or on the various institutional alternatives dreamed up by authoritarian
utopians and we might very well argue that today there is nothing
to prevent people from living however they like but, in fact, everything
about our society, from the advertisements on television to the laws of
inheritance is based on the assumption of the tight little consumer unit
of the nuclear family. Housing is an obvious example: municipal housing
makes no provision for non-standard units and in the private sector no
loans or mortgages are available for communes.
The rich can avoid the trap by the simple expedient of paying other
people to run their households and rear their children. But for the
ordinary family the system makes demands which very many people
cannot meet. We accept it because it is universal. Indeed the only
examples that Dr Leach could cite where children “grow up in larger,
more relaxed domestic groups centred on the community rather than on
mother’s kitchen’ were the Israeli kibbutz or the Chinese commune, so
ubiquitous has the pattern become. But changes are coming: the
women’s liberation movement is one reminder that the price of the
nuclear family is the subjugation of women. The communes or joint
households that some young people are setting up are no doubt partly a
reflection of the need to share inflated rents but are much more a
reaction against what they see as the stultifying rigid nature of the small
family unit.
The mystique of biological parenthood results in some couples living
in desperate unhappiness because of their infertility while others have
children who are neglected and unwanted. It also gives rise to the
common situation of parents clinging to their children because they have
sunk so much of their emotional capital in them while the children
desperately want to get away from their possessive love. “A secure home”,
writes John Hartwell, “often means a stifling atmosphere where human
relationships are turned into a parody and where signs of creativity are
crushed as evidence of deviancy.”\footnote{John Hartwell in \emph{Kids} No.~1, September 1972.} We are very far from the kind of
community in which children could choose which of the local parent-figures
they would like to attach themselves to but a number of interesting
suggestions are in the air, all aiming at loosening family ties in the
interests of both parents and children. There is the idea of Paul and Jean
Ritter of a neighbourhood “children’s house” serving twenty-five to
forty families,\footnote{Paul and Jean Ritter, \emph{The Free Family} (London, 1959).} there is Paul Goodman’s notion of a Youth House on the
analogy of this institution in some “primitive” cultures, and there is
Teddy Gold’s suggested Multiple Family Housing Unit.\footnote{Teddy Gold, “The Multiple Family Housing Unit”, \emph{Anarchy} 35, January 1964.} These ideas are
not based on any rejection of our responsibility towards the young; they
involve sharing this responsibility throughout the community and
accepting the principle that, as Kropotkin put it, \emph{all} children are \emph{our}
children. They also imply giving children themselves responsibilities not
only for themselves but to the community, which is exactly what our
family structure fails to do.
Personal needs and aspirations vary so greatly that it is as fatuous to
suggest stereotyped alternatives as it is to recommend universal conformity
to the existing pattern. At one end of the scale is the warping of the
child by the accident of parenthood, either by possessiveness or by the
perpetuation of a family syndrome of inadequacy and incompetence. At
the other end is the emotional stultification of the child through a lack
of personal attachments in institutional child care. We all know conventional
households permeated with casual affection where domestic
chores and responsibilities are shared, while we can readily imagine a
communal household in which the women were drudges collectively
instead of individually and in which a child who was not very attractive
or assertive was not so much left alone as neglected. More important
than the structure of the family are the expectations that people have of
their roles in it. The domestic tyrant of the Victorian family was able to
exercise his tyranny only because the others were prepared to put up with it.
There is an old slogan among progressive educators, \emph{Have’em, Love’em
and Leave’ em Alone}. This again is not urging neglect, but it does emphasise
that half the personal miseries and frustrations of adolescents and of
the adults they become are due to the insidious pressures on the individual
to do what other people think is appropriate for him. At the same
time the continual extension of the processes of formal education delays
even further the granting of real responsibility to the young. Any teacher
in further education will tell you of the difference between sixteen-year-olds
who are at work and attend part-time vocational courses and those
of the same age who are still in full-time education. In those benighted
countries where young children are still allowed to work you notice not
only the element of exploitation but also the maturity that goes with
undertaking functional responsibilities in the real world.
The young are caught in a tender trap: the age of puberty and the age
of marriage (since our society does not readily permit experimental
alternatives yet) go down while, at the same time, acceptance into the
adult world is continually deferred — despite the lowering of the formal
age of majority. No wonder many adults appear to be cast in a mould of
immaturity. In family life we have not yet developed a genuinely permissive
society but simply one in which it is difficult to grow up. On the
other hand, the fact that for a minority of young people — a minority
which is increasing the stereotypes of sexual behaviour and sexual roles
which confined and oppressed their elders for centuries have simply
become irrelevant, will certainly be seen in the future as one of the
positive achievements of our age.
\chapter{Chapter IX. Schools No Longer}
\begin{quote}
From William Godwin’s \emph{An Account of the Seminary That Will Be
Opened on Monday the Fourth Day of August at Epsom in Surrey}
(1783) to Paul Goodman’s \emph{Compulsory Mis-education} (1964), anarchism
has persistently regarded itself as having distinctive and revolutionary implications
for education. Indeed, no other movement whatever has assigned to educational
principles, concepts, experiments, and practices a more significant place in its
writings and activities.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
Krimerman and Perry, \emph{Patterns of Anarchy} (1966)
\end{flushright}
Ultimately the social function of education is to perpetuate society: it is
\emph{the} socialising function. Society guarantees its future by rearing its
children in its own image. In traditional societies the peasant rears his
sons to cultivate the soil, the man of power rears his to wield power, and
the priest instructs them all in the necessity of a priesthood. In modern
governmental society, as Frank MacKinnon puts it, “The educational
system is the largest instrument in the modern state for telling people
what to do. It enrols five-year-olds and tries to direct their mental, and
much of their social, physical and moral development for twelve or more
of the most formative years of their lives.”\footnote{Frank MacKinnon, \emph{The Politics of Education} (London, 1961).}
To find a historical parallel to this you would have to go back to
ancient Sparta, the principal difference being that the only education we
hear of in the ancient world is that of ruling classes. Spartan education
was simply training for infantry warfare and for instructing the citizens in
the techniques for subduing the slave class, the helots who did the daily
work of the state and greatly outnumbered the citizens. In the modern
world the helots have to be educated too, and the equivalent of Spartan
warfare is the industrial and technical competition between nations
which is sometimes the product of war and sometimes its prelude. The
year in which Britain’s initial advantage in the world’s industrial markets
began to wane was the year in which, after generations of bickering
about its religious content, universal compulsory elementary education
was introduced, and every significant development since the Act of 1870
had a close relationship to the experience, not merely of commercial
rivalry but of war itself. The English Education Acts of 1902, 1918 and
1944 were all born of war, and every new international conflict, whether
in rivalry for markets or in military techniques, has been the signal for a
new burst of concern among the rival powers over the scale and scope of
their systems of education.
The notion that primary education should be free, compulsory and
universal is very much older than the British legislation of the nineteenth
century. Martin Luther appealed “To the Councilmen of all Cities
in Germany that they establish and maintain Christian schools,” compulsory
education was founded in Calvinist Geneva in 1536, and Calvin’s
Scottish disciple John Knox “planted a school as well as a kirk in every
parish”. In Puritan Massachusetts free compulsory education was introduced
in 1647. The common school, Lewis Mumford notes, “contrary
to popular belief, is no belated product of nineteenth-century democracy:
it played a necessary part in the absolutist-mechanical formula \dots{}
centralised authority was now belatedly taking up the work that had
been neglected with the wiping out of municipal freedom in the greater
part of Europe.\footnote{Lewis Mumford, \emph{The Condition of Man} (London, 1944).} In other words, having destroyed local initiative, the
state was acting in its own interest. Compulsory education is bound up
historically, not only with the printing press, the rise of protestantism
and capitalism, but with the growth of the idea of the nation state itself.
All the great rationalist philosophers of the eighteenth century
pondered on the problems of popular education, and the two acutest
educational thinkers among them ranged themselves on opposite sides
on the question of the \emph{organisation} of education: Rousseau for the state,
William Godwin against it. Rousseau, whose \emph{Emile} postulates a
completely individual education (human society is ignored, the tutor’s
entire life is devoted to poor Emile) did, nevertheless, in his \emph{Discourse on
Political Economy} (1758) argue for public education “under regulations
prescribed by the government \dots{}, if children are brought up in common
in the bosom of equality; if they are imbued with the laws of the State
and the precepts of the General Will \dots{} we cannot doubt that they will
cherish one another mutually as brothers \dots{} to become in time
defenders and fathers of the country of which they will have been for so
long the children.”
Godwin, in his \emph{Enquiry Concerning Political Justice} (1793) criticises the
whole idea of a \emph{national} education. He summarises the arguments in
favour, which are those used by Rousseau, adding to them the question,
“If the education of our youth be entirely confined to the prudence of
their parents, or the accidental benevolence of private individuals, will it
not be a necessary consequence that some will be educated to virtue,
others to vice, and others again entirely neglected?” Godwin’s answer is
worth quoting at length because his lone voice from the end of the eighteenth
century speaks to us in the accents of the de-schoolers of our own day:
\begin{quote}
The injuries that result from a system of national education are, in the
first place, that all public establishments include in them the idea of
permanence \dots{} public education has always expended its energies in the
support of prejudice; it teaches its pupils not the fortitude that shall bring
every proposition to the test of examination, but the art of vindicating
such tenets as may chance to be previously established \dots{} Even in the
petty institution of Sunday schools, the chief lessons that are taught are a
superstitious veneration for the Church of England, and to bow to every
man in a handsome coat \dots{}
Secondly, the idea of national education is founded in an inattention
to the nature of mind. Whatever each man does for himself is done well;
whatever his neighbours or his country undertake to do for him is done
ill \dots{} He that learns because he desires to learn will listen to the instructions
he receives and apprehend their meaning. He that teaches because
he desires to teach will discharge his occupation with enthusiasm and
energy. But the moment political institution undertakes to assign to
every man his place, the functions of all will be discharged with supineness
and indifference \dots{}
Thirdly, the project of a national education ought uniformly to be
discouraged on account of its obvious alliance with national government
\dots{} Government will not fail to employ it to strengthen its hand and
perpetuate its institutions \dots{} Their view as instigator of a system of
education will not fail to be analogous to their views in their political
capacity.\footnote{William Godwin, \emph{An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice} (London, 1793).}
\end{quote}
Contemporary critics of the alliance between national government and
national education would agree, and would argue that it is in the \emph{nature}
of public authorities to run coercive and hierarchical institutions
whose ultimate function is to perpetuate social inequality and to brainwash the
young into the acceptance of their particular slot in the organised
system. A hundred years ago, in a book called \emph{God and the State}, Michael
Bakunin characterised “the people” as “the eternal minor, the pupil
confessedly forever incompetent to pass his examinations, rise to the
knowledge of his teachers, and dispense with their discipline”.
\begin{quote}
One day I asked Mazzini what measures would be taken for the emancipation
of the people, once his triumphant unitary republic had been
definitely established. “The first measure”, he answered, “will be the
foundation of schools for the people.” “And what will the people be
taught in these schools?” “The duties of man — sacrifice and devotion.”\footnote{Michael Bakunin, \emph{God and the State} (New York 1916, 1970).}
\end{quote}
Bakunin made the same comparison as is made today by Everett Reimer
and Ivan Illich between the teaching profession and a priestly caste, and
he declared that “Like conditions, like causes, always produce like effects.
It will, then, be the same with the professors of the modern school,
divinely inspired and licensed by the State. They will necessarily
become, some without knowing it, others with full knowledge of the
cause, teachers of the doctrine of popular sacrifice to the power of the
State and to the profit of the privileged classes.” Must we then, he asked,
eliminate from society all instruction and abolish all schools? Far from it,
he replied, but he demanded schools from which the \emph{principle of authority}
will be eliminated: “They will be schools no longer; they will be popular
academies in which neither pupils nor masters will be known, where the
people will come freely to get, if they need it, free instruction, and in
which, rich in their own expertise, they will teach in their turn many
things to the professors who shall bring them knowledge which they lack.”\footnote{\emph{ibid.}}
This entirely different conception of the school had already been
envisaged by Godwin in 1797 as a plan “calculated entirely to change the
face of education. The whole formidable apparatus, which has hitherto
attended it, is swept away. Strictly speaking, no such characters are left
upon the scene as either preceptor or pupil. The boy, like the man,
studies because he desires it. He proceeds upon a plan of his own invention,
or which, by adopting, he has made his own.”\footnote{William Godwin, The Enquirer (London, 1797).} Perhaps the nearest
thing to a school of this kind within the official system was Prestolee
School (an elementary school in Lancashire revolutionised after the First
World War by its headmaster Edward O’ Neil) , where “time-tables and
programmes play an insignificant part, for the older children come back
when school hours are over, and with them, their parents and elder
brothers and sisters”.\footnote{“A School the Children Won’t Leave”, \emph{Picture Post}, 4 November 1944. The Story of Prestolee School is told in Gerard Holmes, \emph{The Idiot Teacher} (London, 1952).}
In spite of the talk of “community schools” there are a thousand
bureaucratic reasons why O’Neil’s version of Bakunin’s “popular
academy” could not be put into practice today, and remains only a vision
of the future transformation of the school. However, Professor Harry
Ree told a conference of young teachers that: “I think we are going to
see in your lifetime the end of schools as we know them. Instead there
will be a community centre with the doors open twelve hours a day,
seven days a week, where anybody can wander in and out of the library,
workshops, sports centre, self-service store and bar. In a hundred years’
time the compulsory attendance laws for children to go to school may
have gone the same way as the compulsory laws for attendance at
church.”\footnote{\emph{The Teacher}, 8 April 1972.}
Today, as the educational budgets of both rich and poor nations get
more and more gigantic, we would add a further criticism of the role of
the state as educator throughout the world: the affront to the idea of
social justice. An immense effort by well-intentioned reformers has gone
into the attempt to manipulate the education system to provide equality
of opportunity, but this has simply resulted in a theoretical and illusory
equal start in a competition to become more and more unequal. The
greater the sums of money that are poured into the education industries
of the world, the smaller the benefit to the people at the bottom of the
educational, occupational and social hierarchy. The universal education
system turns out to be yet another way in which the poor subsidise the
rich. Everett Reimer, for instance, remarking that schools are an almost
perfectly regressive form of taxation, notes that the children of the
poorest one-tenth of the population of the United States cost the public
in schooling \$2,500 each over a lifetime, while the children of the
richest one-tenth cost about \$35,000. “Assuming that one-third of this is
private expenditure, the richest one-tenth still gets ten times as much of
public funds for education as the poorest one-tenth.” In his suppressed
Unesco report of 1970 Michael Huberman reached the same conclusion
for the majority of countries in the world. In Britain, ignoring
completely the university aspect, we spend twice as much on the
secondary school life of a grammar-school sixth former as on a
secondary modern school-Ieaver, while, if we do include university
expenditure, we spend as much on an undergraduate in one year as on a
normal schoolchild throughout his life. “While the highest social group
benefit \emph{seventeen} times as much as the lowest group from the expenditure
on universities, they only contribute five times as much revenue.” We
may thus conclude that one significant role of the state in the education
systems of the world is to perpetuate social and economic injustice.
You can see why one contemporary anarchist educator, Paul
Goodman, suggests that it would be simpler, cheaper and fairer to
dismantle the system and give each kid his or her share of the education
money. Goodman’s programme is devastatingly simple. For the young
child provide a “protective and life-nourishing environment, by decentralising
the school into small units of twenty to fifty in available shopfronts
or clubhouses, with class attendances not compulsory. Link the
school with economically marginal farms where city kids can go for a
couple of months a year. For older children:
\begin{quote}
Probably an even better model would be the Athenian pedagogue
touring the city with his charges; but for this the streets and working-places
of the city must be made safer and more available than is likely.
(The prerequisite of city-planning is for the children to be able to use
the city, for no city is governable if it does not grow citizens who feel it
is theirs.) The goal of elementary pedagogy is a very modest one: it is for
a small child, under his own steam, to poke interestingly into whatever
goes on and be able, by observation, questions and practical imitation, to
get something out of it in his own terms. In our society this happens
pretty well at home up to age four, but after that it becomes forbiddingly
difficult.\footnote{Paul Goodman, \emph{Compulsory Miseducation} (New York, 1964; London 1971).}
\end{quote}
Technical education, he believes, is best undertaken on the job for,
provided that “the young have options and can organise and criticise, on
the job education is the quickest way to workers’ management”.
University education “is for \emph{adults} who already know something”.
Goodman peddled his ideas of incidental education in and out of
season for most of his writing life, but only very recently have people
begun to take them seriously. What has changed the climate has been
the experience of the students’ revolt, and the educational crisis of the
American cities — with more and more expenditure providing less and
less effective education, and the impact of educational thinkers from the
Third World like Ivan Illich and Paolo Freire who have shown how
totally inappropriate to real social needs the standard pattern of school
and university are. Everywhere experiments are being made to break
away from the straitjacket of Illich’s definition of school as the “age-specific,
teacher-related process requiring full-time attendance at an
obligatory curriculum”. What inhibits such experiments is precisely the
existence of the official system which pre-empts the options of the
citizens who are obliged to finance it, so that alternatives are dependent
on the marginal income of potential users. When the Scotland Road
Free School in Liverpool asked the education authority for some very
modest assistance in the form of equipment, one member of the
Education Committee declared that “we are being asked to weaken
the fabric of what we ourselves are supposed to be supporting \dots{} We might
finish up with the fact that no children will want to go to our schools.”
The anarchist approach to education is grounded, not in a contempt for
learning, but in a respect for the learner. Danilo Dolei told me of
encountering “bandits” in Sicily whose one contact with “education” was
learning to read from an anarchist fellow-prisoner in jail. Arturo Barea
recalled from his childhood in Madrid two poverty-stricken anarchist
pedagogues. One, the Penny Teacher lived in a hut made of petrol cans
in the Barrio de las Injurias. A horde of ragged pupils squatted round
him in the open to learn the ABC at ten centimos a month. The other,
the Saint with the Beard, used to hold his classes in exchange for his
pupils’ collection of cigarette-ends in the Plaza Mayor. The Penny
Teacher was sent to prison as an anarchist and died there. The Saint with
the Beard was warned off from his corner and disappeared. But he
turned up again eventually and went on secretly lending tattered books
to his pupils, for the love of reading.
The most devastating criticism we can make of the organised system
is that its effects are profoundly anti-educational. In Britain, at five years
old, most children cannot wait to get into school. At fifteen, most
cannot wait to get out. On the day I am writing, our biggest-selling
newspaper devotes its front page to a photograph of a thirteen-year-old
truant, with his comment, “The worse part is I thought I only had
another two years to sweat out, then they put the leaving age up to
sixteen. That’s when I thought, sod it.” The likeliest lever for change in
the organised system will come, not from criticism or example from
outside, but from pressure from below. There has always been a proportion
of pupils who attend unwillingly, who resent the authority of the
school and its arbitrary regulations, and who put a low value on the
processes of education because their own experience tells them that it is
an obstacle race in which they are so often the losers that they would be
mugs to enter the competition. \emph{This} is what school has taught them, and
when this army of also-rans, no longer cowed by threats, no longer
amenable to cajolery, no longer to be bludgeoned by physical violence
into sullen acquiescence grows large enough to prevent the school from
functioning with even the semblance of relevance or effectiveness, the
educational revolution will begin.
At the opposite end of the educational spectrum, the university, the
process of renewal through secession has ancient historical precedents.
Oxford was started by seceding English students from Paris, Cambridge
by scholars who fled from Oxford, London by dissenters who could not
accept the religious qualifications required by Oxford and Cambridge.
But the most perfect anarchist model for a university comes from Spain.
Towards the end of the last century, the Spanish government, dominated
then as now, by the Church, dismissed some leading university professors.
A few of them started a “free” school for higher studies, the
\emph{Institueión Libre de Enseñanza} and around this arose the so-called
“Generation of ’98” the small group of intellectuals who, paralleling the
growth of the working class movements of that time, sought to diagnose
the stifling inertia, hypocrisy and corruption of Spanish life — the art
critic and teacher Manuel Cossío, the philosophers Unamuno and
Ortega y Gasset, the economist Joacquín Costa (who summed up his
programme for Spain in the phrase \emph{school and larder}) the poet Antonio
Machado and the novelist Pío Baroja. The \emph{Institución} had an even more
remarkable offspring, the \emph{Residencia de Estudiantes}, or Residential
College for Students, founded by Alberto Jiménez in 1910. Gerald
Brenan gives us a fascinating glimpse of the \emph{Residencia}:
\begin{quote}
Here, over a long course of years, Unamuno, Cossío and Ortega taught,
walking about the garden or sitting in the shade of the trees in the
manner of the ancient philosophers: here Juan Ramon Jiménez wrote
and recited his poems, and here too a later generation of poets, among
them Garcia Lorca and Alberti, learned their trade, coming under the
influence of the school of music and folksong which Eduardo Martinez
Tomer organised. Never, I think, since the early Middle Ages has an
educational establishment produced such astonishing results on the life
of a nation, for it was largely by means of the \emph{Institución} and the
\emph{Residencia} that Spanish culture was raised suddenly to a level it had not
known for three hundred years.\footnote{Gerald Brenan, \emph{The Literature of the Spanish People} (Cambridge, 1951).}
\end{quote}
Lorca, Dali and Bunuel were fellow students at the \emph{Residencia}; a true
community of scholars with a genuine function in the community it
served. The only parallels I can think of are the one-time Black
Mountain College in the US, and the annual two-day History
Workshop at Ruskin College, Oxford (significantly not a part of the
university), where at a cost of 5Op each a thousand students and teachers
gather to present and discuss original research in an atmosphere like that
of a pop festival. It is a festival of scholarship, far away from the world of
vice-chancellors and academic boards, running a finishing school for the
bored aspirants for privileged jobs in the meritocracy.
In the world-wide student revolt of the late 1960s, from one university
after another carne the comment that the period of revolutionary
self-government was the one genuinely educational experience that the
students had encountered. “He had learned more in those six weeks than
in four years of classes,” (Dwight Macdonald on a Columbia student);
“Everyone is a richer person for the experience and has enriched the
community by it,” (LSE student); “The last ten days have been the most
rewarding of my whole university career,” (peter Townsend of Essex
University); “This generation of Hull students has had the opportunity
to take part in events which may well be the most valuable part of their
university lives,” (David Rubinstein on Hull). At Homsey College of Art
one lecturer said, “It’s the greatest educational thing I’ve ever known,”
and another called it “a surge of creativity unheard of in the annals of
higher education”.
What a delicious, but predictable irony, that \emph{real} education, self-education,
should only come from locking out or ignoring the expensive
academic hierarchy. The students’ revolt was a microcosm of
anarchy, spontaneous, self-directed activity replacing the power structure
by a network of autonomous groups and individuals. What the students
experienced was that sense of liberation that comes from taking your
own decisions and assuming your own responsibilities. It is an experience
that we need to carry far beyond the privileged world of higher
education, into the factory, the neighbourhood, the daily lives of people
everywhere.
\chapter{Chapter X. Play as an Anarchist Parable}
\begin{quote}
The boy who swings from rope to horse, leaping back again to the swinging rope,
is learning by his eyes, muscles, joints and by every sense organ he has, to judge,
to estimate, to know. The other twenty-nine boys and girls in the gymnasium
are all as active as he, some if them in his immediate vicinity. But as he swings
he does not avoid. He swings where \emph{there is space} — a very important distinction
— and in doing so he threads his way among the twenty-nine fellows. Using
all his facilities, he is aware if the total situation in that gymnasium — of his own
swinging and if his fellows’ actions. He does not shout to the others to stop, to
wait or move from him — not that there is silence, for running conversations across
the hall are kept up as he speeds through the air. But this “education” in the live
use if all his senses can only come if his twenty-nine fellows are also free and
active. if the room were cleared and twenty-nine boys sat at the side silent while
he swung, we should in effect be saying to him to his legs, body, eyes — “You
give all your attention to swinging, we’ll keep the rest if the world away” —
in fact “Be as egotistical as you like”. By so reducing the diversity in the environment we
should be preventing his learning to apprehend and to move in a complex situation.
We should in effect be saying “Only this and this do; you can’t be expected
to do more. Is it any wonder that he comes to behave as though it is all he \emph{can}
do? By the existing methods of teaching we are in fact inducing the child’s \emph{incoordination}
in society.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
Innes Pearse and Lucy Crocker, \emph{The Peckham Experiment}
\end{flushright}
All the problems of social life present a choice between libertarian and
authoritarian solutions, and the ultimate claim we can make for the libertarian
approach is that it fulfils its function better. The adventure playground
is an arresting example of this living anarchy; one that is valuable
both in itself and as an experimental verification of a whole social
approach. The need to provide children’s playgrounds as such is a result of
high density urban living and fast-moving traffic. The authoritarian
response to this need is to provide an area of tarmac and some pieces of
expensive ironmongery in the form of swings, see-saws and roundabouts
which provide a certain amount of fun (though because of their inflexibility
children soon tire of them) but which call for no imaginative or
constructive effort on the child’s part, and cannot be incorporated in any
self chosen or reciprocal activity. Swings and roundabouts can only be
used in one way, they cater for no fantasies, for no developing skills, for
no emulation of adult activities, they call for no mental effort and very
little physical effort, and are giving way to simpler and freer apparatus like
climbing frames, log piles, “jungle gyms”, commando nets, or to play-sculptures
— abstract shapes to clamber through and over, or large
constructions in the form of boats, traction engines, lorries or trains. But
these too provide for a limited age range and a restricted range of activities,
and are sometimes more indulgent to the designer than to the user. It
is not surprising that children find more continual interest in the street,
the derelict building or the scrap yard.
For older boys, team games are the officially approved activity — if they
can find some permitted place to play them, but as Patrick Geddes wrote
before the First World War, “they are at most granted a cricket pitch or
lent a space between football goals but otherwise are jealously watched, as
potential savages, who on the least symptom of their natural activities of
wigwam-building, cave-digging, stream-damming and so on — must be
instantly chivied away, and are lucky if not handed over to the police.”\footnote{Patrick Geddes, \emph{Cities in Evolution} (London, 1915).}
That there should be anything novel in simply providing facilities for
the spontaneous, unorganised activities of childhood is an indication of
how deeply rooted in our social behaviour is the urge to control, direct
and limit the flow of life. But when they get the chance, in the country,
or where there are large gardens, woods, or bits of waste land, what are
children doing? Enclosing space, making caves, tents, dens, from old
bricks, bits of wood and corrugated iron. Finding some corner which
the adult world has passed over, and making it their own. How can
children in towns find and appropriate this kind of private world when,
as Agnete Vestereg of the Copenhagen Junk Playground writes:
\begin{quote}
Every bit of land is put to industrial or commercial use, where every
patch of grass is protected or enclosed, where streams and hollows are
filled in, cultivated and built on?
But more is done for children now than used to be done, it may be
objected. Yes, but that is one of the chief faults — the things are \emph{done}.
Town children move about in a world full of the marvels of technical
science. They may see and be impressed by things; but they long also to
take possession of them, to have them in their hands, to make something
themselves, to create and re-create \dots{}\footnote{Agnete Vestereg in Lady Allen of Hurtwood, \emph{Adventure Playgrounds} (London, 1949).}
\end{quote}
The Emdrup playground was begun in 1943 by the Copenhagen
Workers’ Co-operative Housing Association after their landscape architect,
C. T. Sorensen, who had laid out many orthodox playgrounds had
observed that children seemed to get more pleasure when they stole into
building sites and played with the materials they found there. In spite of
a daily average attendance of 200~children at Emdrup, and that “difficult”
children were specially catered for, it was found that “the noise, screams
and fights found in dull playgrounds are absent, for the opportunities are
so rich that the children do not need to fight”.
The initial success at Copenhagen has led in the years since the war to
a widespread diffusion of the idea and its variations, from “Freetown” in
Stockholm and “The Yard” at Minneapolis, to the \emph{Skrammellegeplads} or
building play rounds of Denmark and the Robinson Crusoe playgrounds
of Switzerland, where children are provided with the raw materials
and tools for building and for making gardens and sculpture. In
Britain we have had twenty years of experience of the successes and
pitfalls of adventure playgrounds and enough documentation of them to
disabuse anyone who thinks it easy to start and operate an adventure
playground, as well as anyone who thinks it a waste of time.\footnote{See, for example, Joe Benjamin, \emph{In Search of Adventure} (London, 1964) and Arvid Bengtsson, \emph{Adventure Playgrounds} (London, 1972).}
When The Yard was opened in Minneapolis with the aim of giving
the children “their own spot of earth and plenty of tools and materials for
digging, building and creating as they see fit”,
\begin{quote}
it was every child for himself. The initial stockpile of secondhand
lumber disappeared like ice off a hot stove. Children helped themselves
to all they could carry, sawed off long boards when short pieces would
have done. Some hoarded tools and supplies in secret caches. Everybody
wanted to build the biggest shack in the shortest time. The workmanship
was shoddy.
Then came the bust. There wasn’t a stick of lumber left. Hijacking
raids were staged on half-finished shacks. Grumbling and bickering
broke out. A few children packed up and left.
But on the second day of the great depression most of the youngsters
banded together spontaneously for a salvage drive. Tools and nails came
out of hiding. For over a week the youngsters made do with what they
had. Rugged individualists who had insisted on building alone invited
others to join in — and bring their supplies along. New ideas popped up
for joint projects. By the time a fresh supply of lumber arrived a
community had been born.\footnote{John Lagemann, “The Yard” in Allen, \emph{op.~cit.}}
\end{quote}
The same story could be told of dozens of similar ventures since then.
Sometimes there is what Sheila Beskine called a “fantastic spontaneous
lease of life’ followed by decline and then by renewal in a different direction.
But permanence is not the criterion of success. As Lady Allen says,
a good adventure playground ‘is in a continual process of destruction and
growth”.
Years ago, when \emph{The Times Educational Supplement} had commented
skeptically on such playgrounds, Joe Benjamin, who started the Grimsby
playground in 1955 and has been concerned with many such ventures
since those days, answered critics in a memorable letter:
\begin{quote}
By what criteria are adventure playgrounds to be judged? If it is by the
disciplined activity of the uniformed organisations, then there is no
doubt but we are a failure. If it is by the success of our football and table
tennis teams then there is no doubt we are a flop. If it is by the enterprise
and endurance called for by some of the national youth awards — then
we must be ashamed.
But these are the standards set by the club movement, in one form or
another, for a particular type of child. They do not attract the so-called
“unclubbable”, and worse — so we read regularly — nor do they hold
those children at whom they are aimed.
May I suggest that we need to examine afresh the pattern taken by
the young at play and then compare it with the needs of the growing
child and the adolescent. We accept that it is natural for boys and girls
below a certain age to play together, and think it equally natural for
them to play at being grown up. We accept, in fact, their right to imitate
the world around them. Yet as soon as a child is old enough to see
through the pretence and demand the reality, we separate him from his
sister and try to fob him off with games and activities which seem only
to put off the day when he will enter the world proper.
The adventure playgrounds in this country, new though they are, are
already providing a number of lessons which we would do well to study.
\dots{} For three successive summers the children have built their dens and
created Shanty Town, with its own hospitals, fire station, shops, etc. As
each den appeared, it became functional and brought with it an appreciation
of its nature and responsibility \dots{} The pattern of adventure playgrounds
is set by the needs of the children who use them; their “toys”
include woodwork benches and sewing machines \dots{} We do not believe
that children can be locked up in neat little parcels labelled by age and sex.
Neither do we believe that education is the prerogative of the schools.\footnote{\emph{The Times Educational Supplement}, 1958.}
\end{quote}
At the playground he ran at Grimsby there was an annual cycle of
growth and renewal. When they began building in the spring, they
began with holes in the ground, which gradually gave way to two-storey
huts. “It’s the same with fires. They begin by lighting them just for fun.
Then they cook potatoes and by the end of the summer they’re cooking
eggs, bacon and beans.” The ever-changing range of activities was “due
entirely to the imagination and enterprise of the children themselves \dots{}
at no time are they expected to continue an activity which no longer
holds an interest for them\dots{}”
The adventure playground is a kind of parable of anarchy, a free
society in miniature, with the same tensions and ever-changing
harmonies, the same diversity and spontaneity, the same unforced
growth of co-operation and release of individual qualities and communal
sense, which lie dormant in a society whose dominant values are competition
and acquisitiveness.
But having discovered something like the ideal conditions for children’s
play — the self-selected evolution from demolition through
discovery to creativity why should we stop there? Do we really accept
the paradox of a free and self-developing childhood followed by a
lifetime of dreary and unfulfilling toil? Isn’t there a place for the adventure
playground or its equivalent in the adult world?
Of course there is, and just as the most striking thing for the visitor,
or the organiser, in an adventure playground is not the improvised
gymnastics, but the making and building that goes on all around, so the
significant thing about adult recreation is not so much the fishing,
sailing, pigeon-fancying or photography aspect (though in their organisation
these frequently illustrate the principles of self-regulation and free
federation that are emphasised in this book), still less is it the commercial
and professional sport which is just another aspect of the entertainment
industry. The significant aspect is the way in which the urge to make
things, and to construct and reconstruct, to repair and remodel, denied
outlet in the ordinary sterile world of employment, emerges in the
explosion of “do-it-yourself” activities of every kind.
This in turn leads to a spontaneous sharing of equipment and skills:
\begin{quote}
“I’ve got two very good friends,” Mrs Jarvis said, “Mrs Barker, who lives
opposite, has got a spin drier and I’ve got a sewing machine. I put my
washing in her spin drier and she uses my sewing machine when she
wants to. Then the lady next door on one side is another friend of mine.
We always help each other out.” Mr Dover’s great hobby is woodwork;
at the time he was interviewed he was busy on a pelmet he was making
for a friend living next door and he had just finished a toy train for the
son of another. He relies on Fred, another friend who is also a neighbour,
to help when needed. “Just today I was sawing a log for the engine
of this train and Fred sees that my saw is blunt and lends me a sharp one.
Anything at all I want he’ll lend it to me if he has it. I’m the same with
him. The other day he knocked when I wasn’t here and borrowed my
steps — we take each other for granted that way.”\footnote{Peter Willmott, \emph{The Evolution of a Community} (London, 1962).}
\end{quote}
The continually increasing scope of the activities people undertake in
their spare time is illustrated by the kind of tools and equipment, beyond
the range of ordinary sharing between neighbours, that can be hired.
One firm which has spread all over the London area hires by the day,
week, “long weekend” and “short weekend” anything up to mechanical
concrete mixers, Kango hammers, scaffolding, industrial spraying plant
and welding equipment. Undoubtedly it provides a valuable service, and
its overheads must be high, but there is little doubt, from a comparison
of its hire charges with the market prices of the equipment, that for
many of the hundreds of items which it lets out on hire, joint ownership
by a group of neighbours would prove more economical to the individual
user.
Take, as another approach, the case of power tools, domestic sales of
which have risen phenomenally in the last twenty years. They have grown
from the introduction in the 1930s of small portable electric drills in the
joinery industry on work which was too large or too unwieldy to be
conveniently brought onto fixed machinery. The typical power drills for
the amateur market have developed from these machines and from the
principle of bringing the tool to the work instead of the work to the
machine. They have enormously increased the capabilities of the home
handyman, not merely by the reduction of the physical work involved but
also by bringing much higher standards of fit and finish within his reach.
The basic tool is always the drill and there is now a wide range of specialist
attachments. The makers also offer bench fitments to convert the portable
tools to bench drills or lathes or saw tables in which the tool is used as a
fixed motor. Commenting on this trend, J. Beresford-Evans said:
\begin{quote}
At first sight this idea seems admirable, yet it is reactionary in that it
denies most of the advantages that the portable tool offers. Most multi-purpose
appliances pay for their versatility by a loss of efficiency in each
individual job they perform — unless the machine is so designed that the
over-all efficiency is great enough to compensate for this loss. But the
degree of power, structural strength and precision of manufacture
required for such a tool would immediately price it out of the very
market at which the makers of amateurs’ power tools are aiming.\footnote{J. Beresford-Ellis in \emph{Design Magazine}, June 1963.}
\end{quote}
The way out of this dilemma is again the pooling of equipment in a
neighbourhood group. Suppose that each member of the group had a
powerful and robust basic tool, while the group as a whole had, for
example, a bench drill, lathes and a saw bench to relieve members from
the attempt to cope with work which required these machines with
inadequate tools of their own, or wasted their resources on under-used
individually-owned plant. This in turn demands some kind of building
to house the machinery: the Community Workshop.
But is the Community Workshop idea nothing more than an aspect
of the leisure industry, a compensation for the tedium of work? Daniel
Bell, commenting on the “fantastic mushrooming of arts-and-crafts
hobbies, of photography, home woodwork shops with power-driven
tools, ceramics, high fidelity, electronics’ notes that this has been
achieved at a very high cost indeed — “the loss of satisfaction in work”.\footnote{Daniel Bell, \emph{Work and Its Discontents} (New York, 1961).}
Another American critic presses home this point:
\begin{quote}
The two worlds of work and leisure drift farther apart. The recreation
world contains all the good, bright, pleasant things, and the work world
becomes the dreariest place imaginable \dots{} There are certain basic
emotional needs that the individual worker must satisfy. To the degree
that the ordinary events of the day are not meeting these needs, recreation
serves as a sort of mixture of concentrates to supply these missing
satisfactions. When the work experience satisfies virtually none of the
requirements, the load on recreation becomes impossible.\footnote{James J. Cox in W. R. Williams (ed.) \emph{Recreation Places} (New York, 1958).}
\end{quote}
I want to return to this problem and to the role of the Community
Workshop but to consider first the anarchist approach to the organisation
of work.
\chapter{Chapter XI. A Self-Employed Society}
\begin{quote}
The split between life and work is probably the greatest contemporary social
problem. You cannot expect men to take a responsible attitude and to display
initiative in daily life when their whole working experience deprives them of the
chance of initiative and responsibility. The personality cannot be successfully
divided into watertight compartments, and even the attempt to do so is dangerous:
if a man is taught to rely upon a paternalistic authority within the factory, he will
be ready to rely upon one outside. If he is rendered irresponsible at work by lack of
opportunity for responsibility, he will be irresponsible when away from work too.
The contemporary social trend towards a centralised, paternalistic, authoritarian
society only reflects conditions which already exist within the factory.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
Gordon Rattray Taylor, \emph{Are Workers Human?}
\end{flushright}
The novelist Nigel Balchin, was once invited to address a conference on
“incentives” in industry. He remarked that “Industrial psychologists must
stop messing about with tricky and ingenious bonus schemes and find
out why a man, after a hard day’s work, went home and enjoyed digging
in his garden.”
But don’t we already know why? He enjoys going home and digging
in his garden because there he is free from foremen, managers and
bosses. He is free from the monotony and slavery of doing the same
thing day in day out, and is in control of the whole job from start to
finish. He is free to decide for himself how and when to set about it. He
is responsible to himself and not to somebody else. He is working
because he \emph{wants} to and not because he \emph{has} to. He is doing his own
thing. He is his own man.
The desire to “be your own boss” is very common indeed. Think of all
the people whose secret dream or cherished ambition is to run a small-holding
or a little shop or to set up in trade on their own account, even
though it may mean working night and day with little prospect of
solvency. Few of them are such optimists as to think they will make a
fortune that way. What they want above all is the sense of independence
and of controlling their own destinies.
The fact that in the twentieth century the production and distribution
of goods and services is far too complicated to be run by millions of
one-man businesses doesn’t lessen this urge for self-determination, and
the politicians, managers and giant international corporations know it.
This is why they present every kind of scheme for “workers’ participation”,
“joint management”, “profit sharing”, “industrial co-partnership”,
everything in fact from suggestion boxes to works councils, to give the
worker the \emph{feeling} that he is more than a cog in the industrial machine
while making sure that effective control of industry is kept out of the
hands of the man on the factory floor. They are in fact like the rich man
in Tolstoy’s fable — they will do anything for the worker except get off
his back.
In every industrial country, and probably in every agricultural
country, the idea of workers’ control has manifested itself at one time or
another — as a demand, an aspiration, a programme or a dream. To
confine ourselves to one century and one country, it was the basis of two
parallel movements in Britain around the First World War, Syndicalism
and Guild Socialism. These two movements dwindled away in the early
1920s, but ever since then there have been sporadic and periodic
attempts to re-create a movement for workers’ control of industry. From
some points of view the advocates of workers’ control had much more
reason for optimism in 1920 than today. In that year the Sankey Report
(a majority report of a Royal Commission) advocating “joint control”
and public ownership of the mining industry in Britain, was turned
down by the government for being too radical, and by the shop stewards
for not being radical enough. When the mines were actually nationalised
after almost thirty years, nothing even as mild as joint control was either
proposed or demanded. In 1920, too, the Building Guilds began their
brief but successful existence. In our own day it is inconceivable that
large local authorities would let big building contracts to guilds of
workers, or that the co-operative movement would finance them. The
idea that workers should have some say in the running of their industries
was accepted then in a way that it has never been since.
And yet the trade union movement today is immeasurably stronger
than it was in the days when workers’ control was a widespread demand.
What has happened is that the labour movement as a whole has accepted
the notion that you gain more by settling for less. In most Western
countries, as Anthony Crosland pointed out, the unions, “greatly aided
by propitious changes in the political and economic background, have
achieved a more effective control through the independent exercise of
their collective bargaining strength than they would ever have achieved
by following the path (beset as it is by practical difficulties on which all
past experiments have foundered) of direct workers’ management.
Indeed we may risk the generalisation that the greater the power of the
unions the less the interest in workers’ management.”\footnote{Anthony Crosland in \emph{The Observer}, 5 October 1958.}
His observation is true, even if it is unpalatable for those who would
like to see the unions, or some more militantly syndicalist kind of industrial
union, as the vehicle for workers’ control. Many advocates of
workers’ control have seen the unions as the organs through which it is
to be exercised, assuming presumably that the attainment of workers’
control would bring complete community of interest in industry and
that the defensive role of the unions would become obsolete. (This is, of
course, the assumption behind trade union organisation in the Soviet
empire). I think this view is a gross over-simplification. Before the First
World War, the Webbs pointed out that “the decisions of the most
democratically elected executive committees with regard to wages,
hours and conditions of employment of particular sections of their
fellow workers, do not always satisfy the latter, or even seem to them to
be just”. And the Yugoslav scholar, Branko Pribicević, in his history of
the shop-stewards’ movement in Britain, emphasises this point in criticising
the reliance on the idea of control by industrial unions:
\begin{quote}
Control of industry is largely incompatible with a union’s character as a
voluntary association of the workers, formed primarily to protect and
represent their interests. Even in the most democratic industrial system,
i.~e. a system in which the workers would have a share in control, there
would still be a need for unions \dots{} Now if we assume that managers
would be responsible to the body of workers, we cannot exclude the
possibility of individual injustices and mistakes. Such cases must be taken
up by the union \dots{} It seems most improbable that a union could fulfil
any of these tasks successfully if it were also the organ of industrial
administration or, in other words, if it had ceased to be a voluntary
organisation \dots{}
It was unfortunate that the idea of workers’ control was almost
completely identified with the concept of union control \dots{} It was
obvious throughout that the unions would oppose any doctrine aiming
at creating a representative structure in industry parallel with their own.\footnote{Branko Pribicevic, \emph{The Shop Stewards’ Movement and Workers’ Control 1912–1922} (Oxford, 1959).}
\end{quote}
In fact, in the only instances we know of in Britain, of either complete
or partial workers’ control, the trade union structure is entirely separate
from the administration, and there has never been any suggestion that it
should be otherwise. What are these examples? Well, there are the cooperative
co-partnerships which make, for instance, some of the
footware sold in retail co-operative societies. These are, so far as they go,
genuine examples of workers’ control (needless to say I am not speaking
of the factories run by the Cooperative Wholesale Society on orthodox
capitalist lines), but they do not seem to have any capacity for expansion,
or to exercise any influence on industry in general. There are the fishermen
of Brixham in Devon, and the miners of Brora on the coast of
Sutherland in Scotland. This pit was to have shut down, but instead the
miners took it over from the National Coal Board and formed a
company of their own. Then there are those firms where some form of
control by the employees has been sought by idealistic employers. (I am
thinking of firms like Scott Bader Ltd., and Farmer and Co., not of
those heavily paternalistic chocolate manufacturers or of spurious co-partnerships).
There are also odd small workshops like the factories in
Scotland and Wales of the Rowen Engineering Company.
I mention these examples, not because they have any economic
significance, but because the general view is that control of industry by
workers is a beautiful idea which is utterly impracticable because of
some unspecified deficiency, not in the idea, but in those people labelled
as “workers”. The Labour Correspondent of \emph{The Times} remarked of
ventures of this kind that, while they provide “a means of harmonious
self-government in a small concern”, there is no evidence that they
provide “any solution to the problem of establishing democracy in large-scale
industry”. And even more widespread than the opinion that
workers have a built-in capacity for managing themselves, is the regretful
conclusion that workers’ control is a nice idea, but one which is totally
incapable of realisation because of the scale and complexity of modern
industry. Daniel Guerin recommends an interpretation of anarchism
which “rests upon large-scale modern industry, up-to-date techniques,
the modern proletariat, and internationalism on a world scale”. But he
does not tell us how. On the face of it, we could counter the argument
about scope and scale by pointing out how changes in sources of motive
power make the geographical concentration of industry obsolete, and
how changing methods of production (automation for example) make
the concentration of vast numbers of people obsolete too.
Decentralisation is perfectly feasible, and probably economically advantageous
within the structure of industry as it is today. But the arguments
based on the complexity of modern industry actually mean something
quite different.
What the sceptics really mean is that while they can imagine the
isolated case of a small enterprise in which the shares are held by the
employees, but which is run on ordinary business lines — like Scott Bader
Ltd. — or while they can accept the odd example of a firm in which a
management committee is elected by the workers — like the co-operative
co-partnerships — they cannot imagine those who manipulate the
commanding heights of the economy being either disturbed by or, least
of all, influenced by, these admirable small-scale precedents. And they
are right, of course: the minority aspiration for workers’ control which
never completely dies, has at the same time never been widespread
enough to challenge the controllers of industry, in spite of the ideological
implications of the “work-in”.
The tiny minority who would like to see revolutionary changes need
not cherish any illusions about this. Neither in the political parties of the
Left nor in the trade union movement will they find more than a similar
minority in agreement. Nor does the history of syndicalist movements
in any country, even Spain, give them any cause for optimism. Geoffrey
Ostergaard puts their dilemma in these terms: “To be effective as defensive
organisations, the unions needed to embrace as many workers as
possible and this inevitably led to a dilution of their revolutionary objectives.
In practice, the syndicalists were faced with the choice of unions
which were \emph{either} reformist and purely defensive \emph{or} revolutionary and
largely ineffective.”\footnote{Geoffrey Ostergaard, “Approaches to Industrial Democracy”, \emph{Anarchy} 2, April 1961.}
Is there a way out of this dilemma? An approach which combines the
ordinary day-to-day struggle of workers in industry over wages and
conditions with a more radical attempt to shift the balance of power in
the factory? I believe that there is, in what the syndicalists and guild
socialists used to describe as “encroaching control” by means of the
“collective contract”. The syndicalists saw this as “a system by which the
workers within a factory or shop would undertake a specific amount of
work in return for a lump sum to be allocated by the work-group as it
saw fit, on condition that the employers abdicated their control of the
productive process itself”. The late G. D. H. Cole, who returned to the
advocacy of the collective contract system towards the end of his life,
claimed that “the effect would be to link the members of the working
group together in a common enterprise under their joint auspices and
control, and to emancipate them from an externally imposed discipline in
respect of their method of getting the work done”. I believe that it
has, and my evidence for this belief comes from the example of the gang
system worked in some Coventry factories which has some aspects in
common with the collective contract idea, and the “Composite work”
system worked in some Durham coal mines, which has everything in
common with it.
The first of these, the gang system, was described by an American
professor of industrial and management engineering, Seymour Melman,
in his book \emph{Decision-Making and Productivity}, where he sought “to
demonstrate that there are realistic alternatives to managerial rule over
production”. I have been publicising this book for years simply because
in all the pretentious drivel of industrial management literature (which
may not fool the workers, but certainly fools management) it is the only
piece of research I have come across which raises the key question: is
management necessary? Melman sought out an identical product made
under dissimilar conditions, and found it in the Ferguson tractor made
under licence in both Detroit and Coventry. His account of the operation
of the gang system in Coventry was confirmed for me by a
Coventry engineering worker, Reg Wright.
Of Standard’s tractor factory (he is writing of the period before
Standard sold the plant to Massey-Ferguson in 1956, and before Leyland
took over Standard), Melman declares, “In this firm we will show that at
the same time thousands of workers operated virtually without supervision
as conventionally understood, and at high productivity: the highest
wage in British industry was paid; high quality products were produced
at acceptable prices in extensively mechanised plants; the management
conducted its affairs at unusually low costs; also, organised workers had a
substantial role in production decision-making.” The production policy
of the firm at that time was most unorthodox for the motor industry and
was the resultant of two inter-related decision-making systems, that of
the workers and that of management: “In production, the management
has been prepared to pay a high wage and to organise production via the
gang system which requires management to deal with a grouped work
force, rather than with single workers, or with small groups \dots{} the
foremen are concerned with the detailed surveillance of things rather
than with the detailed control over people \dots{} The operation of integrated
plants employing 10,000 production workers did not require the
elaborate and costly hallmark of business management.”\footnote{Seymour Melman, \emph{Decision-Making and Productivity} (Oxford, 1968).}
In the motor-car factory fifteen gangs ranged in size from fifty to five
hundred people and the tractor factory was organised as one huge gang.
From the standpoint of the production workers “the gang system leads to
keeping track of goods instead of keeping track of people”. For payment
purposes the output that was measured was the output of the whole
group. In relation to management, Melman points out: “The grouped
voice of a work force had greater impact than the pressure of single
workers. This effect of the gang system, coupled with trade unionism, is
well understood among many British managements. As a result, many
managements have opposed the use of the gang system and have argued
the value of single worker incentive payments.
In a telling comparison, Melman contrasts the “predatory competition”
which characterises the managerial decision-making system with
the workers” decision-making system in which “The most characteristic
feature of the decision-formulating process is that of \emph{mutuality} in
decision-making with final authority residing in the hands of the
grouped workers themselves.”
Emphasising the \emph{human} significance oEthis mode of industrial organisation,
Reg Wright says:
\begin{quote}
The gang system sets men’s minds free from many worries and enables
them to concentrate completely on the job. It provides a natural frame
of security, it gives confidence, shares money equally, uses all degrees of
skill without distinction and enables jobs to be allocated to the man or
woman best suited to them, the allocation frequently being made by the
workers themselves. Change of job to avoid monotony is an easy matter.
The “gaffer” is abolished and foremen are now technicians called in to
advise, or to act in a breakdown or other emergency. In some firms a
\emph{ganger} will run, not the men, but the \emph{job}. He will be paid out of gang
earnings, and will work himself on a small gang. On a larger gang he will
be fully occupied with organisation and supply of parts and materials. A
larger gang may have a deputy ganger as a second string and also a \emph{gang-steward}
who, being a keen trade unionist or workers’ man, will act as a
corrective should the gangers try to favour management unduly or
interfere with the individual in undesirable ways. Gang meetings are
called as necessary, by the latter and all members of the gang are kept
informed and may (and do) criticise everything and everybody. All three
are subject to recall. Constructive ideas, on the other hand, are usually
the result of one or two people thinking out and trying out new things —
this is taking place continuously \dots{}\footnote{Reg Wright, “The Gang System in Coventry” \emph{Anarchy} 2, April 1961, reprinted in Colin Ward (ed.), \emph{A Decade of Anarchy}, (London, Freedom Press, 1987).}
\end{quote}
He remarks that “The fact of taking responsibility in any of these capacities
is \emph{educative} in every sense.” Certainly the usual methods of work
organisation are not only divisive (“They’d cut your throat for a bit more
overtime,” a Ford worker told Graham Turner) but are profoundly \emph{de-educative},
reducing the worker, as Eric Gill used to put it, to a “subhuman
condition of intellectual irresponsibility”.
My second example comes from the mining industry in Durham.
David Douglass in his book \emph{Pit Life in County Durham}, criticises the
attempts of the National Coal Board to introduce more and more supervision
into the miner’s work, with the intention of working the mines
like factories, remarking that “one of the few redeeming features of pit
work, and one that the miners will fight to maintain, is that of independent
job control”, for while “most factory workers would regard the
mine purely and simply as a black and filthy hole, funnily enough the
miner in turn regards the factory as a prison and its operatives as
captives”. In the early days of mining in Durham, he explains, “the miner
was practically a self-governing agent. The hewers were allowed to
manage their own jobs with practically a total lack of supervision. The
degree of job control (though necessarily limited by private ownership)
was almost complete.” Douglass describes such traditions as the \emph{cavilling}
system (selection of working-place by ballot in order to equalise earning
opportunities) as:
\begin{quote}
the fundamental way in which the Durham miner managed to maintain
an equitable system of work, and managed to stave off the competitiveness,
bullying and injustice of the hated butty system. In essence it was
an embryo of workers’ control, as can be seen from its ability to handle
disputes between sets of workers without recourse to outsiders. It was a
little Soviet which had grown up within the capitalist system. In a sense
it was of necessity restricted in its development. It is, however, a feature
of the worker intervening in the productive process in a conscious way
to say: this is how I run it, you adapt it accordingly.\footnote{David Douglass, \emph{Pit Life in Durham} (Oxford, 1972).}
\end{quote}
The same kind of attempt to run the mines as factories that David
Douglass complains of, accompanied the introduction in the post-war
years of the “long-wall” system of working. A comparative study was
made by the Tavistock Institute of conventional long-wall working with
its introduction of the division of labour, and of factory-type methods,
and the composite long-wall method adopted by the miners in some
pits. Its importance for my argument can b e seen from the opening
words of one of the Tavistock reports:
\begin{quote}
This study concerns a groups of miners who came together to evolve a
new way of working together, planning the type of change they wanted
to put through, and testing it in practice. The new type of work organisation
which has come to be known in the industry as composite
working, has in recent years emerged spontaneously in a number of
different pits in the north-west Durham coalfield. Its roots go back to an
earlier tradition which has been almost completely displaced in the
course of the last century by the introduction of work techniques based
on task segmentation, differential status and payment, and extrinsic hierarchical
control.\footnote{P. G. Herbst, \emph{Autonomous Group Functioning} (London, 1962).}
\end{quote}
A further report notes how the investigation shows “the ability of quite
large primary work groups of 40–50 members to act as self-regulating,
self-developing social organisms able to maintain themselves in a steady
state of high productivity \dots{}”\footnote{Trist, Higgin, Murray and Pollock, \emph{Organisational Choice} (London, 1963).} P. G. Herbst describes the system of
composite working in a way which shows its relationship to the gang
system:
\begin{quote}
The composite work organisation may be described as one in which the
group takes over complete responsibility for the total cycle of operations
involved in mining the coal face. No member of the group has a fixed
work-role. Instead, the men deploy themselves, depending on the
requirements of the ongoing group task. Within the limits of technological
and safety requirements they are free to evolve their own way of
organising and carrying out their task. They are not subject to any
external authority in this respect, nor is there within the group itself any
member who takes over a formal directive leadership function. Whereas
in conventional long-wall working the coal-getting task is split into four
or eight separate work roles, carried out by different teams, each paid at
a different rate, in the composite group members are no longer paid
directly for any of the tasks carried out. The all-in wage agreement is,
instead, based on the negotiated price per ton of coal produced by the
team. The income obtained is divided equally among team members.\footnote{Herbst, \emph{op.~cit.}}
\end{quote}
These examples of on-the-job workers’ control are important in
evolving an anarchist approach to industrial organisation. They do not
entail submission to paternalistic management techniques — in fact they
demolish the myths of managerial expertise and indispensability. They
are a force for solidarity rather than divisiveness between workers on the
basis of pay and status. They illustrate that it is possible to bring decision-making
back to the factory floor and the face-to-face group. They even
satisfy — though this is not my criterion for recommending them — the
capitalist test of productivity. They, like the growing concept of workers’
rights of \emph{possession} in the job tacitly recognised in redundancy payment
legislation, actively demonstrated by workers taking over physical possession
of the workplace as in the “work-in” at Upper Clyde Shipbuilders —
have the great tactical merit of combining short-term aims with long-term
aspirations.
Could the workers run industry? Of course they could. They do
already. Neither of the two examples I have given of successful “on the
job” control, exists in the same form today, for reasons which have
nothing to do with either their efficiency or their productivity. In the
Durham example it has to do with the shift of emphasis in the (publicly-owned)
National Coal Board to the coalfields of South Yorkshire and
Nottingham, and in the case of Standards with the mergers (sponsored
by a Labour government) which led to the formation of British Leyland
as a combine large enough to compete for markets with the giant
American-owned and European firms.
Industry is not dominated by technical expertise, but by the sales
manager, the accountant and the financial tycoon who never made
anything in their lives except money.
For a lucky few work is enjoyable for its own sake, but the proportion
of such people in the total working population grows smaller as work
becomes either more mechanised or more fragmented. Automation,
which was expected to reduce the sheer drudgery of manual labour and
the sheer mental drudgery of clerical work, is feared because in practice
it simply reduces the number of income-gaining opportunities. It is a
saving of labour, not by the worker, but by the owners or controllers of
capital. The lucky few are destined for the jobs which are either created
by or are unaffected by automation. The unlucky majority, condemned
from childhood to the dreary jobs, find them either diminished or extinguished
by the “rationalisation” of work.
Can we imagine that in a situation where the control of an industry, a
factory, any kind of workplace, was in the hands of the people who work
there, they would just carry on production, distribution and bottle-washing
in the ways we are familiar with today? Even within capitalist
society (though not within the “public sector” which belongs to “the
people”) some employers find that what they call job enlargement or job
enrichment, the replacement of conveyor belt tasks by complete
assembly jobs, or deliberate rotation from job to job in the production
process can increase production simply by reducing boredom. When
everyone in an industry has a voice in it, would they stop at this point?
In his brilliant essay \emph{Work and Surplus}, Keith Paton imagines what
would happen in a car factory taken over permanently by its workers.
“After the carnival of revolution come the appeals to return to work” but
“to get into the habit of responding to orders or exhortations to raise the
GNP would be to sell the pass straight away. On the other hand production
must eventually be got going on \emph{some} basis or other. What basis?
Return to \emph{what sort of work}?”
\begin{quote}
So instead of restarting the assembly track (if the young workers haven’t
already smashed it) they spend two months discussing the point of their
work, and how to rearrange it. Private cars? Why do people always want
to go somewhere else? Is it because where they are is so intolerable? And
what part did the automobile play in making the need to escape? What
about day to day convenience? Is being stuck in a traffic jam convenient?
What about the cost to the country? Bugger the “cost to the
country”, that’s just the same crap as the national interest. Have you seen
the faces of old people as they try to cross a busy main road? What about
the inconvenience to pedestrians? What’s the reason for buying a car? Is
it just wanting to HAVE it? Do we think the value of a car rubs off on
us? But that’s the wrong way round. Does having a car really save time?
What’s the average hours worked in manufacturing industry? Let’s look
it up in the library: 45.7 hours work a week. What’s the amount of the
family’s spending money in a week that goes on cars? 10.3 per cent of all
family income. Which means more like 20 per cent if you’ve got a car
because half of us don’t have one. What’s 25 per cent of 45 hours?
Christ, 9 hours! That’s a hell of a long time spent “saving time”! There
must be a better way of getting from A to B. By bus? OK, let’s make
buses. But what about the pollution and that? What about those electric
cars they showed on the telly once? Etc., etc.\footnote{Keith Paton, “Work and Suplus”, \emph{Anarchy} 118, 1970, reprinted in Colin Ward (ed.), \emph{A Decade of Anarchy}, (London, Freedom Press, 1987).}
\end{quote}
He envisages another month of discussion and research in complexly
cross-cutting groups, until the workers reach a consensus for eventual
self-redeployment for making products which the workers consider to
be socially useful. These include car refurbishing (to increase the use-value
of models already on the road), buses, overhead monorail cars,
electric cars and scooters, white bicycles for communal use (as devised
by the Amsterdam provos) , housing units, minimal work for drop-outs,
and for kids and old people who like to make themselves usefuL But he
sees other aspects of the workers’ take-over, voluntary extra work for
example: “As work becomes more and more pleasurable, as technology
and society develop to allow more and more craft aspects to return at
high technological level, the idea of \emph{voluntary extra} over the (reduced)
fixed working week becomes feasible. Even the fixing of the working
week becomes superseded.” The purpose of this voluntary extra? “New
Delhi needs buses, provide them by voluntary work.”\footnote{\emph{ibid.} Keith Paton’s redeployment of the car factory is reprinted in Colin Ward, \emph{Work} (Harmondsworth, 1972).}
The factory itself is open to the community, including children; “thus
every factory worker is a potential ‘environmental studies’ instructor, if
a child comes up and asks him how something works.” The factory in
fact becomes a university, an institute of learning rather than of enforced
stupidity, “using men to a millionth of their capacities” as Norbert
Weiner put it.
The evolution and transformation of the factory envisaged by Keith
Paton leads us back to the idea of the Community Workshop envisaged
in the previous chapter. We tend to think of the motor industry, for
example, as one in which iron ore comes in at one end and a complete
car rolls out at the other (though the purchaser of a “Friday car” in today’s
society had better watch out, for that car rolled off the assembly line
when the workers were waiting for their real life at the weekend to
begin). But in fact two thirds of the factory value of a car is represented
by components bought by the manufacturers from outside suppliers.
The motor industry, like many others, is an \emph{assembly} industry. The fact
that this is so of most consumer goods industries, coupled with the
modern facts of widely distributed industrial skill and motive power,
means that, as the Goodman brothers said in \emph{Communitas}: “In large areas
of our operation, we could go back to old-fashioned domestic industry
with perhaps even a gain in efficiency, for small power is everywhere
available, small machines are cheap and ingenious, and there are easy
means to collect machined parts and centrally assemble them.”\footnote{Paul and Percival Goodman, \emph{Communitas} (Chicago, 1947).} But it
also means that we could \emph{locally} assemble them. It already happens on the
individual spare-time level. Build-it-yourself radio, record-playing, and
television kits are a commonplace, and you can also buy assemble-it-yourself
cars and refrigerators.
Groups of community workshops could combine for bulk ordering of
components, or for sharing according to their capacity the production of
components for mutual exchange and for local assembly. The new
industrial field of plastics (assuming that in a transformed future society,
people find it a genuine economy to use them) offer many unexploited
possibilities for the community workshop. There are three main kinds of
plastics today: thermosetting resins which are moulded under heat with
very high pressures and consequently require plant which is at present
expensive and complex; thermoplastics, which are shaped by extrusion
and by injection moulding (there are already do-it-yourself electric thermoplastic
injection machines on the market); and polyester resins, used
in conjunction with reinforcing materials like glass fibre which can be
moulded at low pressures by simple contact moulding, and are thus
eminently suitable for the potentialities of the community workshop.
As we are frequently reminded by our own experience as consumers,
industrial products in our society are built for a limited life as well as for
an early obsolescence. The products which are available for purchase are
not the products which we would prefer to have. In a worker-controlled
society it would not be worth the workers’ while to produce articles
with a deliberately limited life, nor to make things which were unrepairable.
Products would have \emph{transparency of operation and repair}. When
Henry Ford first marketed his Model T he aimed at a product which
“any hick up a dirt road” could repair with a hammer and a spanner. He
nearly bankrupted his firm in the process, but this is precisely the kind of
product which an anarchist society would need: objects whose functioning
is transparent and whose repair can be undertaken readily
and simply by the user.
In his book \emph{The Worker in an Affluent Society}, Ferdynand Zweig makes
the entertaining observation that “quite often the worker comes to work
on Monday worn out from his weekend activities, especially from ‘Do-it-yourself’.
Quite a number said that the weekend is the most trying
and exacting period of the whole week, and Monday morning in the
factory, in comparison, is relaxing.”\footnote{Ferdynand Zweig, \emph{The Worker in an Affluent Society} (London, 1961).} This leads us to ask — not in the
future, but in our present society — what \emph{is} work and what \emph{is} leisure if we
work harder in our leisure than at our work? The fact that one of these
jobs is paid and the other is not seems almost fortuitous. And this in turn
leads us to a further question. The paradoxes of contemporary capitalism
mean that there are vast numbers of what one American economist calls
\emph{no-people}: the army of the unemployed who are either unwanted by, or
who consciously reject, the meaningless mechanised slavery of contemporary
industrial production. Could they make a livelihood for themselves
today in the community workshop? If the workshop is conceived
merely as a social service for “creative leisure” the answer is that it would
probably be against the rules. Members might complain that so-and-so
was abusing the facilities provided by using them “commercially”. But if
the workshop were conceived on more imaginative lines than any
existing venture of this kind, its potentialities could become a source of
livelihood in the truest sense. In several of the New Towns in Britain,
for example, it has been found necessary and desirable to build groups of
small workshops for individuals and small businesses engaged in such
work as repairing electrical equipment or car bodies, woodworking and
the manufacture of small components. The Community Workshop
would be enhanced by its cluster of separate workplaces for “gainful”
work. Couldn’t the workshop become the community \emph{factory}, providing
work or a place for work for anyone in the locality who wanted to work
that way, not as an optional extra to the economy of the affluent society
which rejects an increasing proportion of its members, but as one of the
prerequisites of the worker-controlled economy of the future?
Keith Paton again, in a far-sighted pamphlet addressed to members of
the Claimants’ Union, urged them not to compete for meaningless jobs
in the economy which has thrown them out as redundant, but to use
their skills to serve their own community. (One of the characteristics of
the affluent world is that it denies its poor the opportunity to feed,
clothe, or house \emph{themselves}, or to meet their own and their families’
needs, except from grudgingly doled-out welfare payments). He
explains that:
\begin{quote}
When we talk of “doing our own thing” we are not advocating going
back to doing everything by hand. This would have been the only
option in the thirties. But since then electrical power and “affluence”
have brought a spread of \emph{intermediate} machines, some of them very
sophisticated, to ordinary working class communities. Even if they do
not own them (as many claimants do not) the possibility exists of
borrowing them from neighbours, relatives, ex-workmates. Knitting
and sewing machines, power tools and other do-it-yourself equipment
comes in this category. Garages can be converted into little workshops,
home-brew kits are popular, parts and machinery can be taken from old
cars and other gadgets. If they saw their opportunity, trained metallurgists
and mechanics could get into advanced scrap technology, recycling
the metal wastes of the consumer society for things which could be used
again regardless of whether they would fetch anything in a shop. Many
hobby enthusiasts could begin to see their interests in a new light.\footnote{Keith Paton, \emph{The Right to Work or the Fight to Live?} (Stoke-on-Trent, 1972).}
\end{quote}
“We do”, he affirms, “\emph{need} each other and the enormous pool of energy
and morale that lies untapped in every ghetto, city district and estate.”
The funny thing is that when we discuss the question of work from an
anarchist point of view, the first question people ask is: What would you
do about the lazy man, the man who will not work? The only possible
answer is that we have all been supporting him for centuries. The
problem that faces every individual and every society is quite different,
it is how to provide people with the opportunity they yearn for: the
chance to be useful.
\chapter{Chapter XII. The Breakdown of Welfare}
\begin{quote}
All institutions, all social organisations, impose a pattern on people and detract
from their individuality; above all it seems to me, they detract from their humanity
\dots{} It seems to me that one thing is in the nature of all institutions, whether they
are for good purposes, like colleges, schools and hospitals, or for evil pluposes, like
prisons. Everyone in an institution is continually adapting himself to it, and to
other people, whereas the glory of humanity is that it adapts its environment to
mankind, not human beings to their environment.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
John Vaizey, \emph{Scenes From Institutional Life}
\end{flushright}
Anarchists are sometimes told that their simple picture of the state as
the protector of the privileges of the powerful is hopelessly out of date:
welfare has changed the state. Some politicians even claim that their
parties invented welfare. The late Hugh Gaitskill, for instance, described
the welfare state as “another Labour achievement”, adding that “unfortunately
gratitude is not a reliable political asset”. In fact the candidates for
office in most Western governments rival each other in the welfare
packages they offer the electorate.
But what do we mean by the welfare state? Social welfare can exist
without the state. States can, and frequently do, exist without undertaking
responsibility for social welfare. Every kind of human association
may be a welfare society: trade unions, Christmas clubs, churches and
teenage gangs — all of which presumably aim at mutual benefit, comfort
and security can be considered as aspects of social welfare. The state, as
we have seen, is a form of social organisation which differs from all the
rest in two respects: firstly, that it claims the allegiance of the whole
population rather than those who have opted to join it, and secondly,
that it has coercive power to enforce that allegiance. Association for
mutual welfare is as old as humanity — we wouldn’t be here if it were not
– and is biological in origin. Kropotkin, whose \emph{Mutual Aid} chronicles
this innate human tendency, describes, not the strengthening, but the
destruction of the social institutions that embodied it, with the growth
of the modern European nation-state from the fifteenth century
onward:
\begin{quote}
For the next three centuries the States, both on the continent and in
these islands, systematically weeded out all institutions in which the
mutual aid tendency had formerly found its expression. The village
communities were bereft of their folkmotes, their courts and independent
administration: their lands were confiscated. The guilds were
spoilated of their possessions and liberties, and placed under the control,
the fancy, and the bribery of the State’s official. The cities were divested
of their sovereignty, and the very springs of their inner life – the
folkmote, the elected justices and their administration, the sovereign
parish and the sovereign guild — were annihilated; the State’s functionary
took possession of every link of what was formerly an organic whole \dots{}
It was taught in the universities and from the pulpit that the institutions
in which men formerly used to embody their needs of mutual support
could not be tolerated in a properly organised State; that the state alone
could represent the bonds of union between its subjects; that federalism
and “particularism” were the enemies of progress, and the State was the
only proper initiator of further development.\footnote{Peter Kropotkin, \emph{The State: Its Historic Role} (London, Freedom Press, 1987).}
\end{quote}
This is not an old-fashioned romantic view of the passing of the Middle
Ages: it is reflected in modern scholarship, for example in Ullmann’s
\emph{Government and People in the Middle Ages}. Nor is Kropotkin’s bitter
account of it exaggerated, as you can see from the history of pauperism
in Britain. In the Middle Ages destitution was relieved without recourse
to state action. Guild members who fell into poverty were assisted by the
fraternity, whose concern extended to their widows and orphans. There
were hospitals and lazar-houses for the sick, and monastic hospitality was
extended to all who needed it. But with the establishment of a firmly
based nation-state by the Tudors, it was characteristic that the first state
legislation on poverty required that beggars should be whipped and that
the second required that they should be branded, and that the essence of
the Poor Law from its codification in 1601 to its amendment in 1834
and its final disappearance in our own time, was punitive. Any member
of the Claimants’ Union today would insist that the Poor Law \emph{still} exists
and that it \emph{is} punitive.
We may thus conclude that there is an essential paradox in the fact
that the state whose symbols are the policeman, the jailer and the soldier
should have become the administrator and organiser of social welfare.
The connection between welfare and warfare is in fact very close. Until
late in the nineteenth century the state conducted its wars with profesional
soldiers and mercenaries, but the increasing scale and scope of
wars forced states to pay more and more attention to the physical quality
of recruits, whether volunteers or conscripts, and the discovery that so
large a populationthe eligible cannon-fodder was physically unfit (a
discovery it has made afresh with every war of the last hundred years) led
the state to take measures for improving the physical health of the
nation. Richard Titmuss remarks in his essay on \emph{War and Social Policy} that
“It was the South American War, not one of the notable wars in human
history to change the affairs of men, that touched off the personal health
movement which eventually led to the National Health Service in 1948.”\footnote{Richard Titmuss, “War and Social Policy” in his \emph{Essays on “The Welfare State”} (London, 1958).}
With the extension of warfare to the civilian population, the need to
maintain morale by the formulation of “peace aims” and the general
feeling of guilt over past social injustices and of resolution to do better in
future which war engenders, the concern over physical health extended
to a wider field of social well-being. The “wartime trends towards universalising
public provision for certain basic needs”, as Titrnuss says, “mean in
effect that a social system must be so organised as to enable all citizens
(and not only soldiers) to learn what to make of their lives in peacetime.
In this context, the Education Act of 1944 becomes intelligible; so does
the Beveridge Report of 1942 and the National Insurance, Family
Allowances and National Service Acts. All these measures of social policy
were in part an expression of the needs of war-time strategy to fuse and
unify the conditions of life of civilians and non-civilians alike.”\footnote{\emph{ibid.}}
His sardonic conclusion is that “The aims and content of social policy,
both in peace and war, are thus determined — at least to a substantial
extent — by how far the co-operation of the masses is essential to the
successful prosecution of war.”
There are in fact several quite separate traditions of social welfare: the
product of totally different attitudes to social needs. Even in the unified
provision under the state’s welfare legislation these traditions live on.
A friend of mine, an experimental psychologist who visits many hospitals,
says that although it is several decades since the establishment of the
National Health Service, he can always tell whether a particular institution
grew out of a voluntary hospital, a municipal one, or a Poor Law
institution. One of these traditions is that of a service given grudgingly
and punitively by authority, another is the expression of social responsibility,
or of mutual aid and self-help. One is embodied in \emph{institutions}, the
other in \emph{associations}.
In the jargon of social administration there is an ugly but expressive
word “institutionalisation”, meaning putting people into institutions.
There is also an even uglier word, “de-institutionalisation”, meaning
getting them out again. Regrettable the word may be, but it describes a
trend that is profoundly significant from an anarchist point of view.
“Institution” in a general sense means “an established law, custom, usage,
practice, organisation, or other element in the political or social life of a
people” and in a special sense means “an educational, philanthropic,
remedial, or penal establishment in which a building or system of buildings
plays a major and central role, \emph{e.g.} schools, hospitals, orphanages, old
people’s homes, jails”. If you accept these definitions you will see that
anarchism is hostile to institutions in the general sense, hostile, that is to
say, to the institutionalisation into pre-established forms or legal entities
of the various kinds of human association. It is predisposed towards de-institutionalisation,
towards the breakdown of institutions.
Now de-institutionalisation is a feature of current thought and actual
trends in the second or special sense of the word. There is a characteristic
pattern of development common to many of these special institutions.
Frequently they were founded or modified by some individual pioneer,
a secular or religious philanthropist, to meet some urgent social need, or
remedy some social evil. Then they became the focus of the activities of
a voluntary society, and as the nineteenth century proceeded, gained the
acknowledgement and support of the state. Local authorities filled in the
geographical gaps in their distribution and finally, in our own century,
the institutions themselves have been institutionalised, that is to say
nationalised, or taken over by the state as a public service.
But at the very peak of their growth and development a doubt has
arisen. Are they in fact remedying the evil or serving the purpose for
which they were instituted, or are they merely perpetuating it? A new
generation of pioneer thinkers arises which seeks to set the process in
reverse, to abolish the institution altogether, or to break it down into
non-institutional units, or to meet the same social need in a non-institutional
way. This is so marked a trend that it leads us to speculate on the
extent to which the special institutions can be regarded as microcosms or
models for the critical examination of the general institutions of society.
In one sense the institutions found their architectural expression in a
hierarchy of huge Victorian buildings in the cemetery belt on the fringe
of the cities. “Conveniently adjacent to the cemetery”, wrote C. F.
Masterman, “was the immense fever hospital \dots{} In front was a gigantic
workhouse; behind a gigantic lunatic asylum; to the right, a gigantic
barrack school; to the left, a gigantic prison \dots{} Around the city’s borders
are studded the gigantic buildings, prisons or palaces which witness to its
efforts to grapple with the problems of maimed and distorted life —
witness both to its energy and its failure. The broken, the rebellious, the
lunatic, the deserted children, the deserted old, are cooped up behind
high gates and polished walls.”\footnote{C. F. Masterman quoted by Heather Woolmer, “Within the Fringe”, \emph{Town and Country Planning}, June 1972.} Heather Woolmer commented:
“Masterman sees these features as a deliberate rejection by society of all it
wished to forget, like death, and all which it found inconvenient, like
the destitute, old, or mad. It was almost as though an entire sub-culture
could be processed on the city fringe: from charity school to workhouse,
to old people’s institution to hospital to graveyard: like battery chickens
awaiting the conveyor belt to death.”\footnote{\emph{ibid.}}
And indeed institutionalisation is a cradle-to-grave affair. A generation
ago the accepted “ideal” pattern of childbirth was in a maternity
hospital. The baby was taken away from the mother at birth and put
behind glass by a masked nurse, to be brought out at strictly regulated
hours for feeding. Kissing and cuddling were regarded as unhygienic.
(Most babies were not born that way, but that was the ideal.) Today the
ideal picture is completely different. Baby is born at home with father
helping the midwife, while brothers and sisters are encouraged to “share”
the new acquisition. He is cosseted by all and sundry and fed on
demand. (Again most babies are not born that way, but it is the accepted
ideal.) This change in attitudes can be attributed to the swing of the
pendulum of fashion, or to common sense re-asserting itself, or to the
immensely influential evidence gathered by John Bowlby in his W.H.O.
report on maternal care.\footnote{John Bowlby, \emph{Maternal Care and Mental Health} (London, 1952).} Ashley Montagu writes:
\begin{quote}
there was a disease from which, but half a century ago, more than half of
the children [who died] in the first year of life, regularly died. This
disease was known as \emph{marasmus} from the Greek word meaning “wasting
away”. This disease was also known as infantile atrophy or debility.
When studies were undertaken to track down its cause, it was discovered
that it was generally babies in the “best” homes and hospitals who
were most often its victims, babies who were apparently receiving the
best and most careful physical attention, while babies in the poorest
homes, with a good mother, despite the lack of hygienic physical conditions,
often overcame the physical handicaps and flourished. What was
lacking in the sterilised environment of the babies of the first class and
was generously supplied in the babies of the second class was mother
love. This discovery is responsible for the fact that hospitals today
endeavour to keep the infant for as short a time as possible.\footnote{Ashley Montagu, \emph{The Direction if Human Development} (London, 1957).}
\end{quote}
The conflict between these two “ideal” patterns of childbirth is still
frequently debated. It was reported, for example, that “Many mothers
compare their reception and management in hospital unfavourably with
confinement at home. Of one series of 336~mothers who had at least
one baby in hospital and one at home, 80~per cent preferred home
confinement and only 14~per cent hospital confinement.”\footnote{\emph{The Lancet}, 22 April 1961.} This simply
means of course that mothers want the advantages of both “ideals” —
medical safety and a domestic atmosphere. The real demand is in fact for
the de-institutionalisation of the hospital. Thus when he opened the
obstetric unit of Charing Cross Hospital, Professor Norman Morris
declared that “Twenty-five years of achievement have vastly reduced the
hazards of childbirth, but hospitals too often drown the joys of motherhood
in a sea of inhumanity.” There was, he said, “an atmosphere of
coldness, unfriendliness, and severity, more in keeping with an income
tax office. Many of our systems which involve dragooning and regimentation
must be completely revised.”\footnote{\emph{The Times}, 24 February 1960.} Later he described many existing
maternity units as mere baby factories. “Some even seem to boast that
they have developed a more efficient conveyor belt system than anything
that has gone before.”\footnote{Norman Morris at Royal Society of Health Congress, 29 April 1961.}
The widespread acceptance of the view which has become known as
Bowlby’s maternal deprivation hypothesis has profoundly affected attitudes
to the treatment of young children in hospital. The American
paediatricians observed that residence in hospital manifests itself by a
fairly well-defined clinical picture. “A striking feature is the failure to
gain properly, despite the ingestion of diets that are entirely adequate for
growth in the home. Infants in hospitals sleep less than others and they
rarely smile or babble spontaneously. They are listless and apathetic and
look unhappy.” Bowlby notes the same thing and remarks that the condition
of these infants is ‘undoubtedly a form of depression having many
of the hallmarks of the typical adult depressive patient of the mental
hospital”.\footnote{Bowlby, op.cit. See also Kings, Raynes and Tizard, \emph{Patterns of Residential Care} (London, 1972).}
The observations of the effect of the institutional environment on sick
children are also true of physically healthy children. One of the first
comparative studies of orphanage children with a matched control group
led the observers to remark:
\begin{quote}
No one could have predicted, much less proved, the steady tendency to
deteriorate on the part of children maintained under what had previously
been regarded as standard orphanage conditions. With respect to
intelligence, vocabulary, general information, social competence,
personal adjustment, and motor achievement, the whole picture was
one of retardation. The effect of one to three years in a nursery school
still far below its own potentialities, was to reverse the tide of regression,
which, for some, led to feeble-mindedness.\footnote{Iowa Child Research Station, 1938.}
\end{quote}
In Britain during the war Dorothy Burlingham and Anna Freud
reported in \emph{Infants Without Families} the striking changes in children
showing every sign of retardation when their residential nurseries were
broken down to provide family groups of four children each with their
own substitute mother, and since then a great number of comparisons
have been made in several countries, with results which Barbara
Wootton summed up in these words: “Repeatedly these children have
been found to lag behind the standards of those who live at home; to
have both lower intelligence and lower developmental quotients, and to
be, moreover, relatively backward in both speech and walking \dots{} They
were also more destructive and aggressive, more restless and less able to
concentrate and more indifferent to privacy rights than other children.
They were, in fact, impoverished in all aspects of their personality.”\footnote{Dorothy Burlingham and Anna Freud, \emph{Infants Without Families} (London, 1944) .} The
change in public and official opinion in Britain began with a letter to
\emph{The Times} in 1944 from Lady Allen of Hurtwood, who followed it with
a pamphlet drawing attention to the grossly unsatisfactory conditions in
children’s homes and orphanages, giving examples of unimaginative and
cruel treatment. As a result a committee was set up in the following year
and its report (the Curtis Report on the Care of Children) was issued in
December 1946 severely criticising the institutional care of children and
making recommendations that have been so widely accepted since that
Bowlby was able to write that “The controversy over the merits of
foster-homes and of institutional care can now be regarded as settled.
There is now no-one who advocates the care of children in large groups
— indeed all advise strongly against it.”
It is not surprising that the methods and attitudes that have proved
most successful in de-institutionalising the treatment of normal children
and “normally” sick children should b e even more striking with children
afflicted in some way, for example spastic or epileptic children, and with
mentally handicapped children. In the research project undertaken at
Brooklands, Reigate by Dr J. Tizard and Miss Daly, a group of sixteen
“imbecile” children were matched with a control group at the parent
hospital. Even after the first year the children cared for on “family” lines
gained an average of eight months in mental age on a verbal intelligence
test as against three months for the control group. In personal independence,
measured on an age scale, they had increased by six months as
against three in the control group, and there were significant developments
in speech, social and emotional behaviour and self-chosen activity.
Similar experiences of the benefits of small, permissive, family groups
have rewarded those who have sought to de-institutionalise the residential
care of “delinquent” or maladjusted children — George Lyward at
Finchden Manor, or David Wills at Bodenham, for example.
For many generations the word “institution” meant, to the majority
of people in Britain, one thing, \emph{the} Institution, the Poor Law Infirmary
or Union Workhouse, admission to which was a disgrace and a last
refuge, regarded with dread and hatred. The Poor Law has gone but its
traditions remain. Slowly we have learned that any institution for the
old encourages senility, while every effort to help them to live their
own lives in a place of their own encourages independence and zest for
life.
\begin{quote}
Probably the first thing for anyone to learn who has old people to care
for is the need to allow them the utmost freedom of action, to realise
that their personality is still individual and that social significance is
essential to happiness. It is all too easy to take the attitude that the old are
past doing anything and encourage resting and doing nothing. This is a
mistaken kindness, though it may be an easy way of satisfying the
conscience compared with the more exacting way of continual encouragement
to be active, to go out, to find worthwhile occupation. The
latter course, however, is much more likely to promote happiness and to
forestall the troubles which may arise later on, from infirmity and
apathy.\footnote{Margaret Neville Hill, \emph{An Aproach to Old Age and its Problems} (London, 1960).}
\end{quote}
The de-institutionalisation of the treatment of mental illness began in
the eighteenth century when William Tuke founded the York Retreat,
and when Pinel in the same year (1792) struck off the chains from his
mad patients at Bicêtre. But in the nineteenth century, with what
Kathleen Jones calls “the triumph of legalism”, the pattern was laid down
of huge isolated lunatic asylums as a sinister appendage to the Poor Law
— the heritage against which the modern pioneers have to struggle.
Kropotkin, in his remarkable lecture on prisons, delivered in Paris in
1887, took Pinel as the starting point for the “community care” which is
now declared policy for mental health:
\begin{quote}
It will be said, however, there will always remain some people, the sick,
if you wish to call them that, who constitute a danger to society. Will it
not be necessary somehow to rid ourselves of them, or at least prevent
them from harming others?
No society, no matter how little intelligent, will need such an absurd
solution, and this is why. Formerly the insane were looked upon as
possessed by demons and were treated accordingly. They were kept in
chains in places like stables, riveted to the walls like wild beasts. But
along came Pinel, a man of the Great Revolution, who dared to remove
their chains and tried treating them as brothers. “You will be devoured
by them,” cried the keepers. But Pinel dared. Those who were believed
to be wild beasts gathered around Pinel and proved by their attitude that
he was right in believing in the better side of human nature even when
the intelligence is clouded by disease. Then the cause was won. They
stopped chaining the insane.
Then the peasants of the little Belgian village, Gheel, found something
better. They said: “Send us your insane. We will give them
absolute freedom.” They adopted them into their families, they gave
them places at their tables, the chance alongside them to cultivate their
fields and a place among their young people at their country balls. “Eat,
drink, and dance with us. Work, run about the fields and be free.” That
was the system, that was all the science the Belgian peasant had. And
liberty worked a miracle. The insane became cured. Even those who
had incurable, organic lesions became sweet, tractable members of the
family like the rest. The diseased mind would always work in an
abnormal fashion but the heart was in the right place. They cried it was a
miracle. The cures were attributed to a saint and a virgin. But this virgin
was liberty and the saint was work in the fields and fraternal treatment.
At one of the extremes of the immense “space between mental disease
and crime” of which Maudsley speaks, liberty and fraternal treatment
have worked their miracle. They will do the same at the other
extreme.\footnote{Peter Kropotkin, \emph{Prisons and their Moral Influence on Prisoners} (1887) reprinted in Baldwin (ed.), \emph{Kropotkin’s Revolutionary Pamphlets} (New York, 1927, 1968).}
\end{quote}
Very slowly public sentiment and official policy have been catching up
with this attitude. “The first reform in the care of the mentally ill in
America put the insane into state hospitals”, writes J. B. Martin, “the
second reform is now in progress — to get them out again.”\footnote{J. B. Martin, \emph{A Pane of Glass} (London 1960).} Exactly the
same is true of Britain. Evidence has been piling up for years to indicate
that the institution manufactures madness. One key piece of research (by
Hilliard and Munday at the Fountain Mental Deficiency Hospital) indicated
that 54~per cent of the “high-grade” patients were not in fact intellectually
defective. Commenting in the light of this on “the false
impression of the problem of mental deficiency” resulting from present
classifications, they remarked that “such patients may be socially incompetent,
but in many cases institutional life itself has aggravated their
emotional difficulties.”\footnote{Hilliard and Munday, “Diagnostic Problems in the Feeble-Minded”, \emph{The Lancet} (25 September 1954).}
The law itself has changed, sweeping away the whole process of certification
and seeking the treatment of mental sickness like any other
illness and mental deficiency like any physical handicap. Outpatient
facilities, occupation centres and the variety of provisions known as
“community care” are intended to replace institutions wherever possible.
And yet every year still brings a fresh crop of stories of grotesque conditions
in allegedly therapeutic institutions, of terrible ill-treatment of
helpless patients, or of the continued illegal detention of people who,
years ago, had been placed in an institution because they were a nuisance
to their relations or to a local authority and who had, over the years,
been reduced to a state of premature senility by the institution itself.
But why, in the face of known facts about the harmful effects of institutions,
and in the face of the officially declared policy of “community
care”, have we failed, in spite of some glowing exceptions, to de-institutionalise
mental illness? The answer is not merely the parsimony of
public spending on mental health, it has two other important components.
How can we adopt a policy of “the replacement of a custodial
authoritarian system by a permissive and tolerant culture in which the
patients are encouraged to be themselves and share their feelings,”\footnote{Dr Wadsworth, Medical Superintendent at Cheadle Royal Hospital.} when
the staff themselves are organised in the rigid and authoritarian hierarchy
that characterises every hospital? The people whose lives are spent in
closest contact with the patients are themselves at the bottom of the
pyramid of bullying and exploitation: there is no “permissive and tolerant
culture” for them, let alone for the inmates (This aspect of institutions is
brilliantly illuminated in Erving Goffinan’s book \emph{Asylums}.) The other
factor is what the PEP report on community mental health calls the
“important irrational component” in public attitudes to deviancy.\footnote{PEP, \emph{Community Mental Health Services} (London, 1960).} Dr
Joshua Bierer remarked that “I and my colleagues are convinced that it is
our own anxiety which forces us to lock people up, to brand them
and make them criminals. I believe if we can overcome our own anxiety and
treat adults and adolescents as members of the community, we will create
fewer mental patients and fewer criminals.”\footnote{Dr Joshua Bierer at the 1960 conference of the World Federation of Mental Health.}
There are indeed some people whose presence in ordinary society
arouses such anxiety or hostility or fear, or for whose welfare it is so
unwilling to assume responsibility in its normal primary groups like the
family, that the special institutions we have discussed were established to
contain them: asylums for the insane, orphanages for homeless children,
the workhouse for the poor and aged, barracks for the defenders of the
state, prisons and reformatories for those who transgress and get caught.
Discipline, routine obedience and submission were the characteristics
sought in the well-regulated institution, best obtained in an enclosed
environment, away from the distractions, comforts, seductions and
dangerous liberties of ordinary society. In the nineteenth century — the
great institution-building age — indeed, the same characteristics were
sought in the ordinary “open” institutions of outside society, the factory,
the school, the developing civil service, the patriarchal family.
The prison is simply the ultimate institution, and every effort to
reform the institution leaves its fundamental character untouched. It is,
as Merfyn Turner says, “an embarrassment to those who support the
system it personifies, and a source of despair for those who would
change it”. Godwin underlined the basic dilemma as long ago as the
1790s:
\begin{quote}
The most common method pursued in depriving the offender of the
liberty he has abused is to erect a public jail, in which offenders of every
description are thrust together, and left to form among themselves what
species of society they can. Various circumstances contribute to imbue
them with habits of indolence and vice, and to discourage industry; and
no effort is made to remove or soften these circumstances. It cannot be
necessary to expatiate upon the atrociousness of this system. Jails are, to a
proverb, seminaries of vice; and he must be an uncommon proficient in
the passion and the practice of injustice, or a man of sublime virtue, who
does not come out of them a much worse man than when he entered.\footnote{William Godwin, \emph{An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice} (London, 1793).}
\end{quote}
And in the 1880s, Kropotkin (who originated the definition of prisons
as “universities of crime”) explained the futility of attempts at reform:
\begin{quote}
Whatever changes are introduced in the prison regime, the problem
of second offenders does not decrease. That is inevitable: it must be
so — the prison kills all the qualities in a man which make him best
adapted to community life. It makes him the kind of person who will
inevitably return to prison \dots{}
I might propose that a Pestalozzi be placed at the head of each prison
\dots{} I might also propose that in the place of the present guards, ex-soldiers
and ex-policemen, sixty Pestalozzis be substited. But, you
will ask, where are we to find them? A pertinent question. The great
Swiss teacher would certainly refuse to be a prison guard, for, basically
the principle of all prisons is wrong because it deprives men
of liberty. So long as you deprive a man of his liberty, you will not make
him better. You will cultivate habitual criminals.\footnote{Kropotkin, \emph{op.cit.}}
\end{quote}
One of the things that emerges from the study of institutions is the existence
of a recognisable dehumanised institutional character. In its
ultimate form it was described by the psychiatrist Bruno Bettelheim in
his book \emph{The Informed Heart} (where he relates his previous studies of
concentration camp behaviour and of emotionally disturbed children to
the human condition in modern mass society). Bettelheim was a
prisoner at Dachau and Buchenwald, and he describes those prisoners
who were known as \emph{Muselmänner} (“moslems”), the walking corpses who
“were so deprived of affect, self-esteem, and every form of stimulation,
so totally exhausted, both physically and emotionally, that they had given
the environment total power over them. They did this when they gave
up trying to exercise any further influence over their life and environment”.\footnote{Bruno Bettelheim, \emph{The Informed Heart} (London, 1970).}
His terrible description of the ultimate institutional man goes on:
\begin{quote}
But even the moslems, being organisms, could not help reacting
somehow to their environment, and this they did by depriving it of the
power to influence them as subjects in any way whatsoever. To achieve
this, they had to give up responding to it all , and became objects, but
with this they gave up being persons. At this point such men still obeyed
orders, but only blindly or automatically; no longer selectively or with
inner reservation or any hatred at being so abused. They still looked
about, or at least moved their eyes around. The looking stopped much
later, though even then they still moved their bodies when ordered, but
never did anything on their own any more. Typically, this stopping of
action began when they no longer lifted their legs as they walked, but
only shuffled them. When finally even the looking about on their own
stopped, they soon died.\footnote{\emph{ibid.}}
\end{quote}
This description has a recognisable affinity to the behaviour observed in
“normal” institutions. “Often the children sit inert or rock themselves for
hours,” says Dr Bowlby of institution children. “Go and watch them
staring at the radiator, waiting to die,” says Brian Abel-Smith of institutional
pensioners. Dr Russell Barton gave this man-made disease the
name \emph{institutional neurosis} and described its clinical features in mental
hospitals, its differential diagnosis, aetiology, treatment and prevention. It
is, he says,
\begin{quote}
a disease characterised by apathy, lack of initiative, loss of interest, especially
in things of an impersonal nature, submissiveness, apparent
inability to make plans for the future, lack of individuality, and sometimes
a characteristic posture and gait. Permutations of these words and
phrases, “institutionalised”, “dull”, “apathetic”, “withdrawn”, “inaccessible”,
“solitary”, “unoccupied”, “lacking in initiative”, “lacking in spontaneity”,
“uncommunicative”, “simple”, “childish”, “gives no trouble”, “has settled
down well”, “is cooperative”, should always make one suspect that the
process of institutionalisation has produced neurosis.\footnote{Russell Barton, \emph{Institutional Neurosis} (Bristol, 1959).}
\end{quote}
He associates seven factors with the environment in which the disease
occurs in mental hospitals: (1) Loss of contact with the outside world. (2)
Enforced idleness. (3) Bossiness of medical and nursing staff. (4) Loss
of personal friends, possessions, and personal events. (5) Drugs. (6) Ward
atmosphere. (7) Loss of prospects outside the institution. Other writers
have called the condition “psychological institutionalism” or “prison
stupor”, and many years ago Lord Brockway, in his book on prisons,
depicted the type exactly in his description of the Ideal Prisoner: “The
man who has no personality: who is content to become a mere cog in
the prison machine; whose mind is so dull that he does not feel the
hardship of separate confinement; who has nothing to say to his fellows;
who has no desires, except to feed and sleep, who shirks responsibility
for his own existence and consequently is quite ready to live at others’
orders, performing the allotted task, marching here and there as
commanded, shutting the door of his cell upon his own confinement as
required.”\footnote{Fenner Brockway (with Stephen Hobhouse), \emph{English Prisons Today} (London, 1921).}
This is the ideal type of Institution Man, the kind of person who fits
the system of public institutions which we have inherited from the past.
It is no accident that it is also the ideal type for the bottom people of all
authoritarian institutions. It is the ideal soldier (theirs not to reason
why), the ideal worshipper (Have thine own way, Lord\Slash{}Have thine own
way\Slash{}Thou art the potter\Slash{}I am the clay) , the ideal worker (You’re not
paid to think, just get on with it), the ideal wife (a chattel), the ideal
child (seen but not heard) — the ideal product of the Education Act of
1870.
The institutions were a microcosm, or in some cases a caricature, of
the society that produced them. Rigid, authoritarian, hierarchical, the
virtues they sought were obedience and subservience. But the people
who sought to break down the institutions, the pioneers of the changes
which are slowly taking place, or which have still to be fought for, were
motivated by different values. The key words in \emph{their} vocabulary have
been love, sympathy, permissiveness, and instead of institutions they have
postulated families, communities, leaderless groups, autonomous groups.
The qualities they have sought to foster are self-reliance, autonomy, self-respect,
and, \emph{as a consequence}, social responsibility, mutual respect and
mutual aid.
When we compare the Victorian antecedents of our public institutions
with the organs of working-class mutual aid in the same period the
very names speak volumes. On the one side the Workhouse, the Poor
Law Infirmary, the National Society for the Education of the Poor in
Accordance with the Principles of the Established Church; and, on the
other, the \emph{Friendly} Society, the Sick \emph{Club}, the \emph{Cooperative} Society, the
Trade \emph{Union}. One represents the tradition of fraternal and autonomous
associations springing up from below, the other that of authoritarian
institutions directed from above.
It is important to note that the servants of the institution are as much
its victims as the inmates. Russell Barton says that “it is my impression
that an authoritarian attitude is the rule rather than the exception” in
mental hospitals, and he relates this to the fact that the nurse herself is
“subject to a process of institutionalisation in the nurses’ home where she
lives”. He finds it useless to blame any individual, for “individuals change
frequently but mental hospitals have remained unchanged”, and he
suggests that the fault lies with the administrative structure. Richard
Titmuss, in his study of “The Hospital and its Patients” attributes the
barrier of silence so frequently met with in ordinary hospitals to “the
effect on people of working and living in a closed institution with rigid
social hierarchies and codes of behaviour \dots{} These people tend to deal
with their insecurity by attempting to limit responsibility, and increase
efficiency through the formulation of rigid rules and regulations and by
developing an authoritative and protective discipline. The barrier of
silence is one device employed to maintain authority. We find it used in
many different settings when we look at other institutions where the
relationship between the staff and the inmates is not a happy one.”\footnote{Richard Titmuss, “The Hospital and Its Patients’ in his \emph{Essays on “The Welfare State”} (London, 1958).}
And John Vaizey, remarking that “everything in our social life is
capable of being institutionalised, and it seems to me that our political
energies should be devoted to restraining institutions” says that “above all
\dots{} institutions give inadequate people what they want — power. Army
officers, hospital sisters, prison warders — many of these people are inadequate
and unfulfilled and they lust for power and control.”\footnote{John Vaizey, \emph{Scenes from Institutional Life} (London, 1959).} In \emph{The
Criminal and His Victim}, von Hentig takes this view further: “The police
force and the ranks of prison officers attract many aberrant characters
because they afford legal channels for pain-inflicting, power-wielding
behaviour, and because these very positions confer upon their holders a
large degree of immunity, this in turn causes psychopathic dispositions to
grow more and more disorganised \dots{}”\footnote{H. von Hentig, \emph{The Criminal and His Victim} (Yale, 1948).} The point is emphasised with
many telling illustrations in a modern anarchist classic, Alex Comfort’s
\emph{Authority and Delinquency in the Modern State}.
The anarchist approach is clear: the breakdown of institutions into
small units in the wider society, based on self-help and mutual support,
like Synanon or Alcoholics Anonymous, or the many other supportive
groups of this kind which have sprung up outside the official machinery
of social welfare. Brian Abel-Smith (by no means an anarchist), when
asked how we should rebuild and restructure the social services so that
they really serve, replied:
\begin{quote}
We would rebuild hospitals on modern lines — outpatients’ departments
or health centres, with a few beds tucked away in the corners. We
would close the mental deficiency colonies and build new villas with
small wards. How many could be looked after by quasi-housemothers in
units of eight just like good local authorities are doing for children
deprived of a normal home life? How many could be looked after at
home if there were proper occupational centres and domiciliary
services? We would plough up the sinister old mental hospitals and build
small ones in or near the towns. We would pull down most of the institutions
for old people and provide them with suitable housing \dots{} We
would provide a full range of occupations at home and elsewhere
for the disabled, the aged and the sick.\footnote{Brian Abel-Smith, “Whose Welfare State?” in \emph{Conviction} (London 1958).}
\end{quote}
And an anarchist approach to the penal institution? There is none,
except to shut it down. The organisation called Radical Alternatives to
Prison has listed twelve existing alternatives within the community, each
of which is likely to be more effective than incarceration by impersonal,
punitive and incompetent authorities, in enabling “offenders” of different
kinds to play a part as creative and influential members of society.\footnote{RAP, \emph{The Case for Radical Alternatives to Prison} (London, 1971).}
Within the structure of social security as at present constituted, social
welfare as a substitute for social justice — the most anarchical feature is
the rapid growth of Claimants’ Unions. This is a direct reaction to the
way in which a so-called social insurance scheme has been institutionalised
into a punitive, inquisitorial bureaucracy which declines to reveal
to the “clients” the basis on which payments are made or withheld.\footnote{Tony Gould and Joe Kenyon, \emph{Stories from the Dole Queue} (London, 1972).}
Anna Coote’s account of the Claimants’ Unions notes that: “Their
growth has been entirely spontaneous, like the recent mushrooming of
tenants’ associations, play groups, neighbourhood newspapers and
advice centres. They have no political affiliations and each one is anxious
to maintain its independence, not to be controlled or influenced by any
organisation. All Claimants’ Unions are formed at grass-roots level
amongst the claimants themselves and in response to a specific need.”\footnote{Anna Coote, “The new Aggro at the Social Security Office”, \emph{Evening Standard}, 17 April 1972.}
She makes the very significant observation that members of a
Claimants’ Union treat the social security office like home. “They stand
around exchanging information, conferring in corners, organising,
handing out leaflets and words of encouragement’ while “claimants who
don’t belong to a union tend to sit still, without talking, looking
anxious”.
A multiplicity of mutual aid organisations among claimants, patients,
victims, represents the most potent lever for change in transforming the
welfare state into a genuine welfare society, in turning community care
into a caring community.
\chapter{Chapter XIII. How Deviant Dare You Get?}
\begin{quote}
In a free society you would have to come to terms with yourself and with others
like yourself, with the man who backs his car into yours, with the man next door
who has to feed three times as many mouths as you do, with the drunks who get
into your garden. You would have to sort things out with them yourself, instead of
having social workers or political parties or policemen or shop stewards to do the job
for you, and in the process you would be forced to face up to what sort of person
you yourself really were.
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
Peter Brown, \emph{Smallcreep’s Day}
\end{flushright}
Every anarchist propagandist would agree that the aspect of anarchist
ideas of social organisation which people find hardest to swallow is the
anarchist rejection of the law, the legal system and the agencies of law-enforcement.
They may ruefully agree with our criticism of the methods of the
police, the fallibility of the courts, lawyers and judges,
the barbarity of the penal system and the fatuity of the legislature. But
they remain sceptical about the idea of a society in which the protection
offered by the law is absent, and unconvinced that there are alternatives
more desirable than ‘the rule of law’ which, with all its admitted failings,
imperfections and abuses, is regarded as a precious achievement of
civilised society and the best guarantee of the liberty of the individual
citizen.
Maybe we are not worried by the mingled incredulity and bewilderment
which meets our bland declaration that society should do away
with the police and the law; perhaps we are perfectly satisfied to
contemplate our own feeling that we can do without them; or perhaps
we just enjoy a sense of revolutionary rectitude and superiority by
deriding them. But it is our fellow-citizens that we have to convince if
we are really concerned with gaining acceptance for the anarchist point
of view.
The characteristic anarchist answer to the question of how an anarchist
society would cope with criminal acts runs something like this: (a)
most crimes are of theft in one form or another, and in a society in
which real property and productive property were communally held and
personal property shared out on a more equitable basis, the incentive for
theft would disappear; (b) crimes of violence not originating in theft
would dwindle away since a genuinely permissive and non-competitive
society would not produce personalities prone to violence; (c) motoring
offences would not present the problems that they do now because
people would be more socially conscious and responsible, would tend to
use public transport when the private car had lost its status, and in a
more leisured society would lose the pathological love of speed and
aggressiveness that you see on the roads today; (d) in a decentralised
society vast urban conglomerations would cease to exist and people
would be more considerate and concerned for their neighbours. But the
difficulty about this kind of argument is that it brings the obvious
response that it calls for a new kind of human being, a social paragon of a
kind we do not often meet in real life. No, replies the anarchist, it calls
for a different kind of human environment, the kind that we are seeking
to build. But the trouble is, as an American criminologist, Paul Tappan,
put it, that as a society we prefer the social problems that surround us “to
the consequences of deliberate and heroic efforts so drastically to change
the culture that man could live in uncomplicated adjustment to an
uncomplicated world”.
Any standard definition of the concepts of law, crime and law-enforcement
will indicate that they are incompatible with the idea of anarchy:
\begin{quote}
\emph{Law:} The expressed will of the state. A command or a prohibition
emanating from the authorised agencies of the state, and backed up by
the authority and the capacity to exercise force which is characteristic of
the state \dots{}
\emph{Crime:} A violation of the criminal law, i.e. a breach of the conduct code
specifically sanctioned by the state, which through its legislative agencies
defines crimes and their penalties, and through its administrative
agencies prosecutes offenders and imposes and administers punishments.
\emph{Police:} Agents of the law charged with the responsibility of maintaining
law and order among the citizens.\footnote{H. P. Fairchild, \emph{Dictionary of Sociology} (London, 1959).}
\end{quote}
It is possible, of course, to re-define the concept of law in a non-legalistic
sense: in the sense of common law, the embodiment of pre-existing
social custom, or in a looser sociological sense as the whole body of rules
of all sorts that exist in a society; and it is possible to re-define the
concept of crimes as anti-social acts — whether or not they are illegal
acts. The nineteenth-century criminologist, Garofallo, enlarged the
definition of crime to “any action which goes against the prevalent
norms of probity and compassion”, and his modern successor E. H.
Sutherland, in his study of white-collar crime, insisted that “legal classification
should not confine the work of the criminologist and he should
be completely free to push across the barriers of definition when he sees
non-criminal behaviour which resembles criminal behaviour”. (Alex
Comfort has done this brilliantly from the anarchist standpoint in his
castigation of lawmakers and power-seekers in \emph{Authority and Deliquency
in the Modern State}.)
On the other hand it is scarcely possible for us to re-define the police,
the agents of law-enforcement, in a way that is shorn of authoritarian
connotations. Obviously in our society the police fulfil certain \emph{social}
functions, but everyone will agree that their primary purpose is to fulfil
\emph{governmental} functions. John Coatman’s volume \emph{The Police} in the Home
University Library, for instance, declares that our police system is “the
pith and marrow of the English conduct of government” and that the
policeman themselves are the “guardians of the established system of
government”. With which we would all agree.
No, there is no non-authoritarian equivalent for the policeman,
except for the concept which we would now call “social control”, of the
means by which individuals and communities may protect themselves
from anti-social acts. This concept first appeared in anarchist thought in
Godwin’s \emph{Political Justice} where, adopting the decentralist approach to the
question, he declared: “If communities \dots{} were contented with a small
district, with a proviso of confederation in cases of necessity, every individual
would then live in the public eye; and the disapprobation of his
neighbours, a species of coercion, not derived from the caprice of men
but from the system of the universe, would inevitably oblige him either
to reform or to emigrate.”\footnote{William Godwin, \emph{An Enquiry Concerning Political Justice} (London, 1793).} Many people, I fear, especially those who
have experience of living under the censorious eyes of neighbours in a
village, would find this a rather unattractive way of inhibiting anti-social
behaviour, and because it also inhibits many other varieties of non-conforming
behaviour as well, would prefer the anonymous city life.
This insistence on a more closely-knit community as the means by
which society can “contain” anti-social acts recurs time and again in the
writings of Kropotkin, who of all the classical anarchist thinkers devoted
most consideration to the question of crime, the law and the penal
system:
\begin{quote}
Of course in every society, no matter how well organised, people will
be found with easily aroused passions, who may, from time to time,
commit anti-social deeds. But what is necessary to prevent this is to give
their passions a healthy direction, another outlet.
Today we live too isolated. Private property has led us to an egotistic
individualism in all our mutual relations. We know one another only
slightly; our points of contact are too rare. But we have seen in history
examples of a communal life which is more intimately bound together —
the “composite family” in China, the agrarian communes, for example.
There people really know one another. By force of circumstances they
must aid one another materially and morally.
Family life, based on the original community, has disappeared. A new
family, based on community of aspirations, will take its place. In this
family people will be obliged to know one another, to aid one another
and to lean on one another for moral support on every occasion. And
this mutual prop will prevent the great number of anti-social acts which
we see today.\footnote{Peter Kropotkin, \emph{Prisons and their Moral Influence on Prisoners}, 1877, reprinted in Baldwin (ed.) \emph{Kropotkin’s Revolutionary Pamphlets} (New York 1927, 1968).}
\end{quote}
The concept was first given the name \emph{social control} by Edward Allsworth
Ross in a book of that name published in 1901, in which he cited
instances of “frontier” societies where, through unorganised or informal
measures, order is effectively maintained without benefit of legally
constituted authority: “Sympathy, sociability, the sense of justice and
resentment are competent, under favourable circumstances”, wrote Ross,
“to work out by themselves a true, natural order, that is to say, an order
without design or art.” Today the term social control has been extended
to refer to “the aggregate of values and norms by means of which
tensions and conflicts between individuals and groups are resolved or
mitigated in order to maintain the solidarity of some more inclusive
group, and also to the arrangements through which these values and
norms are communicated and instilled \dots{} Social control as the regulation
of behaviour by values and norms is to be contrasted with regulation
by force. These two modes are not, of course, entirely separable in
actual social life \dots{} But the distinction is valuable and important.”\footnote{T. B. Bottomore, \emph{Sociology} (London, 1962).}
George C. Homans in \emph{The Human Group} puts the distinction thus:
“The process by which conformity is achieved we call \emph{social control} if we
are thinking of compliance with norms, or \emph{authority} if we are thinking of
obedience to orders.” It is the size and scale of the community which, in
the opinion of the sociologists, diminishes the effectiveness of social
control: “It is only as groups grow large, and come to be composed of
individuals with conflicting moral standards, that informal controls yield
priority to those that are formal, such as laws and codes.”\footnote{Ogburn and Nimkoff, \emph{A Handbook of Sociology} (London, 1953).}
One of the few observers of modern city life to think about the way
social control actually operates in the contemporary urban environment
is Jane Jacobs, who discusses the function of streets and their pavements
or sidewalks in these terms:
\begin{quote}
To keep the city safe is a fundamental task of a city’s streets and its sidewalks
\dots{} Great cities \dots{} differ from towns and suburbs in basic ways,
and one of these is that cities are, by definition, full of strangers \dots{}
The bedrock attitude of a successful city district is that a person must feel
personally safe and secure on the street among all those strangers. He
must not feel automatically menaced by them \dots{} The first thing to
understand is that the public peace — the sidewalk and street peace — of
cities is not kept primarily by the police, necessary as the police are. It is
kept primarily by an intricate, almost unconscious, network of voluntary
controls and standards among the people themselves, and enforced by
the people themselves. In some city areas — older public housing projects
and streets with a very high population turnover are often conspicuous
examples – the keeping of public sidewalk law and order is left almost
entirely to the police and special guards. Such places are jungles. No
amount of police can enforce civilisation where the normal, casual
enforcement of it has broken down.\footnote{Jane Jacobs, \emph{The Death and Life of Great American Cities} (London, 1961) .}
\end{quote}
Her point is that the populous street has an unconscious do-it-yourself
surveillance system of \emph{eyes} in the street, the eyes of the residents and the
users of shops, cafes, news-stands and so on:
\begin{quote}
Safety on the streets by surveillance and mutual policing of one another
sounds grim, but in real life it is not grim. The safety of the streets works
best, most casually, and with least frequent taint of suspicion or hostility
precisely where people are using and most enjoying the city streets
voluntarily and are least conscious, normally, that they are policing \dots{}
In settlements that are smaller and simpler than big cities, controls on
acceptable public behaviour, if not on crime, seem to operate with
greater or lesser success through a web of reputation, gossip, approval,
disapproval and sanctions, all of which are powerful if people know each
other and words travel But a city’s streets, which must control not only
the behaviour of the people of the city but also of visitors from suburbs
and towns who want to have a big time away from the gossip and sanctions
at home, have to operate by more direct, straightforward methods.
It is a wonder cities have solved such an inherently difficult problem at
all. And yet in many streets they do it magnificently.\footnote{\emph{ibid.}}
\end{quote}
The English reader of Mrs Jacobs’ book will by now no longer be
amazed by her assumption of the insecurity of the American citizen in
public places from “rape, muggings, beatings, hold-ups and the like”.
Today, she declares, “barbarism has taken over many city streets, or
people fear it has, which comes to much the same thing in the end”. In
spite of her faith in the effectiveness of informal social control, nothing is
going to destroy \emph{her} belief in the necessity of the police. The terrifying
breakdown of social cohesion in the American city, in spite of intense
institutionalised police surveillance equipped with every sophisticated
aid to public control, illustrates that social behaviour depends upon
mutual responsibility rather than upon the policeman. The most honest
and unequivocal attempt to grasp this particular nettle from the anarchist
point of view comes from Errico Malatesta:
\begin{quote}
This necessary defence against those who violate, not the \emph{status quo}, but
the deepest feelings which distinguish man from the beasts, is one of the
pretexts by which governments justify their existence. We must eliminate
all the social causes of crime, we must develop in man brotherly
feelings, and mutual respect; we must, as Fourier put it, seek useful
alternatives to crime. But if, and so long as, there are criminals, either
people will find the means, and have the energy, to defend themselves
directly against them, or the police and the magistrature will reappear,
and with them, government. We do not solve a problem by denying its
existence \dots{}
We can, with justification, fear that this necessary defence against
crime could be the beginning of, and the pretext for, a new system of
oppression and privilege. It is the mission of the anarchists to see that this
does not happen. By seeking the causes of each crime and making every
effort to eliminate them; by making it impossible for anyone to derive
personal advantage out of the detection of crime, and by leaving it to the
interested groups themselves to take whatever steps they deem necessary
for their defence; by accustoming ourselves to consider criminals as
brothers who have strayed, as sick people needing loving treatment, as
one would for any victim of hydrophobia or dangerous lunatic — it will
be possible to reconcile the complete freedom of all with defence against
those who obviously and dangerously threaten it \dots{}
For us the carrying out of social duties must be a voluntary act, and
we only have the right to intervene with material force against those
who offend against others \emph{violently} and prevent them from living in
peace. Force, physical restraint, must only be used against attacks of
violence and for no other reason than that of self-defence. But who will
judge? Who will provide the necessary defence? Who will establish what
measures of restraint are to be used? We do not see any other way than
that of leaving it to the interested parties, to the people, that is the mass
of citizens, who will act differently according to the circumstances and
according to their different degrees of social development. We must,
above all, avoid the creation of bodies specialising in police work;
perhaps something will be lost in repressive efficiency but we will avoid
the creation of the instrument of every tyranny. In every respect the
injustice, and transitory violence of the people is better than the leaden
rule, the legalised state violence of the judiciary and police. We are, in
any case, only one of the forces acting in society, and history will
advance, as always, in the direction of the resultant of all the forces.\footnote{Vernon Richards (ed.), \emph{Errico Malatesta: His Life and Ideas} (London, Freedom Press, 1965).}
\end{quote}
Three things stand out from Malatesta’s observations. Firstly, he recognised
that any and every do-it-yourself justice system would have a
tendency to harden into an institution. The difficulty is that this might
very well be for very good reasons: the attempt to give the accused a
“fair”’ trial (for I take it that the restraint of offenders would include some
procedure to find out whether the accused committed the offence). If
the offender is to be more fairly treated than he would be under existing
systems of jurisprudence, certain safeguards which exist in the present
system must survive in any \emph{ad hoc} arrangement. There must be recognition
of the principle of \emph{habeas corpus}, the accused must be told what he is
accused of, he must be given facilities to defend himself, there must be
generally accepted rules of evidence, and so on. The history of revolutionary
regimes is littered with committees of public safety, people’s
courts and similar “revolutionary” bodies, which have turned out to be
just as dubious a proposition, from the point of view of those who are
brought before them, as the bourgeois institutions they replaced. The
more fortunate of the East European countries have slowly reintroduced
“Western” juridical principles and safeguards — to everybody’s relief. The
problem in Malatesta’s terms is how to build these principles of “natural
justice” into popular bodies which nevertheless retain an impermanent
non-institutional character.
The second thing that stands out in the passage from Malatesta is his
faith in “the people”; a point which adversaries would gleefully take up,
drawing attention to the fact that he is presupposing a different kind of
people. We know that our “people” are as vindictive as our judges.
Three-quarters of the population of Britain are said to favour the reintroduction
of capital punishment, and an even larger proportion the
re-introduction of flogging and birching. Here we are at the crux of the
difficulty which we anarchists have in getting our ideas on this subject
taken seriously. There seems to be an immense anxiety and fear floating
around in our society which is out of proportion to actual dangers.
People are afraid of defencelessness. (In another field this explains why
people cannot accept the idea of disarmament — they believe that they
are actually being defended.) Observation of the general intense preoccupation
and fascination with crime certainly seems to bear out the
psychoanalytical theory that society not only makes its criminals, but
that it \emph{needs} them, and consequently seduces its deviant individuals into
the “acting-out” of criminal roles.
“Society”, wrote Paul Reiwald, “opposed the innovators with determined
resistance \dots{} Society did not wish to abandon the principle of an
eye for an eye; it did not wish to be deprived of its long observed relations
to the criminal and it did not wish to have the ‘contrary ones’
taken from it.”\footnote{Paul Reiwald, \emph{Society and Its Criminals} (London, 1949).} Ruth Eissler expresses it even more dramatically:
“Society, by using its criminals as scapegoats and by trying to destroy
them because it is unable to bear the reflection of its own guilt, actually
stabs at its own heart.”\footnote{Ruth S. Eissler in \emph{Searchlights on Delinquency} (London, 1949).}
Obviously some people are conspicuously lacking in this pent-up
anxiety and guilt, the kind of people who are singularly successful in
supportive, rather than punitive, work with delinquents or deviants,
people who are sufficiently at ease with themselves to cope with the
mental strain, the irritation and time-consuming tedium which our
deviants frequently impose on us. If we want to change society it is
probably more important for us to find out what produces people like
\emph{them} than to find out what makes delinquents. This is important for the
whole idea of the social control of anti-social behaviour. What is anti-social?
If this question is to be decided by a bunch of censorious busy-bodies
we can well imagine people saying “No thanks. I’d rather have
The Law.” There must be room for deviance in society, and there must
be support for the right to deviate. This, I suppose, is the basis of
Durkheim’s celebrated observation that crime itself is a social norm, “a
factor in public health, an integral part of all healthy societies” since a
crimeless society would be an ossified society with an unimaginable
degree of social conformity, and that “crime implies not only that the
way remains open to necessary changes but that in certain cases it
precipitates these changes”. As anarchists — criminals ourselves in some
people’s view — we should be the first to appreciate this.
And this brings us to Malatesta’s final point, his observation that “we
are, in any case, only one of the forces acting in society”. It is not a
matter of a hypothetical anarchist society, but of any society, now or in
the future, where different social philosophies and attitudes coexist and
conflict. There will always be anti-social acts, and there will always be
people with an urge to punish, to maintain a whole punitive machinery
with everything that it entails. If we do not discover and make use of
methods of \emph{containing} such acts within society or of evolving a form of
society capable of containing them, we shall certainly continue to be the
victims of those authoritarian solutions which others are so ready and
eager to apply.
\chapter{Chapter XIV. Anarchy and a Plausible Future}
\begin{quote}
For the earlier part of my life I was quieted by being told that ours was the richest
country in the world, until I woke up to know that what \emph{I} meant by riches was
learning and beauty, and music and art, coffee and omelettes; perhaps in the
coming days of poverty we may get more of these \dots{}
\end{quote}
\begin{flushright}
W. R. Lethaby, \emph{Form in Civilisation}
\end{flushright}
This book has illustrated the arguments for anarchism, not from
theories, but from actual examples of tendencies which already exist,
alongside much more powerful and dominant authoritarian methods of
social organisation. The important question is, therefore, not whether
anarchy is possible or not, but whether we can so enlarge the scope and
influence of libertarian methods that they become the normal way in
which human beings organise their society. Is an anarchist society
possible?
We can only say, from the evidence of human history, that no kind of
society is impossible. If you are powerful enough and ruthless enough
you can impose almost any kind of social organisation on people — for a
while. But you can only do so by methods which, however natural and
appropriate they may be for any other kind of “ism” — acting on the well-known
principle that you can’t make an omelette without breaking eggs,
are repugnant to anarchists, unless they see themselves as yet another of
those revolutionary elites “leading the people” to the promised land. You
can impose authority but you cannot impose freedom. An anarchist
society is improbable, not because anarchy is infeasible, or unfashionable,
or unpopular, but because human society is not like that, because,
as Malatesta put it in the passage quoted in the last chapter, “we are, in
any case, only one of the forces acting in society”.
The degree of social cohesion implied in the idea of “an anarchist
society” could only occur in a society so embedded in the cake of
custom that the idea of \emph{choice} among alternative patterns of social behaviour
simply did not occur to people. I cannot imagine that degree of
unanimity and I would dislike it if I could, because the idea of choice is
crucial to any philosophy of freedom and spontaneity. So we don’t have
to worry about the boredom of utopia: we shan’t get there. But what
results from this conclusion? One response would be to stress anarchism
as an ideal of personal liberation, ceasing to think of changing society,
except by example. Another would be to conclude that because no roads
lead to utopia no road leads anywhere, an attitude which, in the end, is
identical with the utopian one because it asserts that there are no partial,
piecemeal, compromise or temporary solutions, only \emph{one} attainable or
unattainable final solution. But, as Alexander Herzen put it over a
century ago: “A goal which is infinitely remote is not a goal at all, it is a
deception. A goal must be closer — at the very least the labourer’s wage
or pleasure in the work performed. Each epoch, each generation, each
life has had, and has, its own experience, and the end of each generation
must be itself.”\footnote{Alexander Herzen, \emph{From the Other Shore} (London, 1956).}
The choice between libertarian and authoritarian solutions is not a
once-and-for-all cataclysmic struggle, it is a series of running engagements,
most of them never concluded, which occur, and have occurred,
throughout history. Every human society; except the most totalitarian of
utopias or anti-utopias, is a plural society with large areas which are not
in conformity with the officially imposed or declared values. An
example of this can be seen in the alleged division of the world into
capitalist and communist blocks: there are vast areas of capitalist societies
which are not governed by capitalist principles, and there are many
aspects of the socialist societies which cannot be described as socialist.
You might even say that the only thing that makes life liveable in the
capitalist world is the unacknowledged non-capitalist element within it,
and the only thing that makes survival possible in the communist world
is the unacknowledged capitalist element in it. This is why a controlled
market is a left-wing demand in a capitalist economy along with state
control, while a free market is a left-wing demand in a communist
society — along with workers’ control. In both cases, the demands are for
whittling away power from the centre, whether it is the power of the
state or capitalism, or state-capitalism.
So what are the prospects for increasing the anarchist content of the
real world? From one point of view the outlook is bleak: centralised
power, whether that of government or super-government, or of private
capitalism or the super-capitalism of giant international corporations,
has never been greater. The prophesies of nineteenth-century anarchists
like Proudhon and Bakunin about the power of the state over the citizen
have a relevance today which must have seemed unlikely for their
contemporaries.
From another standpoint the outlook is infinitely promising. The
very growth of the state and its bureaucracy, the giant corporation and
its privileged hierarchy, are exposing their vulnerability to non-cooperation,
to sabotage, and to the exploitation of \emph{their} weaknesses by the
weak. They are also giving rise to parallel organisations,
counter organisations, alternative organisations, which exemplify the anarchist method.
Industrial mergers and rationalisation have bred the revival of the
demand for workers’ control, first as a slogan or a tactic like the work-in,
ultimately as a destination. The development of the school and the
university as broiler-houses for a place in the occupational pecking-order
have given rise to the de-schooling movement and the idea of the
anti-university. The use of medicine and psychiatry as agents, of conformity
has led to the idea of the anti-hospital and the self-help therapeutic
group. The failure of Western society to house its citizens has prompted
the growth of squatter movements and tenants’ co-operatives. The
triumph of the supermarket in the United States has begun a mushrooming
of food cooperatives. The deliberate pauperisation of those
who cannot work has led to the recovery of self-respect through
Claimants’ Unions.
Community organisations of every conceivable kind, community
newspapers, movements for child welfare, communal households have
resulted from the new consciousness that local as well as central governments
exploit the poor and are unresponsive to those who are unable to
exert effective pressure for themselves. The “rationalisation” of local
administration in Britain into “larger and more effective units” is evoking
a response in the demand for neighbourhood councils. A new self-confidence
and assertion of their right to exist on their own terms has
sprung up among the victims of particular kinds of discrimination —
black liberation, women’s liberation, homosexual liberation, prisoners’
liberation, children’s liberation: the list is almost endless and is certainly
going to get longer as more and more people become more and more
conscious that society is organised in ways which deny them a place in
the sun. In the age of mass politics and mass conformity, this is a magnificent
re-assertion of individual value and of human dignity.
None of these movements is yet a threat to the power structure, and
this is scarcely surprising since hardly any of them existed before the late
1960s. None of them fits into the framework of conventional politics. In
fact, they don’t speak the same language as the political parties. They talk
the language of anarchism and they insist on anarchist principles of
organisation, which they have learned not from political theory but from
their own experience. They organise in loosely associated groups which
are \emph{voluntary}, \emph{functional}, \emph{temporary} and \emph{small}. They depend, not on
membership cards, votes, a special leadership and a herd of inactive
followers but on small, functional groups which ebb and flow, group and
regroup, according to the task in hand. They are networks, not
pyramids.
At the very time when the “irresistible trends of modern society”
seemed to be leading us to a mass society of enslaved consumers they are
reminding us of the truth that the irresistible is simply that which is not
resisted. But obviously a whole series of partial and incomplete victories,
of concessions won from the holders of power, will not lead to an anarchist
society. But it will widen the scope of free action and the potentiality
for freedom in the society we have. But such compromises of
anarchist notions would have to be made, such authoritarian bedfellows
chosen, for a frontal attack on the power structure, that the anarchist
answer to cries for revolutionary unity is likely to be “Whose noose are
you inviting me to put round my neck this time?”
But in thinking about a plausible future, another factor has entered
into the general consciousness since the late 1960s. So many books, so
many reports, so many conferences have been devoted to it, that it is
only necessary for me to state a few general propositions about it. The
first is that the world’s resources are finite. The second is that the wealthy
economies have been exploiting the non-renewable resources at a rate
which the planet cannot sustain. The third is that these “developed”
economies are also exploiting the resources of the “Third World” countries
as cheap raw materials. This means, not only that the Third World
countries can never hope to achieve the levels of consumption of the
rich world, but that the rich countries themselves cannot continue to
consume at the present accelerating rate. The public debate around these
issues is not about the truth of the contentions, it is simply about the
question: How Soon? How soon before the fossil fuels run out? How
soon before the Third World rises in revolt against international
exploitation? How soon will we be facing the consequences of the non-viability
of future economic growth? I leave aside the related questions
about pollution and about population. But all these questions
profoundly affect all our futures and the predictions we make about
social change, whether we mean the changes we desire or the ones
which circumstances force upon us. They also cut completely across
accepted political categories, as do the policies of the ecology lobby or
the environmental pressure groups in both Britain and the United States.
The growth economists, the politicians of both right and left, who
envisaged an ever-expanding cycle of consumption, with the philosophy
characterised by Kenneth Burke as Borrow, Spend, Buy, Waste, Want,\footnote{Kenneth Burke, “Recipe for Prosperity”, \emph{The Nation}, 8 September 1956.}
have just not caught up with future realities. If anyone has it is that
minority among the young in the affluent countries who have
consciously rejected the mass consumption society — its values as well as
its dearly-bought products — and adopted, not out of puritanism but out
of a different set of priorities, an earlier consumer philosophy: Eat it up,
wear it out, make it do, or do without. The editor of \emph{The Ecologist}
summed up the argument thus: “affluence for everybody is an impossible
dream: the world simply does not contain sufficient resources, nor could
it absorb the heat and other waste generated by the immense amount of
energy required. Indeed, the most important thing to realise, when we
plan our future, is that affluence is both a local and a temporary
phenomenon. Unfortunately it is the principal, if not the only, goal our
industrial society gives us.” His journal in its “Blueprint for Survival” has
the distinction of being among the few commentaries on the crisis of
environment and resources to go beyond predicting the consequences of
continued population growth and depletion of resources, to envisaging
the kind of physical and economic structure of life which its authors
regard as indispensable for a viable future, drawing up a timetable for
change for the century 1975–2075, to establish in that time “a network
of self-sufficient, self-regulating communities.”\footnote{“Blueprint for Survival”, \emph{The Ecologist}, January 1972.} The authors cheerfully
accept the charge that their programme is unsophisticated and oversimplified,
the implication being that if the reader can formulate a better
alternative, or a different time-scale, he should do so. The interesting
thing is that they have re-invented an older vision of the future. Back in
the 1890s three men, equally unqualified as shareholders in Utopia
Limited, formulated their prescriptions for the physical setting of a
future society. William Morris, designer and socialist, wrote \emph{News from
Nowhere}; Peter Kropotkin, geographer and anarchist, wrote \emph{Fields,
Factories and Workshops}; and Ebenezer Howard, inventor and parliamentary
shorthand writer, wrote \emph{Tomorrow: A Peaceful Path to Real Reform}.
Each of these blueprints for survival was more influential than its
original readers could have supposed, though less than its author would
have hoped. Morris’s vision was totally irrelevant for the twentieth
century, but his picture of a post-industrial, decentralised, state-free
Britain in the twenty-first century, certainly makes sense for the new
ecologically-aware generation, while any American will recognise the
force of his backward glance at the future of the United States: “For
these lands, and, I say, especially the northern parts of America, suffered so
terribly from the full force of the last days of civilisation, and became
such horrible places to live in, that one may say that for nearly a hundred
years the people of the northern parts of America have been engaged in
gradually making a dwelling-place out of a stinking dust-heap \dots{}”\footnote{William Morris, \emph{News from Nowhere} (London, 1892).}
Howard’s legacy is of course the new towns: his immediate purpose
was to mobilise voluntary initiative for the building of one demonstration
model, confident that its advantages would set in motion a large-scale
adoption of the idea of urban dispersal in “social cities”, or what the
TCPA calls “a many-centred nexus of urban communities”. Lewis
Mumford notes that “By now, our neotechnic and biotechnic facilities
have at last caught up with Howard’s and Kropotkin’s intuitions.
Howard’s plan for canalising the flow of population, diverting it from the
existing centres to new centres; his plan for decentralising industry and
setting up both city and industry within a rural matrix, the whole
planned to a human scale, is technologically far more feasible today than
it was \dots{}\footnote{Lewis Mumford, Introduction to the post-war edition of Ebenezer Howard, \emph{Garden Cities of Tomorrow} (London, 1945).}
Kropotkin’s own vision of the future, with industry decentralised, and
the competition for markets replaced by local production and consumption
while people themselves alternate brain work and manual work, is
being realised in a political climate he hardly foresaw, in China, but is
equally in harmony with the programme of the “Blueprint for Survival”:
\begin{quote}
The scattering of industries over the country — so as to bring the factory
amidst the fields, to make agriculture derive all those profits which it
always finds in being combined with industry and to produce a combination
of industrial with agricultural work — is surely the next step to be
taken \dots{} This step is imposed by the necessity for each healthy man and
woman to spend a part of their lives in manual work in the free air; and
it will be rendered the more necessary when the great social movements,
which have now become unavoidable, come to disturb the present
international trade, and compel each nation to revert to her own
resources for her own maintenance.”\footnote{Peter Kropotkin, \emph{Fields, Factories and Workshops Tomorrow}, ed. by Colin Ward (London, Freedom Press, 1985).}
\end{quote}
The authors of the “Blueprint”, having set out their analysis of the crisis
of population, resources and environment, sketch out what they see as a
necessary and desirable future for the human habitat. They argue for
decentralisation on several grounds. Their first reason is that it would
“promote the social conditions in which public opinion and full public
participation in decision-making become as far as possible the means
whereby communities are ordered”. Their second reason is that, on
ecological grounds, they foresee a return to diversified farming instead
of prairie-type crop-growing or factory-type livestock rearing, with
production for a local market and the return of domestic sewage to the
land, in the setting of ‘a decentralised society of small communities
where industries are small enough to be responsive to each community’s
needs”. Thirdly, they think it significant that “the decreasing autonomy of
communities and local regions, and the increasing centralisation of
decision-making and authority in the cumbersome bureaucracies of the
state, have been accompanied by the rise of self-conscious individualism,
an individualism that feels threatened unless it is harped upon”.
They see the accumulation of material goods as the accompaniment
of this self-conscious individualism (what others would call “privatisation”)
and believe that the rewards of significant relationships and mutual
responsibilities in a small community will provide ample compensation
for the decreasing emphasis on consumption which will be essential for
the conservation of resources and the minimisation of pollution. Their
final reason is that “to deploy a population in small towns and villages is
to reduce to the minimum its impact on the environment. This is
because the actual urban superstructure required per inhabitant goes up
radically as the size of the town increases beyond a certain point.”
Affirming that they are \emph{not} proposing inward-looking, self-obsessed, or
closed communities, but in fact want “an efficient and sensitive communications
network between all communities”, they conclude with the
splendid declaration: “We emphasise that our goal should be to create
\emph{community} feeling and \emph{global} awareness, rather than that dangerous and
sterile compromise which is nationalism.”\footnote{“Blueprint for Survival”, \emph{The Ecologist}, January 1972.}
But will it ever happen? Will this humane and essentially anarchistic
vision of a workable future simply join all the other anarchical utopias
of the past? Years ago George Orwell remarked:
\begin{quote}
If one considers the probabilities one is driven to the conclusion that
anarchism implies a low standard of living. It need not imply a hungry or
uncomfortable world, but it rules out the kind of air-conditioned,
chromium-plated, gadget-ridden existence which is now considered
desirable and enlightened. The processes involved in making, say, an
aeroplane are so complex as to be only possible in a planned, centralised
society , with all the repressive apparatus that that implies. Unless there is
some unpredictable change in human nature, liberty and efficiency must
pull in opposite directions.\footnote{George Orwell in \emph{Poetry Quarterly}, Autumn 1945.}
\end{quote}
This, from Orwell’s point of view (he was not a lover of luxury) is not in
itself a criticism of anarchism, and he is certainly right in thinking that
an anarchist society would never build Concorde or land men on the
moon. But were either of these technological triumphs efficient in terms
of the resources poured into them and the results for the ordinary inhabitant
of this planet? Size and resources are to the technologist what
power is to the politician: he can never have too much of them. A
different kind of society, with different priorities, would evolve a
different technology: its bases already exist\footnote{See Colin Ward, “Harnessing the Sun”, \emph{Freedom} 23 March 1957; “Harnessing the Wind”, \emph{Freedom}, 13 July 1957; “Power from the Sea”, \emph{Freedom}, 1 March 1958; Lewis Herber, “Ecology and Revolutionary Thought”, \emph{Anarchy} 69, November 1966; “Towards a Liberatory Technology”, \emph{Anarchy} 78, August 1967 - both the latter are reprinted in Murray Bookchin, \emph{Post-Scarcity Anarchism} (Berkeley, Cal. 1971). See also Victor Papanek, \emph{Design for the Real World} (London, 1972).} and in terms of the tasks to
be performed it would be far more “efficient” than either Western capitalism
or Soviet state-capitalism. Not only technology but also
economics would have to be redefined. As Kropotkin envisaged it:
“Political economy tends more and more to become a science devoted to
the study of the needs of men and of the means of satisfying them with
the least possible waste of energy, that is, a sort of physiology of society.”\footnote{Peter Kropotkin, \emph{op.cit.}}
But it is not in the least likely that states and governments, in either
the rich or the poor worlds will, of their own volition, embark on the
drastic change of direction which a consideration of our probable future
demands. Necessity may reduce the rate of resource-consumption but
the powerful and privileged will hang on to their share — both within
nations and between nations. Power and privilege have never been
known to abdicate. This is why anarchism is bound to be a call to revolution.
But what kind of revolution? Nothing has been said in this book
about the two great irrelevancies of discussion about anarchism: the false
antitheses between violence and nonviolence and between revolution
and reform. The most violent institution in our society is the state and it
reacts violently to efforts to take away its power. “As Malatesta used to
say, you try to do your thing and they intervene, and then \emph{you} are to
blame for the fight that happens.”\footnote{Paul Goodman, \emph{Little Prayers and Finite Experiences} (New York, 1972).} Does this mean that the effort should
not be made? A distinction has to be made between the violence of the
oppressor and the resistance of the oppressed.
Similarly, there is a distinction not between revolution and reform but
on the one hand between the kind of revolution which installs a
different gang of rulers or the kind of reform which makes oppression
more palatable or more efficient, and on the other those social changes,
whether revolutionary or reformist, through which people enlarge their
autonomy and reduce their subjection to external authority.
Anarchism in all its guises is an assertion of human dignity and
responsibility. It is not a programme for political change but an act of
social self-determination.
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The Anarchist Library
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Anti-Copyright
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Colin Ward
Anarchy in Action
1996
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PDF from \href{https://libcom.org/files/Ward\_-\_Anarchy\_in\_Action\_3.pdf}{\texttt{https://libcom.org/files/Ward\_-\_Anarchy\_in\_Action\_3.pdf}} and MediaWiki version from \href{https://anarchyinaction.org/}{\texttt{https://anarchyinaction.org/}}
First published 1973 by George Allen \& Unwin Ltd. This edition, with a new introduction, published by Freedom Press 84b Whitechapel High Street London E17QX 1982, reprinted 1996. ISBN 0 900384 20 4. In Memory of Paul Goodman 1911 — 1972
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http://blog.ac-versailles.fr/jpgoualard/public/TS-2017-2018-Exos-suites.tex | ac-versailles.fr | CC-MAIN-2019-35 | text/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-35/segments/1566027313936.42/warc/CC-MAIN-20190818145013-20190818171013-00016.warc.gz | 28,969,044 | 2,691 | \documentclass[12pt] {article} \usepackage[T1]{fontenc}
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\begin{document}
%\tableofcontents
\begin{center}\section*{\textcolor{red}{TS : Exercices sur les suites}}\end{center}
\begin{multicols}{2}
\setlength{\columnseprule}{1pt}
\setlength{\columnsep}{2 cm}
\subsection{}
Un investisseur dépose \numprint{5000} \euro{} sur un compte rémunéré à 3\:\% par an (taux d'intérêts composés, c'est-à-dire que les intérêts s'ajoutent au capital précédent pour former le nouveau capital).
Chaque année suivante, il ajoute 300 \euro{} sur son compte.
On note $\left(u_n\right)$ la somme épargnée à l'année $n$.
\begin{enumerate}
\item Montrer que $u_0 = \numprint{5000}$, et que pour tout $n\in\mathbb{N}$, \[u_{n+1} = 1, 03u_n + 300.\]
$u_n$ est de la forme $au_n+b$ : on dit que la suite $\left(_n\right)$ est géométrique.
\item À l'aide de la calculatrice, calculer la somme totale épargnée à la 10\ieme{} année.
\item Prouver que la suite $\left(v_n\right)$ définie pour tout entier $n$ par $v_n = u_n + \numprint{10000}$ est géométrique et donner sa raison et son premier terme.
\item Exprimer $v_n$ en fonction de $n$.
\item En déduire $u_n$ en fonction de $n$.
Retrouver alors le résultat de la question 2. par calcul.
\item Etudier les variations de $\left(u_n\right)$.
\end{enumerate}
\subsection{\textcolor{blue}{D'après bac ES mai 2013}}
\textbf{\textcolor{red}{Partie A}}
\medskip
On considère la suite $\left(u_{n}\right)$ définie par $u_{0} = 10$ et pour tout entier naturel $n,$
\[ u_{n+1} = 0,9u_{n} + 1,2.\]
\begin{enumerate}
\item On considère la suite $\left(v_{n}\right)$ définie pour tout entier naturel $n$ par $v_{n} = u_{n} - 12$.
\begin{enumerate}
\item Démontrer que la suite $\left(v_{n}\right)$ est une suite géométrique dont on précisera le premier terme et la raison.
\item Exprimer $v_{n}$ en fonction de $n$.
\item En déduire que pour tout entier naturel $n,\: u_{n} = 12 - 2 \times 0,9^n$.
\end{enumerate}
\item Déterminer la limite de la suite $\left(v_{n}\right)$ et en déduire celle de la suite $\left(u_{n}\right)$.
\emph{On admettra (provisoirement) que $\lim_{n\rightarrow +\infty}q^n=0$ si $-1<q<1$}
\end{enumerate}
\bigskip
\textbf{\textcolor{red}{Partie B}}
\medskip
En 2012, la ville de Bellecité compte 10 milliers d'habitants. Les études démographiques sur les dernières années ont montré que chaque année :
\index{Algorithme}
\setlength\parindent{6mm}
\begin{itemize}
\item[$\bullet~$] 10\,\% des habitants de la ville meurent ou déménagent dans une autre ville ;
\item[$\bullet~$] \numprint{1200} personnes naissent ou emménagent dans cette ville.
\end{itemize}
\setlength\parindent{0mm}
\medskip
\begin{enumerate}
\item Montrer que cette situation peut être modélisée par la suite $\left(u_{n}\right)$ où $u_{n}$ désigne le nombre de milliers d'habitants de la ville de Bellecité l'année $2012 + n$.
\item Un institut statistique décide d'utiliser un algorithme pour prévoir la population de la ville de Bellecité dans les années à venir.
Recopier et compléter l'algorithme ci-dessous pour qu'il calcule la population de la ville de Bellecité l'année $2012 + n$.
\begin{center}
\begin{tabularx}{0.5\linewidth}{|p{0.3cm}lp{0.3cm}|}\cline{1-3}
&VARIABLES&\\
&$a, i, n.$&\\
&INITIALISATION& \\
&Choisir $n$&\\
&$a$ prend la valeur 10&\\
&TRAITEMENT&\\
&Pour $i$ allant de $1$ à $n$,&\\
&$a$ prend la valeur \ldots.&\\
&~ &\\
&SORTIE &\\
&Afficher $a$&\\ \cline{1-3}
\end{tabularx}
\end{center}
\item
\begin{enumerate}
\item À l'aide de la calculatrice, trouver le plus petit entier naturel $n$ tel que : \[12 - 2 \times 0,9^n > 11,5. \]
\item En donner une interprétation.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\end{multicols}
\label{fin}
\end{document} |
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\ifthenelse{\equal{#1}{RU}}{\cdbigarrow[4.2]{3.25}{2.1}{90}\cdputtext{3.75}{0}{l}{#2}}{}
\ifthenelse{\equal{#1}{RD}}{\cdbigarrow[4.2]{3.25}{-2.1}{-90}\cdputtext{3.75}{0}{l}{#2}}{}
}{
\voltarrowswitch{#1}{#2}
}
}
|
https://nhorton.people.amherst.edu/sleuth/chapter08.Rnw | amherst.edu | CC-MAIN-2022-49 | text/plain | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-49/segments/1669446710777.20/warc/CC-MAIN-20221130225142-20221201015142-00596.warc.gz | 455,701,468 | 5,555 | \documentclass[11pt]{article}
\usepackage[margin=1in,bottom=.5in,includehead,includefoot]{geometry}
\usepackage{hyperref}
\usepackage{language}
\usepackage{alltt}
\usepackage{mathtools}
\usepackage{amsmath}
\usepackage{fancyhdr}
\pagestyle{fancy}
\fancyhf{}
%% Now begin customising things. See the fancyhdr docs for more info.
\chead{}
\lhead[\sf \thepage]{\sf \leftmark}
\rhead[\sf \leftmark]{\sf \thepage}
\lfoot{}
\cfoot{Statistical Sleuth in R: Chapter 8}
\rfoot{}
\newcounter{myenumi}
\newcommand{\saveenumi}{\setcounter{myenumi}{\value{enumi}}}
\newcommand{\reuseenumi}{\setcounter{enumi}{\value{myenumi}}}
\pagestyle{fancy}
\def\R{{\sf R}}
\def\Rstudio{{\sf RStudio}}
\def\RStudio{{\sf RStudio}}
\def\term#1{\textbf{#1}}
\def\tab#1{{\sf #1}}
\usepackage{relsize}
\newlength{\tempfmlength}
\newsavebox{\fmbox}
\newenvironment{fmpage}[1]
{
\medskip
\setlength{\tempfmlength}{#1}
\begin{lrbox}{\fmbox}
\begin{minipage}{#1}
\vspace*{.02\tempfmlength}
\hfill
\begin{minipage}{.95 \tempfmlength}}
{\end{minipage}\hfill
\vspace*{.015\tempfmlength}
\end{minipage}\end{lrbox}\fbox{\usebox{\fmbox}}
\medskip
}
\newenvironment{boxedText}[1][.98\textwidth]%
{%
\begin{center}
\begin{fmpage}{#1}
}%
{%
\end{fmpage}
\end{center}
}
\newenvironment{boxedTable}[2][tbp]%
{%
\begin{table}[#1]
\refstepcounter{table}
\begin{center}
\begin{fmpage}{.98\textwidth}
\begin{center}
\sf \large Box~\expandafter\thetable. #2
\end{center}
\medskip
}%
{%
\end{fmpage}
\end{center}
\end{table} % need to do something about exercises that follow boxedTable
}
\newcommand{\cran}{\href{http://www.R-project.org/}{CRAN}}
\title{The Statistical Sleuth in R: \\
Chapter 8}
\author{
Kate Aloisio \and Ruobing Zhang \and Nicholas J. Horton\thanks{Department of Mathematics, Amherst College, [email protected]}
}
\date{\today}
\begin{document}
\maketitle
\tableofcontents
%\parindent=0pt
<<pvalues, echo=FALSE, message=FALSE>>=
print.pval = function(pval) {
threshold = 0.0001
return(ifelse(pval < threshold, paste("p<", sprintf("%.4f", threshold), sep=""),
ifelse(pval > 0.1, paste("p=",round(pval, 2), sep=""),
paste("p=", round(pval, 3), sep=""))))
}
@
<<setup0, include=FALSE, cache=FALSE>>=
opts_chunk$set(
dev="pdf",
fig.path="figures/",
fig.height=3,
fig.width=4,
out.width=".47\\textwidth",
fig.keep="high",
fig.show="hold",
fig.align="center",
prompt=TRUE, # show the prompts; but perhaps we should not do this
comment=NA # turn off commenting of ouput (but perhaps we should not do this either
)
@
<<setup,echo=FALSE,message=FALSE>>=
require(Sleuth2)
require(mosaic)
trellis.par.set(theme=col.mosaic()) # get a better color scheme for lattice
set.seed(123)
# this allows for code formatting inline. Use \Sexpr{'function(x,y)'}, for exmaple.
knit_hooks$set(inline = function(x) {
if (is.numeric(x)) return(knitr:::format_sci(x, 'latex'))
x = as.character(x)
h = knitr:::hilight_source(x, 'latex', list(prompt=FALSE, size='normalsize'))
h = gsub("([_#$%&])", "\\\\\\1", h)
h = gsub('(["\'])', '\\1{}', h)
gsub('^\\\\begin\\{alltt\\}\\s*|\\\\end\\{alltt\\}\\s*$', '', h)
})
showOriginal=FALSE
showNew=TRUE
@
\section{Introduction}
This document is intended to help describe how to undertake analyses introduced as examples in the Second Edition of the \emph{Statistical Sleuth} (2002) by Fred Ramsey and Dan Schafer.
More information about the book can be found at \url{http://www.proaxis.com/~panorama/home.htm}. This
file as well as the associated \pkg{knitr} reproducible analysis source file can be found at
\url{http://www.amherst.edu/~nhorton/sleuth}.
This work leverages initiatives undertaken by Project MOSAIC (\url{http://www.mosaic-web.org}), an NSF-funded effort to improve the teaching of statistics, calculus, science and computing in the undergraduate curriculum. In particular, we utilize the
\pkg{mosaic} package, which was written to simplify the use of R for introductory statistics courses. A short summary of the R needed to teach introductory statistics can be found in the mosaic package vignette (\url{http://cran.r-project.org/web/packages/mosaic/vignettes/MinimalR.pdf}).
To use a package within R, it must be installed (one time), and loaded (each session). The package can be installed using the following command:
<<install_mosaic,eval=FALSE>>=
install.packages('mosaic') # note the quotation marks
@
Once this is installed, it can be loaded by running the command:
<<load_mosaic,eval=FALSE>>=
require(mosaic)
@
This needs to be done once per session.
In addition the data files for the \emph{Sleuth} case studies can be accessed by installing the \pkg{Sleuth2} package.
<<install_Sleuth2,eval=FALSE>>=
install.packages('Sleuth2') # note the quotation marks
@
<<load_Sleuth2,eval=FALSE>>=
require(Sleuth2)
@
We also set some options to improve legibility of graphs and output.
<<eval=TRUE>>=
trellis.par.set(theme=col.mosaic()) # get a better color scheme for lattice
options(digits=4)
@
The specific goal of this document is to demonstrate how to calculate the quantities described in Chapter 8: A Closer Look at Assumptions for Simple Linear Regression using R.
\section{Island Area and Number of Species}
What is the relationship between the area of islands and the number of animal and plant species living on them? This is the question addressed in case study 8.1 in the \emph{Sleuth}.
\subsection{Summary statistics and graphical display}
We begin by reading the data and summarizing the variables.
<<>>=
case0801
summary(case0801)
@
A total of \Sexpr{nrow(case0801)} islands are included in this data as displayed in Display 8.1 (page 207).
We can then observe the relationship between the area and the number of species for these islands with a scatterplot, akin to the top figure in Display 8.2 (page 208).
<<fig.height=6, fig.width=10>>=
xyplot(Species ~ Area, pch=23, cex=2, data=case0801)
@
It appears that the relationship with the observed values may not be linear. In addition,
we need to verify the normality assumption for the residuals. Here we also consider a transformation
for the predictor ({\tt Area}).
<<fig.height=4, fig.width=6>>=
densityplot(~ residuals(lm(Species ~ Area, data=case0801)), xlab="Residuals")
densityplot(~ Area, data=case0801)
@
Since neither of these appear to be approximately normal, both the predictor
and outcome variables are log-transformed (as suggested by the author).
<<>>=
case0801 = transform(case0801, logarea = log(Area))
case0801 = transform(case0801, logspecies = log(Species))
@
Then we can create a log-log-scatterplot for these two variables, akin to the bottom figure in Display 8.2 (page 208).
<<fig.height=4, fig.width=8>>=
xyplot(logspecies ~ logarea, type = c("p", "r"), pch=23, cex=2, data=case0801)
@
\subsection{Simple Linear Model}
We first fit the model for $\mu\{\mathrm{log(Species)}|\mathrm{log(Area)}\}$ = $\beta_{0}$ + $\beta_{1}$ * log(Area).
<<>>=
lm1 = lm(logspecies ~ logarea, data=case0801)
summary(lm1)
@
Thus our estimated equation becomes, $\hat{\mu}\{\mathrm{log(Species)}|\mathrm{log(Area)}\}$ = \Sexpr{round(coef(lm1)["(Intercept)"], 2)} + \Sexpr{round(coef(lm1)["logarea"], 2)}* log(Area).
Next we calculate the 95\% confidence interval for the estimates, note that the {\tt logarea} 95\% confidence interval is interpreted in the ``Summary of Statistical Findings" on page 207:
<<>>=
confint(lm1)
@
To interpret this log-log model the \emph{Sleuth} notes that if $\hat{\mu}\{\mathrm{log(Y)}|\mathrm{log(X)}\}$ = $\beta_{0}$ + $\beta_{1}$ * log(X) then Median$\{{\mathrm{Y}|\mathrm{X}}\}$ = $\mathrm{exp}(\beta_{0})X^{\beta_{1}}$ (page 216). For this example the researchers are interested in a doubling effect ($2^{\beta_1}$). Therefore to obtain the 95\% confidence interval for the multiplicative factor in the median we used the following code:
<<>>=
2^confint(lm1)
@
Thus for this model the estimated median number of species is \Sexpr{round(2^coef(lm1)["logarea"], 2)} ($2^{\Sexpr{round(coef(lm1)["logarea"], 3)}}$) with a 95\% confidence interval between (\Sexpr{round(2^confint(lm1)[2,1], 2)}, \Sexpr{round(2^confint(lm1)[2,2], 2)}). These match the numbers found on page 216.
\subsection{Assessment of Assumptions}
First we will have to assume independence from the information given. As seen in the above density plots, the observations for each variable were not normally distributed, once we performed a log transformation the distribution of the values became more approximately normal.
Next we can check for linearity and equal variance.
<<fig.height=4, fig.width=6>>=
plot(lm1, which=2)
plot(lm1, which=1)
@
\section{Breakdown Times for Insulating Fluid Under Different Voltages}
How does the distribution of breakdown time depend on voltage? This is the question addressed in case study 8.2 in the \emph{Sleuth}.
\subsection{Summary statistics and graphical display}
We begin by reading the data and summarizing the variables.
<<>>=
summary(case0802)
@
A total of \Sexpr{nrow(case0802)} samples of insulating fluids are included in this data. Each sample was placed in one of \Sexpr{with(case0802, length(unique(Group)))} groups representing different degrees of voltage. Each group varried in sample size as shown in Display 8.2 (page 209).
Before we can fit the simple linear regression model we need to assess the assumption of normality through density plots.
<<fig.height=4, fig.width=6>>=
histogram(~ Time, type='density', density=TRUE, nint=10, data=case0802)
@
It appears that the distribution of {\tt Time} is highly skewed with a long right tail. Therefore one possible transformation would be to take the log of the {\tt Time} observations.
<<fig.height=4, fig.width=6>>=
case0802$logtime=with(case0802, log(Time))
histogram(~ logtime, type='density', density=TRUE, nint=10, data=case0802)
@
Now the observations are approximately normally distributed.
<<fig.height=6, fig.width=10>>=
histogram(~ Voltage, type='density', density=TRUE, nint=10, data=case0802)
@
The distribution of {\tt Voltage} seems to be approximately normal.
Next we can observe the relationship between log({\tt Time}) and {\tt Voltage} (as in Display 8.4 ,page 210).
<<fig.height=6, fig.width=10>>=
xyplot(logtime ~ Voltage, data=case0802)
@
\subsection{Simple linear regression models}
The model that the researchers want to analyse is $\mu\{\mathrm{log(Time)}|\mathrm{Voltage}\}$ = $\beta_{0}$ + $\beta_{1}$ * Voltage
<<>>=
lm1 = lm(logtime ~ Voltage, data=case0802)
summary(lm1)
@
Therefore the estimated model is $\hat{\mu}\{\mathrm{log(Time)}|\mathrm{Voltage}\}$ = \Sexpr{round(coef(lm1)["(Intercept)"], 2)} + (\Sexpr{round(coef(lm1)["Voltage"], 2)})* log(Area). The $R^2$ for the model is \Sexpr{round(100*summary(lm1)$r.squared, 2)}\%, as discussed on page 221.
For the interpretation of the model we first exponentiate the estimated coefficients since the response variable is logged as shown on page 215.
<<>>=
exp(coef(lm1))
@
Thus a 1 kV increase in volatge is associated with a multiplicative change in median breakdown time of \Sexpr{round(exp(coef(lm1))["Voltage"], 2)}.
Next we can calculate the 95\% confidence interval for $\beta_0$ and $\beta_1$.
<<>>=
confint(lm1)
@
For the interpretation of the model we next need to exponentiate the 95\% confidence interval.
<<>>=
exp(confint(lm1))
@
Thus the 95\% confidence interval for the multiplicative change in median breakdown time is (\Sexpr{round(exp(confint(lm1))[2,1], 2)}, \Sexpr{round(exp(confint(lm1))[2,2], 2)}) as interpreted on page 216.
Next we can assess the fit using the Analysis of Variance (ANOVA).
The ANOVA results below match those in the top half of Display 8.8 (page 218).
<<>>=
anova(lm1)
@
We can then compare this with a model with separate means for each group.
<<>>=
lm2 = lm(logtime ~ as.factor(Voltage), data=case0802)
summary(lm2)
@
This model has a $F$-statistic of \Sexpr{round(summary(lm2)$fstatistic["value"], 2)} with a $p$-value $< 0.0001$, as shown in the bottom half of Display 8.8 (page 218).
Another way of viewing this model is with the ANOVA.
<<>>=
anova(lm2)
@
Note that the values for the {\tt Residuals} can also be found in the bottom half of Display 8.8 (page 218).
The $F$-statistic and its associated $p$-value for the lack-of-fit discussion on page 219 can be calculated by comparing the two models with an ANOVA.
<<>>=
anova(lm1, lm2)
@
\subsection{Assessment of Assumptions}
First we will have to assume independence for the information given. As seen in the above density plot the observations for {\tt Time} was not normally distributed, once we preformed a log transformation the distribution of the values became more approximately normal.
Next we can check for linearity (as in Display 8.14, page 225) and equal variance.
<<fig.height=4, fig.width=6>>=
plot(lm1, which=2)
plot(lm1, which=1)
@
\subsection{Other transformations}
The \emph{Sleuth} also discusses the use of a square root transformation for the breakdown time. The following figure is a scatterplot of the square root of breakdown time versus voltage, akin to the left figure in Display 8.7 (page 215).
<<fig.height=4, fig.width=6>>=
case0802$sqrttime = with(case0802, sqrt(Time))
xyplot(sqrttime ~ Voltage, type=c("p", "r"), data=case0802)
@
We can assess this transformation by observing the residual plot based on the simple linear regression fit, akin to the right figure in Display 8.7 (page 215).
<<fig.height=4, fig.width=6>>=
lm3 = lm(sqrttime ~ Voltage, data=case0802)
summary(lm3)
plot(lm3, which = 1)
@
\end{document}
|
http://bablefishfx.comwww.tug.org/FontCatalogue/urwgrotesk/urwgrotesk.tex | tug.org | CC-MAIN-2022-21 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-21/segments/1652662606992.69/warc/CC-MAIN-20220526131456-20220526161456-00417.warc.gz | 4,552,359 | 1,495 | \documentclass[danish,a4paper,11pt]{scrartcl}
\usepackage{babel}
\usepackage{slantsc}
\usepackage{array}
\usepackage{amsmath}
\setkomafont{subsection}{\usefont{T1}{fvm}{m}{n}}
\setkomafont{section}{\usefont{T1}{fvs}{b}{n}\Large}
\setcounter{secnumdepth}{0}
\pagestyle{empty}
\renewcommand*\sfdefault{ugq}
\usepackage[T1]{fontenc}
\begin{document}
\section*{Grotesk URW}
\subsection*{\textbackslash sffamily\textbackslash bfseries}
\normalfont\sffamily\bfseries
For mange Aar siden levede en Keiser, som holdt saa uhyre meget af
smukke nye Kl\ae der, at han gav alle sine Penge ud for ret at blive
pyntet. Han br\o d sig ikke om sine Soldater, br\o d sig ei om
Comedie eller om at kj\o re i Skoven, uden alene for at vise sine
nye Kl\ae der. Han havde en Kjole for hver Time paa Dagen, og
ligesom man siger om en Konge, han er i Raadet, saa sagde man altid
her: >>Keiseren er i Garderoben!<<~--
\newpage
\normalfont\sffamily\bfseries
\section*{Font table}
\def\tfont{\usefont{T1}{fve}{m}{n}\selectfont}
\newcount\currchar
\currchar0
\def\showchar{\makebox[.09\linewidth]{\strut\char\currchar\hfill\tfont\tiny\the\currchar}
\global\advance\currchar1}
\begin{tabular}{|>{\tfont\strut}l|l|l|l|l|l|l|l|l|}
\hline
& \hfill\tfont'0 & \hfill\tfont'1 & \hfill\tfont'2 & \hfill\tfont'3
& \hfill\tfont'4 & \hfill\tfont'5 & \hfill\tfont'6 & \hfill\tfont'7
\\ \hline
'00x & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar &
\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
'01x & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar &
\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
'02x & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar &
\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
'14x & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar &
\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
'20x & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar &
\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
'21x & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar & \showchar &
\showchar & \showchar & \showchar \\\hline
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\end{tabular}
\end{document}
|
http://dlmf.nist.gov/3.11.E11.tex | nist.gov | CC-MAIN-2014-10 | application/x-tex | null | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-10/segments/1394020986799/warc/CC-MAIN-20140305120306-00062-ip-10-183-142-35.ec2.internal.warc.gz | 55,075,253 | 617 | \[f(x)=\sideset{}{{}^{{\prime}}}{\sum}_{{n=0}}^{\infty}c_{n}\mathop{T_{{n}}\/}%
\nolimits\!\left(x\right),\] |
https://www.axelnax.fr/contenu/11.%20Seconde%20g%C3%A9n%C3%A9rale/01.%20Math%C3%A9matiques/01.%20Cours/21.%20Echantillonage/%C3%89chantillonnage.tex | axelnax.fr | CC-MAIN-2022-40 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-40/segments/1664030333455.97/warc/CC-MAIN-20220924182740-20220924212740-00430.warc.gz | 720,150,007 | 2,995 | \documentclass[a4paper,10pt]{report}\input{../0.Préambule/Préambule_cours_prof}\input{0_Préambule_Proba}\begin{document}
\newpage
\setcounter{chapter}{20}
\hypertarget{Echantillonnage}{}
\chapter{Échantillonnage}
\paragraph*{Objectif du chapitre :}
\begin{enumerate}
\item[•] Connaitre le sens d'échantillon, taille d'un échantillon
\item[•] Comprendre la loi des grands nombres.
\end{enumerate}
\section{Échantillon}
\begin{dft}
Soit $n$ un entier naturel non nul. On considère une expérience aléatoire à deux issues, que l'on peut répéter de manière
indépendante (c'est-à-dire que la probabilité de chaque issue ne dépend pas des
résultats précédemment obtenus).
\noindent Un échantillon de taille $ n $ est constitué des résultats obtenus de $n$ répétitions indépendantes de la même expérience aléatoire.
\end{dft}
\begin{ex}
On considère l'expérience suivante : \og On lance une pièce de monnaie \fg{}. On peut la répéter de manière indépendante car le résultat d'un lancer ne dépend pas des lancers précédents.
\noindent Si on répète $10$ fois cette expérience, les résultats constituent un échantillon de taille $10$.
\noindent Par exemple, $ \left( P~;~F~;~P~;~P~;~P~;~F~;~P~;~F~;~P~;~P \right) $ est un échantillon de taille $ 10 $.
\end{ex}
\begin{rmq}
Lorsqu'on s'intéresse à un caractère d'une population, celle-ci est souvent trop grande pour pouvoir être étudiée dans sa totalité. On observe alors ce caractère sur une partie de cette population, choisie de manière aléatoire, en considérant que la population est suffisamment grande pour que ce choix puisse être assimilé à un tirage avec remise. Les résultats obtenus constituent un échantillon.
\end{rmq}
\begin{prop}
On considère une expérience aléatoire à deux issues, que l'on peut répéter de manière indépendante. Soit $ p $ la probabilité d'une issue. Soit $ n $ un entier naturel non nul.
\noindent On considère un échantillon de taille $ n $ et on note $ f $ la fréquence de l'issue dans cet échantillon.
\noindent Lorsque $ n $ est grand, sauf exception, la fréquence observée $ f $ est proche de la probabilité $ p $.
\noindent La plupart du temps, l'écart entre $ p $ et $ f $ est inférieur ou égal à $ \dfrac{1}{\sqrt{n}} $.
\end{prop}
\begin{ex}
Reprenons la même expérience que dans l'exemple précédent et on constitue un échantillon de taille $ \np{1000} $. Dans cette échantillon, on observe que l'on obtient $ 531 $ fois l'issue \og Pile \fg{}.
\noindent La fréquence observée de \og Pile \fg{} pour cet échantillon est $ f = \dfrac{531}{\np{1000}} = 0,531 $.
\noindent Si la pièce est bien équilibrée, la probabilité d'obtenir \og Pile \fg{} est $ 0,5 $.
\noindent Pour cet échantillon, la fréquence observée est proche de la probabilité $ p $.
\end{ex}
\begin{rmq}
\begin{enumerate}
\item[•] La fréquence observée varie entre deux échantillons de même taille. Il est donc naturel que la fréquence observée $ f $ pour un échantillon ne soit pas exactement égale à la probabilité $ p $.
\item[•] Plus la taille de l'échantillon est grande , plus il y a de chances que la fréquence observée soit proche de la probabilité.
\end{enumerate}
\end{rmq}
\newpage
\section{ Principe de l'estimation }
\begin{prop}
On considère une expérience aléatoire à deux issues, que l'on peut répéter de manière indépendante et dont on connaît la probabilité d'une issue $ \omega $ (on lit \og oméga \fg{}).
\noindent On constitue un grand nombre d'échantillons de taille $ n $ sur lesquels on observe la fréquence $ f $ de réalisation de l'issue $ \omega $.
\noindent Plus la taille $ n $ des échantillons est grande, moins il y a de fluctuation de la fréquence observée $ f $ autour de la valeur de $ p $.
\end{prop}
\begin{ex}
Reprenons la même expérience que dans les exemples précédents.
\noindent On constitue $ \np{1000} $ échantillons de taille $ \np{1000} $, et pour chaque échantillon, on calcule la fréquence d'apparition de \og Pile \fg{}. On observe alors que, sur ces échantillons, environ $ 95\;\% $ de ces fréquences appartiennent à l'intervalle $ [0,47~;~0,53] $.
\noindent On a ensuite constitué $ \np{1000} $ échantillons de taille $ \np{10000} $. Sur ces échantillons, environ $ 95\;\% $ des fréquences appartiennent à l'intervalle $ [0,49~;~0,51] $ : les fréquences observées sont plus proches de la valeur de $ p $.
\end{ex}
\begin{prop}
On considère une population dans laquelle on cherche la proportion des individus qui possèdent un certain caractère.
\noindent On prélève au hasard un échantillon de taille $ n $ dans la population et on observe la fréquence $ f $ du caractère dans cet échantillon. Cette fréquence $ f $ est une valeur approchée de $ p $, appelée estimation ponctuelle de $ p $.
\noindent Plus la taille de l'échantillon est grande, meilleure est l'estimation de $ p $.
\end{prop}
\begin{ex}
Un candidat se présente à une élection dans une ville de $ \np{100000} $ habitants. Un sondage réalisé sur $ \np{1100} $ habitants montre que $ 517 $ d'entre eux envisagent de voter pour ce candidat.
\noindent La fréquence observée sur cet échantillon est $ f = \dfrac{517}{\np{1100}} = 0,47 $.
\noindent On peut estimer qu'une valeur approchée de la proportion des habitants souhaitant voter pour ce candidat est $ 47\;\% $. La qualité de cette estimation dépend de la taille de l'échantillon.
\end{ex}
\begin{rmq}
De la même façon, pour une expérience aléatoire donnée, on peut estimer la probabilité d'une issue en observant sa fréquence dans un échantillon de taille suffisamment grande.
\end{rmq}
\section{Fluctuation d'échantillonnage}
\begin{dft}
Deux échantillons (obtenues par l'expérience ou simulés) de même taille associés à une expérience aléatoire ne sont a priori, pas identiques : ce phénomène s'appelle la fluctuation d'échantillonnage.
\end{dft}
\begin{ex}
On lance un dé numéroté de $1$ à $6$, bien équilibré, et on repère le chiffre qui apparaît sur la face supérieure.\\
On répète ce lancer deux fois $100$ fois et on obtient deux échantillons $A$ et $B$ de taille $100$. \\
On a noté les fréquences d'apparition de chaque chiffre dans un tableau de distribution des fréquences :
\begin{center}
\renewcommand{\arraystretch}{1.4}
\begin{tabular}{|c|*{6}{C{1.5}|}}
\hline
Chiffre & $1$ & $2$ & $3$ & $4$ & $5$ & $6$ \\
\hline
Fréquence $A$ & $0,14$ & $0,17$ & $0,19$ & $0,18$ & $0,17$ & $0,15$ \\
\hline
Fréquence $B$ & $0,15$ & $0,16$ & $0,16$ & $0,18$ & $0,17$ & $0,18$ \\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\end{ex}
Dans l'exemple précédent, on constate que les distributions des fréquences des deux échantillons ne sont pas les mêmes : c'est ce qu'on appelle la \textbf{fluctuation d'échantillonnage}.
La moyenne de l'échantillon $A$ est de $3,52$ et celle de $B$ est $3,60$.
\end{document} |
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http://casa.colorado.edu/~skinners/news/news183.tex | colorado.edu | CC-MAIN-2017-39 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-39/segments/1505818689373.65/warc/CC-MAIN-20170922220838-20170923000838-00671.warc.gz | 59,514,648 | 17,899 | \documentstyle{article}
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\begin{tabular}{|p{8.5cm}p{8.5cm}|} \hline
& \\
\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{\Huge \bf $COOLNEWS$ } \\ [0.3cm]
\multicolumn{2}{|c|}{\large \bf A RESEARCH NEWSLETTER DEDICATED
TO COOL STARS AND THE SUN} \\ [0.3cm]
{\hspace*{0.8cm} No. 183 --- Jan. - Feb. 2013} & \multicolumn{1}{r|}
{Editor: Steve Skinner ([email protected])
\hspace*{0.8cm}} \\ [-0.1cm]
& \\ \hline
\end{tabular}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
\begin{center}
\underline {TABLE OF CONTENTS}
\end{center}
\vspace*{0.5cm}
\begin{quote}
\smallskip Stellar Abstracts \dotfill 1 \\
\smallskip Solar Abstracts \dotfill 3 \\
\smallskip Low-Mass \& Substellar Abstracts \dotfill 6 \\
\smallskip Cross-Listed Abstracts (PMS Stars) \dotfill 7 \\
\smallskip Upcoming Meetings \dotfill 8 \\
\smallskip Job Opening \dotfill 12 \\
\smallskip Abstract Guidelines \dotfill 13 \\
\end{quote}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
\begin{center}
{\Large\em Coolnews on the Web}
\end{center}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
The current and previous issues of {\em Coolnews}
are available on the following web page in pdf, postscript,
and Latex format:~~
{\bf http://casa.colorado.edu/$\sim$skinners/coolnews.html}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
%%xxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxxx
\begin{center}
{\Large\em Stellar Abstracts}
\end{center}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
%% ------ TITLE ---
%% Write the title of your paper between the brackets. Please
%% capitalize only the first letter of each word.
{\large\bf{Abundance Study of the Two Solar-Analogue
{\it CoRoT} targets HD 42618 and HD 43587 from HARPS spectroscopy}}
%% ------ AUTHORS -----
%% Here comes author(s) of the paper, please indicate within $^...$
%% the number which corresponds to the institute of each author.
{\bf{ T. Morel$^1$, M. Rainer$^2$, E. Poretti$^2$,
C. Barban$^3$ \ and P. Boumier$^4$ }}
%% ------INSTITUTIONS ---
%% Here write your institute name(s) and address(es),
%% the number in $^..$ indicates your author number, for example:
$^1$ {Institut d'Astrophysique et de G\'eophysique,
Universit\'e de Li\`ege, All\'ee du 6 Ao\^ut, B\^at.
B5c, 4000 Li\`ege, Belgium} \\
$^2$ {INAF -- Osservatorio Astronomico di Brera,
via E. Bianchi 46, 23807 Merate (LC), Italy} \\
$^3$ {LESIA, CNRS, Universit\'e Pierre et Marie Curie,
Universit\'e Denis Diderot, Observatoire de Paris,
92195 Meudon Cedex, France} \\
$^4$ {Institut d'Astrophysique Spatiale, UMR8617,
Universit\'e Paris XI, B\^atiment 121, 91405 Orsay Cedex, France}
%% ------ABSTRACT------
%% Enter the text of your abstract between these brackets:
{We present a detailed abundance study based on spectroscopic data
obtained with HARPS of two solar-analogue main targets for the
asteroseismology programme of the {\it CoRoT} satellite: HD 42618
and HD 43587. The atmospheric parameters and chemical composition
are accurately determined through a fully differential analysis
with respect to the Sun observed with the same instrumental set-up.
Several sources of systematic errors largely cancel out with this
approach, which allows us to narrow down the 1-$\sigma$ error
bars to typically 20 K in effective temperature, 0.04 dex in
surface gravity, and less than 0.05 dex in the elemental abundances.
Although HD 42618 fulfils many requirements for being classified
as a solar twin, its slight deficiency in metals and its possibly
younger age indicate that, strictly speaking, it does not belong
to this class of objects. On the other hand, HD 43587 is slightly
more massive and evolved. In addition, marked differences are
found in the amount of lithium present in the photospheres of
these two stars, which might reveal different mixing properties
in their interiors. These results will put tight constraints
on the forthcoming theoretical modelling of their solar-like
oscillations and contribute to increase our knowledge of the
fundamental parameters and internal structure of stars similar
to our Sun.}
%% -----PUBLICATION STATUS---
%% Here give the publication status (Accepted by, Submitted to)
%% and the name of journal, for example:
{ Accepted by A\&A }
%% -----E-MAIL ADDRESS-----
%% Here give the e-mail address for preprint requests, for example:
{{\em For preprints contact}: [email protected]}
%%
%% ----FTP or WWW ADDRESS (optional)----
%% If your preprint is available via ftp or WWW, uncomment
%% the line below by removing the % sign in first column
%% and enter the ftp or WWW address.
{{\em For preprints via ftp or WWW}:
http://www.ster.kuleuven.be/$\sim$thierry/articles/hd42618\_hd43587.pdf} \\
%%
\vspace*{0.3cm}
%% ------ TITLE ---
%% Write the title of your paper between the brackets. Please
%% capitalize only the first letter of each word.
{\large\bf{Radial Velocity Signatures of Zeeman Broadening}}
%% ------ AUTHORS -----
%% Here comes author(s) of the paper, please indicate within $^...$
%% the number which corresponds to the institute of each author.
{\bf{ A. Reiners$^1$, D. Shulyak$^1$, G.~Anglada-Escud\'e$^1$,
S.V.~Jeffers$^1$, J.~Morin$^1$, M.~Zechmeister$^1$,
O.~Kochukhov$^2$ \
and N.~Piskunov$^2$}}
%% ------INSTITUTIONS ---
%% Here write your institute name(s) and address(es), %% the number in
$^1$ {Universit\"at G\"ottingen, Institut f\"ur Astrophysik,
Friedrich-Hund-Platz 1, 37077 G\"ottingen, Germany} \\
$^2$ {Department of Physics and Astronomy, Uppsala University, Box 516,
751 20 Uppsala, Sweden}
%% ------ABSTRACT------
%% Enter the text of your abstract between these brackets:
{Stellar activity signatures such as spots and plages can
significantly limit the search for extrasolar planets. Current
models of activity-induced radial velocity (RV) signals focus on the
impact of temperature contrast in spots according to which they
predict the signal to diminish toward longer wavelengths. The Zeeman
effect on RV measurements counteracts this: the relative importance
of the Zeeman effect on RV measurements should grow with wavelength
because the Zeeman displacement itself grows with $\lambda$, and
because a magnetic and cool spot contributes more to the total flux
at longer wavelengths. In this paper, we model the impact of active
regions on stellar RV measurements including both temperature
contrast in spots and line broadening by the Zeeman effect. We
calculate stellar line profiles using polarized radiative transfer
models including atomic and molecular Zeeman splitting over large
wavelength regions from 0.5 to 2.3\,$\mu$m. Our results show that
the amplitude of the RV signal caused by the Zeeman effect alone can
be comparable to that caused by temperature contrast; a spot
magnetic field of $\sim$1000\,G can produce a similar RV amplitude
as a spot temperature contrast of $\sim$1000\,K. Furthermore, the RV
signal caused by cool \textit{and} magnetic spots increases with
wavelength, in contrast to the expectation from temperature contrast
alone. We also calculate the RV signal caused by variations in
average magnetic field strength from one observation to the next,
for example due to a magnetic cycle, but find it unlikely that this
can significantly influence the search for extrasolar planets. As an
example, we derive the RV amplitude of the active M dwarf AD~Leo as
a function of wavelength using data from the HARPS
spectrograph. Across this limited wavelength range, the RV signal
does not diminish at longer wavelengths but shows evidence for the
opposite behavior, consistent with a strong influence of the Zeeman
effect. We conclude that the RV signal of active stars does not
vanish at longer wavelength but sensitively depends on the
combination of spot temperature and magnetic field; in active
low-mass stars, it is even likely to grow with wavelength.}
%% -----PUBLICATION STATUS---
%% Here give publication status (Accepted by, Submitted to) %% and
{Accepted by A\&A }
%% -----E-MAIL ADDRESS-----
%% Here give the e-mail address for preprint requests, for example:
{{\em For preprints contact}: [email protected]}
%%
%% ----FTP or WWW ADDRESS (optional)----
%% If your preprint is available via ftp or WWW, uncomment
%% the line below by removing the % sign in first column
%% and enter the ftp or WWW address.
{{\em For preprints via ftp or WWW}:
http://arxiv.org/abs/1301.2951 } %%
\vspace*{0.3cm}
%% ------ TITLE ---
%% Write the title of your paper between the brackets. Please
%% capitalize only the first letter of each word.
{\large\bf{Study of Photospheric, Chromospheric and Coronal
Activities of V1147 Tau}}
%% ------ AUTHORS -----
%% Here comes author(s) of the paper, please indicate within $^...$
%% the number which corresponds to the institute of each author.
{\bf{ Manoj K. Patel$^1$, J. C. Pandey$^2$, Igor S. Savanov$^3$,
Vinod Prasad$^1$, D. C. Srivastava$^1$ }}
%% ------INSTITUTIONS ---
%% Here write your institute name(s) and address(es),
%% the number in $^..$ indicates your author number, for example:
$^{1}$Department of Physics, D. D. U. Gorakhpur University,
Gorakhpur - 273009, India\\
$^{2}$Aryabhatta Research Institute of Observational Sciences
(ARIES), Nainital - 263 129, India\\
$^{3}$ Institute of Astronomy, Russian Academy of Sciences, ul.
Pyatnitskaya 48, Moscow, 119017 Russia
%% ------ABSTRACT------
%% Enter the text of your abstract between these brackets:
{We present analyses of optical photometric, spectroscopic,
polarimetric,
and X-ray observations of the K5V binary star, V1147 Tau.
Nearly twenty
years of optical observations show that V1147 Tau is a
periodic variable
with a photometric period of $1.4845\pm0.0001$ days. Light
curves observed
at 16 epochs show changes in minima, amplitude and shape
indicating that
the variability is due to the presence of surface inhomogeneities. The
surface coverage of spots was found to be in the range of
9-22 per cent.
Most of the time, the spots were resolved as two active longitudes.
Switching of dominant active longitudes was also seen. The
optical
spectroscopy revealed that H$\alpha$ is present in emission,
indicating
a high level of chromospheric activity. The polarimetric observations
yield average values of polarization to be $0.40\pm0.03$,
$0.22\pm0.05$, $0.17\pm0.07$ and $0.12\pm0.04$ per cent in B, V, R
and I bands, respectively, which indicates the possibility of
scattering by thin circumstellar material. The X-ray light curve
was found to be rotationally modulated and was anti-correlated
with optical light curves observed at quasi-simultaneous epochs.
The corona of V1147 Tau consists of a two temperature plasma
with kT$_1$ = 0.07 keV and kT$_2$ = 0.66 keV. The X-ray luminosity
in the 0.2-2.4 keV energy band was found to
be $4.4-6.8 \times 10^{29}$ erg s$^{-1}$. Flaring features
were also seen in the X-ray light curve.
%% -----PUBLICATION STATUS---
%% Here give the publication status (Accepted by, Submitted to)
%% and the name of journal, for example:
{Accepted by MNRAS }
%% -----E-MAIL ADDRESS-----
%% Here give the e-mail address for preprint requests, for example:
{{\em For preprints contact}: [email protected]}
{{\em For preprints contact}: http://mnras.oxfordjournals.org/}
%%
\vspace*{0.3cm}
%% ------ TITLE ---
%% Write the title of your paper between the brackets. Please
%% capitalize only the first letter of each word.
{\large\bf{The UV and X-ray Activity of the
M Dwarfs Within $10$\,pc of the Sun}}
%% ------ AUTHORS -----
%% Here comes author(s) of the paper, please indicate within $^...$
%% the number which corresponds to the institute of each author.
{\bf{ B.Stelzer$^1$, A.Marino$^2$, G.Micela$^1$,
J.L\'opez-Santiago$^3$ \ and C.Liefke$^4$ }}
%% ------INSTITUTIONS ---
%% Here write your institute name(s) and address(es),
%% the number in $^..$ indicates your author number, for example:
$^{1}$ {INAF - Osservatorio Astronomico di Palermo,
Piazza del Parlamento 1,
90134 Palermo, Italy} \\
$^{2}$ {Dipartimento di Fisica e Astronomia, G. Galilei,
vicolo dell'Osservatorio 3, 35122 Padova, Italy} \\
$^{3}$ {Departamento de Astrof\'isica y Ciencias de la Atm\'osfera,
Facultad de Ciencias F\'isicas, Universidad Complutense
de Madrid, 28040
Madrid, Spain} \\
$^{4}$ {Zentrum f\"ur Astronomie der Universit\"at Heidelberg,
M\"onchhofstrasse 12-14, 69120 Heidelberg, Germany}
%% ------ABSTRACT------
%% Enter the text of your abstract between these brackets:
{
M dwarfs are the most numerous stars in the Galaxy.
They are characterized by strong
magnetic activity. The ensuing high-energy emission is
crucial for the evolution of
their planets and the eventual presence of life on them.
We systematically study the X-ray and ultraviolet
emission of a subsample of
M dwarfs from a recent proper-motion survey, selecting
all M dwarfs within $10$\,pc to
obtain a nearly volume-limited sample ($\sim 90$\,\% completeness).
Archival ROSAT, XMM-Newton and GALEX data
are combined with published spectroscopic studies
of H$\alpha$ emission and rotation to
obtain a broad picture of stellar activity on M
dwarfs. We make use of synthetic model
spectra to determine the relative contributions of
photospheric and chromospheric emission
to the ultraviolet flux. We also analyse the same
diagnostics for a comparison sample of
young M dwarfs in the TW\,Hya association ($\sim 10$\,Myrs).
We find that generally the emission in the GALEX bands
is dominated by the chromosphere
but the photospheric component is not negligible in
early-M field dwarfs. The surface
fluxes for the H$\alpha$, near-ultraviolet, far-ultraviolet
and X-ray emission are connected via a power law dependence.
We present here for the first
time such flux-flux relations involving broad-band
ultraviolet emission for M dwarfs.
Activity indices are defined as flux ratio between
the activity diagnostic and the bolometric
flux of the star in analogy to the
Ca\,{\sc II} $R^{\prime}_{\rm HK}$ index.
For given spectral type these indices display a spread
of $2-3$ dex which is largest for
M4 stars. Strikingly, at mid-M spectral types the
spread of rotation rates is also at its
highest level.
The mean activity index for fast rotators, likely
representing the saturation level,
decreases from X-rays over the FUV to the NUV
band and H$\alpha$,
i.e. the fractional radiation output increases
with atmospheric height. The comparison to
the ultraviolet and X-ray properties of TW\,Hya
members shows a drop of nearly three orders of
magnitude for the luminosity in these bands
between $\sim 10$\,Myr and few Gyrs age. A few
young field dwarfs ($< 1$\,Gyr)
in the $10$\,pc sample bridge the gap indicating that
the drop in magnetic activity with age is a
continuous process. The slope of the age decay
is steeper for the X-ray than for the UV luminosity.
}
%% -----PUBLICATION STATUS---
%% Here give the publication status (Accepted by, Submitted to)
%% and the name of journal, for example:
{ Accepted by MNRAS (arXiv:1302.1061)}
%% -----E-MAIL ADDRESS-----
%% Here give the e-mail address for preprint requests, for example:
{{\em For preprints contact}: [email protected]}
%%
%% ----FTP or WWW ADDRESS (optional)----
%% If your preprint is available via ftp or WWW, uncomment
%% the line below by removing the % sign in first column
%% and enter the ftp or WWW address.
{{\em For preprints via ftp or WWW}:
http://www.astropa.unipa.it/$\sim$stelzer/publications.html }
\vspace*{0.3cm}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
\begin{center}
{\Large \em Solar Abstracts}
\end{center}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
%% ------ TITLE ---
%% Write the title of your paper between the brackets. Please
%% capitalize only the first letter of each word.
{\large\bf{Mass Estimates of Rapidly-Moving Prominence
Material from High-Cadence \\
EUV Images}}
%% ------ AUTHORS -----
%% Here comes author(s) of the paper, please indicate within $^...$
%% the number which corresponds to the institute of each author.
{\bf{ David~R.~Williams$^1$, Deborah~Baker$^1$
and Lidia van Driel-Geszelyi$^{1,2,3}$ }}
%% ------INSTITUTIONS ---
%% Here write your institute name(s) and address(es),
%% the number in $^..$ indicates your author number, for example:
$^1$ {Mullard Space Science Laboratory,
University~College~London, Holmbury~St~Mary,
Surrey, RH5~6NT, United Kingdom} \\
$^2$ {LESIA-Observatoire de Paris, CNRS, UPMC Univ.
Paris 06, Univ.~Paris-Diderot, 92195 Meudon, France} \\
$^3$ {Konkoly Observatory, Budapest, Hungary}
%% ------ABSTRACT------
%% Enter the text of your abstract between these brackets:
{We present a new method for determining the column density
of erupting filament material using state-of-the-art
multi-wavelength imaging data. Much of the prior work
on filament/prominence structure can be divided between
studies that use a polychromatic approach with targeted
campaign observations, and those that use synoptic observations,
frequently in only one or two wavelengths. The superior
time resolution, sensitivity and near-synchronicity of
data from the {\em Solar Dynamics Observatory}'s Advanced
Imaging Assembly allow us to combine these two techniques
using photo-ionisation continuum opacity to determine the
spatial distribution of hydrogen in filament material.
We apply the combined techniques to {\em SDO}/AIA
observations of a filament which erupted during the
spectacular coronal mass ejection on 2011 June 07.
The resulting ``polychromatic opacity imaging'' method
offers a powerful way to track
partially ionised gas as it erupts through the
solar atmosphere on a regular basis, without the need
for co-ordinated observations, thereby readily
offering regular, realistic mass-distribution estimates for
models of these erupting structures.}
%% -----PUBLICATION STATUS---
%% Here give the publication status (Accepted by, Submitted to)
%% and the name of journal, for example:
{ Accepted by ApJ }
%% -----E-MAIL ADDRESS-----
%% Here give the e-mail address for preprint requests, for example:
{{\em For preprints contact}: [email protected]}
%%
\vspace*{0.3cm}
%% ------ TITLE ---
%% Write the title of your paper between the brackets. Please
%% capitalize only the first letter of each word.
{\large\bf{The Infrared Colors of the Sun}}
%% ------ AUTHORS -----
%% Here comes author(s) of the paper, please indicate within $^...$
%% the number which corresponds to the institute of each author.
{\bf{ Luca Casagrande$^1$, Ivan Ram\'irez$^2$,
Jorge Mel\'endez$^3$ and Martin Asplund$^1$}}
%% ------INSTITUTIONS ---
%% Here write your institute name(s) and address(es), %% the number in
$^1$ {Research School of Astronomy \& Astrophysics, Mount Stromlo
Observatory,
The Australian National University, ACT 2611, Australia} \\
$^2$ {McDonald Observatory and Department of Astronomy, University of
Texas at
Austin, 1 University Station, C1400 Austin,
Texas 78712-0259, USA} \\
$^3$ {Departamento de Astronomia do IAG/USP, Universidade de S\~ao
Paulo, Rua
do M\~atao 1226, S\~ao Paulo, 05508-900, SP, Brazil}
%% ------ABSTRACT------
%% Enter the text of your abstract between these brackets:
{Solar infrared colors provide powerful constraints on the stellar
effective
temperature scale, but to this purpose they must be measured with both
accuracy and precision.
We achieve this requirement by using line-depth ratios
to derive in a model
independent way the infrared colors of the Sun, and use the latter to
test the
zero-point of the Casagrande et al.~(2010) effective temperature scale,
confirming its accuracy.
Solar colors in the widely used 2MASS $JHK_s$ and WISE $W1\,W2\,W3\,W4$
systems are provided: $(V-J)_\odot = 1.198$, $(V-H)_\odot=1.484$,
$(V-K_s)_\odot=1.560$, $(J-H)_\odot = 0.286$, $(J-K_s)_\odot = 0.362$,
$(H-K_s)_\odot = 0.076$, $(V-W1)_\odot = 1.608$,
$(V-W2)_\odot = 1.563$,
$(V-W3)_\odot = 1.552$, $(V-W4)_\odot = 1.604$. A cross check of the
effective
temperatures derived implementing 2MASS or WISE magnitudes in the
infrared flux
method (IRFM) confirms that the absolute calibration of
the two systems
agree
within the errors, possibly suggesting a 1\% offset between
the two, thus
validating extant near and mid infrared absolute calibrations. While
2MASS magnitudes are usually well suited to derive $T_{\rm{eff}}$, we
find that
a number of solar like stars exhibit anomalous WISE colors. In most
cases this
effect is spurious and traceable to lower quality measurements,
although
for a
couple of objects ($3\pm2$\% of the total sample) it might be real and
hints
towards the presence of warm/hot debris disks.}
%% -----PUBLICATION STATUS---
%% Here give publication status (Accepted by, Submitted to) %% and
{ Published in ApJ: 2012, 761, 15 }
%% -----E-MAIL ADDRESS-----
%% Here give the e-mail address for preprint requests, for example:
{{\em For preprints contact}: [email protected]}
%%
%% ----FTP or WWW ADDRESS (optional)----
%% If your preprint is available via ftp or WWW, uncomment
%% the line below by removing the % sign in first column
%% and enter the ftp or WWW address.
{{\em For preprints via ftp or WWW}: http://arxiv.org/abs/1209.6127}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
%% ------ TITLE ---
%% Write the title of your paper between the brackets. Please
%% capitalize only the first letter of each word.
{\large\bf{Is the Sun Lighter than the Earth?~~~Isotopic CO in the
Photosphere, Viewed Through the Lens of 3D Spectrum Synthesis}}
%% ------ AUTHORS -----
%% Here comes author(s) of the paper, please indicate within $^...$
%% the number which corresponds to the institute of each author.
{\bf{ Thomas R.\ Ayres$^1$, J.\ R.\ Lyons$^2$, H.-G.\ Ludwig$^3$, E.\
Caffau$^3$,
and S.\ Wedemeyer-B\"ohm$^4$}}
%% ------INSTITUTIONS ---
%% Here write your institute name(s) and address(es),
%% the number in $^..$ indicates your author number, for example:
$^1$ {Center for Astrophysics and Space Astronomy,
University of Colorado,
Boulder, CO 80309, USA} \\
$^2$ {Department of Earth and Space Sciences, University of California,
Los Angeles, CA, USA} \\
$^3$ {Zentrum f\"ur Astronomie der Universit\"at Heidelberg,
Heidelberg,
Germany} \\
$^4$ {Institute of Theoretical Astrophysics, University of Oslo, Oslo,
Norway}
%% ------ABSTRACT------
%% Enter the text of your abstract between these brackets:
{We consider the formation of solar infrared (2--6 $\mu$m)
rovibrational
bands of carbon monoxide (CO) in CO5BOLD 3D convection models, with the
aim to refine abundances of the heavy isotopes of carbon ($^{13}$C) and
oxygen ($^{18}$O, $^{17}$O), to compare with direct capture
measurements
of solar wind light ions by the {\em Genesis}\/ Discovery Mission. We
find that previous, mainly 1D, analyses were systematically biased
toward lower isotopic ratios (e.g., $R_{23}\equiv ^{12}$C/$^{13}$C),
suggesting an isotopically ``heavy'' Sun contrary to accepted
fractionation processes thought to have operated in the primitive solar
nebula. The new 3D ratios for $^{13}$C and $^{18}$O are: $R_{23}=
91.4{\pm}1.3$ ($R_{\oplus}= 89.2$); and $R_{68}= 511{\pm}10$
($R_{\oplus}= 499$), where the uncertainties are 1\,$\sigma$ and
``optimistic.'' We also obtained $R_{67}= 2738{\pm}118$ ($R_{\oplus}=
2632$), but we caution that the observed $^{12}$C$^{17}$O features are
extremely weak. The new solar ratios for the oxygen isotopes fall
between the terrestrial values and those reported by {\em Genesis}\/
($R_{68}= 530$, $R_{67}= 2798$), although including both within 2\,
$\sigma$ error flags, and go in the direction favoring recent theories
for the oxygen isotope composition of Ca--Al inclusions (CAI) in
primitive meteorites. While not a major focus of this work, we derive
an oxygen abundance, $\epsilon_{\rm O}\sim 603 {\pm}9$ ppm (relative to
hydrogen; $\log{\epsilon}\sim 8.78$ on the ${\rm H}= 12$ scale). That
the Sun likely is lighter than the Earth, isotopically speaking,
removes
the necessity to invoke exotic fractionation processes during the early
construction of the inner solar system.
}
%% -----PUBLICATION STATUS---
%% Here give the publication status (Accepted by, Submitted to)
%% and the name of journal, for example:
{ Accepted by ApJ }
%% -----E-MAIL ADDRESS-----
%% Here give the e-mail address for preprint requests, for example:
{{\em For preprints contact}: [email protected]}
%%
%% ----FTP or WWW ADDRESS (optional)----
%% If your preprint is available via ftp or WWW, uncomment
%% the line below by removing the % sign in first column
%% and enter the ftp or WWW address.
{{\em For preprints via ftp or WWW}:
http://stacks.iop.org/0004-637X/765/46}
%%
\vspace*{0.3cm}
%% ------ TITLE ---
%% Write the title of your paper between the brackets. Please
%% capitalize only the first letter of each word.
{\large\bf{The AD775 Cosmic Event Revisited: The Sun is to Blame}}
%% ------ AUTHORS -----
%% Here comes the author(s) of the paper, please indicate within $^...$
%% the number which corresponds to the institute of each author.
{\bf{ I.G. Usoskin$^1$, B. Kromer$^2$, F. Ludlow$^3$, J. Beer$^4$, M.
Friedrich$^5$,
G. A. Kovaltsov$^6$, S. K. Solanki$^{7,8}$ \ and L. Wacker$^9$ }}
%% ------INSTITUTIONS ---
%% Here write your institute name(s) and address(es),
%% the number in $^..$ indicates your author number, for example:
$^1$ Sodankyl\"a Geophysical Observatory (Oulu unit) and Physics
Dept., University of Oulu, Finland \\
$^2$ Klaus-Tschira-Laboratory for Scientific Dating,
Curt-Engelhorn-Centre for Archaeometry, D6, 3,
68159 Mannheim, Germany
\\
$^3$ Harvard University Center for the Environment, and Department of
History, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA \\
$^4$ Swiss Federal Institute of Aquatic Scßbrickience and
Technology, Eawag,
\"Uberlandstrasse 133, 8600 D\"ubendorf, Switzerland \\
$^5$ Hohenheim University, Institute of Botany (210), D-70593
Stuttgart, Germany \\
$^6$ Ioffe Physical-Technical Institute,
194021 St. Petersburg, Russia \\
$^7$ Max Planck Institute for Solar System Research, Max-Planck-Str.
2, D-37191 Katlenburg-Lindau, Germany \\
$^8$ School of Space Research, Kyung Hee University, Yongin, Gyeonggi
446-701, Korea \\
$^9$ Department of Physics, Swiss Federal Institute of Technology
ETHZ, Zurich, Switzerland
%% ------ABSTRACT------
%% Enter the text of your abstract between these brackets:
{Miyake et al. (henceforth M12) recently reported, based on $^{14}$C
data, an extreme cosmic event in about AD775.
Using a simple model, M12 claimed that the event was too strong to be
caused by a solar flare within the standard theory.
This implied a new paradigm of either
an impossibly strong solar flare
or a very strong cosmic ray event of unknown origin that
occurred around AD775.
However, as we show, the strength of the event was significantly
overestimated by M12.
Several subsequent works have attempted to find a possible exotic
source for such an event, including a giant cometary impact
upon the Sun or a gamma-ray burst, but they are all based on
incorrect estimates by M12.
We revisit this event with analysis of new datasets and consistent
theoretical modelling.}
{We verified the experimental result for the AD775 cosmic ray event
using independent datasets including $^{10}$Be series
and newly measured $^{14}$C annual data.
We surveyed available historical chronicles for astronomical
observations for the period around the AD770s to identify
potential sightings of aurorae borealis and supernovae.
We interpreted the $^{14}$C measurements using an appropriate carbon
cycle model.}
{We show that: (1) The reality of the AD775 event is confirmed by new
measurements of $^{14}$C in German oak;
(2) by using an inappropriate carbon cycle model, M12 strongly
overestimated the event's strength;
(3) The revised magnitude of the
event (the global $^{14}$C production
$Q$=(1.1--1.5)$\cdot 10^8$ atoms/cm$^2$)
is consistent with different independent datasets ($^{14}$C,
$^{10}$Be, $^{36}$Cl) and can be associated with a strong,
but not inexplicably strong, solar energetic particle event (or a
sequence of events), and provides the first definite evidence
for an event of this magnitude (the fluence $>30$ MeV was about
$4.5\cdot 10^{10}$ cm$^{-2}$) in multiple datasets;
(4) This interpretation is in agreement with increased auroral
activity identified in historical chronicles.}
{The results point to the likely solar origin of the event, which is
now identified as the greatest solar event
on a multi-millennial time scale, placing a strong observational
constraint on the theory of explosive energy
releases on the Sun and cool stars. }
%% -----PUBLICATION STATUS---
%% Here give the publication status (Accepted by, Submitted to)
%% and the name of journal, for example:
{Accepted by: Astron. Astrophys. Lett. (in press) }
%% -----E-MAIL ADDRESS-----
%% Here give the e-mail address for preprint requests, for example:
{{\em For preprints contact}: [email protected]}
%%
%% ----FTP or WWW ADDRESS (optional)----
%% If your preprint is available via ftp or WWW, uncomment
%% the line below by removing the % sign in first column
%% and enter the ftp or WWW address.
{{\em For preprints via ftp or WWW}:
http://arxiv.org/abs/1302.6897 }
%%
\vspace*{0.3cm}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
\begin{center}
{\Large \em Low-Mass and Substellar Abstracts}
\end{center}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
%% Write the title of your paper between the brackets:
{\large\bf{An Extensive Search for Rapid Optical Variability
in Ultracool Dwarfs}}
%% Here comes author(s) of the paper, please indicate within $^...$
%% the number which corresponds to the institute of each author.
{\bf{ Chris Koen$^1$}}
%% Here write your institute name(s) and address(es),
%% the number in $^..$ indicates your author number, for example:
$^1$ {Department of Statistics, University of the Western Cape,
Bellville, South Africa}
%% Enter the text of your abstract between these brackets:
{A summary is given of optical time series photometry of 125 ultracool
dwarfs. The observing strategy was to monitor each object
continuously for 2-3 hours, in order to ascertain whether it was
rapidly variable. Many of the targets were observed at multiple epochs,
to follow up possible short timescale variability, or to test for
slow brightness changes on longer timescales. The 353 datasets obtained
contain nearly 22 000 individual measurements.
Optical ($I_C$) magnitudes,
accurate to roughly 0.1-0.2 mag, were derived for 21 objects for which
there is no optical photometry in the literature. It is shown that
photometry is affected by variable seeing in a large percentage of
the time series observations. Since this could give the appearance
of variability intrinsic to the objects, magnitudes are modelled as
functions of both time and seeing. Several ultracool dwarfs which
had not been monitored before are variable, according to certain model
fitting criteria. A number of objects with multi-epoch observations
appear to be variable on longer timescales.
Since testing for variability
is far from straightforward, the time series
data are made available so that
interested readers can perform their own analyses. }
%% Here give the publication status (Accepted by, Submitted to)
%% and the name of journal, for example:
{ Accepted by MNRAS }
%% Here give the e-mail address for preprint requests, for example:
{{\em For preprints contact}: [email protected]}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
%% Write the title of your paper between the brackets:
{\large\bf{Multicolour Time Series Photometry of
Three Periodic Ultracool Dwarfs}}
%% Here comes author(s) of the paper, please indicate within $^...$
%% the number which corresponds to the institute of each author.
{\bf{ Chris Koen$^1$}}
%% Here write your institute name(s) and address(es),
%% the number in $^..$ indicates your author number, for example:
$^1$ {Department of Statistics, University of the Western Cape,
Bellville, South Africa}
%% Enter the text of your abstract between these brackets:
{Photometry in $I$, or contemporaneously in $I$ and $R$, of the known
variable ultracool dwarfs Kelu-1 and 2MASS~J11553952-3727350
is presented. The nature of the variability of Kelu-1
appears to evolve on timescales of a day or less. Both the period
and amplitude of the variability of
2MASS~J11553952-3727350 have changed substantially
since publication of earlier observations of the
object. DENIS~1454-6604 is a new variable ultracool dwarf,
with persistent and prominent brightness modulations
at a period of 2.6 h.}
%% Here give the publication status (Accepted by, Submitted to)
%% and the name of journal, for example:
{ Accepted by MNRAS }
%% Here give the e-mail address for preprint requests, for example:
{{\em For preprints contact}: [email protected]}
\newpage
\vspace*{0.3cm}
\begin{center}
{\Large \em Cross-Listed Abstracts (Pre-Main Sequence Stars)}
\end{center}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
\noindent{\em Editor's Note:}~The abstracts below are
being cross-listed
with the {\em Star Formation Newsletter.} \\
\vspace*{0.2cm}
%% ------ TITLE ---
%% Write the title of your paper between the brackets. Please
%% capitalize only the first letter of each word.
{\large\bf{X-Ray Determination of the Variable Rate of Mass Accretion
onto TW Hydrae}}
%% ------ AUTHORS -----
%% Here comes the author(s) of the paper, please indicate within
{\bf{N. S. Brickhouse$^1$, S. R. Cranmer$^1$, A. K. Dupree$^1$,
H. M. G\"{u}nther$^1$, G. J. M. Luna$^{1,2}$ }}
%% ------INSTITUTIONS ---
%% Here write your institute name(s) and address(es), %% the number in
$^1$ {Harvard-Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics, 60 Garden Street,
Cambridge, MA 02138 USA} \\
$^2$ {Instituto de Astronomia y Fisica del Espacio,
(IAFE), Buenos Aires, Argentina}
%% ------ABSTRACT------
%% Enter the text of your abstract between these brackets:
{Diagnostics of electron temperature ($T_e$), electron density ($n_e$),
and hydrogen column density ($N_H$) from the {\em Chandra} High Energy
Transmission Grating spectrum of He-like ion Ne IX
in TW Hydrae (TW~Hya), in
conjunction with a classical accretion model, allow us to
infer the
accretion rate onto the star directly from measurements of the
accreting material. The new method introduces the use of
the absorption of
Ne IX lines as a measure of the
column density of the intervening, accreting material.
On average, the derived
mass
accretion rate for TW~Hya is $1.5 \times 10^{-9}$
M$_{\odot}$ yr$^{-1}$, for a
stellar magnetic field strength of 600 Gauss and
a filling factor of
3.5\%. Three individual {\em Chandra} exposures show statistically
significant differences in the Ne IX line
ratios, indicating changes in
$N_H$, $T_e$, and $n_e$ by factors of 0.28, 1.6, and 1.3,
respectively. In exposures separated by 2.7 days, the observations
reported here
suggest a five-fold reduction in the accretion rate. This powerful
new technique promises to substantially improve our understanding of
the accretion process in young stars.}
%% -----PUBLICATION STATUS---
%% Here give the publication status (Accepted by, Submitted to) %%
{Published: 2012, ApJ, 760, L21}
%% -----E-MAIL ADDRESS-----
%% Here give the e-mail address for preprint requests, for example:
{{\em For preprints contact}: [email protected]}
%%
%
\vspace*{2.0cm}
\begin{center}
{\bf Continued} $\rightarrow$
\end{center}
\newpage
\begin{center}
{\Large \em Upcoming Meeting}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
{\Large \bf{First Announcement}}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
{\Large \bf{Workshop on 400 Years of Stellar Rotation }}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
{\large \bf{17 - 22 November 2013}}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
{\large \bf{Natal, Brazil }}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
\end{center}
Dear colleagues,
We are pleased to announce the workshop
{\em 400 Years of Stellar Rotation},
to celebrate four centuries of astronomical research after the public
announcement of solar rotation by Galileo Galilei. The conference is
co-sponsored by the European Southern Observatory and the International
Institute of Physics of Natal, and will be held
at the Ocean Palace Beach
Resort in Natal, Brazil, from Sunday, November 17, to Friday, November
22, 2013. \\
{\bf Main Topics:}
\begin{itemize}
\item Rotation: From Galileo to CoRoT and Kepler
\item Evolutionary models of rotating stars
\item The impact of rotation on Solar and Stellar Physics
\item The solar rotation profile
\item Rotation, winds, magnetic fields and stellar activity
\item Observations of rotating stars
\item Rotation and chemical abundances
\item Rotation, stellar formation and evolution
\item Rotation and stellar multiplicity
\item Rotation in the final evolutionary stages
\item Stellar rotation, activity, and planets
\end{itemize}
\bf SOC :} Adriana Valio, Mackenzie University (S\~ao Paulo, Brazil),
Andre Maeder, Geneva Observatory (Geneva, Switzerland), Beatriz
Barbuy, S\~ao Paulo University (S\~ao Paulo, Brazil), Claudio Melo,
European Southern Observatory (Santiago, Chile) - {\bf Co-Chair},
Eduardo Janot Pacheco, S\~ao Paulo University (S\~ao Paulo, Brazil),
Ferdinando Patat, European Southern Observatory (Garching, Germany),
Georges Meynet, Geneva Observatory (Geneva, Switzerland), Jos\'e Renan
de Medeiros, Federal University of Rio Grande do Norte (Natal, Brazil)
- {\bf Chair}, Klaus G. Strassmeier, Leibniz-Institut f\"ur
Astrophysik Potsdam (Potsdam, Germany), Luca Pasquini, European
Southern Observatory (Garching, Germany) - {\bf Co-Chair}, M{\'a}rcio
Catelan, Pontificia Universidad Cat\'olica de Chile (Santiago, Chile),
Marc Pinsonneault, Ohio State University (Columbus, USA), Nuno Santos,
Porto University (Porto, Portugal), Antonino Lanza, INAF -
Osservatorio Astrofisico di Catania (Catania, Italy), Rodolfo
Smiljanic, Nicolaus Copernicus Astronomical Center (Toru\'n, Poland),
Rolf-Peter Kudritzki, University of Hawaii (Honolulu, USA)
{\bf Conference Web Page:}~
General information, including Registration and Travel and Lodging can be
found on the conference website: \\
http://www.dfte.ufrn.br/400rotation \\
On behalf of the Scientific Organizing Committee,
José Renan de Medeiros, Chair
{\bf Email:}~ [email protected]
\newpage
\begin{center}
{\Large \em Upcoming Meeting}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
{\Large \bf{ 2nd Circular, International Conference }}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
{\Large \bf { Physics at the Magnetospheric Boundary \\
(Neutron Stars, White Dwarfs and Young Stellar Objects) }}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
{\large \bf{25 - 28 June 2013}}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
{\large \bf{University of Geneva, Switzerland }}
\end{center}
The {\em Physics at the Magnetospheric Boundary}
conference is aimed at bringing
together specialists working theoretically, numerically and
observationally on
processes occurring at the limit of the magnetically
dominated region around
accreting objects such as: Neutron Stars, White Dwarfs, and Young
Stellar Objects.
The conference represents a precious opportunity of
exchange between
research groups working on the topic of accretion, across different
wavelengths and source types. It poses the basis for the next steps
forward in our understanding of the physics at the
magnetospheric boundary. \\
Planned sessions for the conference include:
Theory of accretion onto magnetized stars \\
Numerical modelling of plasma-field interaction \\
Accretion and jets production \\
Observational clues to the physics at the magnetosphere \\
Future perspectives in theory and observations
Registration and grant applications for students:\\
http://www.isdc.unige.ch/magbound/index.php/registration
Invited Speakers, Program and other details are available on the
conference website: \\
http://www.isdc.unige.ch/magbound/ \\
For any information, please contact: \\
[email protected]
\newpage
\begin{center}
{\Large \em Upcoming Meeting}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
{\Large \bf{Second Announcement}}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
{\Large \bf{Space Climate Symposium-5 }}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
{\large \bf{15 - 19 June 2013}}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
{\large \bf{Oulu, Finland}}
\end{center}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
Dear Colleagues and Friends!
We remind you of the upcoming {\em Space Climate Symposium-5 -
Under the midnight Sun} at the seaside Hotel Eden in
Oulu, Finland, on 15.-19. June, 2013.
Symposium includes all aspects of the long-term change
in the Sun and its effects in the heliosphere and in the
near-Earth environment, including the Earth’s atmosphere
and climate. Special focus this time will be on studies
on the causes, consequences and
implications of the present, unusually low solar activity,
on long-term occurrence of solar extreme events, on possible
planetary influence on solar activity and on solar wind
effects on atmosphere and climate.
Confirmed solicited speakers include, e.g., Jose Abreu,
Rainer Arlt, Jürg Beer, Axel Brandenburg, Paul Charbonneau,
Frédéric Clette, Ed Cliver, Ingrid Cnossen, Ana Elias,
Walter Gonzalez, Bidya Karak, Gang Li, Fusa Miyake,
Dario Passos, Indrani Roy, Eugene Rozanov, Alexander Ruzmaikin,
Kiyoto Shibasaki, Karel Schrijver, Kazunari Shibata,
Sami Solanki, Leif Svalgaard, José Vaquero, Dong Wu,
Thomas von Clarmann, and Seiji Yashiro.
Important dates: \\
15 March 2013 Deadline for abstract submission \\
15 May 2013 Deadline for accommodation at special price \\
15 May 2013 Deadline for early-bird registration at 350 Euros
(thereafter 400 Euros)
For more information on registration, symposium program, travel,
accommodation etc. see the symposium website: \\
http://www.spaceclimate.fi
In case of questions contact: [email protected]
We warmly welcome you to Space Climate 5 in Oulu!
Sincerely Yours,
Timo Asikainen (LOC chair) Kalevi Mursula (SOC chair)
Ilpo Virtanen (LOC vice-chair) Ilya Usoskin (SOC vice-chair)
\newpage
\begin{center}
{\Large \em Upcoming Meeting}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
{\Large \bf{ EWASS Special Session 3}}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
{\Large \bf{ Fundamental Stellar Parameters }}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
{\large \bf{8 July 2013}}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
{\large \bf{Turku, Finland }}
\vspace*{0.2cm}
\end{center}
FIRST ANNOUNCEMENT \\
Dear colleagues:
On July 8-12th 2013 the European Week of Astronomy and Space Science
(EWASS) will take place in Turku, Finland. Within that week we are
organizing a Special Session on Fundamental Stellar Parameters.
We aim at gathering experts on the various approaches to derive stellar
parameters (spectroscopy, photometry, interferometry, asteroseismology,
etc.), to discuss the status in each field,
remaining discrepancies among
different methods and ways to settle them. This is crucial to make best
use of existing and upcoming surveys on stellar
and Galactic astrophysics
(Kepler, Gaia, GES, VISTA etc.)
More details on the program of the EWASS week and of our
Special Session at: \\
http://www.astro.utu.fi/EWASS2013/ \\
http://users.utu.fi/lporti/EWASS2013/Fundamental/SpecialSession3-EWASS2013.html \\
Registrations to the EWASS week is now open. The deadline for
abstract submission and early registration will be in early April.
Both oral and poster contributions are welcome.
For further information, please check for updates on our web-site,
and do not hesitate to contact us at:\\
{\bf [email protected]}\\
On behalf of the Scientific Organizing Committee:
Luca Casagrande and Laura Portinari
\newpage
\vspace*{0.3cm}
\begin{center}
{\Large \em Job Opening}
\vspace*{0.5cm}
{\Large \bf {PhD Research Fellowship in Astrophysics}} \\
\vspace*{0.3cm}
{\large \bf {Solar/Stellar Physics } } \\
\vspace*{0.3cm}
{\large \bf {Institute of Theoretical Astrophysics } } \\
\vspace*{0.3cm}
{\large \bf {University of Oslo, Norway}} \\
\vspace*{0.3cm}
\end{center}
A position as PhD research fellow is available at the Institute of
Theoretical Astrophysics, University of Oslo, Norway. The fellowship
is for a period of up to 3 years. The preferred starting date
is 1.10.2013 but alternative dates between 1.9.2013 and 1.12.2013
are possible.
The PhD position is connected to the solar physics group, which
is renowned for its detailed modelling of the solar atmosphere
with radiative magnetohydrodynamics, and for innovative data
analysis methods for high cadence imaging and spectroscopic
observations. The research activities are now extended
towards the atmospheres of cool stars.
The selected candidate would contribute to the
project {\em Vortex flows and magnetic tornadoes on
the Sun and cool stars},
which combines high-resolution observations of
the Sun with world-leading
facilities like the ground-based Swedish 1-m Solar Telescope (SST) and
the space-borne observatories Solar Dynamics Observatory (SDO) and
Interface Region Imaging Spectrograph (IRIS) and advanced numerical
simulations with state-of-the-art 3-D radiative magnetohydrodynamics
computer codes.
Depending on the background and interests of the selected candidate,
focus of the PhD project can be on observational and/or
numerical modelling aspects of the project.
Qualifications: Applicants must hold a MasterÕs degree or
equivalent in astrophysics, physics or computational science.
A good command of English is required. Programming skills
are considered an asset.
The application must include:
(1)~Application letter, (2)~CV (summarizing education,
positions and academic work, scientific publications), (3)~copies
of educational certificates and transcript of records, (4)~list
of publications and academic work that the applicant wishes to
be considered by the evaluation committee, and (5)~names and
contact details of 2-3 references who have been asked to send
reference letters.
Foreign applicants are advised to attach an explanation of
their University's grading system. Please remember that
all documents should be in English or a Scandinavian language.
Application deadline: 1. May 2013
Reference number: 2013/2997
Contact: Dr. Sven Wedemeyer-B{\"o}hm\\
Telephone: +47 228 56 520\\
e-mail: [email protected]
More information and online application portal at: \\
http://uio.easycruit.com/vacancy/933285/64278
\newpage
\begin{center}
{\Large \em Abstract Guidelines}
\end{center}
\vspace*{0.3cm}
Abstracts for {\em COOLNEWS} are solicited for papers
that have been recently accepted by or submitted to
refereed journals, and for recent Ph.D. theses. Abstracts
for conference proceedings articles are {\em not} posted in
{\em COOLNEWS}. The subject matter should pertain
directly to cool stars (spectral types F,G,K,M or L),
substellar objects, or the sun. Both theoretical and observational
abstracts are appropriate.
Abstracts dealing with cool pre-main-sequence (PMS)
stars will generally not be included in {\em COOLNEWS},
since they are already covered by the {\em Star Formation
Newsletter}. Exceptions to this rule will be considered
if the subject matter is truly cross-disciplinary.
If you wish to submit a cross-disciplinary abstract on
PMS stars, then first submit it to the
{\em Star Formation Newsletter}. After doing so, submit the
abstract to {\em COOLNEWS} accompanied by a short e-mail
stating that it has already been submitted to
the {\em Star Formation Newsletter}, and summarizing why
it will be of interest to the cool star/solar community
at large.
A bimonthly call for abstracts will be issued.
Announcements of general interest to the cool star and
solar communities may also be submitted for posting in the
newsletter. These might include (but are not restricted to)
the following: (i) {\em Job Openings} directed toward cool
star or solar researchers, (ii) announcements of
{\em Upcoming Meetings}, (iii) announcements of
{\em Upcoming Observing Campaigns} for which participation
is solicited from the community at large, (iv) reviews of
{\em New Books}, and
(v) {\em General Announcements} that provide or
request research-related information.
Please send all correspondence to the editor at
[email protected]. Abstract templates and
back issues can be obtained from the COOLNEWS Web-page
at
\begin{verbatim}
http://casa.colorado.edu/~skinners/coolnews.html .
\end{verbatim}
*** Please send abstracts in the body of the message
and {\em not} as attachments.***
\end{document}
|
https://web.evanchen.cc/twitch/Ep112-ELMO-Revenge-2022-1-Solution.tex | evanchen.cc | CC-MAIN-2023-14 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296943845.78/warc/CC-MAIN-20230322145537-20230322175537-00289.warc.gz | 682,496,277 | 2,921 | \documentclass[11pt]{scrartcl}
\usepackage{evan}
\begin{document}
\title{ELMO Revenge 2022/1}
\subtitle{Evan Chen}
\author{Twitch Solves ISL}
\date{Episode 112}
\maketitle
\section*{Problem}
Let $ABC$ and $DBC$ be triangles with incircles touching at a point $P$ on
$BC$. Points $A$, $D$ lie on the same side of $BC$ and $DB < AB < DC < AC$.
The bisector of $\angle BDC$ meets line $AP$ at $X$,
and the altitude from $A$ meets $DP$ at $Y$.
Point $Z$ lies on line $XY$ so $ZP \perp BC$.
Show the reflection of $A$ over $BC$ is on line $ZD$.
\section*{Video}
\href{https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=QVD4kFNyCHQ&list=PLi6h8GM1FA6yHh4gDk_ZYezmncU1EJUmZ}{\texttt{https://youtu.be/QVD4kFNyCHQ}}
\section*{External Link}
\url{https://aops.com/community/c6h2881590p25619349}
\newpage
\section*{Solution}
\paragraph{Intended solution}
Let $A'$ be the reflection of $A$ over $BC$.
Then the points $A$, $D$, $P$, $A'$
lie on a hyperbola with foci at $B$ and $C$ by construction.
Then apply Pascal to $DDPPAA'$.
\paragraph{Synthetic solution}
Let $E$ be the reflection of $A$ across $\ol{BC}$.
Let $I$ and $J$ denote the incenters of $\triangle EBC$ and $\triangle DBC$.
Redefine $Z = \ol{DE} \cap \ol{IPJ}$;
then the problem is to show $X$, $Y$, $Z$ are collinear.
\begin{center}
\begin{asy}
/*
Converted from GeoGebra by User:Azjps using Evan's magic cleaner
https://github.com/vEnhance/dotfiles/blob/main/py-scripts/export-ggb-clean-asy.py
*/
pair A = (10.00216,0.58182);
pair B = (9.,-3.);
pair C = (45.,-3.);
pair P = (11.26936,-3.);
pair J = (11.26936,-2.03424);
pair D = (10.88129,-1.04465);
pair Y = (10.00216,3.38498);
pair Z = (11.26936,1.39956);
pair K = (10.00216,-3.);
pair E = (10.00216,-6.58182);
pair I = (11.26936,-4.72156);
pair W = (10.78721,-1.63719);
size(16cm);
pen zzttqq = rgb(0.6,0.2,0.);
pen yqqqqq = rgb(0.50196,0.,0.);
pen qqffff = rgb(0.,1.,1.);
pen xfqqff = rgb(0.49803,0.,1.);
pen qqwuqq = rgb(0.,0.39215,0.);
pen cqcqcq = rgb(0.75294,0.75294,0.75294);
draw(A--B--C--cycle, linewidth(0.6) + zzttqq);
draw(B--D--C--cycle, linewidth(0.6) + qqffff);
draw(B--E--C--cycle, linewidth(0.6) + zzttqq);
draw(A--B, linewidth(0.6) + zzttqq);
draw(B--C, linewidth(0.6) + zzttqq);
draw(C--A, linewidth(0.6) + zzttqq);
draw(circle((11.26936,-1.27843), 1.72156), linewidth(0.6) + yqqqqq);
draw(circle(J, 0.96575), linewidth(0.6) + blue);
draw(B--D, linewidth(0.6) + qqffff);
draw(D--C, linewidth(0.6) + qqffff);
draw(C--B, linewidth(0.6) + qqffff);
draw(P--Y, linewidth(0.6) + xfqqff);
draw(circle(I, 1.72156), linewidth(0.6) + yqqqqq);
draw(B--E, linewidth(0.6) + zzttqq);
draw(E--C, linewidth(0.6) + zzttqq);
draw(C--B, linewidth(0.6) + zzttqq);
draw(E--Z, linewidth(0.6) + qqwuqq);
draw(I--Z, linewidth(0.6) + yqqqqq);
draw(A--E, linewidth(0.6));
draw(A--P, linewidth(0.6));
draw(A--Y, linewidth(0.6));
dot("$A$", A, dir(160));
dot("$B$", B, dir(180));
dot("$C$", C, dir((-3794.550, 716.315)));
dot("$P$", P, dir((4.522, 8.332)));
dot("$J$", J, dir(0));
dot("$D$", D, dir(150));
dot("$Y$", Y, dir((4.454, 7.830)));
dot("$Z$", Z, dir((4.522, 8.583)));
dot("$E$", E, dir(270));
dot("$I$", I, dir(-45));
dot("$W$", W, dir(200));
clip(box( (8,-10), (15,10) ) );
\end{asy}
\end{center}
To interpret the condition about $P$:
\begin{claim*}
$(IJ;PZ) = -1$.
\end{claim*}
\begin{proof}
Because the condition on $P$ forces $BD+CE=BE+CD$,
there is an incircle for $BDCE$. Hence by Monge theorem,
$Z$ coincides with the exsimilicenter of $(I)$ and $(J)$.
As $I$ is the insimilicenter, the conclusion follows.
\end{proof}
Next, let $W = \ol{ZDE} \cap \ol{AP}$.
\begin{claim*}
Triangles $DJP$ and $AWE$ are perspective,
i.e.\ the lines $\ol{DA}$, $\ol{JW}$, $\ol{PE}$ are concurrent.
\end{claim*}
\begin{proof}
We have $-1 = (ZP;JI) \overset{W}{=} (E,A;\ol{JW}\cap\ol{AE},Y)$.
Then it follows by looking at complete quadrilateral $ADPEWY$.
\end{proof}
Now by Desargue's theorem, it follows $\ol{DJ} \cap \ol{AW} = X$,
$\ol{DP} \cap \ol{AE} = Y$, $\ol{JP} \cap \ol{WE} = Z$ are collinear.
\end{document}
|
https://doc.libelektra.org/api/pr/latex/autotoc_md347.tex | libelektra.org | CC-MAIN-2020-40 | text/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-40/segments/1600402130531.89/warc/CC-MAIN-20200930235415-20201001025415-00799.warc.gz | 321,265,825 | 1,200 |
\begin{DoxyItemize}
\item infos = Information about journald plugin is in keys below
\item infos/author = Felix Berlakovich \href{mailto:[email protected]}{\tt elektra@berlakovich.\+net}
\item infos/licence = B\+SD
\item infos/provides = logging
\item infos/needs =
\item infos/placements = pregetstorage postcommit postrollback
\item infos/status = maintained libc global nodoc
\item infos/description = logging of committed and rolled back keys via systemd-\/journal
\end{DoxyItemize}
The plugin logs successful and failed write attempts via the systemd journal daemon (systemd-\/journal). See the \href{http://www.freedesktop.org/software/systemd/man/systemd-journald.service.html}{\tt systemd-\/journal manpage} for more information about systemd-\/journal. Errors are reported with priority 3 (error priority) and use the message ID {\ttfamily fb3928ea453048649c61d62619847ef6}. Successful writes are reported with priority 5 (notice priority) and use the message ID {\ttfamily fc65eab25c18463f97e4f9b61ea31eae}.
Configure the plugin with {\ttfamily log/get=1} to enable logging when configuration is loaded. For example, {\ttfamily kdb gmount journald log/get=1}.
\begin{DoxyItemize}
\item {\ttfamily libsystemd-\/dev} (also called {\ttfamily libsystemd-\/journal-\/dev})
\end{DoxyItemize} |
http://barsamian.am/2de/DM6.tex | barsamian.am | CC-MAIN-2019-09 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-09/segments/1550247511174.69/warc/CC-MAIN-20190221213219-20190221235219-00572.warc.gz | 25,247,562 | 2,171 | \documentclass[a4paper,11pt]{article}
\setlength{\textwidth} {17cm}
\setlength{\textheight} {26cm}
\addtolength{\topmargin} {-3cm}
\setlength{\oddsidemargin} {-1cm}
\setlength{\evensidemargin} {-1cm}
\pagestyle{empty}
\usepackage[latin1]{inputenc}
\usepackage[french]{babel}
\usepackage{amsfonts, amsmath}
\usepackage{graphicx}
\usepackage{pstricks,pst-plot,pst-text,pst-tree}
\begin{document}
\renewcommand{\labelitemi}{$\bullet$}
\renewcommand{\labelitemii}{$\diamond$}
\noindent Devoir maison n°6 \hfill Pour le mercredi 23 mai 2012\\
\noindent {\bf Exercice 1 - Trois carrés}
Le côté de chaque carré mesure $2$ cm de plus que le précédent. L'aire de cette figure est $83$ cm\up{2}. Dessiner la figure en vraie grandeur, en expliquant au préalable comment calculer les mesures des côtés.
\medskip
\psset{xunit=0.3cm,yunit=0.3cm}
\begin{pspicture}(0,0)(12,6)
\psline(0,0)(12,0)(12,6)(6,6)(6,0)
\psline(6,4)(2,4)(2,0)
\psline(0,0)(0,2)(2,2)
\end{pspicture}
\vspace{.5cm}
\noindent {\bf Exercice 2 - Manipulations algébriques}
Factoriser, c'est transformer une somme en produit. Pour cela, on connaît essentiellement deux méthodes :
\begin{itemize}
\item Soit utiliser l'égalité $k(a+b)=ka+kb$ (également valable bien sûr avec plus de termes : $k(a+b+c) = ka+kb+kc$ etc.)
\item Soit utiliser une identité remarquable :
\begin{itemize}
\item $(a+b)^2 = a^2+2ab+b^2$
\item $(a-b)^2 = a^2-2ab+b^2$
\item $a^2 - b^2 = (a+b)(a-b)$
\end{itemize}
\end{itemize}
\medskip
\begin{enumerate}
\item Dans chacune des expressions suivantes, donner l'égalité utilisée pour factoriser. Donner le facteur commun $k$ s'il y en a un, puis donner le $a$, le $b$ (éventuellement le $c$), enfin factoriser l'expression et simplifier les facteurs.
\underline{Exemple :}
\begin{tabular}{|rcl|}
\hline
$Z(x)$ & $=$ & $(x+3)^2+(x+3)(2x-1)$\\
& $=$ & $\psframebox{(x+3)} ~ (x+3) ~ + \psframebox{(x+3)} ~ (2x-1)$\\
& $=$ & $(x+3)[(x+3) + (2x-1)]$\\
& $=$ & $(x+3)[3x+2]$\\
\multicolumn{3}{|l|}{Ainsi on a utilisé l'égalité $k(a+b) = ka + kb$.}\\
\multicolumn{3}{|l|}{On a reconnu le facteur commun $k = (x+3)$, ainsi que $a = (x+3)$ et $b = (2x-1)$.}\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\begin{itemize}
\item $A(x)=(2-x)(1-3x)+4x(1-3x)$
\item $B(x)=4x^2 - 9$
\item $C(x)=(9-x)(9+x)+(9+x)(2-x)$
\item $D(x)=x^2+2\sqrt{2}x+2$
\item $E(x)=(7+2x)^3 + (7+2x)(3-x) + 7+2x$
\end{itemize}
\textit{Indication} : Pour factoriser $E(x)$, on écrira proprement chaque terme de manière à bien faire apparaître le facteur commun multiplié par quelque chose à chaque fois.
\item Résoudre les équations $A(x)=0$ ; $B(x) = 0$ ; $C(x) = 0$ et $D(x) = 0$.
\end{enumerate}
\vspace{.5cm}
\noindent {\bf Exercice 3 - Le cryptogramme}
A chaque résultat, on associe la lettre correspondante dans l'alphabet (A=1 ; B=2 ; C=3... Z=26). On a séparé les lettres d'un mot crypté par des points virgules ci-après. Quel mot obtient-on (on détaillera les calculs) ?\\
$12 \times (\dfrac{3}{4} + \dfrac{1}{6})-2$ ;\hspace{.5cm} $2^2+3^2+1^2$ ;\hspace{.5cm} $2 + 2\sqrt{100}$ ;\hspace{.5cm} $\dfrac{3 \times 4 \times 7}{28} + \dfrac{28}{14}$ ;\hspace{.5cm} $(\dfrac{2}{5} + \dfrac{3}{4} + \dfrac{1}{10}) \times 20-7$ ;\hspace{.5cm} $3^3-2^3$ ;\hspace{.5cm} $3-4+5-6+7$.
\end{document}
|
https://ipm.ac.ir/papers/pdf/abs8102.tex | ipm.ac.ir | CC-MAIN-2023-14 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-14/segments/1679296943589.10/warc/CC-MAIN-20230321002050-20230321032050-00083.warc.gz | 395,683,428 | 1,071 | \documentclass[12pt]{article}
\usepackage{amsmath,amssymb,amsfonts}
\begin{document}
Motivated by the recent interest in quantization of black hole area spectrum, we consider the area spectrum of Schwarzschild, BTZ, extremal Reissner-Nordstr\"om, near extremal Schwarzschild-de Sitter, and Kerr black holes. Based on the proposal by Bekenstein and others that the black hole area spectrum is discrete and equally spaced, we implement Kunstatter's method to derive the area spectrum for these black holes. We show that although as Schwarzschild black hole the spectrum is discrete, it is non equispaced in general. In the other hand the reduced phase space quantization is another technique which we discuss here. However there is a discrepancy between the result of the reduced phase space methodology and quasinormal modes approach for area spectrum of some black holes.
\end{document}
|
https://doc.libelektra.org/api/0.8.21/latex/doc_tutorials_plugins_md.tex | libelektra.org | CC-MAIN-2022-40 | text/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-40/segments/1664030337853.66/warc/CC-MAIN-20221006155805-20221006185805-00258.warc.gz | 252,247,250 | 9,185 | This file serves as a tutorial on how to write a storage plugin. Storage plugins are used by Elektra in order to store data in the Elektra Key Database in an intelligent way. They act as a liaison between configuration files and the Key Database. Storage plugins are largely responsible for the functionality of Elektra and they allow many of its advanced features to work.
\subsection*{Basics}
First, there are a few basic points to understand about Elektra plugins. This first section will explain the basic layout of a plugin and what various methods exists within one.
\subsubsection*{The Interface}
All plug-\/ins use the same basic interface. This interface consists of five basic functions, \href{https://doc.libelektra.org/api/current/html/group__plugin.html#ga23c2eb3584e38a4d494eb8f91e5e3d8d}{\tt elektra\+Plugin\+Open}, \href{https://doc.libelektra.org/api/current/html/group__plugin.html#gacb69f3441c6d84241b4362f958fbe313}{\tt elektra\+Plugin\+Get}, \href{https://doc.libelektra.org/api/current/html/group__plugin.html#gae65781a1deb34efc79c8cb9d9174842c}{\tt elektra\+Plugin\+Set}, \href{https://doc.libelektra.org/api/current/html/group__plugin.html#gad74b35f558ac7c3262f6069c5c47dc79}{\tt elektra\+Plugin\+Error}, and \href{https://doc.libelektra.org/api/current/html/group__plugin.html#ga1236aefe5b2baf8b7bf636ba5aa9ea29}{\tt elektra\+Plugin\+Close}. The developer replaces {\ttfamily Plugin} with the name of their plugin. So in the case of the line plugin, the names of these functions would be {\ttfamily elektra\+Line\+Open()}, {\ttfamily elektra\+Line\+Get()}, {\ttfamily elektra\+Line\+Set()}, {\ttfamily elektra\+Line\+Error()}, and {\ttfamily elektra\+Line\+Close()}. Additionally, there is one more function called \href{https://doc.libelektra.org/api/current/html/group__plugin.html#ga8dd092048e972a3f0c9c9f54eb41576e}{\tt E\+L\+E\+K\+T\+R\+A\+\_\+\+P\+L\+U\+G\+I\+N\+\_\+\+E\+X\+P\+O\+RT}, where once again {\ttfamily Plugin} should be replaced with the name of the plug-\/in, this time in uppercase. So for my line plugin this function would be {\ttfamily E\+L\+E\+K\+T\+R\+A\+\_\+\+P\+L\+U\+G\+I\+N\+\_\+\+E\+X\+P\+O\+R\+T(line)}. The developer may define {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Check\+Conf()} if configuration validation at mount-\/time is desired.
The K\+DB relies on the first five functions for interacting with configuration files stored in the key database. Calls to {\ttfamily \hyperlink{group__kdb_ga28e385fd9cb7ccfe0b2f1ed2f62453a1}{kdb\+Get()}} and {\ttfamily \hyperlink{group__kdb_gadb54dc9fda17ee07deb9444df745c96f}{kdb\+Close()}} will call the functions {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Get()} and {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Close()} respectively for the plugin that was used to mount the configuration data. {\ttfamily \hyperlink{group__kdb_ga11436b058408f83d303ca5e996832bcf}{kdb\+Set()}} calls {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Set()} but also {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Error()} when an error occurs. {\ttfamily \hyperlink{elektra_2plugin_8c_a32a70a7876542c51d153164ac5108a57}{elektra\+Plugin\+Open()}} is called before the first call to {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Get()} or {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Set()}. These functions serve different purposes that allow the plug-\/in to work\+:
\begin{DoxyItemize}
\item {\ttfamily \hyperlink{elektra_2plugin_8c_a32a70a7876542c51d153164ac5108a57}{elektra\+Plugin\+Open()}} is designed to allow each plug-\/in to do initialization if necessary.
\item {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Get()} is designed to turn information from a configuration file into a usable {\ttfamily Key\+Set}, this is technically the only function that is {\bfseries required} in a plug-\/in.
\item {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Set()} is designed to store the information from the keyset back into a configuration file.
\item {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Error()} is designed to allow proper rollback of operations if needed and is called if any plugin fails during the set operation. This allows exception-\/safety.
\item {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Close()} is used to free resources that might be required for the plug-\/in.
\item {\ttfamily E\+L\+E\+K\+T\+R\+A\+\_\+\+P\+L\+U\+G\+I\+N\+\_\+\+E\+X\+P\+O\+R\+T(\+Plugin)} simply lets Elektra know that the plug-\/in exists and what the name of the above functions are.
\end{DoxyItemize}
Most simply put\+: most plug-\/ins consist of five major functions, {\ttfamily \hyperlink{elektra_2plugin_8c_a32a70a7876542c51d153164ac5108a57}{elektra\+Plugin\+Open()}}, {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Close()}, {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Get()}, {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Set()}, and {\ttfamily E\+L\+E\+K\+T\+R\+A\+\_\+\+E\+X\+P\+O\+R\+T\+\_\+\+P\+L\+U\+G\+I\+N(\+Plugin)}.
Because remembering all these functions can be cumbersome, we provide a skeleton plugin in order to easily create a new plugin. The skeleton plugin is called \char`\"{}template\char`\"{} and a new plugin can be created by calling the copy-\/template script . For example for my plugin I called {\ttfamily ../../scripts/copy-\/template line} from within the plugins directory. Afterwards two important things are left to be done\+:
\begin{DoxyItemize}
\item remove all functions (and their exports) from the plugin that are not needed. For example not every plugin actually makes use of the {\ttfamily \hyperlink{elektra_2plugin_8c_a32a70a7876542c51d153164ac5108a57}{elektra\+Plugin\+Open()}} function.
\item provide a basic contract as described above
\end{DoxyItemize}
After these two steps your plugin is ready to be compiled, installed and mounted for the first time. Have a look at \hyperlink{doc_tutorials_mount_md}{How-\/\+To\+: kdb mount}
\subsection*{Contract}
In Elektra, multiple plugins form a backend. If every plugin would do whatever it likes to do, there would be chaos and backends would be unpredictable.
To avoid this situation, plugins export a so called {\itshape contract}. In this contract the plugin states how nicely it will behave and what other plugins can depend on.
\subsubsection*{Writing a Contract}
Because the contracts also contain information for humans, these parts are written in a {\ttfamily R\+E\+A\+D\+M\+E.\+md} files of the plugins. To make the contracts machine-\/readable, the following C\+Make command exists\+:
\begin{DoxyCode}
generate\_readme(pluginname)
\end{DoxyCode}
It will generate a {\ttfamily readme\+\_\+plugginname.\+c} (in the build-\/directory) out of the R\+E\+A\+D\+M\+E.\+md of the plugin’s source directory.
But prefer to use
\begin{DoxyCode}
add\_plugin(pluginname)
\end{DoxyCode}
where the readme (among many other things) are already done for you. More details about how to write the {\ttfamily C\+Make\+Lists.\+txt} will be discussed later in the tutorial.
The {\ttfamily R\+E\+A\+D\+M\+E.\+md} will be used by\+:
\begin{DoxyItemize}
\item the build system ({\ttfamily -\/\+D\+P\+L\+U\+G\+I\+NS=}), e.\+g. to exclude experimental plugins ({\ttfamily infos/status})
\item the mount tool, e.\+g. to correctly place and order plugins
\item to know dependencies between plugin and what metadata they process
\end{DoxyItemize}
\subsubsection*{Content of {\ttfamily R\+E\+A\+D\+M\+E.\+md}}
The first lines must look like\+:
\begin{DoxyCode}
- infos = Information about YAJL plugin is in keys below
- infos/author = Markus Raab <[email protected]>
- infos/licence = BSD
- infos/needs =
- infos/provides = storage
- infos/placements = getstorage setstorage
- infos/recommends = rebase directoryvalue comment type
- infos/description = JSON using YAJL
\end{DoxyCode}
The information of these parts are limited to a single line. Only for the description an unlimited amount of lines can be used (until the end of the file).
For the meaning (semantics) of those entries, please refer to \href{/home/markus/Projekte/Elektra/current/doc/CONTRACT.ini}{\tt contract specification}.
The already said {\ttfamily generate\+\_\+readme} will produce a list of Keys using the information in {\ttfamily R\+E\+A\+D\+M\+E.\+md}. It would look like (for the third key)\+: \begin{DoxyVerb} keyNew ("system/elektra/modules/yajl/infos/licence",
KEY_VALUE, "BSD", KEY_END),
\end{DoxyVerb}
\subsection*{Including {\ttfamily readme\+\_\+pluginname.\+c}}
In your plugin, specifically in your {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Get()} implementation, you have to return the contract whenever configuration below {\ttfamily system/elektra/modules/plugin} is requested\+:
\begin{DoxyCode}
\textcolor{keywordflow}{if} (!strcmp (\hyperlink{group__keyname_ga8e805c726a60da921d3736cda7813513}{keyName}(parentKey), \textcolor{stringliteral}{"system/elektra/modules/plugin"}))
\{
KeySet *moduleConfig = elektraPluginContract();
\hyperlink{group__keyset_ga21eb9c3a14a604ee3a8bdc779232e7b7}{ksAppend}(returned, moduleConfig);
\hyperlink{group__keyset_ga27e5c16473b02a422238c8d970db7ac8}{ksDel}(moduleConfig);
\textcolor{keywordflow}{return} 1;
\}
\end{DoxyCode}
The {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Contract()} is a method implemented by the plug-\/in developer containing the parts of the contract not specified in {\ttfamily R\+E\+A\+D\+M\+E.\+md}. An example of this function (taken from the {\ttfamily yajl} plugin)\+:
\begin{DoxyCode}
\textcolor{keyword}{static} \textcolor{keyword}{inline} KeySet *elektraYajlContract()
\{
\textcolor{keywordflow}{return} \hyperlink{group__keyset_ga671e1aaee3ae9dc13b4834a4ddbd2c3c}{ksNew} (30,
\hyperlink{group__key_gad23c65b44bf48d773759e1f9a4d43b89}{keyNew} (\textcolor{stringliteral}{"system/elektra/modules/yajl"},
\hyperlink{group__key_gga91fb3178848bd682000958089abbaf40ac66e4a49d09212b79f5754ca6db5bd2e}{KEY\_VALUE}, \textcolor{stringliteral}{"yajl plugin waits for your orders"}, \hyperlink{group__key_gga91fb3178848bd682000958089abbaf40aa8adb6fcb92dec58fb19410eacfdd403}{KEY\_END}),
\hyperlink{group__key_gad23c65b44bf48d773759e1f9a4d43b89}{keyNew} (\textcolor{stringliteral}{"system/elektra/modules/yajl/exports"}, \hyperlink{group__key_gga91fb3178848bd682000958089abbaf40aa8adb6fcb92dec58fb19410eacfdd403}{KEY\_END}),
\hyperlink{group__key_gad23c65b44bf48d773759e1f9a4d43b89}{keyNew} (\textcolor{stringliteral}{"system/elektra/modules/yajl/exports/get"},
KEY\_FUNC, elektraYajlGet,
\hyperlink{group__key_gga91fb3178848bd682000958089abbaf40aa8adb6fcb92dec58fb19410eacfdd403}{KEY\_END}),
\hyperlink{group__key_gad23c65b44bf48d773759e1f9a4d43b89}{keyNew} (\textcolor{stringliteral}{"system/elektra/modules/yajl/exports/set"},
KEY\_FUNC, elektraYajlSet,
\hyperlink{group__key_gga91fb3178848bd682000958089abbaf40aa8adb6fcb92dec58fb19410eacfdd403}{KEY\_END}),
#include \textcolor{stringliteral}{"readme\_yourplugin.c"}
\hyperlink{group__key_gad23c65b44bf48d773759e1f9a4d43b89}{keyNew} (\textcolor{stringliteral}{"system/elektra/modules/yajl/infos/version"},
\hyperlink{group__key_gga91fb3178848bd682000958089abbaf40ac66e4a49d09212b79f5754ca6db5bd2e}{KEY\_VALUE}, PLUGINVERSION, \hyperlink{group__key_gga91fb3178848bd682000958089abbaf40aa8adb6fcb92dec58fb19410eacfdd403}{KEY\_END}),
\hyperlink{group__key_gad23c65b44bf48d773759e1f9a4d43b89}{keyNew} (\textcolor{stringliteral}{"system/elektra/modules/yajl/config"}, \hyperlink{group__key_gga91fb3178848bd682000958089abbaf40aa8adb6fcb92dec58fb19410eacfdd403}{KEY\_END}),
\hyperlink{group__key_gad23c65b44bf48d773759e1f9a4d43b89}{keyNew} (\textcolor{stringliteral}{"system/elektra/modules/yajl/config/"},
\hyperlink{group__key_gga91fb3178848bd682000958089abbaf40ac66e4a49d09212b79f5754ca6db5bd2e}{KEY\_VALUE}, \textcolor{stringliteral}{"system"},
\hyperlink{group__key_gga91fb3178848bd682000958089abbaf40aa8adb6fcb92dec58fb19410eacfdd403}{KEY\_END}),
\hyperlink{group__key_gad23c65b44bf48d773759e1f9a4d43b89}{keyNew} (\textcolor{stringliteral}{"system/elektra/modules/yajl/config/below"},
\hyperlink{group__key_gga91fb3178848bd682000958089abbaf40ac66e4a49d09212b79f5754ca6db5bd2e}{KEY\_VALUE}, \textcolor{stringliteral}{"user"},
\hyperlink{group__key_gga91fb3178848bd682000958089abbaf40aa8adb6fcb92dec58fb19410eacfdd403}{KEY\_END}),
\hyperlink{kdbenum_8c_a7a28fce3773b2c873c94ac80b8b4cd54}{KS\_END});
\}
\end{DoxyCode}
It basically only contains the symbols to be exported (these symbols depend on the functions the plugin provides) and the plugin version information that is always defined by the macro {\ttfamily P\+L\+U\+G\+I\+N\+V\+E\+R\+S\+I\+ON}.
As already said, {\ttfamily readme\+\_\+yourplugin.\+c} is generated in the binary directory, so make sure that your {\ttfamily C\+Make\+Lists.\+txt} contains (prefer to use {\ttfamily add\+\_\+plugin} where this is already done correctly)\+:
\begin{DoxyCode}
include\_directories ($\{CMAKE\_CURRENT\_BINARY\_DIR\})
\end{DoxyCode}
\subsection*{C\+Make}
For every plugin you have to write a {\ttfamily C\+Make\+Lists.\+txt}. If your plugin has no dependencies, you can skip this section. The full documentation of {\ttfamily add\+\_\+plugin} is available \href{/home/markus/Projekte/Elektra/current/cmake/Modules/LibAddPlugin.cmake}{\tt here}.
In order to understand how to write the {\ttfamily C\+Make\+Lists.\+txt}, you need to know that the same file is included multiple times for different reasons.
\begin{DoxyEnumerate}
\item The first time, only the name of plugins and directories are enquired. In this phase, only the {\ttfamily add\+\_\+plugin} should be executed.
\item The second time (if the plugin is actually requested), the {\ttfamily C\+Make\+Lists.\+txt} is used to detect if all dependencies are actually available.
\end{DoxyEnumerate}
This means that in the first time, only the {\ttfamily add\+\_\+plugin} should be executed and in the second time the detection code together with {\ttfamily add\+\_\+plugin}.
So that you can distinguish the first and second phase, the variable {\ttfamily D\+E\+P\+E\+N\+D\+E\+N\+C\+Y\+\_\+\+P\+H\+A\+SE} is set to {\ttfamily ON} iff you should search for all needed C\+Make packages. You should avoid to search for packages otherwise, because this would\+:
\begin{DoxyItemize}
\item clutter the output
\item introduce more variables into the {\ttfamily C\+Make\+Cache} which are irrelevant for the user
\item maybe even find libraries in wrong versions which are incompatible to what other plugins need
\end{DoxyItemize}
So usually you would have\+:
\begin{DoxyCode}
if (DEPENDENCY\_PHASE)
find\_package (LibXml2)
if (LIBXML2\_FOUND)
# add testdata, testcases...
else ()
remove\_plugin (xmltool "libxml2 not found")
endif ()
endif ()
\end{DoxyCode}
So if you are in the second phase ({\ttfamily D\+E\+P\+E\+N\+D\+E\+N\+C\+Y\+\_\+\+P\+H\+A\+SE}), you will search for all dependencies, in this case {\ttfamily Lib\+Xml2}. If all dependencies are satisfied, you add everything needed for the plugin, except the plugin itself. This happens after {\ttfamily endif ()}\+:
\begin{DoxyCode}
add\_plugin (xmltool
SOURCES
...
LINK\_LIBRARIES
$\{LIBXML2\_LIBRARIES\}
DEPENDENCIES
$\{LIBXML2\_FOUND\}
)
\end{DoxyCode}
Important is that you pass the information which packages are found as boolean. The plugin will actually be added iff all of the {\ttfamily D\+E\+P\+E\+N\+D\+E\+N\+C\+I\+ES} are true.
Note that no code should be outside of {\ttfamily if (D\+E\+P\+E\+N\+D\+E\+N\+C\+Y\+\_\+\+P\+H\+A\+SE)}. It would be executed twice otherwise. The only exception is {\ttfamily add\+\_\+plugin} which {\itshape must} be called twice to successfully add a plugin.
If your plugin makes use of \hyperlink{doc_tutorials_compilation-variants_md}{compilation variants} you should also read the information there.
\subsection*{Coding}
This section will focus on an overview of the kind of code you would use to develop a plugin. It gives examples from real plugins and should serve as a rough guide on how to write a storage plugin that can read and write configuration data into an Elektra {\ttfamily Key\+Set}.
\subsubsection*{{\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Get}}
{\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Get} is the function responsible for turning information from a file into a usable {\ttfamily Key\+Set}. This function usually differs pretty greatly between each plug-\/in. This function should be of type {\ttfamily int}, it returns either {\ttfamily 1} or on {\ttfamily 0} on success.
\begin{DoxyItemize}
\item {\ttfamily 1}\+: The function was successful ({\ttfamily E\+L\+E\+K\+T\+R\+A\+\_\+\+P\+L\+U\+G\+I\+N\+\_\+\+S\+T\+A\+T\+U\+S\+\_\+\+S\+U\+C\+C\+E\+SS}).
\item {\ttfamily 0}\+: The function was successful and the given keyset/configuration was {\bfseries not changed} ({\ttfamily E\+L\+E\+K\+T\+R\+A\+\_\+\+P\+L\+U\+G\+I\+N\+\_\+\+S\+T\+A\+T\+U\+S\+\_\+\+N\+O\+\_\+\+U\+P\+D\+A\+TE}).
\end{DoxyItemize}
Any other return value indicates an error ({\ttfamily E\+L\+E\+K\+T\+R\+A\+\_\+\+P\+L\+U\+G\+I\+N\+\_\+\+S\+T\+A\+T\+U\+S\+\_\+\+E\+R\+R\+OR}). The function will take in a {\ttfamily Key}, usually called {\ttfamily parent\+Key} which contains a string containing the path to the file that is mounted. For instance, if you run the command {\ttfamily kdb mount /etc/linetest system/linetest line} then {\ttfamily key\+String(parent\+Key)} should be equal to {\ttfamily /etc/linetest}. At this point, you generally want to open the file so you can begin saving it into keys. Here is the trickier part to explain. Basically, at this point you will want to iterate through the file and create keys and store string values inside of them according to what your plug-\/in is supposed to do. I will give a few examples of different plug-\/ins to better explain.
The line plug-\/in was written to read files into a {\ttfamily Key\+Set} line by line using the newline character as a delimiter and naming the keys by their line number such as {\ttfamily \#1}, {\ttfamily \#2}, .. {\ttfamily \#\+\_\+22} for a file with 22 lines. So once I open the file given by {\ttfamily parent\+Key}, every time as I read a line I create a new key, let\textquotesingle{}s call it {\ttfamily new\+\_\+key} using {\ttfamily dup\+Key(parent\+Key)}. Then I set {\ttfamily new\+\_\+key}\textquotesingle{}s name to {\ttfamily line\+NN} (where NN is the line number) using {\ttfamily key\+Add\+Base\+Name} and store the string value of the line into the key using {\ttfamily key\+Set\+String}. Once the key is initialized, I append it to the {\ttfamily Key\+Set} that was passed into the {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Get} function, let\textquotesingle{}s call it {\ttfamily returned} for now, using {\ttfamily ks\+Append\+Key(returned, new\+\_\+key)}. Now the {\ttfamily Key\+Set} will contain {\ttfamily new\+\_\+key} with the name {\ttfamily \#N} properly saved where it should be according to the {\ttfamily kdb mount} command (in this case, {\ttfamily system/linetest/\#N}), and a string value equal to the contents of that line in the file. The line plug-\/in repeats these steps as long as it hasn\textquotesingle{}t reached end of file, thus saving the whole file into a {\ttfamily Key\+Set} line by line.
The {\ttfamily simpleini} plug-\/in works similarly, but it parses for {\ttfamily ini} files instead of just line-\/by-\/line. At their most simple level, {\ttfamily ini} files are in the format of {\ttfamily name=value} with each pair taking one line. So for this plug-\/in, it makes a lot of sense to name each {\ttfamily Key} in the {\ttfamily Key\+Set} by the string to the left of the {\ttfamily =} sign and store the value into each key as a string. For instance, the name of the key would be {\ttfamily name} and {\ttfamily key\+Get\+String(name)} would return {\ttfamily value}.
As you may have noticed, {\ttfamily simpleini} and line plug-\/ins work very similarly. However, they just parse the files differently. The {\ttfamily simpleini} plug-\/in parses the file in a way that is more natural to {\ttfamily ini} file (setting the key\textquotesingle{}s name to the left side of the equals sign and the value to the right side of the equals sign). The {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Get} function is the heart of a storage plug-\/in, it’s what allows Elektra to store configurations in its database. This function isn\textquotesingle{}t just run when a file is first mounted, but whenever a file gets updated, this function is run to update the Elektra Key Database to match.
\subsubsection*{{\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Set}}
We also give a brief overview of the {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Set} function. This function is basically the opposite of {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Get}. Where {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Get} reads information from a file into the Elektra Key Database, {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Set} writes information from the database back into the mounted file.
First have a look at the signature of {\ttfamily elektra\+Line\+Set}\+:
\begin{DoxyCode}
\textcolor{keywordtype}{int} elektraLineSet(Plugin *handle ELEKTRA\_UNUSED, KeySet *toWrite, Key *parentKey);
\end{DoxyCode}
Lets start with the most important parameters, the {\ttfamily Key\+Set} and the {\ttfamily parent\+Key}. The {\ttfamily Key\+Set} supplied is the {\ttfamily Key\+Set} that is going to be persisted in the file. In our case it would contain the Keys representing the lines. The {\ttfamily parent\+Key} is the topmost {\ttfamily Key} of the {\ttfamily Key\+Set} and serves several purposes. First, it contains the filename of the destination file as its value. Second, errors and warnings can be emitted via the {\ttfamily parent\+Key}. We will discuss error handling in more detail later. The Plugin handle can be used to persist state information in a thread-\/safe way with {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Set\+Data}. As our plugin is not stateful and therefore does not use the handle, it is marked as unused in order to suppress compiler warnings.
Basically the implementation of {\ttfamily elektra\+Line\+Set} can be described with the following pseudocode\+:
\begin{DoxyCode}
\textcolor{comment}{// open the file}
\textcolor{keywordflow}{if} (error)
\{
\hyperlink{group__plugin_gaab1842b82272e6d4235b6a71587a64d9}{ELEKTRA\_SET\_ERROR}(74, parentKey, \hyperlink{group__keyvalue_ga880936f2481d28e6e2acbe7486a21d05}{keyString}(parentKey));
\}
\textcolor{keywordflow}{for} (\textcolor{comment}{/* each key */})
\{
\textcolor{comment}{// write the key value together with a newline}
\}
\textcolor{comment}{// close the file}
\end{DoxyCode}
The full-\/blown code can be found at \href{https://libelektra.org/tree/master/src/plugins/line/line.c}{\tt line plugin}.
As you can see, all {\ttfamily elektra\+Line\+Set} does is open a file, take each {\ttfamily Key} from the {\ttfamily Key\+Set} (remember they are named {\ttfamily \#1}, {\ttfamily \#2} ... {\ttfamily \#\+\_\+22}) in order, and write each key as its own line in the file. Since we don\textquotesingle{}t care about the name of the {\ttfamily Key} in this case (other than for order), we just write the value of {\ttfamily key\+String} for each {\ttfamily Key} as a new line in the file. That\textquotesingle{}s it. Now, each time the mounted {\ttfamily Key\+Set} is modified, {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Set} will be called and the mounted file will be updated.
\paragraph*{{\ttfamily E\+L\+E\+K\+T\+R\+A\+\_\+\+S\+E\+T\+\_\+\+E\+R\+R\+OR}}
We haven\textquotesingle{}t discussed {\ttfamily E\+L\+E\+K\+T\+R\+A\+\_\+\+S\+E\+T\+\_\+\+E\+R\+R\+OR} yet. Because Elektra is a library, printing errors to stderr wouldn\textquotesingle{}t be a good idea. Instead, errors and warnings can be appended to a key in the form of metadata. This is what {\ttfamily E\+L\+E\+K\+T\+R\+A\+\_\+\+S\+E\+T\+\_\+\+E\+R\+R\+OR} does. Because the parent\+Key always exists even if a critical error occurs, we append the error to the {\ttfamily parent\+Key}. The first parameter is an id specifying the general error that occurred. A listing of existing errors together with a short description and a categorization can be found at \href{https://github.com/ElektraInitiative/libelektra/blob/master/src/error/specification}{\tt error specification}. The third parameter can be used to provide additional information about the error. In our case we simply supply the filename of the file that caused the error. The kdb tools will interpret this error and print it in a pretty way. Notice that this can be used in any plugin function where the parent\+Key is available.
\subsubsection*{{\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Open} and {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Close}}
The {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Open} and {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Close} functions are not commonly used for storage plug-\/ins, but they can be useful and are worth reviewing. {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Open} function runs before {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Get} and is useful to do initialization if necessary for the plug-\/in. On the other hand {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Close} is run after other functions of the plug-\/in and can be useful for freeing up resources.
\subsubsection*{{\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Check\+Conf}}
The {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Check\+Conf} function may be used for validation of the plugin configuration during mount-\/time. The signature of the function is\+:
\begin{DoxyCode}
\textcolor{keywordtype}{int} elektraLineCheckConfig (Key * errorKey, KeySet * conf);
\end{DoxyCode}
The configuration of the plugin is provided as {\ttfamily conf}. The function may report an error or warnings using the {\ttfamily error\+Key} and the return value.
The following convention was established for the return value of {\ttfamily elektra\+Plugin\+Check\+Conf}\+:
\begin{DoxyItemize}
\item {\ttfamily 0}\+: The configuration was OK and has not been changed
\item {\ttfamily 1}\+: The configuration has been changed and now it is OK
\item {\ttfamily -\/1}\+: The configuration was not OK and could not be fixed. An error has to be set to error\+Key.
\end{DoxyItemize}
The following example demonstrates how to limit the length of the values within the plugin configuration to 3 characters.
\begin{DoxyCode}
\textcolor{keywordtype}{int} elektraLineCheckConfig (Key * errorKey, KeySet * conf)
\{
Key * cur;
\hyperlink{group__keyset_gabe793ff51f1728e3429c84a8a9086b70}{ksRewind} (conf);
\textcolor{keywordflow}{while} ((cur = \hyperlink{group__keyset_ga317321c9065b5a4b3e33fe1c399bcec9}{ksNext} (conf)) != 0)
\{
\textcolor{keyword}{const} \textcolor{keywordtype}{char} * value = \hyperlink{group__keyvalue_ga880936f2481d28e6e2acbe7486a21d05}{keyString} (cur);
\textcolor{keywordflow}{if} (strlen (value) > 3)
\{
\hyperlink{group__plugin_ga3e4fc2c20d8e64bed7a54bb1af882e34}{ELEKTRA\_SET\_ERRORF} (ELEKTRA\_ERROR\_VALUE\_LENGTH, errorKey,
\textcolor{stringliteral}{"value %s is more than 3 characters long"},
value);
\textcolor{keywordflow}{return} -1; \textcolor{comment}{// The configuration was not OK and could not be fixed}
\}
\}
\textcolor{keywordflow}{return} 0; \textcolor{comment}{// The configuration was OK and has not been changed}
\}
\end{DoxyCode}
\subsubsection*{{\ttfamily E\+L\+E\+K\+T\+R\+A\+\_\+\+P\+L\+U\+G\+I\+N\+\_\+\+E\+X\+P\+O\+RT}}
The last function, one that is always needed in a plug-\/in, is {\ttfamily E\+L\+E\+K\+T\+R\+A\+\_\+\+P\+L\+U\+G\+I\+N\+\_\+\+E\+X\+P\+O\+RT}. This functions is responsible for letting Elektra know that the plug-\/in exists and which methods it implements. The code from the line plugin is a good example and pretty self-\/explanatory\+:
\begin{DoxyCode}
Plugin *ELEKTRA\_PLUGIN\_EXPORT(line)
\{
\textcolor{keywordflow}{return} \hyperlink{group__plugin_ga8dd092048e972a3f0c9c9f54eb41576e}{elektraPluginExport}(\textcolor{stringliteral}{"line"},
\hyperlink{kdbplugin_8h_afed89ef026fb0622918a5de020de7814a3d5f4a887e68878f1cc3a75985194204}{ELEKTRA\_PLUGIN\_GET}, &elektraLineGet,
\hyperlink{kdbplugin_8h_afed89ef026fb0622918a5de020de7814a85c9545261cf0bcc932616e67ea3b70a}{ELEKTRA\_PLUGIN\_SET}, &elektraLineSet,
\hyperlink{kdbplugin_8h_afed89ef026fb0622918a5de020de7814a64a0bc789482284d9fd27ce974e0959a}{ELEKTRA\_PLUGIN\_END});
\}
\end{DoxyCode}
For further information see \href{https://doc.libelektra.org/api/current/html/group__plugin.html}{\tt the A\+PI documentation}. |
https://space.mit.edu/CXC/docs/ape_spec_4.08.tex | mit.edu | CC-MAIN-2019-04 | application/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-04/segments/1547583667907.49/warc/CC-MAIN-20190119115530-20190119141530-00586.warc.gz | 662,497,951 | 20,554 | %+
% Name:
% ape_spec_4.08.tex
%
% Processing:
% 1. Only have two options for processing (where appropriate):
% . doing something (e.g. CTI adjustment)
% . not doing something (e.g. no CTI adjustment)
% Do not have a ``copy'' option
% 2. Only error out where the wrong input will cause a subsequent failure
%
% Format of spec:
% 1. Concise, descriptive section titles
% 2. Nest ifs
% 3. Notation:
% - c_{} for constants
% - \Delta_{} for adjustments
% - \epsilon_{} for random numbers
% - h_{} for HDU
% - i for event no.
% - j for event island element
% - k for arbitrary vector element
% - r for row no.
%
% History:
% 2015 Mar 25, Multiplied the \Delta Y edser adjustment by timedel for cc
% mode in the section about pix_adj (v3.6), Glenn E. Allen
% 2015 Mar 25, Added more comments about what to do during bad time
% intervals to the section about time and chipy_adj (v3.7), GEA
% 2015 Mar 26, Added TIME_min and TIME_max and used them in 1.5.3.11(a)ii
% (v3.8), GEA
% 2015 Apr 01, Fixed a typo in the section about pha_ro (v3.9), GEA
% 2015 Apr 03, Fixed a typo in 1.5.3.14(a)v to change c'_{x}[j] to c'_{y}[j]
% (v3.10), GEA
% 2015 Apr 03, Removed chipy_adj = chipy from the pix_adj section (v3.11),
% GEA
% 2015 Apr 08, Added explicit comments about corners=0 to the section
% about pha (v3.12), GEA
% 2015 Apr 17, Changed the validation of badpixfile, added obs_mode
% (v3.20), GEA
% 2015 Apr 28, Fixed a sign error in the time-dependent gain section
% (v3.21), GEA
% 2015 May 08, Add the sub-pixel adjustment to chipy for cc mode (v3.22),
% GEA
% 2015 May 12, Fixed a problem with TIME_RO being 0 in the input file
% (v3.23), GEA
% 2015 May 20, Fixed a problem with the GTIs (v3.24), modified the sections
% about the tdet, det, and sky coordinates, GEA
% 2015 May 21, Changed the time/chipy_adj section about pointing cc mode
% with ACIS-I grating data to clarify what time should be compared to
% the gtis, changed the items about the tdet, det, and sky coordinates
% to separate the gratings and non-gratings cases (v3.25), GEA
% 2015 Jun 09, switch the initialization of chipy_zo_med, etc. and
% time_min, time_max, etc., check for chipy_tg = NaN on input, add an
% explicit note about what asol data and times to use during Level 1 and
% Level 1.5 processing, add gti and NULL/NaN to the tdet, det, sky, and
% sky_1d coordinates (v3.26), GEA
% 2015 Jun 20, fixed a problem with the conditions for a grating source
% event not in the gtis (v3.28), GEA
% 2015 Jun 28, added chipy_zo != null in the tdet, det, sky, and sky_1d
% sections (v3.29), GEA
% 2015 Jul 02, changed so that time_min and time_max are computed for all
% modes, changed a few chipy_tg=NaN to chipy_tg=NULL, and changed a few
% chipy_zo=NaN to chipy_zo=NULL (v3.30), GEA
% 2015 Jul 09, ??? (v3.31), GEA
% 2015 Jul 22, added fltfile error checking, made the time_min and
% time_max tests for the tdet, det, sky, and sky_1d coordinates
% conditional on the specification of acaofffile, made the gti tests for
% for the tdet, det, sky, and sky_1d coordinates conditional on the
% specification of the fltfile, (v3.32), GEA
% 2015 Jul 24, dropped chipy_zo_med, ra_c, dec_c, time_c, ra_adj_i,
% dec_adj_i, ra_adj_s, and dec_adj_s; added chipy_targ_med; added
% initialization of chipx_adj; added chipy_targ for every event; rewrote
% the computation of time/chipy_adj; modified the section about pix_adj;
% reordered the computation of the sky, sky_1d, det, and tdet coordinates;
% changed how these coordinates are computed (chipy_adj for tdet and
% detx, chipy_targ for sky and sky_1d); rewrote the section about the
% keyword time_adj (v3.33), GEA
% 2015 Aug 04, fixed a few typos in section 1.5.3.12(a)ii.A, .B, and .E
% (v3.34), GEA
% 2015 Aug 07, changed chipy_targ_med to chipy_targ_acaoff,med; changed
% chipy_targ to chipy_targ_evt; made the initialization of chipx_adj its
% own section; added the computation of chipy_targ_eff (v3.37), GEA
% 2015 Aug 14, hacked to deal with the inability of pix_chip_to_fpc to
% handle negative chipy values (v3.38), GEA
% 2015 Aug 15, fixed a typo (v3.39), GEA
% 2015 Aug 18, fixed chipy_adj for the case with t < t_min or t_max <= t so
% that is works for acis-i as well as acis-s (v3.40), GEA
% 2015 Aug 19, added conditions that energy > 0 and energy != NaN for the
% edser adjustment (v3.41), GEA
% 2015 Aug 20, fixed a typo by changing TGEVT to TGEVT1; removed a hack for
% off-chip sources; added a test that CONTENT != TGEVT1 to avoid resetting
% the NaNs and NULLs using times based upon chipy_tg instead of chipy_targ;
% dropped the fltfile (v3.42), GEA
% 2015 Aug 22, changed datamode to datamode_in in the places where it was
% just datamode, added tgaincor to the error checking section about the
% infile, modified the description of the computation of pha_ro (v4.00),
% GEA
% 2015 Aug 24, changed the error-checking conditions for ccdx, chipx, ccdy,
% trow, and chipy; changed the conditions used to set the values of chipx
% and chipy (v4.01), GEA
% 2015 Aug 25, changed the error-checking on the value of content in the
% acaofffile; changed the error-checking conditions for pix_adj=edser
% (v4.02), GEA
% 2015 Aug 26, fixed a problem with how the NULLs and NaNs are set after
% the second pass (v4.03), GEA
% 2015 Aug 27, changed the error-checking on the value of content in the
% alignmentfile (v4.04), GEA
% 2015 Aug 31, moved the section about time_ro to be immediately before
% the section about chipx_targ, chipy_targ, and chipy_targ_eff (v4.05),
% GEA
% 2015 Sep 09, changed behavior for stop if obs_mode != pointing (v4.06),
% GEA
% 2015 Dec 14, dropped chipyzo and updated the TBD items (v4.07), GEA
% 2016 Jan 05, change obsfile=NONE to obsfile=none, use OBS_MODE_in instead
% of OBS_MODE, change OBS_MODE=POINTING to OBS_MODE=pointing, change
% OBS_MODE=SECONDARY to OBS_MODE=secondary, change acaofffile=NONE to
% acaofffile=none (v4.08), GEA
%-
\documentclass{article}
\usepackage{/nfs/inconceivable/d0/src/latex/sty/cxo_memo_logo}
\usepackage{/nfs/inconceivable/d0/src/latex/sty/enumitem}
\usepackage{epsfig}
\usepackage{pstricks}
\newrgbcolor{blue}{0 0 1}
\newrgbcolor{red}{1 0 0}
\newcommand{\acaofffile}{{\tt acaofffile}}
\newcommand{\acisprocessevents}{{\tt acis\_\-process\_\-events}}
\newcommand{\alignmentfile}{{\tt alignmentfile}}
\newcommand{\applycti}{{\tt apply\_cti}}
\newcommand{\applytgain}{{\tt apply\_tgain}}
\newcommand{\badpixfile}{{\tt badpixfile}}
\newcommand{\calculatepi}{{\tt calculate\_pi}}
\newcommand{\cbd}{{\tt CBD10001}}
\newcommand{\ccdid}{{\tt CCD\_ID}}
\newcommand{\ccdx}{{\tt CCDX}}
\newcommand{\ccdy}{{\tt CCDY}}
\newcommand{\ccnm}{{\tt CCNM0001}}
\newcommand{\checkvfpha}{{\tt check\_vf\_pha}}
\newcommand{\chipx}{{\tt CHIPX}}
\newcommand{\chipxadj}{{\tt CHIPX\_ADJ}}
\newcommand{\chipxhi}{{\tt CHIPX\_HI}}
\newcommand{\chipxlo}{{\tt CHIPX\_LO}}
\newcommand{\chipxmax}{{\tt CHIPX\_MAX}}
\newcommand{\chipxmin}{{\tt CHIPX\_MIN}}
\newcommand{\chipxoffset}{{\tt CHIPX\_OFFSET}}
\newcommand{\chipxtarg}{{\tt CHIPX\_TARG}}
\newcommand{\chipy}{{\tt CHIPY}}
\newcommand{\chipyadj}{{\tt CHIPY\_ADJ}}
\newcommand{\chipyhi}{{\tt CHIPY\_HI}}
\newcommand{\chipylo}{{\tt CHIPY\_LO}}
\newcommand{\chipymax}{{\tt CHIPY\_MAX}}
\newcommand{\chipymin}{{\tt CHIPY\_MIN}}
\newcommand{\chipyoffset}{{\tt CHIPY\_OFFSET}}
\newcommand{\chipytarg}{{\tt CHIPY\_TARG}}
\newcommand{\chipytg}{{\tt CHIPY\_TG}}
\newcommand{\clobber}{{\tt clobber}}
\newcommand{\content}{{\tt CONTENT}}
\newcommand{\corners}{{\tt CORNERS}}
\newcommand{\cornpha}{{\tt CORN\_PHA}}
\newcommand{\cticonverge}{{\tt cticonverge}}
\newcommand{\ctifile}{{\tt ctifile}}
\newcommand{\datamode}{{\tt DATAMODE}}
\newcommand{\dec}{{\tt DEC}}
\newcommand{\decnom}{{\tt DEC\_NOM}}
\newcommand{\decpnt}{{\tt DEC\_PNT}}
\newcommand{\dectarg}{{\tt DEC\_TARG}}
\newcommand{\deltpha}{{\tt DELTPHA}}
\newcommand{\detx}{{\tt DETX}}
\newcommand{\dety}{{\tt DETY}}
\newcommand{\doevtgrade}{{\tt doevtgrade}}
\newcommand{\dtheta}{{\tt DTHETA}}
\newcommand{\dy}{{\tt DY}}
\newcommand{\dz}{{\tt DZ}}
\newcommand{\energy}{{\tt ENERGY}}
\newcommand{\epoch}{{\tt EPOCH}}
\newcommand{\eventdef}{{\tt eventdef}}
\newcommand{\expno}{{\tt EXPNO}}
\newcommand{\fltgrade}{{\tt FLTGRADE}}
\newcommand{\fptemp}{{\tt FP\_TEMP}}
\newcommand{\frctrlx}{{\tt FRCTRLX}}
\newcommand{\frctrly}{{\tt FRCTRLY}}
\newcommand{\gainfile}{{\tt gainfile}}
\newcommand{\geompar}{{\tt geompar}}
\newcommand{\grade}{{\tt GRADE}}
\newcommand{\gradefile}{{\tt gradefile}}
\newcommand{\infile}{{\tt infile}}
\newcommand{\maxctiiter}{{\tt max\_cti\_iter}}
\newcommand{\mtlfile}{{\tt mtlfile}}
\newcommand{\nodeid}{{\tt NODE\_ID}}
\newcommand{\npoints}{{\tt NPOINTS}}
\newcommand{\obsfile}{{\tt obsfile}}
\newcommand{\obsmode}{{\tt OBS\_MODE}}
\newcommand{\outfile}{{\tt outfile}}
\newcommand{\pha}{{\tt PHA}}
\newcommand{\pharo}{{\tt PHA\_RO}}
\newcommand{\phas}{{\tt PHAS}}
\newcommand{\phasadj}{{\tt PHAS\_ADJ}}
\newcommand{\pibinwidth}{{\tt pi\_bin\_width}}
\newcommand{\pinumbins}{{\tt pi\_num\_bins}}
\newcommand{\pinv}{{\tt PI}}
\newcommand{\pixadj}{{\tt pix\_adj}}
\newcommand{\pixadjkey}{{\tt PIX\_ADJ}}
\newcommand{\randpha}{{\tt rand\_pha}}
\newcommand{\ra}{{\tt RA}}
\newcommand{\randsky}{{\tt RAND\_SKY}}
\newcommand{\ranom}{{\tt RA\_NOM}}
\newcommand{\rapnt}{{\tt RA\_PNT}}
\newcommand{\ratarg}{{\tt RA\_TARG}}
\newcommand{\roll}{{\tt ROLL}}
\newcommand{\simy}{{\tt SIM\_Y}}
\newcommand{\simz}{{\tt SIM\_Z}}
\newcommand{\skyoned}{{\tt SKY\_1D}}
\newcommand{\start}{{\tt START}}
\newcommand{\status}{{\tt STATUS}}
\newcommand{\stp}{{\tt stop}}
\newcommand{\subpixfile}{{\tt subpixfile}}
\newcommand{\tctix}{{\tt TCTIX}}
\newcommand{\tctiy}{{\tt TCTIY}}
\newcommand{\tdetx}{{\tt TDETX}}
\newcommand{\tdety}{{\tt TDETY}}
\newcommand{\tgaincor}{{\tt TGAINCOR}}
\newcommand{\tgainfile}{{\tt tgainfile}}
\newcommand{\tgm}{{\tt TG\_M}}
\newcommand{\threshfile}{{\tt threshfile}}
\newcommand{\tim}{{\tt TIME}}
\newcommand{\timeadj}{{\tt TIME\_ADJ}}
\newcommand{\timedel}{{\tt TIMEDEL}}
\newcommand{\timepixr}{{\tt TIMEPIXR}}
\newcommand{\timero}{{\tt TIME\_RO}}
\newcommand{\timestop}{{\tt TIME\_STOP}}
\newcommand{\trow}{{\tt TROW}}
\newcommand{\tstart}{{\tt TSTART}}
\newcommand{\volumex}{{\tt VOLUME\_X}}
\newcommand{\volumey}{{\tt VOLUME\_Y}}
\newcommand{\x}{{\tt X}}
\newcommand{\y}{{\tt Y}}
\renewcommand*{\thefootnote}{\fnsymbol{footnote}}
\setcounter{secnumdepth}{5}
\begin{document}
% 1. Header
\memobasic{
Jonathan McDowell, SDS Group Leader }{
Glenn E.\ Allen, SDS }{
\acisprocessevents\ spec }{
4.08 }{
http://space.mit.edu/CXC/docs/docs.html\#ape }{
/nfs/inconceivable/d0/sds/specs/acis\_process\_events/ape\_spec\_4.08.tex }
% 2. Tool name
\section{\acisprocessevents}
This spec, which is incomplete, describes some of processing steps for
continuous-clocking mode data.
% 3. Description
\subsection{ Description }
% 4. Input
\subsection{ Input }
% 5. Output
\subsection{ Output }
% 6. Parameters
\subsection{ Parameters }
% 7. Processing
\subsection{ Processing }
\subsubsection{ Error checking }
The following steps are performed once prior to the processing of the data
for each input ACIS event.
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{\obsfile}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Validation}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
{ \red
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsfile & = & {\rm NONE},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \obsfile\ is changed to ``none''.
}
\item
{Existence}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsfile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and the \obsfile\ does not exist, then \obsfile\ is changed to
``none'' and \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message.
\item
{Permission}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsfile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and the file permissions do not allow the \obsfile\ to be read,
then \obsfile\ is changed to ``none'' and \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message.
\item
{\obsmode}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsfile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
{ \red
\item
%
If the \obsfile\ does not include the keyword \obsmode, then
${\obsmode}_{\rm in}$ is set to ``none''.
\item
%
If the \obsfile\ includes the keyword \obsmode\ then
${\obsmode}_{\rm in}$ is set to \obsmode.
\item
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm POINTING},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then ${\obsmode}_{\rm in}$ is set to ``pointing''.
\item
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm SECONDARY},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then ${\obsmode}_{\rm in}$ is set to ``secondary''.
\item
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & \ne & {\rm none\ and} \\
\obsmode_{\rm in} & \ne & {\rm pointing\ and} \\
\obsmode_{\rm in} & \ne & {\rm secondary},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then $\obsmode_{\rm in}$ is set to ``none'' and
\acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message.
}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\acaofffile}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Validation}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm pointing},
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
{ \red
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & = & {\rm NONE},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acaofffile\ is set to ``none.''
\item
{Setting}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & = & {\rm none},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message.
}
\item
{Existence}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
and the \acaofffile\ does not exist, then \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning and \acaofffile\ is set to ``none.''
\item
{Permission}: \\
%
If the \acaofffile\ exists and the file permissions do not allow
it to be read, then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning
message and \acaofffile\ is set to ``none.''
\item
{\content}: \\
%
If the \acaofffile\ does not have an HDU $h_{\rm acaoff}$ with
the keyword
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content & = & {\rm ASPSOL\ or} \\
\content & = & {\rm OBCSOL},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message and
\acaofffile\ is set to ``none.''
\item
{Keyword}: \\
%
If HDU $h_{\rm acaoff}$ of the \acaofffile\ does not include the
keyword \tstart, then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning
message and \acaofffile\ is set to ``none.''
\item
{Columns}: \\
%
If HDU $h_{\rm acaoff}$ of the \acaofffile\ does not include the
columns \tim, \ra, \dec, and \roll\ then \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message and \acaofffile\ is set to ``none.''
Hereafter, these columns are referred to as $\tim_{\rm acaoff}$,
$\ra_{\rm acaoff}$, $\dec_{\rm acaoff}$, and $\roll_{\rm
acaoff}$.
\item
{Sequential}: \\
%
If more than one valid \acaofffile\ is specified and the the
values \tstart\ are not in increasing order, then
\acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message and \acaofffile\
is set to ``none.''
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\alignmentfile}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Validation}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm pointing},
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
{ \red
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\alignmentfile & = & {\rm NONE},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \alignmentfile\ is changed to ``none.''
}
\item
{Setting}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\alignmentfile & = & {\rm none},
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message.
\item
{Existence}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\alignmentfile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and the \alignmentfile\ does not exist, then \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message and \alignmentfile\ is set to
``none.''.
\item
{Permission}: \\
%
If the \alignmentfile\ exists and the file permissions do not
allow it to be read, then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning
message and \alignmentfile\ is set to ``none.''.
\item
{\content}: \\
%
If the \alignmentfile\ does not have an HDU $h_{\rm alignment}$
with the keyword
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content & = & {\rm ASPSOL\ or} \\
\content & = & {\rm OBCSOL},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message and
\alignmentfile\ is set to ``none.''.
\item
{Keyword}: \\
%
If HDU $h_{\rm alignment}$ of the \alignmentfile\ does not
include the keyword \tstart, then \acisprocessevents\ produces a
warning message and \alignmentfile\ is set to ``none.''.
\item
{Columns}: \\
%
If HDU $h_{\rm alignment}$ of the \alignmentfile\ does not
include the columns \dy, \dz, and \dtheta\ then
\acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message and
\alignmentfile\ is set to ``none.''.
\item
{Sequential}: \\
%
If more than one valid \alignmentfile\ is specified and the
values \tstart\ are not in increasing order, then
\acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message and
\alignmentfile\ is set to ``none.''.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\infile}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Existence}: \\
%
If the \infile\ does not exist, then \acisprocessevents\ exits with
an error message.
\item
{Permission}: \\
%
If the \infile\ exists and the file permissions do not allow it to
be read, then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message.
\item
{Validation}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{ \red
{\obsmode}: \\
%
If $\obsmode_{\rm in} = {\rm none}$ and HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the
\infile\ includes the keyword \obsmode, then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
%
$\obsmode_{\rm in}$ is set to \obsmode.
\item
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm POINTING},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then ${\obsmode}_{\rm in}$ is set to ``pointing''.
\item
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm SECONDARY},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then ${\obsmode}_{\rm in}$ is set to ``secondary''.
\item
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & \ne & {\rm none\ and} \\
\obsmode_{\rm in} & \ne & {\rm pointing\ and} \\
\obsmode_{\rm in} & \ne & {\rm secondary},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then $\obsmode_{\rm in}$ is set to ``none'' and
\acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message.
\end{enumerate}
}
\item
{\datamode}: \\
%
The \datamode\ is read from the HDU $h_{\rm in}$ keyword of the
same name. If the HDU $h_{\rm in}$ does not include the keyword
\datamode\ or if
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode & \ne & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm and} \\
\datamode & \ne & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}\ {\rm and} \\
\datamode & \ne & {\rm FAINT}\ {\rm and} \\
\datamode & \ne & {\rm FAINT\_BIAS}\ {\rm and} \\
\datamode & \ne & {\rm GRADED}\ {\rm and} \\
\datamode & \ne & {\rm VFAINT},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message. Hereafter,
the value of this keyword is referred to as $\datamode_{\rm
in}$.
\item
{\content}: \\
%
If the \infile\ does not have an HDU $h_{\rm in}$ with the keyword
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content & = & {\rm EVT0\ or} \\
\content & = & {\rm EVT1\ or} \\
\content & = & {\rm TGEVT1\ or} \\
\content & = & {\rm EVT2},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message. Hereafter,
the value of this keyword is referred to as $\content_{\rm in}$.
\item
{\tim}: \\
%
If HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the column
\tim, then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message.
Hereafter, this column is referred to as $\tim_{\rm in}$.
\item
{\timero}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT1}\ {\rm or} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm TGEVT1}\ {\rm or} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT2}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the column
\timero, then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message.
Hereafter, this column is referred to as $\timero_{\rm in}$.
\item
{\expno}: \\
%
If HDU $h_{\rm in}$ the \infile\ does not include the column
\expno, then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message.
Hereafter, this column is referred to as $\expno_{\rm in}$.
\item
{\ccdid}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT0}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the
keyword \ccdid, then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error
message. Hereafter, this keyword is referred to as
$\ccdid_{\rm in}$.
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT1}\ {\rm or} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm TGEVT1}\ {\rm or} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT2}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the
column \ccdid, then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error
message. Hereafter, this column is referred to as
$\ccdid_{\rm in}$.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\ccdx}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT0}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the
column \ccdx\ and does not include the column \chipx, then
\acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message. Hereafter,
these columns are referred to as $\ccdx_{\rm in}$ and
$\chipx_{\rm in}$, respectively.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\chipx}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT1}\ {\rm or} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm TGEVT1}\ {\rm or} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT2}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the
column \chipx, then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error
message. Hereafter, this column is referred to as
$\chipx_{\rm in}$.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\ccdy}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT0}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT\_BIAS}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm GRADED}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm VFAINT}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the
column \ccdy\ and does not include the column \chipy, then
\acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message. Hereafter,
these columns are referred to as $\ccdy_{\rm in}$ and
$\chipy_{\rm in}$, respectively.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\trow}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT0}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the
column \trow\ and does not include the column \chipy, then
\acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message. Hereafter,
these columns are referred to as $\trow_{\rm in}$ and
$\chipy_{\rm in}$, respectively.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\chipy}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT1}\ {\rm or} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm TGEVT1}\ {\rm or} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT2}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the
column \chipy, then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error
message. Hereafter, this column is referred to as
$\chipy_{\rm in}$.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\timedel}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the
keyword \timedel, then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error
message. Hereafter this keyword is referred to as $\timedel_{\rm
in}$.
\item
{\ratarg, \dectarg, \ranom, \decnom, \rapnt, \decpnt, \chipytg,
and \tgm}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm pointing}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{\ratarg, \dectarg, \ranom, \decnom, \rapnt, \decpnt}: \\
%
If HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the
keywords \ratarg, \dectarg, \ranom, \decnom, \rapnt, and
\decpnt, then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error
message. Hereafter these keywords are referred to as
$\ratarg_{\rm in}$, $\dectarg_{\rm in}$, $\ranom_{\rm in}$,
$\decnom_{\rm in}$, $\rapnt_{\rm in}$, and $\decpnt_{\rm
in}$, respectively.
\item
{\chipytg\ and \tgm}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm TGEVT1}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the
columns \chipytg and \tgm, then \acisprocessevents\ exits
with an error message. Hereafter these columns are referred
to as $\chipytg_{\rm in}$ and $\tgm_{\rm in}$, respectively.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\tgaincor}: \\
%
If HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ does not include the keyword
\tgaincor, then this keyword is set to zero {\red{(i.e.
FALSE)}}. Hereafter, this keyword is referred to as
$\tgaincor_{\rm in}$.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\stp}:
%
% Must be before \acaofffile, \alignmentfile, and \pixadj
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Lowercase}: \\
%
The parameter string is converted to contain only lower case
letters.
\item
{Validation}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Setting}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\stp & \ne & {\rm none}\ {\rm and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm chip}\ {\rm and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm tdet}\ {\rm and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm det}\ {\rm and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm tan}\ {\rm and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm sky},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \stp\ is changed to ``none'' and \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message.
\item
{\obsmode}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & \ne & {\rm pointing\ and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm none}\ {\rm and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm chip}\ {\rm and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm tdet},
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
then \stp\ is changed to ``tdet'' and \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message.
\item
{\acaofffile}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm pointing\ and} \\
\acaofffile & = & {\rm none\ and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm none}\ {\rm and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm chip}\ {\rm and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm tdet},
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message and \stp\ is
changed to ``none.''
\item
{\alignmentfile}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm pointing\ and} \\
\alignmentfile & = & {\rm none\ and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm none}\ {\rm and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm chip}\ {\rm and} \\
\stp & \ne & {\rm tdet},
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message and \stp\ is
changed to ``none.''
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\doevtgrade}:
%
% Must be above apply_cti
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Lowercase}: \\
%
The parameter string is converted to contain only lower case letters.
\item
{Validation}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\doevtgrade & \ne & {\rm yes}\ {\rm and} \\
\doevtgrade & \ne & {\rm no},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\applycti}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Lowercase}: \\
%
The parameter string is converted to contain only lower case letters.
\item
{Validation}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Setting}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\applycti & \ne & {\rm yes}\ {\rm and} \\
\applycti & \ne & {\rm no},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message.
\item
{\phas}: \\
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\applycti & = & {\rm yes}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and the \infile\ does not include the column \phas, then
\applycti\ is changed to ``no'' and \acisprocessevents\ produces
a warning message.
\item
{\doevtgrade}: \\
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\applycti & = & {\rm yes}\ {\rm and} \\
\doevtgrade & = & {\rm no},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \applycti\ is changed to ``no'' and \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\badpixfile}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Validation}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
{ \red
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\badpixfile & = & {\rm NONE},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \badpixfile\ is changed to ``none.''
}
\item
{Existence}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\badpixfile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
and the \badpixfile\ does not exist, then \badpixfile\ is
changed to ``none'' and \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning
message.
\item
{Permission}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\badpixfile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
and the file permissions do not allow it to be read, then
\badpixfile\ is changed to ``none'' and \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message.
\item
{\content}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\badpixfile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
and the \badpixfile\ does not have one or more HDUs $h_{\rm
badpix}$ with the keyword
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content & = & {\rm BADPIX}\ {\rm or} \\
\content & = & {\rm CDB\_ACIS\_BADPIX},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \badpixfile\ is changed to ``none'' and \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message.
\item
{Keyword}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\badpixfile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
and the HDU(s) $h_{\rm badpix}$ of the \badpixfile\ do not
include the keyword \ccdid, then \badpixfile\ is changed to
``none'' and \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message.
Hereafter this keyword is referred to as $\ccdid_{\rm badpix}$.
\item
{Columns}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\badpixfile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
and the HDU(s) $h_{\rm badpix}$ of the \badpixfile\ do not
include the columns \chipx, \chipy, \tim, \timestop, and
\status, then \badpixfile\ is changed to ``none'' and
\acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message. Hereafter these
columns are referred to as $\chipx_{\rm badpix}$, $\chipy_{\rm
badpix}$, $\tim_{\rm badpix}$, $\timestop_{\rm badpix}$, and
$\status_{\rm badpix}$, respectively.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\ctifile}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Validation}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ctifile & \ne & {\rm caldb\ and} \\
\ctifile & \ne & {\rm CALDB},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Existence}: \\
%
If the \ctifile\ does not exist, then \applycti\ is changed to
``no'' and \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message.
\item
{Permission}: \\
%
If the \ctifile\ exists and the file permissions do not allow it
to be read, then \applycti\ is changed to ``no'' and
\acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message.
\item
{\content}: \\
%
If the \ctifile\ does not have one or more HDUs $h_{\rm cti}$
with the keyword
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content & = & {\rm CDB\_ACIS\_CTI},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \applycti\ is changed to ``no'' and \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message.
\item
{Columns}: \\
%
If the first such HDU of the \ctifile\ does not include the
columns \ccdid, \chipxlo, \chipxhi, \chipylo, \chipyhi, \pha,
\volumex, \volumey, \frctrlx, \frctrly, \tctix, and \tctiy, then
\applycti\ is changed to ``no'' and \acisprocessevents\ produces
a warning message.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\clobber}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Lowercase}: \\
%
The parameter string is converted to contain only lower case letters.
\item
{Validation}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Setting}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\clobber & \ne & {\rm yes}\ {\rm and} \\
\clobber & \ne & {\rm no},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \clobber\ is changed to ``no'' and \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message.
\item
{Permission}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\clobber & = & {\rm yes}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and the \outfile\ exists and the file permissions of the
\outfile\ do not allow it to be overwritten, then
\acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message.
\item
{Don't overwrite}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\clobber & = & {\rm no}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and the \outfile\ exists, then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an
error message.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\pixadj}:
%
% Must be before \subpixfile
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Lowercase}: \\
%
The parameter string is converted to contain only lower case
letters.
\item
{Validation}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Setting}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & \ne & {\rm centroid}\ {\rm and} \\
\pixadj & \ne & {\rm edser}\ {\rm and} \\
\pixadj & \ne & {\rm none}\ {\rm and} \\
\pixadj & \ne & {\rm randomize},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \pixadj\ is changed to ``none'' and \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message.
\item
{\obsmode}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & \ne & {\rm pointing\ and} \\
\pixadj & \ne & {\rm none},
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
then \pixadj\ is changed to ``none'' and \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message.
\item
{\stp}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm centroid}\ {\rm or} \\
\pixadj & = & {\rm edser}\ {\rm or} \\
\pixadj & = & {\rm randomize}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\stp & \ne & {\rm sky},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \pixadj\ is changed to ``none'' and \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message.
\item
{\phas}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm centroid}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and the \infile\ does not include the column \phas, then
\pixadj\ is changed to ``none'' and \acisprocessevents\ produces
a warning message.
\item
{\fltgrade}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm edser}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode & = & {\rm GRADED}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and the \infile\ does not include the column \fltgrade, then
\pixadj\ is changed to ``none'' and \acisprocessevents\ produces
a warning message.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\subpixfile}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm edser},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Existence}: \\
%
If the \subpixfile\ does not exist, then \pixadj\ is changed to
``none'' and \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message.
\item
{Permission}: \\
%
If the \subpixfile\ exists and the file permissions do not allow
it to be read, then \pixadj\ is changed to ``none'' and
\acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message.
\item
{Validation}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{\content}: \\
%
If the \subpixfile\ does not have one or more HDUs $h_{\rm
subpix}$ with the keyword
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content & = & {\rm AXAF\_SUBPIX},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \pixadj\ is changed to ``none'' and \acisprocessevents\
produces a warning message.
\item
{Keyword}: \\
%
If the HDUs $h_{\rm subpix}$ of the \subpixfile\ do not
include the keyword \ccdid, then \pixadj\ is changed to
``none'' and \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message.
\item
{Columns}: \\
%
If the HDUs $h_{\rm subpix}$ of the \subpixfile\ do not
include binary tables with the columns \fltgrade, \npoints,
\energy, \chipxoffset, and \chipyoffset, then \pixadj\ is
changed to ``none'' and \acisprocessevents\ produces a
warning message. Hereafter these columns are referred to as
$\fltgrade_{\rm subpix}$, $\npoints_{\rm subpix}$,
$\energy_{\rm subpix}$, $\chipxoffset_{\rm subpix}$, and
$\chipyoffset_{\rm subpix}$, respectively.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\subsubsection{ Initializations }
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Focal-point CCD}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm pointing}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then the values of $\rapnt_{\rm in}$ and $\decpnt_{\rm in}$ are used to
determine the \ccdid\ associated with the focal point. Hereafter this
value is referred to as $\ccdid_{\rm focus}$.%
%
\footnote{The focal point is the location associated with the optical
axis in the absence of dither. This location should not be confused
with the aim point, which is the location illuminated by an undithered
point source provided that the source is not offset from the target
location.}
\item
{\acaofffile}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm pointing}\ {\rm and} \\
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none\ and} \\
\alignmentfile & \ne & {\rm none},
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
$\tim_{\rm min}$ and $\tim_{\rm max}$: \\
%
The \acaofffile\ data are processed to determine the earliest and
latest times for which there is aspect information:
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim_{\rm min} & = &
{\rm min} \left( \tim_{\rm acaoff} \right)\ {\rm and} \\
\tim_{\rm max} & = &
{\rm max} \left( \tim_{\rm acaoff} \right).
\end{eqnarray}
\item
$\chipxtarg_{\rm acaoff,med}$, $\chipytarg_{\rm acaoff,med}$: \\
%
The values of $\chipxtarg_{\rm acaoff}$ and $\chipytarg_{\rm
acaoff}$ are computed from the values of \ratarg\ and \dectarg\
using the orientation of the telescope (i.e.\ \ra, \dec, and \roll)
and the orientation of the SIM (i.e.\ \dy, \dz, and \dtheta) and the
{\tim}s in the \acaofffile. The values of $\chipxtarg_{\rm acaoff}$
and $\chipytarg_{\rm acaoff}$ are processed to obtain the median
values:
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipxtarg_{\rm acaoff,med} & = & {\rm median} ( \chipxtarg_{\rm
acaoff} )\ {\rm and} \\
\chipytarg_{\rm acaoff,med} & = & {\rm median} ( \chipytarg_{\rm
acaoff} ).
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\subsubsection{ Loop over events }
\label{loop}
The following steps are performed, in sequence, for each event.
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{\status}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Exists}: \\
%
If HDU $h_{\rm in}$ of the \infile\ includes a 32-bit column named
\status, then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
The values of the bits for an event are read from the \infile.
\item
%
% Unset all of these bits.
% Bits 1, 2, 3, and 14 will be reset if appropriate.
% Bits 4, 5, and 16-19 will be reset if the badpixfile is
% specified. If badpixfile=none, then they should stay unset.
% Bit 23 will be reset if appropriate provided check_vf_pha=yes.
% If check_vf_pha=no, then they should stay unset.
%
The value of $\status[k]$ is set to zero for bits $k = 1$--5,
14, 16--19, and 23 (of 0--31), bits that can be set by
\acisprocessevents.
\item
%
% Bits 20 can be reset only if doevtgrade=yes. If apply_cti=no,
% then they should stay unset.
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\doevtgrade & = & {\rm yes},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then the value of $\status[20]$, the other bit that can be set
by \acisprocessevents, is set to zero.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{Does not exist}: \\
%
If HDU $h_{\rm in}$ does not include a 32-bit column named \status,
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
A set of 32 bits are allocated for the event.
\item
The values of the 32 bits are initialized to zero.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\expno}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Read}: \\
%
The value of \expno\ for an event is given by $\expno_{\rm in}$.
\item
{Validation}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\expno & < & 0\ {\rm or} \\
\expno & \ge & 10^{8},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning upon completion with a
count of the total number of events for which one or the other of
these conditions is true. These values should not occur.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\ccdid}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Read}: \\
%
The value of \ccdid\ for an event is given by $\ccdid_{\rm in}$.
\item
{Validation}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid & < & 0\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid & > & 9,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message because
\ccdid-dependent computations could fail if the value of \ccdid\ is
unphysical.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\chipx}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Read}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If the \infile\ includes the column \chipx, then the value of
\chipx\ for an event is given by
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipx & = & \chipx_{\rm in}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If the \infile\ does not include the column \chipx, then the
value of \chipx\ for an event is given by
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipx & = & \ccdx_{\rm in} + 1.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{Validation}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Unphysical}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipx & < & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\chipx & > & 1024,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message because
\chipx-dependent computations could fail if the value of \chipx\
is unphysical.
\item
{Unexpected}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipx & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\chipx & = & 1024,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning upon completion with
a count of the total number of events for which one or the other
of these conditions is true. Although these values are not
unphysical, they should not occur.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\chipxadj}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Initialize}:
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipxadj & = & \chipx.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\nodeid}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Calculate}: \\
%
The \nodeid\ of an event is given by
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\nodeid & = & {\rm int} \left( \frac{ \chipx - 1 }{ 256 } \right),
\end{eqnarray}
%
where ``int'' means the integer portion of (i.e. truncate or round
down) the quantity in parentheses.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\chipy}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Read}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If the \infile\ includes the column \chipy, then the value of
\chipy\ for an event is given by
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipy & = & \chipy_{\rm in}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If the \infile\ does not include the column \chipy\ and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT\_BIAS}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm GRADED}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm VFAINT},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then the value of \chipy\ for an event is given by
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipy & = & \ccdy_{\rm in} + 1.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If the \infile\ does not include the column \chipy\ and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then the value of \chipy\ for an event is given by
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipy & = & \trow_{\rm in} + 1.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{Validation}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Unphysical}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Timed-exposure mode}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT\_BIAS}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm GRADED}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm VFAINT}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipy & < & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\chipy & > & 1024,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message because
\chipy-dependent computations could fail if the value of
\chipy\ is unphysical.
\item
{Continuous-clocking mode}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipy & < & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\chipy & > & 512,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message because
the \chipy\ value is out of range and \chipy-dependent
computations could fail if the value of \chipy\ is
unphysical (especially if it is less than 1).
\end{enumerate}
\item
{Unexpected}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{FAINT, FAINT\_BIAS, or GRADED}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT\_BIAS}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm GRADED}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipy & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\chipy & = & 1024,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning upon completion
with a count of the total number of events for which one or
the other of these conditions is true. Although these
values are not unphysical, they should not occur.
\item
{VFAINT}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm VFAINT}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipy & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\chipy & = & 2\ {\rm or} \\
\chipy & = & 1023\ {\rm or} \\
\chipy & = & 1024,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning upon completion
with a count of the total number of events for which one or
another of these conditions is true. Although these values
are not unphysical, they should not occur.
\item
{CC33\_FAINT or CC33\_GRADED}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipy & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\chipy & = & 512,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning upon completion
with a count of the total number of events for which one or
the other of these conditions is true. Although these
values are not unphysical, they should not occur.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\timero}:
%
% This column is only used for continuous-clocking mode.
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Continuous-clocking mode}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Read}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Level 0}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT0},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then the value of \timero\ for an event is given by
$\tim_{\rm in}$.
\item
{Level 1, 1.5, or 2}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT1}\ {\rm or} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm TGEVT1}\ {\rm or} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT2}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\timero_{\rm in} & > & 0,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\timero & = & \timero_{\rm in}.
\end{eqnarray}
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT1}\ {\rm or} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm TGEVT1}\ {\rm or} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm EVT2}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\timero_{\rm in} & = & 0,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\timero & = & \tim_{\rm in}.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{Validation}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\timero & < & 0\ {\rm or} \\
\timero & \ge & 3 \times 10^{9},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning upon completion with
a count of the total number of events for which one or the other
of these conditions is true. These values should not occur.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
$\chipxtarg_{\rm evt}$, $\chipytarg_{\rm evt}$, and
$\chipytarg_{\rm eff}$: \\
%
The coordinate $\chipytarg_{\rm eff}$ is used to compute the coordinates
\x, \y, and \skyoned.
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
Approximate: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none},
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
then:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
Initial values: \\
%
The values of $\chipxtarg_{\rm evt}$ and $\chipytarg_{\rm evt}$
are computed from the values of \ratarg\ and \dectarg\ using the
value of $\ccdid_{\rm focus}$ and using the orientation of the
telescope (i.e.\ \ra, \dec, and \roll) and the orientation of
the SIM (i.e.\ \dy, \dz, and \dtheta) at the time given by
$\timero - (\chipytarg_{\rm acaoff,med} + 1028) \times
\timedel$. The value of $\chipytarg_{\rm evt}$ can be negative.
\item
{ACIS-I0 or -I2}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid_{\rm focus} & = & 0\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid_{\rm focus} & = & 2,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid & = & 0\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid & = & 2,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytarg_{\rm eff} & = & \chipytarg_{\rm evt}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid & = & 3,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytarg_{\rm eff} & = & 512 - ( \chipytarg_{\rm evt} -
\chipytarg_{\rm acaoff,med} ).
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid & \ge & 4,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytarg_{\rm eff} & = & 512 -
( \chipxtarg_{\rm evt} - \chipxtarg_{\rm acaoff,med} ).
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{ACIS-I1 or -I3}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid_{\rm focus} & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid_{\rm focus} & = & 3,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid & = & 0\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid & = & 2,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytarg_{\rm eff} & = & 512 - ( \chipytarg_{\rm evt} -
\chipytarg_{\rm acaoff,med} ).
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid & = & 3,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytarg_{\rm eff} & = & \chipytarg_{\rm evt}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid & \ge & 4,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytarg_{\rm eff} & = & 512 +
( \chipxtarg_{\rm evt} - \chipxtarg_{\rm acaoff,med} ).
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{ACIS-S}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid_{\rm focus} & \ge & 4,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid & = & 0\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid & = & 2,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytarg_{\rm eff} & = & 512 +
( \chipxtarg_{\rm evt} - \chipxtarg_{\rm acaoff,med} ).
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid & = & 3,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytarg_{\rm eff} & = & 512 -
( \chipxtarg_{\rm evt} - \chipxtarg_{\rm acaoff,med} ).
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid & \ge & 4,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytarg_{\rm eff} & = & \chipytarg_{\rm evt}.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{Validation}: \\
%
If
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytarg_{\rm eff} & < & -256\ {\rm or} \\
\chipytarg_{\rm eff} & \ge & 1280,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning message.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\tgm}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Continuous-clocking mode with gratings}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm pointing}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm TGEVT1},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Read}: \\
%
The value of \tgm\ for an event is given by $\tgm_{\rm in}.$
\item
{Validation}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tgm & < & -99,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tgm & = & -99
\end{eqnarray}
%
and \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning upon completion
with a count of the total number of events for which this
condition is true. These values should not occur.
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tgm & > & 99,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tgm & = & 99
\end{eqnarray}
%
and \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning upon completion
with a count of the total number of events for which this
condition is true. These values should not occur.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\chipytg}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Continuous-clocking mode with gratings}: \\
%
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm pointing}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm TGEVT1},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Read}: \\
%
The value of \chipytg\ for an event is given by $\chipytg_{\rm
in}.$
\item
{Validation}: \\
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tgm & > & -99\ {\rm and} \\
\tgm & < & 99\ {\rm and} \\
\chipytg & \ne & {\rm NULL}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytg & \le & 0\ {\rm or} \\
\chipytg & \ge & 1025,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message because
\chipytg-dependent computations could fail if the value of
\chipytg\ is unphysical.
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tgm & > & -99\ {\rm and} \\
\tgm & < & 99\ {\rm and} \\
\chipytg & \ne & {\rm NULL}\ {\rm and} \\
\chipytg & < & 1,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytg & = & 1.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tgm & > & -99\ {\rm and} \\
\tgm & < & 99\ {\rm and} \\
\chipytg & \ne & {\rm NULL}\ {\rm and} \\
\chipytg & > & 1024,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipytg & = & 1024.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\tim\ and \chipyadj}:
\label{chipyadj} \\
%
For continuous-clocking mode observations, the value of \chipyadj\ is
used to compute the \tim, pulse heights, and the coordinates \tdetx,
\tdety, \detx, and \dety.
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
Calculate:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Timed exposure mode}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT\_BIAS}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm GRADED}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm VFAINT},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim & = & \tim_{\rm in} {\rm and} \\
\chipyadj & = & \chipy.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
{Continuous-clocking mode}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
Set
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & 512\ {\rm and} \\
\tim' & = & \timero - ( \chipyadj + 1028 ) \times \timedel.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none},
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj' & = & \chipytarg_{\rm eff}\ {\rm and} \\
\tim' & = & \timero - ( \chipyadj' + 1028 ) \times \timedel,
\end{eqnarray}
%
and \chipyadj\ is computed from the values of \ratarg\ and
\dectarg\ using the orientation of the telescope (i.e.\ \ra,
\dec, and \roll) and the orientation of the SIM (i.e.\ \dy,
\dz, and \dtheta) at the time $\tim'$. At this step, the
value of \chipyadj\ can be negative.
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
{\red \content_{\rm in}} & = & {\rm TGEVT1\ and} \\
\tgm & > & -99\ {\rm and} \\
\tgm & < & 99\ {\rm and} \\
\chipytg & \ne & {\rm NULL},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & \chipytg.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
{\red\content_{\rm in}} & = & {\rm TGEVT1}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tgm & = & -99\ {\rm or} \\
\tgm & = & 99,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & 512.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
and
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim' & < & \tim_{\rm min}\ {\rm or} \\
\tim' & \ge & \tim_{\rm max},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & 512.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim' & < & \tim_{\rm min}\ {\rm or} \\
\tim' & \ge & \tim_{\rm max},
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid_{\rm focus} & = & 0\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid_{\rm focus} & = & 2
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid & = & 0\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid & = & 2,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & \chipytarg_{\rm acaoff,med}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim' & < & \tim_{\rm min}\ {\rm or} \\
\tim' & \ge & \tim_{\rm max},
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid_{\rm focus} & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid_{\rm focus} & = & 3
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\ccdid & = & 3,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & \chipytarg_{\rm acaoff,med}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim' & < & \tim_{\rm min}\ {\rm or} \\
\tim' & \ge & \tim_{\rm max},
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid_{\rm focus} & \ge & 4\ {\rm and} \\
\ccdid & \ge & 4,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & \chipytarg_{\rm acaoff,med}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & = & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
{\red\content_{\rm in}} & \ne & {\rm TGEVT1},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & 512.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid_{\rm focus} & \le & 3\ {\rm and} \\
\ccdid & \ge & 4,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & 512.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\ccdid_{\rm focus} & \ge & 4\ {\rm and} \\
\ccdid & \le & 3,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & 512.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm secondary},
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & 512.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & < & 0.5\ {\rm or} \\
\chipyadj & \ge & 1024.5
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & 512.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
Set
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim & = & \timero - ( \chipyadj + 1028 ) \times \timedel.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
%
In continuous-clocking mode, the coordinate \chipyadj\ is used
to compute the time, the pulse heights, and the coordinates
(except for \x, \y, and \skyoned).
\end{enumerate}
\item
{Validation}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim & < & 0\ {\rm or} \\
\tim & \ge & 3 \times 10^{9},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ produces a warning upon completion with
a count of the total number of events for which one or the other
of these conditions is true. These values should not occur.
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & < & 0.5\ {\rm or} \\
\chipyadj & \ge & 1024.5,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then \acisprocessevents\ exits with an error message because
\chipyadj-dependent computations could fail if the value of
\chipyadj\ is unphysical.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{Bad pixel}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\badpixfile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
and the \badpixfile\ includes a valid HDU $h_{\rm badpix}$ where
$\ccdid_{\rm badpix} = \ccdid$, then the HDU $h_{\rm badpix}$ is
searched as follows to determine if the event should have one or
more \status\ bits set to one.
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If $\datamode_{\rm in} = {\rm CC33\_FAINT}$ or $\datamode_{\rm
in} = {\rm CC33\_GRADED}$ and there are one or more rows $r$ in
HDU $h_{\rm badpix}$ where
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipx & \ge & \chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[0]\ {\rm and} \\
\chipx & \le & \chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[1]\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & \ge & \tim_{{\rm badpix},r}\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & < & \timestop_{{\rm badpix},r}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[5] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[6] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[9] & = & 1,
\end{eqnarray}
then
%
\begin{equation}
\status[0] = 1
\end{equation}
%
for the event. Here $\ccdid_{\rm badpix}$ is the value of the
keyword \ccdid\ in HDU $h_{\rm badpix}$ of the \badpixfile,
%
$\chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[0]$ and $\chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[1]$
are the first and second values in the vector column named
\chipx\ of row $r$ of HDU $h_{\rm badpix}$ of the \badpixfile,
and
%
$\tim_{{\rm badpix},r}$ and $\timestop_{{\rm badpix},r}$ are the
values in the columns named \tim\ and \timestop, respectively,
of row $r$ of HDU $h_{\rm badpix}$ of the \badpixfile.
\item
If $\datamode_{\rm in} = {\rm CC33\_FAINT}$ or $\datamode_{\rm
in} = {\rm CC33\_GRADED}$ and there are one or more rows $r$
in HDU $h_{\rm badpix}$ where
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipx & \ge & \chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[0]\ {\rm and} \\
\chipx & \le & \chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[1]\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & \ge & \tim_{{\rm badpix},r}\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & < & \timestop_{{\rm badpix},r}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[0] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[1] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[7] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[11] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[12] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[13] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[14] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[16] & = & 1,
\end{eqnarray}
then
%
\begin{equation}
\status[4] = 1
\end{equation}
%
for the event.
\item
If $\datamode_{\rm in} = {\rm CC33\_FAINT}$ or $\datamode_{\rm
in} = {\rm CC33\_GRADED}$ and there are one or more rows $r$ in
HDU $h_{\rm badpix}$ where
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipx & \ge & \chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[0]\ {\rm and} \\
\chipx & \le & \chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[1]\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & \ge & \tim_{{\rm badpix},r}\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & < & \timestop_{{\rm badpix},r}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[8] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[10] & = & 1,
\end{eqnarray}
then
%
\begin{equation}
\status[5] = 1
\end{equation}
%
for the event.
\item
If $\datamode_{\rm in} = {\rm CC33\_FAINT}$ or $\datamode_{\rm
in} = {\rm CC33\_GRADED}$ and there are one or more rows $r$ in
HDU $h_{\rm badpix}$ where
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipx & \ge & \chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[0]\ {\rm and} \\
\chipx & \le & \chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[1]\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & \ge & \tim_{{\rm badpix},r}\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & < & \timestop_{{\rm badpix},r}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[3] & = & 1,
\end{eqnarray}
then
%
\begin{equation}
\status[6] = 1
\end{equation}
%
for the event.
\item
If $\datamode_{\rm in} = {\rm CC33\_FAINT}$ or $\datamode_{\rm
in} = {\rm CC33\_GRADED}$ and there are one or more rows $r$ in
HDU $h_{\rm badpix}$ where
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipx & \ge & \chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[0]\ {\rm and} \\
\chipx & \le & \chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[1]\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & \ge & \tim_{{\rm badpix},r}\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & < & \timestop_{{\rm badpix},r}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[2] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[4] & = & 1,
\end{eqnarray}
then
%
\begin{equation}
\status[8] = 1
\end{equation}
%
for the event.
\item
If $\datamode_{\rm in} = {\rm CC33\_FAINT}$ or $\datamode_{\rm
in} = {\rm CC33\_GRADED}$ and there are one or more rows $r$ in
HDU $h_{\rm badpix}$ where
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipx & \ge & \chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[0]\ {\rm and} \\
\chipx & \le & \chipx_{{\rm badpix},r}[1]\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & \ge & \tim_{{\rm badpix},r}\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & < & \timestop_{{\rm badpix},r}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\status_{{\rm badpix},r}[15] & = & 1,
\end{eqnarray}
then
%
\begin{equation}
\status[16] = 1
\end{equation}
%
for the event.
\item
In summary, the mapping between a bad-pixel \status\ bit and the
corresponding event \status\ bit is listed in Table~\ref{tab01}.
%
\begin{table}[h]
\caption{Bad-pixel to event \status\ bit mapping}
\begin{center}
\begin{tabular}{cc}
\hline
\hline
Bad-pixel \status\ bit & Event \status\ bit \\
\hline
0 & 4 \\
1 & 4 \\
2 & 8 \\
3 & 6 \\
4 & 8 \\
5 & 0 \\
6 & 0 \\
7 & 4 \\
8 & 5 \\
9 & 0 \\
10 & 5 \\
11 & 4 \\
12 & 4 \\
13 & 4 \\
14 & 4 \\
15 & 16 \\
16 & 4\\
\hline
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\label{tab01}
\end{table}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\phas}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If HDU~1 of the \infile\ includes the column \phas, then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
the values of \phas\ for an event are read from the \infile.
\item
If $\phas[4] < {\rm the}$ split threshold, then $\status[k] = 1$
for bit $k = 1$.
\item
If $\phas[4] \le \phas[j]$ for one or more $j = 0$--3 or 5--8,
then $\status[k] = 1$ for bit $k = 1$.
\item
If $\phas[j] > 4095$ for one or more $j = 0$--8, then
$\status[k] = 1$ for bit $k = 2$.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\phasadj}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If HDU~1 of the \infile\ includes $\datamode_{\rm in} = {\rm
CC33\_FAINT}$ and the parameter $\applycti = {\rm yes}$ and the
\ctifile\ and \mtlfile\ are specified, then the CTI-adjusted pulse
heights are computed as follows.
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
The real-valued arrays for the serial CTI adjustment
$\Delta_{x}$, the parallel CTI adjustment $\Delta_{y}$, and the
adjusted pulse heights \phasadj\ are initialized such that
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\Delta_{x}[j] & = & 0, \\
\Delta_{y}[j] & = & 0,\ {\rm and} \\
\phasadj[j] & = & \phas[j]
\end{eqnarray}
%
for every element $j = 0$--8, where the starting point for the
adjusted pulse heights are the unadjusted pulse heights \phas.
Note that the values of the unadjusted pulse heights \phas\
remain unchanged to ensure that it is possible to remove the CTI
adjustment or to reapply the adjustment if the algorithm or
calibration data are modified.
\item
The CTI iteration counter $n$ is initialized such that
%
\begin{equation}
n = 1.
\end{equation}
%
\item
\label{tempvars}
%
The temporary variables $\Delta_{x}'$, $\Delta_{y}'$, and
$\phasadj'$ are set such that
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\Delta_{x}'[j] & = & \Delta_{x}[j], \\
\Delta_{y}'[j] & = & \Delta_{y}[j],\ {\rm and} \\
\phasadj'[j] & = & \phasadj[j]
\end{eqnarray}
%
for each element $j$.
\item
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If there is a serial CTI trap-density map in the \ctifile\
for \ccdid\ and $\nodeid = 0$ or 2, then the values of
$\Delta_{x}$ are given by
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\Delta_{x}[0] & = & c_{x}[0] s_{x} \rho_{x}[0] V_{x}[0], \\
\Delta_{x}[1] & = & c_{x}[1] s_{x} \rho_{x}[1] V_{x}[1] -
c'_{x}[0] s_{x} \rho_{x}[0] V_{x}[0], \\
\Delta_{x}[2] & = & c_{x}[2] s_{x} \rho_{x}[2] V_{x}[2] -
c'_{x}[1] s_{x} \rho_{x}[1] V_{x}[1], \\
\Delta_{x}[3] & = & c_{x}[3] s_{x} \rho_{x}[3] V_{x}[3], \\
\Delta_{x}[4] & = & c_{x}[4] s_{x} \rho_{x}[4] V_{x}[4] -
c'_{x}[3] s_{x} \rho_{x}[3] V_{x}[3], \\
\Delta_{x}[5] & = & c_{x}[5] s_{x} \rho_{x}[5] V_{x}[5] -
c'_{x}[4] s_{x} \rho_{x}[4] V_{x}[4], \\
\Delta_{x}[6] & = & c_{x}[6] s_{x} \rho_{x}[6] V_{x}[6], \\
\Delta_{x}[7] & = & c_{x}[7] s_{x} \rho_{x}[7] V_{x}[7] -
c'_{x}[6] s_{x} \rho_{x}[6] V_{x}[6],\ {\rm and} \\
\Delta_{x}[8] & = & c_{x}[8] s_{x} \rho_{x}[8] V_{x}[8] -
c'_{x}[7] s_{x} \rho_{x}[7] V_{x}[7],
\end{eqnarray}
%
where
%
\begin{eqnarray}
c_{x}[j] & = &
\left\{
\begin{array}{cl}
0 &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] <\
{\rm split\ threshold} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for\ all}\ j),
\end{array}
\right.
\\
\frctrlx &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge\
{\rm split\ threshold\ and} \\
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] < \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \phas[j-1] + \Delta_{x}'[j-1] +
\Delta_{y}'[j-1] \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 1, 2, 4, 5, 7,
8), \\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
1 &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge\
{\rm split\ threshold} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 0, 3, 6) \\
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge\
{\rm split\ threshold\ and} \\
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \phas[j-1] + \Delta_{x}'[j-1] +
\Delta_{y}'[j-1] \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 1, 2, 4, 5, 7,
8), \\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
c_{x}'[j] & = &
\left\{
\begin{array}{cl}
0 &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j]
<\ {\rm split\ threshold\ or} \\
\phas[j+1] + \Delta_{x}'[j+1] + \Delta_{y}'[j+1]
<\ {\rm split\ threshold\ or} \\
j \rightarrow \chipx = 1, 256, 513,\ {\rm or}\
768 \\
\hspace*{0.25in} ({\rm for}\ j = 0, 1, 3, 4,
6, 7), \\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
\frctrlx &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] > \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \phas[j+1] + \Delta_{x}'[j+1] +
\Delta_{y}'[j+1]\ {\rm and} \\
\phas[j+1] + \Delta_{x}'[j+1] + \Delta_{y}'[j+1]
\ge\ {\rm split\ threshold} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 0, 1, 3, 4, 6,
7), \\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
1 &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \le \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \phas[j+1] + \Delta_{x}'[j+1] +
\Delta_{y}'[j+1]\ {\rm and} \\
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge\
{\rm split\ threshold} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 0, 1, 3, 4,
6, 7), \\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
s_{x} & = & 1 + \tctix \left( T - {\fptemp}{\tt{0}}
\right), \label{eqnsx} \\
& &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
s_{x}\ {\rm is\ a\ temperature\ dependent\
scaling\ factor}, \\
{\rm \tctix\ is\ the\ \ccdid\ dependent\
value\ in\ the\ column\ \tctix\ of\ the} \\
{\hspace*{0.25in} \ctifile,} \\
{\rm \fptemp{\tt{0}}\ is\ the\ name\ of\ a\ keyword\
in\ the\ \ctifile,}
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
T & = & \left( \frac{t' - t'_{k}}{t'_{k+1} - t'_{k}} \right)
\left( \fptemp_{k+1} - \fptemp_{k} \right) +
\fptemp_{k}, \label{eqnt} \\
& &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
T\ {\rm is\ the\ time\ dependent\ focal\ plane\
temperature}, \\
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
t' & = &
t + \timedel_{\rm in}
\left( \timepixr_{\rm evt} - 0.5 \right), \label{eqntp} \\
& &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
t\ {\rm is\ the}\ \tim\ {\rm of\ the\ event}, \\
\timepixr_{\rm evt}\ {\rm is\ a\ keyword\ in\ the}\
\infile,
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
t'_{k} & = &
\tim_{k} + \timedel_{\rm mtl}
\left( \timepixr_{\rm mtl} - 0.5 \right), \label{eqntk} \\
& &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\tim_{k}\ {\rm is\ the}\ k^{\rm th}\ {\rm element\
of\ the\ column\ \tim\ in\ the\ \mtlfile}, \\
t'_{k} \le t', \\
{\rm If}\ t' < t'_{k}\ {\rm for}\ k=0,\ {\rm then}\
k=0, \\
\fptemp_{k}\ {\rm is\ the}\ k^{\rm th}\ {\rm
element\ of\ the\ column\ \fptemp\ in\ the\
\mtlfile}, \\
\timedel_{\rm mtl}\ {\rm is\ a\ keyword\ in\ the}\
\mtlfile, \\
\timepixr_{\rm mtl}\ {\rm is\ a\ keyword\ in\ the}\
\mtlfile,
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
t'_{k+1} & = &
\tim_{k+1} + \timedel_{\rm mtl}
\left( \timepixr_{\rm mtl} - 0.5 \right), \label{eqntk1} \\
& &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\tim_{k+1}\ {\rm is\ the}\ (k+1)^{\rm th}\ {\rm
element\ of\ the\ column\ \tim\ in\ the\
\mtlfile}, \\
t'_{k+1} > t', \\
{\rm If}\ t' > t'_{k}\ {\rm for}\ k=n,\ {\rm where}\
n\ {\rm is\ the\ last\ element,\ then}\ k=n, \\
\fptemp_{k+1}\ {\rm is\ the}\ (k+1)^{\rm th}\ {\rm
element\ of\ the\ column\ \fptemp\ in\ the} \\
{\hspace*{0.25in} \mtlfile,}
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
\rho_{x}[j] & = & {\rm serial\ trap\ density,}
\label{eqnrhox} \\
& &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\rho_{x}[j]\ {\rm depends\ upon\ the\ \ccdid\ and\
upon\ the\ \chipx\ and\ {\rm nint}(\chipyadj)} \\
% only use \chipyadj for CC mode
{\hspace*{0.25in} \rm coordinates\ associated\ with\
element}\ j\ {\rm of}\ \phasadj[j]\ {\rm (see\
Fig.~\ref{fig01})},
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
V_{x}[j] & = &
\left(
\frac{\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] -
\pha_{l}}{\pha_{l+1} - \pha_{l}}
\right) \left(
\volumex_{l+1} - \volumex_{l}
\right) +
\nonumber
\\
& & \hspace*{0.25in} \volumex_{l}, \label{eqnvx}
\\
& &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\pha_{l}\ {\rm is\ the}\ l^{\rm th}\ {\rm element\
of\ the\ column\ \pha\ in\ the\ \ctifile}, \\
\pha_{l}\ {\rm (and}\ \pha_{l+1})\ {\rm are\ \ccdid\
depdendent}, \\
\pha_{l} \le \phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] +
\Delta_{y}'[j], \\
{\rm If}\ \pha_l > \phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] +
\Delta_{y}'[j]\ {\rm for}\ l=0,\ {\rm then}\
l=0, \\
\pha_{l+1}\ {\rm is\ the}\ (l+1)^{\rm th}\ {\rm
element\ of\ the\ column\ \pha\ in\ the\
\ctifile}, \\
\pha_{l+1} > \phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] +
\Delta_{y}'[j], \\
{\rm If}\ \pha_{l+1} \le \phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] +
\Delta_{y}'[j]\ {\rm for}\ l=n,\ {\rm where}\ n\
{\rm is\ the\ last} \\
{\hspace*{0.25in} \rm element,\ then}\ l=n, \\
\volumex_{l}\ {\rm is\ the}\ l^{\rm th}\ {\rm
element\ of\ the\ column\ \volumex\ in\ the\
\ctifile,} \\
\volumex_{l},\ {\rm which\ is\ \ccdid\ depdendent,\
is\ associated\ with}\ \pha_{l}, \\
\volumex_{l+1}\ {\rm is\ the}\ (l+1)^{\rm th}\ {\rm
element\ of\ the\ column\ \volumex\ in\ the} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \ctifile,\ {\rm and} \\
\volumex_{l+1},\ {\rm which\ is\ \ccdid\ depdendent,\
is\ associated\ with}\ \pha_{l+1}
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\end{eqnarray}
%
\item
If there is a serial CTI trap-density map in the \ctifile\
for \ccdid\ and $\nodeid = 1$ or 3, then the values of
$\Delta_{x}$ are given by
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\Delta_{x}[0] & = & c_{x}[0] s_{x} \rho_{x}[0] V_{x}[0] -
c'_{x}[1] s_{x} \rho_{x}[1] V_{x}[1], \\
\Delta_{x}[1] & = & c_{x}[1] s_{x} \rho_{x}[1] V_{x}[1] -
c'_{x}[2] s_{x} \rho_{x}[2] V_{x}[2], \\
\Delta_{x}[2] & = & c_{x}[2] s_{x} \rho_{x}[2] V_{x}[2], \\
\Delta_{x}[3] & = & c_{x}[3] s_{x} \rho_{x}[3] V_{x}[3] -
c'_{x}[4] s_{x} \rho_{x}[4] V_{x}[4], \\
\Delta_{x}[4] & = & c_{x}[4] s_{x} \rho_{x}[4] V_{x}[4] -
c'_{x}[5] s_{x} \rho_{x}[5] V_{x}[5], \\
\Delta_{x}[5] & = & c_{x}[5] s_{x} \rho_{x}[5] V_{x}[5], \\
\Delta_{x}[6] & = & c_{x}[6] s_{x} \rho_{x}[6] V_{x}[6] -
c'_{x}[7] s_{x} \rho_{x}[7] V_{x}[7], \\
\Delta_{x}[7] & = & c_{x}[7] s_{x} \rho_{x}[7] V_{x}[7] -
c'_{x}[8] s_{x} \rho_{x}[8] V_{x}[8],\ {\rm and} \\
\Delta_{x}[8] & = & c_{x}[8] s_{x} \rho_{x}[8] V_{x}[8],
\end{eqnarray}
%
where
%
\begin{eqnarray}
c_{x}[j] & = &
\left\{
\begin{array}{cl}
0 &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] <\
{\rm split\ threshold} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for\ all}\ j),
\end{array}
\right.
\\
\frctrlx &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge\
{\rm split\ threshold\ and} \\
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] < \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \phas[j+1] + \Delta_{x}'[j+1] +
\Delta_{y}'[j+1] \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 0, 1, 3, 4,
6, 7), \\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
1 &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge\
{\rm split\ threshold} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 2, 5, 8) \\
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge\
{\rm split\ threshold\ and} \\
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \phas[j+1] + \Delta_{x}'[j+1] +
\Delta_{y}'[j+1] \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 0, 1, 3, 4, 6,
7), \\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
c_{x}'[j] & = &
\left\{
\begin{array}{cl}
0 &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j]
<\ {\rm split\ threshold\ or} \\
\phas[j-1] + \Delta_{x}'[j-1] + \Delta_{y}'[j-1]
<\ {\rm split\ threshold\ or} \\
j \rightarrow \chipx = 257, 512, 769,\ {\rm or}\
1024 \\
\hspace*{0.25in} ({\rm for}\ j = 1, 2, 4, 5,
7, 8), \\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
\frctrlx &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] > \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \phas[j-1] + \Delta_{x}'[j-1] +
\Delta_{y}'[j-1]\ {\rm and} \\
\phas[j-1] + \Delta_{x}'[j-1] + \Delta_{y}'[j-1]
\ge\ {\rm split\ threshold} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 1, 2, 4, 5, 7,
8), \\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
1 &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \le \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \phas[j-1] + \Delta_{x}'[j-1] +
\Delta_{y}'[j-1]\ {\rm and} \\
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge\
{\rm split\ threshold} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 1, 2, 4, 5,
7, 8), \\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
%
and $s_{x}$, $T$, $t'$, $t'_{k}$, $t'_{k+1}$, $\rho_{x}[j]$, and
$V_{x}[j]$ are given by equations.~\ref{eqnsx}, \ref{eqnt},
\ref{eqntp}, \ref{eqntk}, \ref{eqntk1}, \ref{eqnrhox}, and
\ref{eqnvx}, respectively.
\item
If there is a parallel CTI trap-density map in the \ctifile\ for
\ccdid, then the values of $\Delta_{y}$ are given by
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\Delta_{y}[0] & = & c_{y}[0] s_{y} \rho_{y}[0] V_{y}[0], \\
\Delta_{y}[1] & = & c_{y}[1] s_{y} \rho_{y}[1] V_{y}[1], \\
\Delta_{y}[2] & = & c_{y}[2] s_{y} \rho_{y}[2] V_{y}[2], \\
\Delta_{y}[3] & = & c_{y}[3] s_{y} \rho_{y}[3] V_{y}[3] -
c'_{y}[0] s_{y} \rho_{y}[0] V_{y}[0], \\
\Delta_{y}[4] & = & c_{y}[4] s_{y} \rho_{y}[4] V_{y}[4] -
c'_{y}[1] s_{y} \rho_{y}[1] V_{y}[1], \\
\Delta_{y}[5] & = & c_{y}[5] s_{y} \rho_{y}[5] V_{y}[5] -
c'_{y}[2] s_{y} \rho_{y}[2] V_{y}[2], \\
\Delta_{y}[6] & = & c_{y}[6] s_{y} \rho_{y}[6] V_{y}[6] -
c'_{y}[3] s_{y} \rho_{y}[3] V_{y}[3], \\
\Delta_{y}[7] & = & c_{y}[7] s_{y} \rho_{y}[7] V_{y}[7] -
c'_{y}[4] s_{y} \rho_{y}[4] V_{y}[4],\ {\rm and} \\
\Delta_{y}[8] & = & c_{y}[8] s_{y} \rho_{y}[8] V_{y}[8] -
c'_{y}[5] s_{y} \rho_{y}[5] V_{y}[5],
\end{eqnarray}
%
where
%
\begin{eqnarray}
c_{y}[j] & = &
\left\{
\begin{array}{cl}
0 &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] <\
{\rm split\ threshold} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for\ all}\ j),
\end{array}
\right.
\\
\frctrly &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge\
{\rm split\ threshold\ and} \\
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] < \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \phas[j-3] + \Delta_{x}'[j-3] +
\Delta_{y}'[j-3] \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8),
\\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
1 &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge\
{\rm split\ threshold} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 0, 1, 2) \\
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge\
{\rm split\ threshold\ and} \\
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \phas[j-3] + \Delta_{x}'[j-3] +
\Delta_{y}'[j-3] \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8),
\\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
c_{y}'[j] & = &
\left\{
\begin{array}{cl}
0 &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j]
<\ {\rm split\ threshold\ or} \\
\phas[j+3] + \Delta_{x}'[j+3] + \Delta_{y}'[j+3]
<\ {\rm split\ threshold\ or} \\
j \rightarrow \chipy = 1 {\rm or}\ 1024 \\
\hspace*{0.25in} ({\rm for}\ j = 1, 2, 3, 4, 5), \\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
\frctrly &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] > \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \phas[j+3] + \Delta_{x}'[j+3] +
\Delta_{y}'[j+3]\ {\rm and} \\
\phas[j+3] + \Delta_{x}'[j+3] + \Delta_{y}'[j+3]
\ge\ {\rm split\ threshold} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5),
\\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
1 &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \le \\
\hspace*{0.25in} \phas[j+3] + \Delta_{x}'[j+3] +
\Delta_{y}'[j+3]\ {\rm and} \\
\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] \ge\
{\rm split\ threshold} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm (for}\ j = 0, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5),
\\
\end{array}
\right.
\\
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
s_{y} & = & 1 + \tctiy \left( T - {\fptemp}{\tt{0}}
\right), \\
& &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
s_{y}\ {\rm is\ a\ temperature\ dependent\
scaling\ factor}, \\
{\rm \tctiy\ is\ the\ \ccdid\ dependent\
value\ in\ the\ column\ \tctiy\ of\ the} \\
{\hspace*{0.25in} \ctifile,} \\
{\rm \fptemp{\tt{0}}\ is\ the\ name\ of\ a\ keyword\
in\ the\ \ctifile,}
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
\rho_{y}[j] & = & {\rm parallel\ trap\ density,} \\
& &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\rho_{y}[j]\ {\rm depends\ upon\ the\ \ccdid\ and\
upon\ the\ \chipx\ and\ {\rm nint}(\chipyadj)} \\
% only use \chipyadj for CC mode
{\hspace*{0.25in} \rm coordinates\ associated\ with\
element}\ j\ {\rm of}\ \phasadj[j]\ {\rm (see\
Fig.~\ref{fig01})},
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\\
V_{y}[j] & = &
\left(
\frac{\phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] + \Delta_{y}'[j] -
\pha_{l}}{\pha_{l+1} - \pha_{l}}
\right) \left(
\volumey_{l+1} - \volumey_{l}
\right) +
\nonumber
\\
& & \hspace*{0.25in} \volumey_{l},
\\
& &
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\pha_{l}\ {\rm is\ the}\ l^{\rm th}\ {\rm element\
of\ the\ column\ \pha\ in\ the\ \ctifile}, \\
\pha_{l}\ {\rm (and}\ \pha_{l+1})\ {\rm are\ \ccdid\
depdendent}, \\
\pha_{l} \le \phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] +
\Delta_{y}'[j], \\
{\rm If}\ \pha_l > \phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] +
\Delta_{y}'[j]\ {\rm for}\ l=0,\ {\rm then}\
l=0, \\
\pha_{l+1}\ {\rm is\ the}\ (l+1)^{\rm th}\ {\rm
element\ of\ the\ column\ \pha\ in\ the\
\ctifile}, \\
\pha_{l+1} > \phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] +
\Delta_{y}'[j], \\
{\rm If}\ \pha_{l+1} \le \phas[j] + \Delta_{x}'[j] +
\Delta_{y}'[j]\ {\rm for}\ l=n,\ {\rm where}\ n\
{\rm is\ the\ last} \\
{\hspace*{0.25in} \rm element,\ then}\ l=n, \\
\volumey_{l}\ {\rm is\ the}\ l^{\rm th}\ {\rm
element\ of\ the\ column\ \volumey\ in\ the\
\ctifile,} \\
\volumey_{l},\ {\rm which\ is\ \ccdid\ depdendent,\
is\ associated\ with}\ \pha_{l}, \\
\volumey_{l+1}\ {\rm is\ the}\ (l+1)^{\rm th}\ {\rm
element\ of\ the\ column\ \volumey\ in\ the} \\
{\hspace*{0.25in} \ctifile,} \\
\volumey_{l+1},\ {\rm which\ is\ \ccdid\ depdendent,\
is\ associated\ with}\ \pha_{l+1},
\end{array}
\right.
\nonumber
\end{eqnarray}
%
and $T$, $t'$, $t'_{k}$, and $t'_{k+1}$, are given by
equations.~\ref{eqnt}, \ref{eqntp}, \ref{eqntk}, and \ref{eqntk1},
respectively.
%
\item
The CTI-adjusted pulse heights
%
\begin{equation}
\phasadj[j]
=
\phas[j] +
\Delta_{x}[j] +
\Delta_{y}[j]
\end{equation}
%
for all $j$.
%
\item
\label{phasadjcheck}
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
%
If
\begin{eqnarray}
| \phasadj'[j] - \phasadj[j] | & < & \cticonverge\ {\rm (for\
all}\ j)\ {\rm and} \\
n & \le & \maxctiiter,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then the computation of \phasadj\ is complete for the event.
%
\item
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
| \phasadj'[j] - \phasadj[j] | & \ge & \cticonverge\ {\rm (for\
one\ or\ more}\ j)\ {\rm and} \\
n & < & \maxctiiter,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then $n = n + 1$ and steps
1.5.\ref{tempvars}--1.5.\ref{phasadjcheck} are repeated.
%
\item
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
| \phasadj'[j] - \phasadj[j] | & \ge & \cticonverge\ {\rm (for\
one\ or\ more}\ j)\ {\rm and} \\
n & \ge & \maxctiiter,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then no additional iterations are performed, the values of
$\phasadj[j]$ from the most recent iteration are used as are,
and $\status[k] = 1$ for bit $k = 20$ to indicate that the CTI
adjustment did not converge.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\fltgrade}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm and} \\
\applycti & = & {\rm yes},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\fltgrade & = &
c_{\rm f}[0] +
2 c_{\rm f}[1] +
4 c_{\rm f}[2] +
8 c_{\rm f}[3] +
16 c_{\rm f}[5] +
32 c_{\rm f}[6] +
64 c_{\rm f}[7] +
128 c_{\rm f}[8],
\end{eqnarray}
%
where
%
\begin{equation}
c_{\rm f}[j] =
\left\{
\begin{array}{ll}
0 & {\rm if}\ \phasadj[j] < {\rm split\ threshold} \\
1 & {\rm otherwise},
\end{array}
\right.
\end{equation}
%
and the elements $j = 0$--3 and 5--8 of \phasadj\ are depicted in
Figure~\ref{fig01}.
%
\begin{figure}[t]
\hfil
\hbox{\epsfig{file=fig01}}
\hfil
%
\caption{The relative \chipx\ and \chipy\ coordinates of the nine
elements $j = 0$--8 of a 3~pixel $\times$ 3~pixel event island
$\phas[j]$ or $\phasadj[j]$.
%
\label{fig01}}
\end{figure}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm and} \\
\applycti & = & {\rm no},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\fltgrade & = &
c_{\rm f}[0] +
2 c_{\rm f}[1] +
4 c_{\rm f}[2] +
8 c_{\rm f}[3] +
16 c_{\rm f}[5] +
32 c_{\rm f}[6] +
64 c_{\rm f}[7] +
128 c_{\rm f}[8],
\end{eqnarray}
%
where
%
\begin{equation}
c_{\rm f}[j] =
\left\{
\begin{array}{ll}
0 & {\rm if}\ \phas[j] < {\rm split\ threshold} \\
0 & {\rm if}\ \phas[j] > 4095 \\
0 & {\rm if}\ \phas[j] > \phas[4]\ {\rm for}\ j = 0-3) \\
0 & {\rm if}\ \phas[j] \ge \phas[4]\ {\rm for}\ j = 5-8) \\
1 & {\rm otherwise}.
\end{array}
\right.
\end{equation}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then the \fltgrade\ of an event is equal to the value of \fltgrade\
for the event in the \infile.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\grade}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If the \gradefile\ is specified, then the \grade\ of an event is
determined from the \fltgrade\ of the event as follows.
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
The appropriate HDU of the \gradefile\ is identified. This HDU
is the one where the header keyword \cbd\ includes the
$\datamode_{\rm in}$ of HDU~1 of the \infile.
\item
The row $i$ of the appropriate HDU of the \gradefile\ is
identified. This row is the one where
%
\begin{equation}
{\fltgrade}_{{\rm grade},i} = \fltgrade,
\end{equation}
%
where ${\fltgrade}_{\rm grade}$ is a column in the \gradefile.
\item
The \grade\ of the event is given by
%
\begin{equation}
\grade = {\grade}_{{\rm grade},i},
\end{equation}
%
where ${\grade}_{\rm grade}$ is a column in the \gradefile.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\pharo}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Not GRADED}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT\_BIAS}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm VFAINT},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Compute, if possible}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\doevtgrade & = & {\rm yes},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{equation}
\pharo =
\sum_{j=0}^{8}
\beta[j] p[j],
\end{equation}
%
where
\begin{enumerate}
\item
%
\begin{equation}
p[j] = \phas[j],
\end{equation}
%
the pulse height that does not have cti- and time-dependent
gain adjustments.
\item
The elements $j = 0$--8 of \phas\ are depicted in
Figure~\ref{fig01}.
\item
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\beta[j] = 0 &
{\rm if} &
p[j] < {\rm split\ threshold}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
%
\begin{equation}
\beta[j] = 0\
{\rm if}\
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
p[j] > p[4]\ ({\rm for}\ j=0{\rm{-}}3) \\
p[j] \ge p[4]\ ({\rm for}\ j=5{\rm{-}}8)
\end{array}
\right.
\end{equation}
\item
If $\corners\ = -1$, then
%
\begin{equation}
\beta[0] =
\beta[2] =
\beta[6] =
\beta[8] =
0.
\end{equation}
\item
If $\corners\ = 0$, then there are no additional constraints
on $\beta[0]$, $\beta[2]$, $\beta[6]$, and $\beta[8]$.
\item
If $\corners\ = 1$, then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\beta[0] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[1] = 0\ {\rm and}\ \beta[3] = 0. \\
\beta[2] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[1] = 0\ {\rm and}\ \beta[5] = 0. \\
\beta[6] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[3] = 0\ {\rm and}\ \beta[7] = 0. \\
\beta[8] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[5] = 0\ {\rm and}\ \beta[7] = 0.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If $\corners\ = 2$, then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\beta[0] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[1] = 0\ {\rm or}\ \beta[3] = 0\ {\rm or}\
\grade \ne 6. \\
\beta[2] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[1] = 0\ {\rm or}\ \beta[5] = 0\ {\rm or}\
\grade \ne 6. \\
\beta[6] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[3] = 0\ {\rm or}\ \beta[7] = 0\ {\rm or}\
\grade \ne 6. \\
\beta[8] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[5] = 0\ {\rm or}\ \beta[7] = 0\ {\rm or}\
\grade \ne 6.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{Otherwise copy}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\doevtgrade & = & {\rm no}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and the \infile\ includes the column \pharo, then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pharo & = & \pharo_{\rm in}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
{Error}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\doevtgrade & = & {\rm no}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and the \infile\ does not include the column \pharo, then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pharo & = & {\rm NULL}.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
GRADED: \\
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm GRADED},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Copy \pharo, if possible}: \\
%
If the \infile\ includes the column \pharo, then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pharo & = & \pharo_{\rm in}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
{Otherwise copy \pha}: \\
%
If the \infile\ does not include the column \pharo\ and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tgaincor_{\rm in} & = & 0,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pharo & = & \pha_{\rm in}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
{Error}: \\
%
If the \infile\ does not include the column \pharo\ and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tgaincor_{\rm in} & = & 1,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pharo & = & {\rm NULL}.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{Validation}: \\
%
If \pharo\ is less than the split threshold, then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pharo & = & {\rm NULL}.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\pha, including time-dependent gain}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\datamode_{\rm in} = {\rm CC33\_FAINT},
\end{equation}
%
then
%
\begin{equation}
\pha =
\sum_{j=0}^{8}
\beta[j] p[j],
\end{equation}
%
where
\begin{enumerate}
\item
%
\begin{equation}
p[j] =
\left\{
\begin{array}{ll}
\phasadj[j] &
{\rm if}\ \applycti = {\rm yes} \\
\phas[j] &
{\rm if}\ \applycti = {\rm no}
\end{array}
\right.
\end{equation}
%
\item
The elements $j = 0$--8 of \phasadj\ (or \phas) are depicted in
Figure~\ref{fig01}.
\item
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\beta[j] = 0 &
{\rm if} &
p[j] < {\rm split\ threshold}.
\end{eqnarray}
%
\item
If the CTI adjustment is not performed, then
%
\begin{equation}
\beta[j] = 0\
{\rm if}\
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
p[j] > p[4]\ ({\rm for}\ j=0{\rm{-}}3) \\
p[j] \ge p[4]\ ({\rm for}\ j=5{\rm{-}}8)
\end{array}
\right.
\end{equation}
%
\item
If $\corners\ = -1$, then
%
\begin{equation}
\beta[0] =
\beta[2] =
\beta[6] =
\beta[8] =
0.
\end{equation}
%
\item
If $\corners\ = 0$, then there are no additional constraints on
$\beta[0]$, $\beta[2]$, $\beta[6]$, and $\beta[8]$.
%
\item
If $\corners\ = 1$, then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\beta[0] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[1] = 0\ {\rm and}\ \beta[3] = 0. \\
\beta[2] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[1] = 0\ {\rm and}\ \beta[5] = 0. \\
\beta[6] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[3] = 0\ {\rm and}\ \beta[7] = 0. \\
\beta[8] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[5] = 0\ {\rm and}\ \beta[7] = 0.
\end{eqnarray}
%
\item
If $\corners\ = 2$, then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\beta[0] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[1] = 0\ {\rm or}\ \beta[3] = 0\ {\rm or}\
\grade \ne 6. \\
\beta[2] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[1] = 0\ {\rm or}\ \beta[5] = 0\ {\rm or}\
\grade \ne 6. \\
\beta[6] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[3] = 0\ {\rm or}\ \beta[7] = 0\ {\rm or}\
\grade \ne 6. \\
\beta[8] = 0 & {\rm if} &
\beta[5] = 0\ {\rm or}\ \beta[7] = 0\ {\rm or}\
\grade \ne 6.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\datamode_{\rm in} = {\rm CC33\_GRADED},
\end{equation}
%
then the value of \pha\ for the event is read from the \infile.
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\applytgain = {\rm yes},
\end{equation}
%
then
%
\begin{equation}
\pha =
\pha -
{\rm int}
\left[
\left(
\frac{ \tim - \epoch{\tt{1}} }{
\epoch{\tt{2}} - \epoch{\tt{1}} }
\right)
\left(
\delta_{2} - \delta_{1}
\right) +
\delta_{1} -
\epsilon
\right],
\end{equation}
%
where
%
\begin{eqnarray}
{\rm int} & = & {\rm the\ integer\ portion\ of\ (i.e.\ truncate\ or\
round\ down)}, \\
%
\tim & = & {\rm the\ time\ of\ the\ event}, \\
%
\epoch{\tt{1}} & = & {\rm a\ keyword\ in\ the\ \tgainfile}, \\
%
\epoch{\tt{2}} & = & {\rm a\ keyword\ in\ the\ \tgainfile}, \\
%
\delta_{1} & = &
\left(
\frac{ \pha - \pha_{m}[r] }{ \pha_{m+1}[r] - \pha_{m}[r] }
\right)
\left(
\deltpha{\tt{1}}_{m+1}[r] - \deltpha{\tt{1}}_{m}[r]
\right) + \\
& & \deltpha{\tt{1}}_{m}[r], \\
%
& & \left\{
\begin{array}{l}
r\ {\rm is\ the\ row\ of\ the\ \tgainfile\ where} \\
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\ccdid[r] = \ccdid, \\
\chipxlo[r] \le \chipx, \\
\chipxhi[r] \ge \chipx, \\
\chipylo[r] \le {\rm nint} (\chipyadj),\ {\rm and} \\
% \chipyadj only for CC mode
\chipyhi[r] \ge {\rm nint} (\chipyadj). \\
% \chipyadj only for CC mode
\end{array}
\right. \\
m\ {\rm is\ the\ element\ of\ row}\ r\ {\rm where} \\
\left\{
\begin{array}{l}
\pha_{m}[r] \le \pha\ {\rm and} \\
\pha_{m+1}[r] > \pha. \\
{\rm If\ \pha} < \pha_{m}[r]\ {\rm for}\ m = 0,\
{\rm then}\ m = 0. \\
{\rm If\ \pha} \ge \pha_{m}[r]\ {\rm for}\ m = M\
{\rm and}\ M\ {\rm is\ the\ last\ element\ of}\
\pha[r], \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm then}\ m = M-1.
\end{array}
\right. \\
{\rm The\ \tgainfile\ includes\ a\ binary\ table\ with\
columns\ named} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\rm \ccdid, \chipxlo, \chipxhi,
\chipylo, \chipyhi, \pha,
\deltpha{\tt{1}},\ and} \\
\hspace*{0.25in} {\deltpha{\tt{2}}.}
\end{array}
\right. \\
%
\delta_{2} & = &
\left(
\frac{ \pha - \pha_{m}[r] }{ \pha_{m+1}[r] - \pha_{m}[r] }
\right)
\left(
\deltpha{\tt{2}}_{m+1}[r] - \deltpha{\tt{2}}_{m}[r]
\right) + \\
& & \deltpha{\tt{2}}_{m}[r], \\
\epsilon & = & {\rm is\ a\ uniform\ random\ deviate\ in\ the\
range} \ [0,1), \\
& & \left\{
\begin{array}{l}
{\rm If}\ \randpha = {\rm no},\ {\rm then}\ \epsilon = 0.
\end{array}
\right.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\pha \ge 32767,
\end{equation}
%
then $\status[k] = 1$ for bit $k = 3$.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\cornpha}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\datamode_{\rm in} = {\rm CC33\_GRADED},
\end{equation}
%
then the value of \cornpha\ is read from the \infile.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\energy}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If the parameter $\calculatepi = {\rm yes}$ and the parameter
\gainfile\ is specified and $\pha > 0$, then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
The row $i$ in the \gainfile\ is identified such that
%
\begin{eqnarray}
& \ccdid = {\ccdid}_{{\rm gain},i}, & \\
& {\chipxmin}_{{\rm gain},i} \le \chipx \le
{\chipxmax}_{{\rm gain},i}, & {\rm and} \\
& {\chipymin}_{{\rm gain},i} \le {\rm nint} (\chipyadj) \le
{\chipymax}_{{\rm gain},i}, &
\end{eqnarray}
%
where ${\ccdid}_{\rm gain}$, ${\chipxmin}_{\rm gain}$,
${\chipxmax}_{\rm gain}$, ${\chipymin}_{\rm gain}$, and
${\chipymax}_{\rm gain}$ are columns in the \gainfile.
\item
A uniform random deviate $\Delta p$ is computed over the
interval from $[-0.5,+0.5)$.
\item
The element $j$ of row $i$ of ${\pha}_{\rm gain}$ is identified
such that
%
\begin{equation}
{\pha}_{{\rm gain},i}[j] \le ( \pha + \Delta p ) <
{\pha}_{{\rm gain},i}[j+1],
\end{equation}
%
where ${\pha}_{\rm gain}$ is a vector column in the \gainfile.
If $\pha + \Delta p < {\pha}_{{\rm gain},i}[0]$, then $j = 0$.
If ${\pha}_{{\rm gain},i}[\npoints-2] \le \pha + \Delta p$, then
$j = \npoints-2$, where \npoints\ is a column in the \gainfile.
\item
The \energy\ of an event is computed from the \pha\ of the event:
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\energy & = &
\left(
\frac{\pha + \Delta p - {\pha}_{{\rm gain},i}[j]}{
{\pha}_{{\rm gain},i}[j+1] - {\pha}_{{\rm gain},i}[j]}
\right)
\left( {\energy}_{{\rm gain},i}[j+1] -
{\energy}_{{\rm gain},i}[j] \right) + \nonumber \\
& & {\energy}_{{\rm gain},i}[j],
\end{eqnarray}
%
where ${\energy}_{\rm gain}$ is a vector column in the \gainfile.
\item
If $\energy < 0$, then $\energy = 0$.
\end{enumerate}
\item
If the parameter $\calculatepi = {\rm yes}$ and the parameter
\gainfile\ is specified and $\pha \le 0$, then $\energy = 0$.
\item
If the parameter $\calculatepi = {\rm no}$ or if the parameter
\gainfile\ is not specified, then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If the \infile\ includes the \energy\ of an event, then the
\energy\ of the event is equal to the \energy\ in the \infile.
\item
If the \infile\ does not include the \energy\ of an event, then
$\energy = 0$.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\pinv}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\calculatepi = {\rm yes},
\end{equation}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
%
\begin{equation}
\pinv = {\rm int} \left( \frac{\energy}{\pibinwidth} \right) +
1,
\label{eqnpi}
\end{equation}
%
where ``int'' indicates the integer portion of what is in
parentheses (i.e.\ the value is truncated or rounded down).
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\pinv < 1,
\end{equation}
%
then $\pinv = 1.$
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\pinv > \pinumbins,
\end{equation}
%
then $\pinv = \pinumbins.$
\end{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\calculatepi = {\rm no}
\end{equation}
%
and the \infile\ includes the value of \pinv\ for an event, then the
value of \pinv\ is read from the \infile.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\pixadj}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{centroid}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\pixadj = {\rm centroid}
\end{equation}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT\_BIAS}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm VFAINT},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipxadj & = & \chipxadj - w'[0] + w'[2] - w'[3] + w'[5] -
w'[6] + w'[8]\ {\rm and} \\
\chipyadj & = & \chipyadj - w'[0] - w'[1] - w'[2] + w'[6] +
w'[7] + w'[8],
\end{eqnarray}
%
where
%
\begin{equation}
w'[j] = \frac{ w[j] }{ \sum_{j=0}^{8} w[j] },
\end{equation}
%
\begin{equation}
w[j] =
\left\{
\begin{array}{ll}
p[j] & {\rm if\ the\ pixel\ is\ valid} \\
0 & {\rm if\ the\ pixel\ is\ invalid,} \\
\end{array}
\right.
\end{equation}
%
\begin{equation}
p[j] =
\left\{
\begin{array}{ll}
\phasadj[j] & {\rm if}\ \applycti = {\rm yes} \\
\phas[j] & {\rm if}\ \applycti = {\rm no}, \\
\end{array}
\right.
\end{equation}
%
and the pixel is invalid if
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\beta[j] & = & 0\ {\rm or} \\
\status[0] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status[1] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status[2] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status[3] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status[4] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status[11] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status[13] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status[14] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status[15] & = & 1\ {\rm or} \\
\status[16] & = & 1.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
%
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm centroid\ and} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim & = & \tim + ( w'[0] + w'[1] + w'[2] - w'[6] - w'[7] -
w'[8] ) \times \timedel_{\rm in}.
\end{eqnarray}
%
Note that it is possible for the centroid algorithm to yield
adjustments to \chipxadj\ and/or \chipyadj\ that are greater
than half a pixel. However, the adjustment cannot equal or
exceed one pixel.
\end{enumerate}
\item
{edser}:
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\pixadj = {\rm edser}
\end{equation}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT\_BIAS}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm GRADED}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm VFAINT},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\energy & \ne & {\rm NaN}\ {\rm and} \\
\energy & > & 0,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipxadj & = & \chipxadj +
\left( \frac{\energy - E[k]}{E[k+1] - E[k]} \right)
\left( \Delta X[k+1] - \Delta X[k] \right) +
\Delta X[k]
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & \chipyadj +
\left( \frac{\energy - E[k]}{E[k+1] - E[k]} \right)
\left( \Delta Y[k+1] - \Delta Y[k] \right) +
\Delta Y[k],
\end{eqnarray}
%
where
%
$E[k]$ and $E[k+1]$, $\Delta X[k]$ and $\Delta X[k+1]$, and
$\Delta Y[k]$ and $\Delta Y[k+1]$ are the $k^{\rm}$ and
$(k+1)^{th}$ elements of the vector columns $\energy_{\rm
subpix}$, $\chipxoffset_{\rm subpix}$, and
$\chipyoffset_{\rm subpix}$, respectively.
%
These columns are in the HDU of the \subpixfile\ where the
value of the keyword \ccdid\ is equal to the value of the
\ccdid\ of the event.
%
The appropriate row of these columns is the one where
$\fltgrade_{\rm subpix} = \fltgrade$.
%
The values of $k$ are the ones where
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\energy & \ge & E[k]\ {\rm and} \\
\energy & < & E[k+1].
\end{eqnarray}
%
Note that if
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\energy & \le & E[0],
\end{eqnarray}
%
then $k = 0$. Similarly, if
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\energy & \ge & E[\npoints_{\rm subpix}-2],
\end{eqnarray}
%
then $k = \npoints_{\rm subpix} - 2$.
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\energy & = & {\rm NaN}\ {\rm or} \\
\energy & \le & 0,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then the \chipxadj\ and \chipyadj\ coordinates are not
modified.
\end{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\pixadj = {\rm edser}
\end{equation}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\energy & \ne & {\rm NaN}\ {\rm and} \\
\energy & > & 0,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim & = & \tim -
\left(
\left( \frac{\energy - E[k]}{E[k+1] - E[k]} \right)
\left( \Delta Y[k+1] - \Delta Y[k] \right) +
\Delta Y[k]
\right) \times \timedel_{\rm in}
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\energy & = & {\rm NaN}\ {\rm or} \\
\energy & \le & 0,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then the \tim\ is not modified.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{none}: \\
%
If
%
\begin{equation}
\pixadj = {\rm none},
\end{equation}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipxadj & = & \chipxadj\ {\rm and} \\
\chipyadj & = & \chipyadj\ {\rm and} \\
\tim & = & \tim.
\end{eqnarray}
%
No sub-pixel adjustments are applied to the values of \chipxadj\ and
\chipyadj\ (for timed exposure mode) or \chipxadj\ and \tim\ (for
continuous-clocking mode).
\item
{randomize}:
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{equation}
\pixadj = {\rm randomize},
\end{equation}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipxadj & = & \chipxadj + \epsilon_{x}\ {\rm and} \\
\chipyadj & = & \chipyadj + \epsilon_{y},
\end{eqnarray}
%
where $\epsilon_{x}$ and $\epsilon_{y}$ are a uniform random
deviates in the range $[-0.5,+0.5)$~pixel.
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim & = & \tim - \epsilon_{y} \times \timedel_{\rm in}.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipxadj & < & 0.5,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipxadj & = & 1.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipxadj & \ge & 1024.5,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipxadj & = & 1024.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & < & 0.5,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & 1.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & \ge & 1024.5,
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\chipyadj & = & 1024.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\x\ and \y}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\stp & = & {\rm sky},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT\_BIAS}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm GRADED}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm VFAINT},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then the values of \x\ and \y\ are computed using the
real-valued coordinates \chipxadj\ and \chipyadj\ and the
orientation of the telescope (i.e.\ \ra, \dec, and \roll) at the
time \tim.
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then the values of \x\ and \y\ are computed using the
real-valued coordinates \chipxadj\ and $\chipytarg_{\rm eff}$
and the orientation of the telescope (i.e.\ \ra, \dec, and
\roll) at the time \tim.
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
{\red\content_{\rm in}} & \ne & {\rm TGEVT1}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim & < & \tim_{\rm min}\ {\rm or} \\
\tim & \ge & \tim_{\rm max},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\x & = & {\rm NaN\ and} \\
\y & = & {\rm NaN}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
{\red\content_{\rm in}} & = & {\rm TGEVT1\ and} \\
\chipytg & = & {\rm NULL},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\x & = & {\rm NaN\ and} \\
\y & = & {\rm NaN}.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\skyoned}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm CC33\_GRADED}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\stp & = & {\rm sky},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
The value of \skyoned\ is computed using the real-valued
coordinates \chipxadj\ and $\chipytarg_{\rm eff}$ and the
orientation of the telescope (i.e.\ \ra, \dec, and \roll) at the
time \tim.
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
{\red\content_{\rm in}} & \ne & {\rm TGEVT1}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim & < & \tim_{\rm min}\ {\rm or} \\
\tim & \ge & \tim_{\rm max},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\skyoned & = & {\rm NaN}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
{\red\content_{\rm in}} & = & {\rm TGEVT1\ and} \\
\chipytg & = & {\rm NULL},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\skyoned & = & {\rm NaN}.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\detx\ and \dety}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\stp & = & {\rm det}\ {\rm or} \\
\stp & = & {\rm tan}\ {\rm or} \\
\stp & = & {\rm sky},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
The values of \detx\ and \dety\ are computed using the
real-valued coordinates \chipxadj\ and \chipyadj\ and the
orientation of the SIM (i.e.\ \dy, \dz, and \dtheta) at the time
\tim.
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
{\red\content_{\rm in}} & \ne & {\rm TGEVT1}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim & < & \tim_{\rm min}\ {\rm or} \\
\tim & \ge & \tim_{\rm max},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\detx & = & {\rm NaN\ and} \\
\dety & = & {\rm NaN}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
{\red\content_{\rm in}} & = & {\rm TGEVT1\ and} \\
\chipytg & = & {\rm NULL},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\detx & = & {\rm NaN\ and} \\
\dety & = & {\rm NaN}.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\tdetx\ and \tdety}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\stp & = & {\rm tdet}\ {\rm or} \\
\stp & = & {\rm det}\ {\rm or} \\
\stp & = & {\rm tan}\ {\rm or} \\
\stp & = & {\rm sky}
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
The values of \tdetx\ and \tdety\ are computed using the values
of nint(\chipxadj) and nint(\chipyadj). Here, ``nint''
indicates that the real-valued coordinate is rounded to the
nearest integer.
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
{\red\content_{\rm in}} & \ne & {\rm TGEVT1}
\end{eqnarray}
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tim & < & \tim_{\rm min}\ {\rm or} \\
\tim & \ge & \tim_{\rm max},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tdetx & = & {\rm NULL\ and} \\
\tdety & = & {\rm NULL}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}%
%
and
%
\begin{eqnarray}
{\red\content_{\rm in}} & = & {\rm TGEVT1\ and} \\
\chipytg & = & {\rm NULL},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\tdetx & = & {\rm NULL\ and} \\
\tdety & = & {\rm NULL}.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\subsubsection{ Write \outfile }
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{\pixadjkey}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm centroid},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadjkey & = & {\rm CENTROID}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm edser},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadjkey & = & {\rm EDSER}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm none},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadjkey & = & {\rm NONE}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm randomize},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadjkey & = & {\rm RANDOMIZE}.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\randsky}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm centroid},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\randsky & = & 0.0.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm edser},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\randsky & = & 0.0.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm none},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\randsky & = & 0.0.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\pixadj & = & {\rm randomize},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\randsky & = & 0.5.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\item
{\timeadj}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
{Timed-exposure mode}: \\
If
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm FAINT\_BIAS}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm GRADED}\ {\rm or} \\
\datamode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm VFAINT},
\end{eqnarray}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\timeadj & = & {\rm NONE}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
{Continuous-clocking mode}:
%
\begin{enumerate}
\item
Set
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\timeadj & = & {\rm MIDCHIP}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm pointing}\ {\rm and} \\
\acaofffile & \ne & {\rm none}
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\timeadj & = & {\rm TARGET}.
\end{eqnarray}
\item
If
%
{ \red
\begin{eqnarray}
\obsmode_{\rm in} & = & {\rm pointing}\ {\rm and} \\
\content_{\rm in} & = & {\rm TGEVT1},
\end{eqnarray}
}
%
then
%
\begin{eqnarray}
\timeadj & = & {\rm GRATING}.
\end{eqnarray}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
% 8. TBD
\section{TBD}
\begin{itemize}
\item
Include all timed exposure mode processing.
\item
Add the graded mode cti adjustment.
\item
Should {\content}s other than EVT0, EVT1, TGEVT1, and EVT2 be included?
\item
Should $\content = {\rm EVT2}$ be dropped?
\item
Should {\datamode}s other than CC33\_FAINT, CC33\_GRADED, FAINT,
FAINT\_BIAS, GRADED, and VFAINT be included?
\item
Are the $\beta$ in \pharo\ the same as the $\beta$ in \pha?
\item
Should something be done about \skyoned?
\end{itemize}
% 10. Finish
\end{document}
|
https://mirror.las.iastate.edu/tex-archive/macros/latex/contrib/keystroke/key-test.tex | iastate.edu | CC-MAIN-2023-06 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2023-06/segments/1674764500384.17/warc/CC-MAIN-20230207035749-20230207065749-00540.warc.gz | 401,876,632 | 1,210 |
% Rolf Niepraschk, [email protected], 2000/10/29
\documentclass{article}
\usepackage{array}
\usepackage{keystroke}
%\usepackage[french]{keystroke}
%\usepackage[spanish]{keystroke}
%\usepackage[german]{keystroke}
\listfiles
\setlength\extrarowheight{.5ex}
\newcommand*{\BSL}{\symbol{`\\}}
\newcommand*{\LB}{\symbol{`\{}}
\newcommand*{\RB}{\symbol{`\}}}
\begin{document}
\begin{center}
\textbf{\Large The keystroke macros} \bigskip
\begin{tabular}{@{} >{\ttfamily\BSL}c c >{\ttfamily\BSL}c c @{}}
\multicolumn{1}{@{} c}{\textbf{macro}} &
\multicolumn{1}{c}{\textbf{result}} &
\multicolumn{1}{c}{\textbf{macro}} &
\multicolumn{1}{c @{}}{\textbf{result}}\\ \hline
Spacebar & \Spacebar & Enter & \Enter \\
Return & \Return & Esc & \Esc \\
BSpace & \BSpace & Tab & \Tab \\
Alt & \Alt & AltGr & \AltGr \\
Del & \Del & Shift & \Shift \\
PgUp & \PgUp & PgDown & \PgDown \\
End & \End & Ctrl & \Ctrl \\
Home & \Home & Ins & \Ins \\
UArrow & \UArrow & DArrow & \DArrow \\
LArrow & \LArrow & RArrow & \RArrow \\
PrtSc & \PrtSc & Scroll & \Scroll \\
Break & \Break & NumLock & \NumLock \\[1ex]
\hline
keystroke\LB A\RB & \keystroke{A} & keystroke\LB Z\RB & \keystroke{Z} \\
keystroke\LB F1\RB & \keystroke{F1} & keystroke\LB F10\RB & \keystroke{F10}
\end{tabular}
\end{center}
\end{document}
|
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\title{4 marca: Anarchiści w ruchu studenckim}
\date{14 marca 2010}
\author{Maciej Drabiński, CrimethInc}
\subtitle{}
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Anarchiści w USA stosunkowo późno zareagowali na kryzys kapitalizmu w tym państwie. Jednym z takich wyjątków od tej reguły jest znaczący udział anarchistów w ruchu studenckim, który zaktywizował się protestując przeciw programom oszczędnościowym i cięciom budżetowym. Pierwszą akcją tego ruchu było zajęcie budynku „New School” w Nowym Jorku a następnie rozprzestrzenienie się tego typu działań w Kalifornii i innych stanach.
Na 4 marca zaplanowano protesty w całym kraju. Jednakże epicentrum ruchu i największa aktywność działań miała miejsce w Area Bay (aglomeracja San Francisco).
\section{Kalifornijski system szkolnictwa wyższego}
Pierwszy raz czesne na publicznych uczelniach wprowadził w latach 70-tych Ronald Reagan gdy był gubernatorem tego stanu. Wynosiło ono wtedy około 600 dolarów i do roku 2006 wyniosło ponad 6000 dolarów. Uwzględniając inflację był to wzrost o około 200\%.
Po załamaniu systemu ekonomicznego w 2008 roku Kalifornia znalazła się w tragicznej sytuacji budżetowej. A. Schwarzenegger (gubernator) rozpoczął ogromne cięcia budżetowe, które bardzo uderzyły w system szkolnictwa wyższego. Uczelnie aby zrekompensować straty wynikające z mniejszych dotacji państwowych podjęły decyzję o podwyższeniu czesnego o kolejne 32\% i o cięciach w wynagrodzeniach pracowników o 10\%.
Jednakże zdaniem studentów i pracowników uczelni jest to jedynie pretekst dla władz, które chcą wykorzystać kryzys do zaprzestania finansowania szkolnictwa z budżetu kraju (stanu), jej prywatyzacji co będzie kolejnym krokiem ku ograniczeniu dostępności do edukacji dla osób pochodzących z klasy robotniczej i klasy średniej. Protestujący podkreślają, że wystarczyłoby przesunąć fundusze z innych działów szkolnego budżetu lub wykorzystać środki z wielomiliardowych budżetów uniwersyteckich.
Studenci i pracownicy zbuntowali się. Pierwszy protest odbywał się we wrześniu 2009 roku kiedy studenci wielu uniwersytetów rozpoczęli okupację kampusów i budynków należących do uczelni. Przykładowo żacy z Santa Cruz zajęli wydział fotografii, który okupowali przez tydzień.
W październiku podjęto decyzję o zorganizowaniu ogólnokrajowego protestu właśnie 4 marca 2010 roku. Jednakże wielu studentów nie chciało – i nie mogło – czekać. Po tym jak 18 listopada oficjalnie podjęto decyzje o wprowadzeniu podwyżek czesnego, manifestacje rozprzestrzeniły się po całym stanie. Działania te kontynuowane były przez cały zimowy semestr.
Ferie zimowe z pozoru nieco osłabiły ruch studencki. Wykazywał on w tym czasie mniejszą aktywność. Jednakże studenci w rzeczywistości przygotowywali się na akcję „4 marca”. Preludium do tej akcji było „dance party” na Uniwersytecie w Berkeley zorganizowane wieczorem 25 lutego. Symbolicznie przez pewien czas zajęto „Durant Hall” – budynek będący najbardziej odpowiednim celem dla okupacji jako, że odnawiany z pieniędzy gwarantowanych przez podwyżki czesnego.
Około 2 w nocy opuszczono kampus i protestujący przemieszczali się dół Telegraph Avenue. Po drodze wybijano szyby w metrze, śmieci i kosze na śmieci były podpalane. Policja próbowała wyprzeć młodzież, co doprowadziło do starć z „siłami porządkowymi” podczas których używano butelek i kamieni. Tej nocy aresztowano jedynie 2 osoby.
\section{Strajki i okupacje w Kalifornii – działania 4 marca}
W odpowiedzi na rządowe plany wykorzystania kryzysu gospodarczego jako pretekstu do przeprowadzenia cięć w usługach publicznych – w tym podwyższenia czesnego – studenci i robotnicy wyszli na ulice w całej Kalifornii tak jak ich towarzysze z college’ów w Nowym Yorku i 30 innych stanach.
Protesty nabrały wielu form. Przeprowadzono okupacje, protesty, blokady dróg, pikiety, marsze i wiece w praktycznie każdym miejscu: w biednych i bogatych dzielnicach, centrach i obrzeżach miast. Dziesiątki tysięcy osób zebrało się w San Francisco.
Jednym z najbardziej uderzających faktów świadczącym o zasięgu i sile akcji „4 marca” był niezwykły wzrost znaczenia radykalnych działań nawet w miejscach o dosyć krótkiej i słabej historii walk społecznych i klasowych. Studenci w całych Stanach Zjednoczonych świadomie nawiązują do prób zajmowania i okupacji kampusów uczelni.
Dochodziło jednak do sporów i konfliktów na tym tle. Nie wszyscy uczestnicy protestów akceptują zasady akcji bezpośredniej. Część opowiadała się również za jednolitym, spójnym, frontem – manifestacją a nie rozdrobnieniem się na wiele mniejszych grup.
Wśród protestujących byli nie tylko studenci uniwersytetów Berkeley, Los Angeles czy Santa Cruz, ale również w San Diego, Irvine, Riverside, Santa Barbara oraz Davis. Praktycznie na każdej z tych uczelni setki studentów próbowało nie tylko zająć i okupować uniwersytety, ale również przenieść działania poza mury uniwersyteckie. Co najważniejsze, także pracownicy uniwersyteccy zgadzali się z protestującymi.
I tak studenci z Berkeley dołączyli do protestujących uczniów i nauczycieli szkół publicznych w Oakland. Protestującym udało się także zająć i zablokować ruch na kilku drogach międzystanowych, w tym na drodze stanowej 880 (zakończyło się to spacyfikowaniem protestujących przez policję i aresztowaniem ponad 150 osób) oraz 80 (w pobliżu głównej arterii Sacramento). Równocześnie odbywały się analogiczne protesty na uniwersytetach w innych 31 stanach w tym przede wszystkim na nowojorskich uczelniach.
Ciekawym wydarzeniem wydaje się zasłonięcie i zawieszenie na ogromnym bilbordzie w centrum Oakland hasła „Fight Back. Today. Mayday. Every Day” (Zwalczaj. Dzisiaj, Mayday, Każdego Dnia).
\section{Wnioski}
Niektórzy uważają, że akcja „4 marca” była sukcesem. Oczywiście nie ma sukcesów bez strat i kosztów. Aresztowano ponad 160 osób. Młody chłopak prawie umarł niejako potwierdzając apelujących o to by nie dołączać do anarchistów.
Faktem jest to, że ruch ten rozrasta się o wiele szybciej niż ktokolwiek się spodziewał. Nie są to jednak wyłącznie protesty w „obronie edukacji”. Jest to ogólnie wyrażany sprzeciw wobec kapitalizmu i obarczania społeczeństwa kosztami jego kryzysu będącego w istocie efektem jego wewnętrznych sprzeczności.
Ruch strajkowy musi się rozprzestrzenić. Studenci i uczniowie już teraz nawiązują kontakty i współpracę ze strajkującymi pracownikami, jak np. 15 tys pracownikami gminy w San Francisco i zachęcać robotników do tworzenia komitetów strajkowych czy zgromadzeń tak by nie opierali się oni na skorumpowanych związkach zawodowych, które dążą do skłócenia robotników i zapobiegnięcia wybuchu strajku generalnego.
Nie ważne jednak czy był to sukces. Istotne wydaje się to w jaką stronę podąży ruch. Czy anarchistom uda się zmarginalizować środowiska autorytarne i reformistyczne? Co anarchiści będą próbować wnieść i osiągnąć w ruchu studenckim? Jeżeli mamy konkretne cele to czy jesteśmy w stanie dokonać postępu w ich realizacji?
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Anarcho-Biblioteka
\smallskip
Dobry pieróg to wywrotowy pieróg
\bigskip
\includegraphics[width=0.25\textwidth]{logo-pl.pdf}
\bigskip
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\begin{center}
Maciej Drabiński, CrimethInc
4 marca: Anarchiści w ruchu studenckim
14 marca 2010
\bigskip
https:\Slash{}\Slash{}drabina.wordpress.com\Slash{}2010\Slash{}03\Slash{}14\Slash{}4-marca-anarchisci-w-ruchu-studenckim\Slash{}
tłumaczenie i synteza artykułów opublikowanych w Libcom.org oraz artykułu March 4: Anarchists in the Student Movement (https:\Slash{}\Slash{}crimethinc.com\Slash{}2010\Slash{}03\Slash{}09\Slash{}march-4-anarchists-in-the-student-movement)
\bigskip
\textbf{pl.anarchistlibraries.net}
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http://consequences.emich.edu/new-forms9.tex | emich.edu | CC-MAIN-2017-34 | text/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-34/segments/1502886110573.77/warc/CC-MAIN-20170822085147-20170822105147-00286.warc.gz | 98,114,474 | 2,678 | %Updated 10/11/99
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\centerline{Additions to Part I: Numerical List of Forms}
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [0 AQ]} If $E$ is a separable normed topological vector
space, then for every continuous sublinear functional $p$ on $E$
there is a linear functional $f$ on $E$ such that $f\leq p$.
\ac{Dodu/Morillon} \cite{1999}.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [1 CZ]} Every compact frame has a maximal element.
\ac{Banaschewski} \cite{1990} and note 29.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [1 DA]} Every large subspace of the spectrum of a
compact frame is compact. (A subspace is {\it large} if it contains
all minimal elements.) \ac{Banaschewski} \cite{1990} and note 29.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [1 DB]} Any large homomorphic image of a compact frame
is compact. (A frame homomorphism $\phi: L\to M$ is called
{\it large} if $\phi(s) < e$ (the unit) for all maximal elements
$s\in L$.) \ac{Banaschewski} \cite{1990} and note 29.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [1 DC]} In any complete lattice with at least two elements
there exists an ultrafilter. \ac{Banaschewski} \cite{1961}.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [1 DD]} If $(L_i)_{i\in I}$ is a family of complete
lattices, each of which has at least two elements, then there exists
a family $(M_i)_{i\in I}$ of filters such that $M_i$ is an
ultrafilter in $L_i$. \ac{Banaschewski} \cite{1961}.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [1 DE]} Let $L$ be a complete distributive lattice with
at least two elements and let $A$ be a proper subset of $L$ such that
for all $x\in L$ and $a\in A$, $x\le a$ implies $x\in a$. Then there
is an ultrafilter $M$ disjoint form $A$. \ac{Banaschewski} \cite{1961}.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [1 DF]} For any set $X$, if $\Cal C$ is a set of
conditionally $\cap$-closed subsets of $\Cal P(X)$, then $\Cal C$
contains a maximal filter (not necessarily proper). (If $\Cal C\subseteq
\Cal P(X)$, $\Cal C$ is called {\it conditionally $\cap$-closed} if for
all $A$, $B$, $C$ in $\Cal C$, $C\subseteq A\cap B$ implies $A\cap B\in
\Cal C$.) \ac{Banaschewski} \cite{1961}.
\smallskip
\noindent(Keremedis \cite{1999d} has shown that form 346 is equivalent
to AC. Form [1 DG] is the old 346.)
\item{}{\bf [1 DG]} Vector Space Kinna-Wagner Principle: For
every family $V = \{V_i : i \in K\}$ of non-trivial vector spaces
there is a family $F = \{F_i : i\in K\}$ such that for each
$i\in K$, $F_i$ is a non-empty, independent subset of $V_i$.
Note 127.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [43 AG]} Let $B$ be a Boolean algebra, $b$ a non-zero
element of $B$ and $\{A_i: i\in\omega\}$ a sequence of subsets of $B$
such that for each $i\in\omega$, $A_i$ has a supremum $a_i$. Then
there exists a filter $D$ in $B$ such that $b\in D$ and, for each
$i\in\omega$, if $a_i\in D$, then $D\cap\ A_i\neq\emptyset$. \ac{Bacsich}
\cite{1972b}.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [43 AH]} Ekeland's Variational Principle: If $(E,d)$ is
a non-empty complete metric space, $f: E\to\Bbb R$ is lower
semi-continuous and bounded from below, and $\epsilon$ is a positive
real number, then there exists $a\in E$ such that for all $x\in E$,
$f(a)\le f(x)+\epsilon d(x,a)$. \ac{Dodu/Morillon} \cite{1999} and
note 28.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [52 L]} If $E$ is a topological vector space then for every
sublinear functional $p$ on $E$ there is a linear functional $f$ on $E$
such that $f\leq p$. \ac{Fossy/Morillon} \cite{1998}.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [52 M]} If $E$ is a topological vector space, $p$
is a continuous sublinear functional on E, and $S$ is a subspace of
$E$ such that $f$ is a linear functional on $S$ with $f\leq p$, then
$f$ can be extended to $f^{*} : E \rightarrow {\Bbb R}$ such that
$f^{*}$ is linear and $f^*\leq p$. \ac{Fossy/Morillon} \cite{1998}.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [52 N]} If $E$ is a topological vector space, $C$ is a
an affine subspace of $E$, and $O$ is a non-empty open convex
subset of $E$ such that $C\cap O=\emptyset$, then there exists a
linear functional $f$ on $E$ such that for all $x\in O$, $f(x) <$
inf$_{z\in C}f(z)$. \ac{Dodu/Morillon} \cite{1999}.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [52 O]} If $E$ is a topological vector space, $C$ is a
non-empty convex subset of $E$, and $O$ is a non-empty open convex
subset of $E$ such that $C\cap O=\emptyset$, then there exists a
linear functional $f$ on $E$ such that for all $x\in O$, $f(x) <$
inf$_{z\in C}f(z)$. \ac{Dodu/Morillon} \cite{1999}.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [52 P]} If $E$ is a topological vector space, $a\in E$,
and $O$ is a non-empty open convex subset of $E$ such that $a\notin O$,
then there exists a linear functional $f$ on $E$ such that for all
$x\in O$, $f(x) < f(a)$. \ac{Dodu/Morillon} \cite{1999}.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [52 Q]} If $E$ is a topological vector space, $C$ and
and $O$ two non-empty disjoint convex subsets of $E$ and $O$ is open,
then there exists a linear functional $f$ on $E$ such that $f[O] <
f[C]$. \ac{Dodu/Morillon} \cite{1999}.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [52 R]} If $E$ is a topological vector space, $C$ and
and $O$ two non-empty disjoint open convex subsets of $E$, then there
exists a linear functional $f$ on $E$ such that $f[O] < f[C]$.
\ac{Dodu/Morillon} \cite{1999}.
\smallskip
\item{}{\bf [52 S]} If $E$ is a topological vector space, $C$ is a
non-empty closed convex subset of E, and $K$ is a non-empty compact
convex subset of $E$, then there exists a linear functional $f$ on $E$
such that sup$_{x\in K}f(x) <$ inf$_{z\in C}f(z)$. \ac{Dodu/Morillon}
\cite{1999}.
\smallskip\noindent
Replace the old form 346 by the following:
\noindent{\bf FORM 346.} If $V$ is a vector space without a finite
basis then $V$ contains an infinite, well ordered, linearly independent
subset. Keremedis \cite{1999d}.
\smallskip
\noindent{\bf FORM 406.} The product of compact Hausdorf spaces is
countably compact. \ac{Alas} \cite{1994}.
\smallskip
\noindent{\bf FORM 407.} Let $B$ be a Boolean algebra, $b$ a non-zero
element of $B$ and $\{A_i: i\in\omega\}$ a sequence of subsets of $B$
such that for each $i\in\omega$, $A_i$ has a supremum $a_i$. Then there
exists an ultrafilter $D$ in $B$ such that $b\in D$ and, for each
$i\in\omega$, if $a_i\in D$, then $D\cap\ A_i\neq\emptyset$.
\ac{Bacsich} \cite{1972b}.
\bye
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https://git.bettercrypto.org/ach-master.git/blob_plain/HEAD:/src/theory/cipher_suites/choosing.tex | bettercrypto.org | CC-MAIN-2022-27 | text/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-27/segments/1656104668059.88/warc/CC-MAIN-20220706060502-20220706090502-00790.warc.gz | 323,390,912 | 5,296 | %%\subsection{Choosing your own cipher suites}
%%\label{section:ChoosingYourOwnCipherSuites}
\todo{ Adi... you want to describe how to make your own selection of cipher suites here.}
%%SSL/TLS cipher suites consist of a key exchange algorithm, an authentication, a
%%stream cipher (or a block cipher with a chaining mode) and a message authentication
%%mechanism.
%% ^^ commented out due to duplication (see previous section on architecture) - azet
Many of the parts in a cipher suite are interchangeable. Like the key exchange
algorithm in this example: \texttt{ECDHE-RSA-AES256-GCM-SHA384} and
\texttt{DHE-RSA-AES256-GCM-SHA384}. To provide a decent level of security, all
algorithms need to be safe (subject to the disclaimer in section
\ref{section:disclaimer}).
Note: There are some very weak cipher suites in every crypto library, most of
them for historic reasons or due to legacy standards. The crypto export embargo
is a good example~\cite{Wikipedia:ExportCipher}. For the following chapter
support of these low-security algorithms is disabled by setting
\texttt{!EXP:!LOW:!NULL} as part of the cipher string.
\todo{Team: do we need references for all cipher suites considered weak?}
\subsubsection{Key Exchange}
Many algorithms allow secure key exchange. Those are \ac{RSA}, \ac{DH}, \ac{EDH}, \ac{ECDSA},
\ac{ECDH}, \ac{EECDH} amongst others. During the key exchange, keys used for authentication
and symmetric encryption are exchanged. For \ac{RSA}, \ac{DSA} and \ac{ECDSA} those keys are derived
from the server's public key.
\todo{explain this section}
\ctable[caption={Key exchange algorithms}]{llll}{}{%
\FL & \textbf{Key} & \textbf{EC} & \textbf{ephemeral}
\ML RSA & RSA & \no & \no
\NN DH & RSA & \no & \no
\NN EDH & RSA & \no & \yes
\NN ECDH & both & \yes & \no
\NN EECDH & both & \yes & \yes
\NN DSA & DSA & \no & \no
\NN ECDSA & DSA & \yes & \no
\LL}
%disabled: \texttt{!PSK:!SRP}
\textbf{Ephemeral Key Exchange} uses different keys for authentication (the server's RSA
key) and encryption (a randomly created key). This advantage is called ``Forward
Secrecy'' and means that even recorded traffic cannot be decrypted later when someone
obtains the server key.
All ephemeral key exchange schemes are based on the Diffie-Hellman algorithm and require
pre-generated Diffie-Hellman parameter (which allow fast ephemeral key generation). It
is important to note that the Diffie-Hellman parameter settings need to reflect at least
the security (speaking in number of bits) as the RSA host key. \todo{add reference!}
\textbf{Elliptic Curves} (see section \ref{section:EllipticCurveCryptography})
required by current TLS standards only consist of the so-called NIST-curves
(\texttt{secp256r1} and \texttt{secp384r1}) which may be weak because the
parameters that led to their generation were not properly explained by the
authors~\cite{DJBSC}. Disabling support for Elliptic Curves leads to no
ephemeral key exchange being available for the Windows platform. When you
decide to use Elliptic Curves despite the uncertainty, make sure to at least
use the stronger curve of the two supported by all clients
(\texttt{secp384r1}).
Other key exchange mechanisms like Pre-Shared Key (PSK) are irrelevant for
regular SSL/TLS use.
\subsubsection{Authentication}
RSA, DSA, DSS, ECDSA, ECDH
During Key Exchange the server proved that he is in control of the private key
associated with a certain public key (the server's certificate). The client
verifies the server's identity by comparing the signature on the certificate
and matching it with its trust database. For details about the trust model of
SSL/TLS please see \ref{section:PKIs}.
In addition to the server providing its identity, a client might do so as well.
That way mutual trust can be established. Another mechanism providing client
authentication is Secure Remote Password (SRP)\todo{reference}. All those
mechanisms require special configuration.
Other authentication mechanisms like Pre Shared Keys are not used in SSL/TLS.
Anonymous sessions will not be discussed in this paper.
\texttt{!PSK:!aNULL}
\subsubsection{Encryption}
AES, CAMELLIA, SEED, ARIA(?), FORTEZZA(?)...
Other ciphers like IDEA, RC2, RC4, 3DES or DES are weak and therefore not recommended:
\texttt{!DES:!3DES:!RC2:!RC4:!eNULL}
\subsubsection{Message authentication}
SHA-1 (SHA), SHA-2 (SHA256, SHA384), AEAD
Note that SHA-1 is considered broken and should not be used. SHA-1 is however the
only still available message authentication mechanism supporting TLS1.0/SSLv3. Without
SHA-1 most clients will be locked out.
Other hash functions like MD2, MD4 or MD5 are unsafe and broken: \texttt{!MD2:!MD4:!MD5}
\subsubsection{Combining cipher strings}
%% reference 'man ciphers' and 'openssl ciphers' and show some simple examples
%% VERY IMPORTANT: hint at the IANA-list and the differences in implementations
\todo{ Adi... The text below was simply the old text, still left here for reference.}
%%% NOTE: we do not need to list this all here, can move to an appendix
%At the time of this writing, SSL is defined in RFCs:
%
%\begin{itemize*}
%\item RFC2246 - TLS1.0
%\item RFC3268 - AES
%\item RFC4132 - Camelia
%\item RFC4162 - SEED
%\item RFC4279 - PSK
%\item RFC4346 - TLS 1.1
%\item RFC4492 - ECC
%\item RFC4785 - PSK\_NULL
%\item RFC5246 - TLS 1.2
%\item RFC5288 - AES\_GCM
%\item RFC5289 - AES\_GCM\_SHA2\_ECC
%\item RFC5430 - Suite B
%\item RFC5487 - GCM\_PSK
%\item RFC5489 - ECDHE\_PSK
%\item RFC5932 - Camelia
%\item RFC6101 - SSL 3.0
%\item RFC6209 - ARIA
%\item RFC6367 - Camelia
%\item RFC6655 - AES\_CCM
%\item RFC7027 - Brainpool Curves
%\end{itemize*}
%\subsubsection{Overview of SSL Server settings}
%
%
%Most Server software (Webservers, Mail servers, etc.) can be configured to prefer certain cipher suites over others.
%We followed the recommendations by Ivan Ristic's SSL/TLS Deployment Best Practices\footnote{\url{https://www.ssllabs.com/projects/best-practices/index.html}} document (see section 2.2 "Use Secure Protocols") and arrived at a list of recommended cipher suites for SSL enabled servers.
%
%Following Ivan Ristic's adivce we arrived at a categorisation of cipher suites.
%
%\begin{center}
%\begin{tabular}{lllll}
%\cmidrule[\heavyrulewidth]{2-5}
%& \textbf{Version} & \textbf{KeyEx} & \textbf{Cipher} & \textbf{MAC} \\\cmidrule(lr){2-5}
%\cellcolor{green}prefer & TLS 1.2 & DHE\_DSS & AES\_256\_GCM & SHA384 \\
% & & DHE\_RSA & AES\_256\_CCM & SHA256 \\
% & & ECDHE\_ECDSA & AES\_256\_CBC & \\
% & & ECDHE\_RSA & & \\
% & & & & \\
%\cellcolor{orange}consider & TLS 1.1 & DH\_DSS & AES\_128\_GCM & SHA \\
% & TLS 1.0 & DH\_RSA & AES\_128\_CCM & \\
% & & ECDH\_ECDSA & AES\_128\_CBC & \\
% & & ECDH\_RSA & CAMELLIA\_256\_CBC & \\
% & & RSA & CAMELLIA\_128\_CBC & \\
% & & & & \\
%\cellcolor{red}avoid
%& SSL 3.0 & NULL & NULL & NULL \\
% & & DH\_anon & RC4\_128 & MD5 \\
% & & ECDH\_anon & 3DES\_EDE\_CBC & \\
% & & & DES\_CBC & \\
% & & & & \\
%\cellcolor{blue}{\color{white}special }
%& & PSK & CAMELLIA\_256\_GCM & \\
% & & DHE\_PSK & CAMELLIA\_128\_GCM & \\
% & & RSA\_PSK & ARIA\_256\_GCM & \\
% & & ECDHE\_PSK & ARIA\_256\_CBC & \\
% & & & ARIA\_128\_GCM & \\
% & & & ARIA\_128\_CBC & \\
% & & & SEED & \\
%\cmidrule[\heavyrulewidth]{2-5}
%\end{tabular}
%\end{center}
%
%A remark on the ``consider'' section: the BSI (Federal office for information security, Germany) recommends in its technical report TR-02102-2\footnote{\url{https://www.bsi.bund.de/SharedDocs/Downloads/DE/BSI/Publikationen/TechnischeRichtlinien/TR02102/BSI-TR-02102-2_pdf.html}} to \textbf{avoid} non-ephemeral\footnote{Ephemeral keys are session keys which are destroyed upon termination of the encrypted session. In TLS/SSL, they are realized by the DHE cipher suites. } keys for any communication which might contain personal or sensitive data. In this document, we follow BSI's advice and therefore only keep cipher suites containing (EC)DH\textbf{E} (ephemeral) variants. System administrators, who can not use forward secrecy can still use the cipher suites in the ``consider'' section. We however, do not recommend them in this document.
%
%%% NOTE: s/forward secrecy/perfect forward secrecy???
%
%Note that the entries marked as ``special'' are cipher suites which are not common to all clients (webbrowsers etc).
%
%
%\subsubsection{Tested clients}
%
%Next we tested the cipher suites above on the following clients:
%
%%% NOTE: we need to test with more systems!!
%\begin{itemize*}
%\item Chrome 30.0.1599.101 Mac OS X 10.9
%\item Safari 7.0 Mac OS X 10.9
%\item Firefox 25.0 Mac OS X 10.9
%\item Internet Explorer 10 Windows 7
%\item Apple iOS 7.0.3
%\end{itemize*}
%
%
%The result of testing the cipher suites with these clients gives us a preference order as shown in table \ref{table:prefOrderCipherSuites}.
%Should a client not be able to use a specific cipher suite, it will fall back to the next possible entry as given by the ordering.
%
%\begin{table}[h]
%\centering\small
% \begin{tabular}{cllcccc}
% \toprule
% \textbf{Pref} & \textbf{Cipher Suite} & \textbf{ID} & \multicolumn{4}{l}{\textbf{Supported by}}\\
% \cmidrule(lr){4-7}
% & \textbf{OpenSSL Name} & & Chrome & FF & IE & Safari \\
% \cmidrule(lr){1-7}
% \phantom{0}1 & \verb|TLS_DHE_RSA_WITH_AES_256_GCM_SHA384| & \verb|0x009f| & \no & \no & \no & \no \\
% & \verb|DHE-RSA-AES256-GCM-SHA384| & & &&&\\\rowcolor{lightlightgray}
% \phantom{0}2 & \verb|TLS_ECDHE_ECDSA_WITH_AES_256_CBC_SHA384| & \verb|0xC024| & \no & \no & \no & \yes \\\rowcolor{lightlightgray}
% & \verb|ECDHE-ECDSA-AES256-SHA384| & & &&&\\
% \phantom{0}3 & \verb|TLS_ECDHE_RSA_WITH_AES_256_CBC_SHA384| & \verb|0xC028| & \no & \no & \no & \yes \\
% & \verb|ECDHE-RSA-AES256-SHA384| & & &&&\\\rowcolor{lightlightgray}
% \phantom{0}4 & \verb|TLS_DHE_RSA_WITH_AES_256_CBC_SHA256| & \verb|0x006B| & \yes & \no & \no & \yes \\\rowcolor{lightlightgray}
% & \verb|DHE-RSA-AES256-SHA256| & & &&&\\
% \phantom{0}5 & \verb|TLS_ECDHE_ECDSA_WITH_AES_256_CBC_SHA| & \verb|0xC00A| & \yes & \yes & \yes & \yes \\
% & \verb|ECDHE-ECDSA-AES256-SHA| & & &&&\\\rowcolor{lightlightgray}
% \phantom{0}6 & \verb|TLS_ECDHE_RSA_WITH_AES_256_CBC_SHA| & \verb|0xC014| & \yes & \yes & \yes & \yes \\\rowcolor{lightlightgray}
% & \verb|ECDHE-RSA-AES256-SHA| & & &&&\\
% \phantom{0}7 & \verb|TLS_DHE_RSA_WITH_AES_256_CBC_SHA| & \verb|0x0039| & \yes & \yes & \no & \yes \\
% & \verb|DHE-RSA-AES256-SHA| & & &&&\\\rowcolor{lightlightgray}
% \phantom{0}8 & \verb|TLS_DHE_DSS_WITH_AES_256_CBC_SHA| & \verb|0x0038| & \no & \yes & \yes & \no \\\rowcolor{lightlightgray}
% & \verb|DHE-DSS-AES256-SHA| & & &&&\\
% \phantom{0}9 & \verb|TLS_DHE_RSA_WITH_CAMELLIA_256_CBC_SHA| & \verb|0x0088| & \no & \yes & \no & \no \\
% & \verb|DHE-RSA-CAMELLIA256-SHA| & & &&&\\\rowcolor{lightlightgray}
% \phantom{}10 & \verb|TLS_DHE_DSS_WITH_CAMELLIA_256_CBC_SHA| & \verb|0x0087| & \no & \yes & \no & \no \\\rowcolor{lightlightgray}
% & \verb|DHE-DSS-CAMELLIA256-SHA| & & &&&\\
% \bottomrule
% \end{tabular}
%\caption{Preference order of cipher suites. All suites are supported by OpenSSL.}
%\label{table:prefOrderCipherSuites}
%\end{table}
%
%Note: the above table \ref{table:prefOrderCipherSuites} contains Elliptic curve key exchanges. There are currently strong doubts\footnote{\url{http://safecurves.cr.yp.to/rigid.html}} concerning ECC.
%If unsure, remove the cipher suites starting with ECDHE in the table above.
%
%
%Based on this ordering, we can now define the corresponding settings for servers. We will start with the most common web servers.
|
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% \bf TECHNICAL REPORT 19767 \copyright\ ISO/IEC \hfill ISO/IEC \bf PDTR 1.22.02.01.01.01}%
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\title{\hfill {\Large {\LARGE\bf J3/03-199}}\\
\vspace*{1in}
\bf WORKING DRAFT\\
ISO IEC TECHNICAL REPORT 19767\\
\vspace*{24pt}
ISO/IEC JTC1/SC22/WG5 PROJECT 1.22.02.01.01.01\\
\vspace*{12pt}
Enhanced Module Facilities\\
\vspace*{12pt}
in\\
\vspace*{12pt}
Fortran\\
\vspace{0.2in}}
\author{An extension to IS 1539-1\\
\vspace{0.2in}}
\date{1 August 2003\\
\vspace*{12pt}
THIS PAGE TO BE REPLACED BY ISO-CS}
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\begin{document}
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~
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\tableofcontents
\newpage
\section*{Foreword}
[General part to be provided by ISO CS]
This technical report specifies an extension to the module program unit
facilities of the programming language Fortran. Fortran is specified by
the international standard ISO/IEC 1539-1. This document has been
prepared by ISO/IEC JTC1/SC22/WG5, the technical working group for the
Fortran language.
It is the intention of ISO/IEC JTC1/SC22/WG5 that the semantics and syntax
specified by this technical report be included in the next revision of the
Fortran standard (ISO/IEC 1539-1) without change unless experience in the
implementation and use of this feature identifies errors that need to be
corrected, or changes are needed to achieve proper integration, in which
case every reasonable effort will be made to minimize the impact of such
changes on existing implementations.
\setcounter{section}{-1}
\section{Introduction}
The module system of Fortran, as standardized by ISO/IEC 1539-1, while
adequate for programs of modest size, has shortcomings that become
evident when used for large programs, or programs having large modules.
The primary cause of these shortcomings is that modules are monolithic.
This technical report extends the module facility of Fortran so that
program developers can optionally encapsulate the implementation details
of module procedures in \tdef{submodules} that are separate from but
dependent on the module in which the interfaces of their procedures are
defined. If a module or submodule has submodules, it is the \tdef{parent}
of those submodules.
The facility specified by this technical report is compatible to the
module facility of Fortran as standardized by ISO/IEC 1539-1.
\subsection{Shortcomings of Fortran's module system}
The shortcomings of the module system of Fortran, as specified by ISO/IEC
1539-1, and solutions offered by this technical report, are as follows.
\subsubsection{Decomposing large and interconnected facilities}
If an intellectual concept is large and internally interconnected, it
requires a large module to implement it. Decomposing such a concept into
components of tractable size using modules as specified by ISO/IEC 1539-1
may require one to convert private data to public data. The drawback of
this is not primarily that an ``unauthorized'' procedure or module might
access or change these entities, or develop a dependence on their
internal details. Rather, during maintenance, one must then answer the
question ``where is this entity used?''
Using facilities specified in this technical report, such a concept can
be decomposed into modules and submodules of tractable size, without
exposing private entities to uncontrolled use.
Decomposing a complicated intellectual concept may furthermore require
circularly dependent modules, but this is prohibited by ISO/IEC 1539-1.
It is frequently the case, however, that the dependence is between the
implementation of some parts of the concept and the interface of other
parts. Because the module facility defined by ISO/IEC 1539-1 does not
distinguish between the implementation and interface, this distinction
cannot be exploited to break the circular dependence. Therefore, modules
that implement large intellectual concepts tend to become large, and
therefore expensive to maintain reliably.
Using facilities specified in this technical report, complicated
concepts can be implemented in submodules that access modules, rather
than modules that access modules, thus reducing the possibility for
circular dependence between modules.
\subsubsection{Avoiding recompilation cascades}\label{cascade}
Once the design of a program is stable, few changes to a module occur in
its \tdef{interface}, that is, in its public data, public types, the
interfaces of its public procedures, and private entities that affect
their definitions. We refer to the rest of a module, that is, private
entities that do not affect the definitions of public entities, and the
bodies of its public procedures, as its \tdef{implementation}. Changes in
the implementation have no effect on the translation of other program
units that access the module. The existing module facility, however,
draws no structural distinction between the interface and the
implementation. Therefore, if one changes any part of a module, most
language translation systems have no alternative but to conclude that a
change might have occurred that could affect other modules that access
the changed module. This effect cascades into modules that access
modules that access the changed module, and so on. This can cause a
substantial expense to retranslate and recertify a large program.
Recertification can be several orders of magnitude more costly than
retranslation.
Using facilities specified in this technical report, implementation
details of a module can be encapsulated in submodules. Submodules are
not accessible by use association, and they depend on their parent
module, not vice-versa. Therefore, submodules can be changed without
implying that a program unit accessing the parent module (directly or
indirectly) must be retranslated.
It may also be appropriate to replace a set of modules by a set of
submodules each of which has access to others of the set through the
parent/child relationship instead of USE association. A change in the
interface of one such submodule requires the retranslation only of its
descendant submodules. Thus, compilation and certification cascades
caused by changes of interface can be shortened.
\subsubsection{Packaging proprietary software}
If a module as specified by international standard ISO/IEC 1539-1 is used
to package proprietary software, the source text of the module cannot be
published as authoritative documentation of the interface of the module,
without either exposing trade secrets, or requiring the expense of
separating the implementation from the interface every time a revision is
published.
Using facilities specified in this technical report, one can easily
publish the source text of the module as authoritative documentation of
its interface, while witholding publication of the source text of the
submodules that contain the implementation details, and the trade secrets
embodied within them.
\subsubsection{Easier library creation}
Most Fortran translator systems produce a single file of computer
instructions and data, frequently called an \emph{object file}, for each
module. This is easier than producing an object file for the
specification part and one for each module procedure. It is also
convenient, and conserves space and time, when a program uses all or most
of the procedures in each module. It is inconvenient, and results in a
larger program, when only a few of the procedures in a general purpose
module are needed in a particular program.
Modules can be decomposed using facilities specified in this technical
report so that it is easier for each program unit's author to control
how module procedures are allocated among object files. One can then
collect sets of object modules that correspond to a module and its
submodules into a library.
\subsection{Disadvantage of using this facility}
Translator systems will find it more difficult to carry out global
inter-procedural optimizations if the program uses the facility specified
in this technical report. Interprocedural optimizations involving
procedures in the same module or submodule will not be affected. When
translator systems become able to do global inter-procedural optimization
in the presence of this facility, it is likely that requesting
inter-procedural optimization will cause compilation cascades in the
first situation mentioned in subclause \ref{cascade}, even if this
facility is used. Although one advantage of this facility could perhaps
be reduced in the case when users request inter-procedural optimization,
it would remain if users do not request inter-procedural optimization,
and the other advantages remain in any case.
\newpage
\pagenumbering{arabic}
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\section*{Information technology -- Programming Languages --
Fortran}
\section*{Technical Report: Enhanced Module Facilities}
\section{General}
\pagewiselinenumbers
\leftlinenumbers
\linenumbers*
\linenumbersep=15pt
\subsection{Scope}
This technical report specifies an extension to the module facilities of
the programming language Fortran. The current Fortran language is
specified by the international standard ISO/IEC 1539-1~: Fortran. The
extension allows program authors to develop the implementation details of
concepts in new program units, called \tdef{submodules}, that cannot be
accessed directly by use association. In order to support submodules,
the module facility of international standard ISO/IEC 1539-1 is changed
by this technical report in such a way as to be upwardly compatible with
the module facility specified by international standard ISO/IEC 1539-1.
Clause \ref{req} of this technical report contains a general and
informal but precise description of the extended functionalities.
Clause \ref{edit} contains detailed editorial changes that would
implement the revised language specification if they were applied to the
current international standard.
\subsection{Normative References}
The following standards contain provisions that, through reference in
this text, constitute provisions of this technical report. For dated
references, subsequent amendments to, or revisions of, any of these
publications do not apply. Parties to agreements based on this technical
report are, however, encouraged to investigate the possibility of
applying the most recent editions of the normative documents indicated
below. For undated references, the latest edition of the normative
document referenced applies. Members of IEC and ISO maintain registers
of currently valid International Standards.
ISO/IEC 1539-1 : \emph{Information technology - Programming
Languages~- Fortran}
\newpage
\section{Requirements}\label{req}
The following subclauses contain a general description of the extensions
to the syntax and semantics of the current Fortran programming language
to provide facilities for submodules, and to separate subprograms
into interface and implementation parts.
\subsection{Summary}
This technical report defines a new entity and modifications of two
existing entities.
The new entity is a program unit, the \emph{submodule}. As its name
implies, a submodule is logically part of a module, and it depends on
that module. A new variety of interface body, a \emph{module procedure
interface body}, and a new variety of procedure, a \emph{separate module
procedure}, are described below.
By putting a module procedure interface body in a module and its
corresponding separate module procedure in a submodule, program units
that access the interface body by use association do not depend on the
procedure's body. Rather, the procedure's body depends on its interface
body.
\subsection{Submodules}
A \tdef{submodule} is a program unit that is dependent on and subsidiary
to a module or another submodule. A module or submodule may have several
subsidiary submodules. If it has subsidiary submodules, it is the
\tdef{parent} of those subsidiary submodules, and each of those
submodules is a \tdef{child} of its parent. A submodule accesses its
parent by host association.
An \tdef{ancestor} of a submodule is its parent, or an ancestor of its
parent. A \tdef{descendant} of a module or submodule is one of its
children, or a descendant of one of its children.
A submodule is introduced by a statement of the form \cf{SUBMODULE (}
\st{parent-name}~{\tt)} \st{submodule-name}, and terminated by a
statement of the form \cf{END SUBMODULE} \st{submodule-name}. The
\st{parent-name} is the name of the parent module or submodule.
Identifiers declared in a submodule are effectively PRIVATE, except for
the names of separate module procedures that correspond to public module
procedure interface bodies (\ref{TR:Separate module procedure and its
corresponding interface body}) in the ancestor module. It is not
possible to access entities declared in the specification part of a
submodule by use association because a USE statement is required to
specify a module, not a submodule. ISO/IEC 1539-1 permits PRIVATE and
PUBLIC declarations only in a module, and this technical report does not
propose to change that specification.
In all other respects, a submodule is identical to a module.
\subsection{Separate module procedure and its corresponding interface
body}\label{TR:Separate module procedure and its corresponding interface
body}
A \tdef{module procedure interface body} specifies the interface for a
separate module procedure. It is different from an interface body
defined by ISO/IEC 1539-1 in three respects. First, it is introduced by
a \si{function-stmt} or \si{subroutine-stmt} that includes MODULE in its
\si{prefix}. Second, in addition to specifying a procedure's
characteristics, dummy argument names, binding label if any, and whether
it is recursive, a module procedure interface body specifies that its
corresponding procedure body is in the same module or submodule in which
it appears, or one of its descendant submodules. Third, unlike an
ordinary interface body, it accesses the module or submodule in which it
is declared by host association.
A \tdef{separate module procedure} is a module procedure that is
introduced by a \si{function-stmt} or \si{subroutine-stmt} that includes
MODULE in its \si{prefix}. It shall have the same name as a module
procedure interface body that is declared in the same module or
submodule, or is declared in one of its ancestors and is accessible from
that ancestor by host association. The module subprogram that defines it
shall declare identical characteristics, corresponding dummy argument
names, whether it is recursive, and binding label if any, as in its
module procedure interface body. The procedure is accessible by use
association if and only if its interface body is accessible by use
association. It is accessible by host association if and only if its
interface body or procedure body is accessible by host association.
If the procedure is a function, the result variable name is determined by
the definition of the module subprogram, not by the module procedure
interface body. If the module procedure interface body declares a result
variable name different from the function name, that declaration is
ignored, except for its use in specifying the result variable
characteristics.
\subsection{Examples of modules with submodules}
The example module \cf{POINTS} below declares a type \cf{POINT} and a
module procedure interface body for a module function \cf{POINT\_DIST}.
Because the interface body includes the MODULE prefix, it accesses the
scoping unit of the module by host association, without needing an IMPORT
statement; indeed, an IMPORT statement is prohibited. The declaration of
the result variable name \cf{DISTANCE} serves only as a vehicle to
declare the result characteristics; the name is otherwise ignored.
{\tt\begin{verbatim}
MODULE POINTS
TYPE :: POINT
REAL :: X, Y
END TYPE POINT
INTERFACE
MODULE FUNCTION POINT_DIST ( A, B ) RESULT ( DISTANCE )
TYPE(POINT), INTENT(IN) :: A, B ! POINT is accessed by host association
REAL :: DISTANCE
END FUNCTION POINT_DIST
END INTERFACE
END MODULE POINTS
\end{verbatim}}
The example submodule \cf{POINTS\_A} below is a submodule of the {\tt
POINTS} module. The type \cf{POINT} and the interface \cf{POINT\_DIST}
are accessible in the submodule by host association. The characteristics
of the function {\tt POINT\_DIST} shall be redeclared in the module
function body, and the dummy arguments shall have the same names. The
function \cf{POINT\_DIST} is accessible by use association because its
module procedure interface body is in the ancestor module.
{\tt\begin{verbatim}
SUBMODULE ( POINTS ) POINTS_A
CONTAINS
REAL MODULE FUNCTION POINT_DIST ( A, B ) RESULT ( DISTANCE )
TYPE(POINT), INTENT(IN) :: A, B
DISTANCE = SQRT( (A%X-B%X)**2 + (A%Y-B%Y)**2 )
END FUNCTION POINT_DIST
END SUBMODULE POINTS_A
\end{verbatim}}
\subsection{Relationship between modules and submodules}
Public entities of a module, including module procedure interface bodies,
can be accessed by use association. The only entities of submodules that
can be accessed by use association are separate module procedures for
which there is a corresponding publicly accessible module procedure
interface body.
A submodule accesses the scoping unit of its parent module or submodule
by host association.
\newpage
\section{Required editorial changes to ISO/IEC 1539-1}\label{edit}
The changes described here refer to the 03-007 draft.
The following editorial changes, if implemented, would provide the
facilities described in foregoing clauses of this report. Descriptions
of how and where to place the new material are enclosed between square
brackets.
\sep\mgpar{9:12+}[After the third right-hand-side of syntax rule
\snref{program-unit} insert:]
\bnfo{\si{submodule}}
\sep\mgpar{9:34+}[After syntax rule \snref{module} add the following
syntax rule. This is a quotation of the ``real'' syntax rule in
subclause 11.2.2.]
%\bnfn{submodule}{submodule}{\si{submodule-stmt}}\\
\bnfx{1115a}{submodule}{\si{submodule-stmt}}\\
\bnfb{[ \si{specification-part} ]}\\
\bnfb{[ \si{module-subprogram-part} ]}\\
\bnfb{\si{end-submodule-stmt}}
\sep\mgpar{11:41}[In the second line of the first paragraph of subclause
2.2 insert ``, a submodule'' after ``module''.]
\sep\mgpar{11:43}[In the fourth line of the first paragraph of subclause
2.2 insert a new sentence:]
A submodule is an extension of a module; it may contain the definitions
of procedures declared in a module or another submodule.
\sep\mgpar{11:45}[In the sixth line of the first paragraph of subclause
2.2 insert ``, a submodule'' after ``module''.]
\sep\mgpar{11:47}[In the penultimate line of the first paragraph of
subclause 2.2 insert ``or submodule'' after ``module''.]
\sep\mgpar{12:27-29}[Replace the second sentence of 2.2.3.2 by the
following sentence.]
A module procedure may be invoked from within any scoping unit that
contains its declaration (12.3.2.1) or definition (12.5.2.4), that
accesses its declaration or definition by use association (11.2.1) or
host association (16.4.1.3), by way of a procedure pointer, dummy
procedure, or type-bound procedure, or by means other than Fortran.
\begin{boxit}
WG5 has recommended that J3 revise this sentence in ways that are
incompatible with the above sentence.
\end{boxit}
\sep\mgpar{12:29}[In the third sentence of 2.2.3.2, insert ``or
submodule'' between ``module'' and ``containing''.]
\sep\mgpar{13:17+}[Insert a new subclause:]
{\bf\Large\sffamily 2.2.5 Submodule}
A \tdef{submodule} is a program unit that extends a module or another
submodule. It may provide definitions (12.5) for procedures whose
interfaces are declared (12.3.2.1) in an ancestor module or submodule.
It may also contain declarations and definitions of entities that are
accessible to descendant submodules. An entity declared in a submodule
is not accessible by use association unless it is a module procedure
whose interface is declared in the ancestor module.
\begin{xnote}{2.2$\frac12$}
The scoping unit of a submodule accesses the scoping unit of its parent
module or submodule by host association.
\end{xnote}
\sep\mgpar{14}[In the second line of the first row of Table 2.1 insert
``, SUBMODULE'' after ``MODULE''.]
\sep\mgpar{14}[Change the heading of the third column of Table 2.2 from
``Module'' to ``Module or Submodule''.]
\sep\mgpar{14}[In the second footnote to Table 2.2 insert ``or
submodule'' after ``module'' and change ``the module'' to ``it''.]
\sep\mgpar{15:2}[In the last line of 2.3.3 insert ``,
\si{end-submodule-stmt},'' after ``\si{end-module-stmt}''.]
\sep\mgpar{17:4}[In the first line of the second paragraph of 2.4.3.1.1
insert ``, submodule,'' after ``module''.]
\sep\mgpar{28}[At the end of 3.3.1, immediately before 3.3.1.1, add ``END
SUBMODULE'' into the list of adjacent keywords where blanks are optional,
in alphabetical order.]
\sep\mgpar{44:27}[In the second line of the third paragraph of 4.5.1.1
after ``definition'' insert ``, and its descendant submodules''.]
\sep\mgpar{45}[In the last line of Note 4.19, after ``defined'' add
``, and its descendant submodules''.]
\sep\mgpar{54:6}[In the last line of the fourth paragraph of 4.5.3.6,
after ``definition'', add ``and its descendant submodules''.]
\sep\mgpar{54}[In the last line of Note 4.41, after ``module'' add ``,
and its descendant submodules''.]
\sep\mgpar{54}[In the last line of Note 4.42, after ``definition'' add
``and its descendant submodules''.]
\sep\mgpar{57:3}[In the last line of the paragraph before Note 4.45,
after ``definition'' add ``, and its descendant submodules''.]
\sep\mgpar{58:11-12}[In the third and fourth lines of the second
paragraph of 4.5.5.2 insert ``or submodule'' after ``module'' twice.]
\sep\mgpar{58}[In the second paragraph of Note 4.49, insert ``or
submodule'' after ``module'' twice.]
\sep\mgpar{84:3}[In the first line of the second paragraph of 5.1.2.12
insert ``, or any of its descendant submodules'' after ``attribute''.]
\sep\mgpar{84:12,14}[In the first and third lines of the second paragraph
of 5.1.2.13 insert ``or submodule'' after ``module'' twice.]
\sep\mgpar{113:22}[In the third line of the penultimate paragraph of
6.3.1.1 replace ``or a subobject thereof'' by ``or submodule, or a
subobject thereof,''.]
\sep\mgpar{115:9-10}[In the first two lines of the first paragraph after
Note 6.23 insert ``or submodule'' after ``module'' twice.]
\sep\mgpar{251:3}[In the second line of the first paragraph of Section 11
insert ``, a submodule'' after ``module''.]
\sep\mgpar{251:4}[In the first line of the second paragraph of Section 11
insert ``, submodules'' after ``modules''.]
\sep\mgpar{253:8}[Within the first paragraph of 11.2.1, at its end, insert
the following sentence:]
A submodule shall not reference its ancestor module by use association,
either directly or indirectly.
[Then insert the following note:]
\begin{xnote}{11.6$\frac12$}
It is possible for submodules with different ancestor modules to access
each others' ancestor modules by use association.
\end{xnote}
\sep\mgpar{253:30+}[After constraint C1109 insert an additional constraint:]
\dcons[C1109a]{(\snref{use-stmt}) If the USE statement appears within a
submodule, \si{module-name} shall not be the name of the ancestor
module of that submodule.}
\sep\mgpar{255:1-}[Insert a new subclause immediately before 11.3:]
{\bf\Large\sffamily 11.2.2 Submodules}
A \tdef{submodule} is a program unit that extends a module or another
submodule. The program unit that it extends is its \tdef{parent} module
or submodule; its parent is specified by the \si{parent-name} in the
\si{submodule-stmt}. A submodule is a \tdef{child} of its parent. An
\tdef{ancestor} of a module or submodule is its parent or an ancestor of
its parent. A \tdef{descendant} of a module or submodule is one of its
children or a descendant of one of its children.
A submodule accesses the scoping unit of its parent module or submodule
by host association.
A submodule may provide implementations for module procedures, each of
which is declared by a module procedure interface body (12.3.2.1) within
that submodule or one of its ancestors, and declarations and definitions
of other entities that are accessible by host association in descendant
submodules.
\bnfx{1115a}{submodule}{\si{submodule-stmt}}\\
\bnfb{ [ \si{specification-part} ]}\\
\bnfb{ [ \si{module-subprogram-part} ]}\\
\bnfb{\si{end-submodule-stmt}}
\bnfx{1115b}{submodule-stmt}{SUBMODULE ( \si{parent-name} )
\si{submodule-name}}
\bnfx{1115c}{end-submodule-stmt}{END [ SUBMODULE [ \si{submodule-name} ]
]}
\dcons[C1114a]{(%
R1115a%
%\snref{submodule-stmt}
) The \si{parent-name} shall be the
name of a submodule or a nonintrinsic module.}
\dcons[C1114b]{(%
R1115a%
%\snref{submodule-stmt}
) An automatic object shall not appear in the \si{specification-part} of
a submodule.}
\dcons[C1114c]{(%
R1115c%
%\snref{end-submodule-stmt}
) If a \si{submodule-name} is specified in the
\si{end-submodule-stmt}, it shall be identical to the
\si{submodule-name} specified in the \si{submodule-stmt}.}
\dcons[C1114d]{(%
R1115a%
%\snref{submodule}
) A submodule \si{specification-part} shall not contain a
\si{format-stmt} \obs{or a \si{stmt-function-stmt}}.}
\dcons[C1114e]{(%
R1115a%
%\snref{end-submodule-stmt}
) If an object of a type for which \si{component-initialization} is
specified (\snref{component-initialization}) is declared in the
\si{specification-part} of a submodule and does not have the ALLOCATABLE
or POINTER attribute, the object shall have the SAVE attribute.}
\sep\mgpar{259:12}[In the third line of the first paragraph of 12.3
replace ``, but'' by ``. Dummy arguments declared in a separate module
procedure body (12.5.2.4) shall have the same names as in the
corresponding module procedure interface body (12.3.2.1); otherwise''.]
\sep\mgpar{261:20}[In C1210 insert ``that is not a module procedure
interface body'' after ``\si{interface-body}''.]
\sep\mgpar{261:30+}[After the third paragraph after constraint C1211
insert the following paragraphs and constraints.]
A \tdef{module procedure interface body} is an interface body in which
the \si{prefix} of the initial \si{function-stmt} or \si{subroutine-stmt}
includes MODULE. It declares the interface for a separate module
procedure (12.5.2.4). A separate module procedure is accessible by use
association if and only if its interface body is declared in the
specification part of a module and its name has the PUBLIC attribute.
If its separate module procedure body is not defined, the interface may
be used to specify an explicit specific interface but the procedure shall
not be used in any way.
A \tdef{module procedure interface} is declared by a module procedure
interface body.
\dcons[C1211a]{(\snref{interface-body}) A scoping unit in which a module
procedure interface body is declared shall be a module or submodule.}
\dcons[C1212b]{(\snref{interface-body}) A module procedure interface body
shall not appear in an abstract interface block.}
\sep\mgpar{282:5+}[Add a right-hand-side to \snref{prefix-spec}:]
\bnfo{MODULE}
\sep\mgpar{282:9+}[Add constraints after C1242:]
\dcons[C1242a]{(\snref{prefix}) MODULE shall appear only within the
initial \si{function-stmt} or \si{subroutine-stmt} of an interface body
or module subprogram.}
\dcons[C1242b]{(\snref{prefix}) If MODULE appears within the \si{prefix}
in a module subprogram, a module procedure interface having the same name
as the subprogram shall have been declared in the module or submodule in
which the subprogram is defined, or in an ancestor of that program unit
and be accessible by host association from that ancestor.}
\dcons[C1242c]{(\snref{prefix}) If MODULE appears within the \si{prefix}
in a module subprogram, the subprogram shall specify the same names,
type, kind type parameters and rank for corresponding dummy arguments,
and the same binding label if any, as in its corresponding module
procedure interface body.}
\dcons[C1242c]{(\snref{prefix}) If MODULE appears within the \si{prefix}
in a module subprogram, RECURSIVE shall appear if and only if RECURSIVE
appears in the \si{prefix} in the corresponding module procedure
interface body.}
\dcons[C1242e]{(\snref{prefix}) If MODULE appears within the \si{prefix}
in a module function subprogram, the subprogram shall specify the same
type, kind type parameters and rank for the result variable as in its
corresponding module procedure interface body.}
\sep\mgpar{285:1-}[Insert the following new subclause before the existing
subclause 12.5.2.4 and renumber succeeding subclauses appropriately:]
{\bf\large\sffamily 12.5.2.4 Separate module procedures}
A \tdef{separate module procedure} is a module procedure in which the
\si{prefix} of the initial \si{function-stmt} or \si{subroutine-stmt}
includes MODULE. Its interface is declared by a module procedure
interface body (12.3.2.1) in the \si{specification-part} of the same
module or submodule where the procedure is defined, or in an ancestor
module or submodule.
A separate module procedure and a module procedure interface body
\tdef{correspond} if they have the same name, and the module procedure
interface is declared in the same program unit as the separate module
procedure or is declared in an ancestor of the program unit where the
separate module procedure is defined and is accessible by host
association from that ancestor.
\begin{xnote}{12.40$\frac12$}
A separate module procedure can be accessed by use association if and
only if its interface body is declared in the specification part of a
module and its name has the PUBLIC attribute. A separate module
procedure that is not accessible by use association might still be
accessible by way of a procedure pointer, a dummy procedure, or a
type-bound procedure.
\end{xnote}
The characteristics as a procedure (12.2) specified by a module
subprogram that defines a separate module procedure shall be identical to
those specified by its corresponding module procedure interface body.
\sep\mgpar{285:7}[In constraint C1253 replace ``\si{module-subprogram}''
by ``a \si{module-subprogram} that does not define a separate module
procedure''.]
\sep\mgpar{286:37}[In the first line of the first paragraph after syntax
rule R1236 in 12.5.2.6 insert ``, submodule'' after ``module'',]
\sep\mgpar{408:6}[In item (1) in the first numbered list in 16.2, after
``abstract interfaces'' insert ``, module procedure interfaces''.]
\sep\mgpar{408:16}[After ``(\ref{D4:Construction of derived-type
values})'' insert ``, and a separate module procedure shall have the same
name as its corresponding module procedure interface body''.]
\sep\mgpar{412:30,31}[In the first line of the first paragraph of
16.4.1.3 insert ``, a module procedure interface body'' after ``module
subprogram''. In the second line, insert ``that is not a module
procedure interface body'' after ``interface body''.]
\sep\mgpar{412:31,32}[In the second line of the first paragraph of
16.4.1.3, after the first instance of ``interface body'', insert ``that
is not a module procedure interface body''.]
\sep\mgpar{412:32}[In the third line of the first paragraph of 16.4.1.3,
after the second instance of ``interface body'', insert a new sentence:
``A submodule has access to the named entities of its parent by host
association.'']
\sep\mgpar{413:26}[In the third line after the sixteen-item list in
16.4.1.3 insert ``that does not define a separate module procedure''
after ``subprogram''.]
\sep\mgpar{413:33+2}[In the first line of Note 16.9, after ``interface
body'' insert ``that is not a module procedure interface body''.]
\sep\mgpar{417:6+}[Insert a new item after item (5)(d) in the list in
16.4.2.1.3:]
\begin{enum}
\item[(d$\frac12$)] Is in the scoping unit of a submodule if any scoping
unit in that submodule or any of its descendant submodules is in
execution.
\end{enum}
\sep\mgpar{423:48}[In the second line of item 2 of 16.5.6 replace ``or in
a'' by ``, submodule, or''.]
\sep\mgpar{424:8-9}[In item (3)(c) of 16.5.6 insert ``or submodule''
after ``module'' twice.]
\sep\mgpar{424}[Replace Note 16.18 by the following.]
\begin{xnote}{16.18}
A module subprogram inherently references the module or submodule that is
its host. Therefore, for processors that keep track of when modules or
submodules are in use, one is in use whenever any procedure in it or any
of its descendant submodules is active, even if no other active scoping
units reference its ancestor module; this situation can arise if a module
procedure is invoked via a procedure pointer, a type-bound procedure, or
by means other than Fortran.
\end{xnote}
\sep\mgpar{424:10-11}[In item (3)(d) of 16.5.6 insert ``or submodule''
after ``module'' twice.]
\sep[Insert the following definitions into the glossary in alphabetical
order:]
\mgpar{427:15+}\tdef{ancestor} (11.2.2) : Of a submodule, its parent or an
ancestor of its parent.
\mgpar{428:43+}\tdef{child} (11.2.2) : A submodule is a child of its
parent.
\mgpar{430:28+}\tdef{descendant} (11.2.2) : Of a module or submodule, one
of its children or a descendant of one of its children.
\mgpar{434:9+}\tdef{module procedure interface} (12.3.2.1) : An interface
defined by an interface body in which MODULE appears in the \si{prefix}
of the initial \si{function-stmt} or \si{subroutine-stmt}. It declares
the interface for a separate module procedure.
\mgpar{434:36+}\tdef{parent} (11.2.2) : Of a submodule, the module or
submodule specified by the \si{parent-name} in its \si{submodule-stmt}.
\mgpar{436:26+}\tdef{separate module procedure} (12.5.2.4) : A module
procedure defined by a subprogram in which MODULE appears in the
\si{prefix} of the initial \si{function-stmt} or \si{subroutine-stmt}.
\mgpar{437:15+}\tdef{submodule} (2.2.5, 11.2.2) : A program unit that
depends on a module or another submodule; it extends the program unit on
which it depends.
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
\sep\mgpar{479:33+}[Insert a new subclause immediately before C.9:]
\tdef{C.8.3.9 Modules with submodules}
Each submodule specifies that it is the child of exactly one parent
module or submodule. Therefore, a module and all of its descendant
submodules stand in a tree-like relationship one to another.
If a module procedure interface body that is specified in a module has
public accessibility, and its corresponding separate module procedure is
defined in a descendant of that module, the procedure can be accessed by
use association. No other entity in a submodule can be accessed by use
association. Each program unit that accesses a module by use association
depends on it, and each submodule depends on its ancestor module.
Therefore, if one changes a separate module procedure body in a submodule
but does not change its corresponding module procedure interface, a tool
for automatic program translation, even one that exploits the relative
modification times of files as opposed to comparing the result of
translating the module to the result of a previous translation, would not
decide to reprocess program units that access the module by use
association.
This is not the end of the story. By constructing taller trees, one can
put entities at intermediate levels that are shared by submodules at
lower levels, and have no possibility of affecting anything that is
accessible from the module by use association. Developers of modules
that embody large complicated concepts can exploit this possibility to
organize components of the concept into submodules, while preserving the
privacy of entities that are shared by the submodules and that ought not
to be exposed to users of the module. Putting these shared entities at
an intermediate level also prevents cascades of reprocessing and
recertification if some of them are changed.
The following example illustrates a module, \cf{color\_points}, with a
submodule, \cf{color\_points\_a}, that in turn has a submodule, {\tt
color\_points\_b}. Public entities declared within \cf{color\_points}
can be accessed by use association. The submodules {\tt
color\_points\_a} and \cf{color\_points\_b} can be changed without
causing the appearance that the module \cf{color\_points} might have
changed.
The module \cf{color\_points} does not have a \si{contains-part}, but a
\si{contains-part} is not prohibited. The module could be published as
definitive specification of the interface, without revealing trade
secrets contained within \cf{color\_points\_a} or {\tt
color\_points\_b}. Of course, a similar module without the \cf{module}
prefix in the interface bodies would serve equally well as documentation
-- but the procedures would be external procedures. It wouldn't make any
difference to the consumer, but the developer would forfeit all of the
advantages of modules.
{\tt \begin{verbatim}
module color_points
type color_point
private
real :: x, y
integer :: color
end type color_point
interface ! Interfaces for procedures with separate
! bodies in the submodule color_points_a
module subroutine color_point_del ( p ) ! Destroy a color_point object
type(color_point), allocatable :: p
end subroutine color_point_del
! Distance between two color_point objects
real module function color_point_dist ( a, b )
type(color_point), intent(in) :: a, b
end function color_point_dist
module subroutine color_point_draw ( p ) ! Draw a color_point object
type(color_point), intent(in) :: p
end subroutine color_point_draw
module subroutine color_point_new ( p ) ! Create a color_point object
type(color_point), allocatable :: p
end subroutine color_point_new
end interface
end module color_points
\end{verbatim}}
The only entities within \cf{color\_points\_a} that can be accessed by
use association are separate module procedures for which corresponding
module procedure interface bodies are provided in \cf{color\_points}.
If the procedures are changed but their interfaces are not, the interface
from program units that access them by use association is unchanged. If
the module and submodule are in separate files, utilities that examine
the time of modification of a file would notice that changes in the
module could affect the translation of its submodules or of program units
that access the module by use association, but that changes in submodules
could not affect the translation of the parent module or program units
that access it by use association.
The variable \cf{instance\_count} is not accessible by use association of
\cf{color\_points}, but is accessible within \cf{color\_points\_a}, and
its submodules.
{\tt\begin{verbatim}
submodule ( color_points ) color_points_a ! Submodule of color_points
integer, save :: instance_count = 0
interface ! Interface for a procedure with a separate
! body in submodule color_points_b
module subroutine inquire_palette ( pt, pal )
use palette_stuff ! palette_stuff, especially submodules
! thereof, can access color_points by use
! association without causing a circular
! dependence because this use is not in the
! module. Furthermore, changes in the module
! palette_stuff are not accessible by use
! association of color_points
type(color_point), intent(in) :: pt
type(palette), intent(out) :: pal
end subroutine inquire_palette
end interface
contains ! Invisible bodies for public module procedure interfaces
! declared in the module
module subroutine color_point_del ( p )
type(color_point), allocatable :: p
instance_count = instance_count - 1
deallocate ( p )
end subroutine color_point_del
real module function color_point_dist ( a, b ) result ( dist )
type(color_point), intent(in) :: a, b
dist = sqrt( (b%x - a%x)**2 + (b%y - a%y)**2 )
end function color_point_dist
module subroutine color_point_new ( p )
type(color_point), allocatable :: p
instance_count = instance_count + 1
allocate ( p )
end subroutine color_point_new
end submodule color_points_a
\end{verbatim}}
The subroutine \cf{inquire\_palette} is accessible within {\tt
color\_points\_a} because its interface is declared therein. It is not,
however, accessible by use association, because its interface is not
declared in the module, \cf{color\_points}. Since the interface is not
declared in the module, changes in the interface cannot affect the
translation of program units that access the module by use association.
{\tt\begin{verbatim}
submodule ( color_points_a ) color_points_b ! Subsidiary**2 submodule
contains
! Invisible body for interface declared in the ancestor module
module subroutine color_point_draw ( p )
use palette_stuff, only: palette
type(color_point), intent(in) :: p
type(palette) :: MyPalette
...; call inquire_palette ( p, MyPalette ); ...
end subroutine color_point_draw
! Invisible body for interface declared in the parent submodule
module subroutine inquire_palette
... implementation of inquire_palette
end subroutine inquire_palette
subroutine private_stuff ! not accessible from color_points_a
...
end subroutine private_stuff
end submodule color_points_b
module palette_stuff
type :: palette ; ... ; end type palette
contains
subroutine test_palette ( p )
! Draw a color wheel using procedures from the color_points module
type(palette), intent(in) :: p
use color_points ! This does not cause a circular dependency because
! the "use palette_stuff" that is logically within
! color_points is in the color_points_a submodule.
...
end subroutine test_palette
end module palette_stuff
\end{verbatim}}
There is a \cf{use palette\_stuff} in \cf{color\_points\_a}, and a
\cf{use color\_points} in \cf{palette\_stuff}. The \cf{use
palette\_stuff} would cause a circular reference if it appeared in
\cf{color\_points}. In this case it does not cause a circular dependence
because it is in a submodule. Submodules are not accessible by use
association, and therefore what would be a circular appearance of \cf{use
palette\_stuff} is not accessed.
{\tt\small \begin{verbatim}
program main
use color_points
! "instance_count" and "inquire_palette" are not accessible here
! because they are not declared in the "color_points" module.
! "color_points_a" and "color_points_b" cannot be accessed by
! use association.
interface draw ! just to demonstrate it's possible
module procedure color_point_draw
end interface
type(color_point) :: C_1, C_2
real :: RC
...
call color_point_new (c_1) ! body in color_points_a, interface in color_points
...
call draw (c_1) ! body in color_points_b, specific interface
! in color_points, generic interface here.
...
rc = color_point_dist (c_1, c_2) ! body in color_points_a, interface in color_points
...
call color_point_del (c_1) ! body in color_points_a, interface in color_points
...
end program main
\end{verbatim}}
A multilevel submodule system can be used to package and organize a large
and interconnected concept without exposing entities of one subsystem to
other subsystems.
Consider a \cf{Plasma} module from a Tokomak simulator. A plasma
simulation requires attention at least to fluid flow, thermodynamics, and
electromagnetism. Fluid flow simulation requires simulation of subsonic,
supersonic, and hypersonic flow. This problem decomposition can be
reflected in the submodule structure of the \cf{Plasma} module:
{\tt\begin{verbatim}
Plasma module
|
|---------------------|---------------------|
| | |
Flow submodule Thermal submodule Electromagnetics
| Submodule
|-------------------|-------------------|
| | |
Subsonic Supersonic Hypersonic
\end{verbatim}}
Entities can be shared among the \cf{Subsonic, Supersonic}, and {\tt
Hypersonic} submodules by putting them within the \cf{Flow} submodule.
One then need not worry about accidental use of these entities by use
association or by the \cf{Thermal} or \cf{Electromagnetics} modules, or
the development of a dependency of correct operation of those subsystems
upon the representation of entities of the \cf{Flow} subsystem as a
consequence of maintenance. Since these these entities are not
accessible by use association, if any of them are changed, it cannot
affect program units that access the \cf{Plasma} module by use
association, and the answer to the question ``where are these entities
used'' is confined to the set of descendant submodules of the \cf{Flow}
submodule.
\label{lastpage}
\end{document}
|
https://git.scc.kit.edu/GPIAG-Software/IFOS2D/raw/8d859168df8b1100cab15d96f2b366ab9341f88f/doc/latex/6_Parameter_Definition.tex | kit.edu | CC-MAIN-2020-05 | text/plain | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-05/segments/1579251779833.86/warc/CC-MAIN-20200128153713-20200128183713-00263.warc.gz | 467,772,659 | 20,402 | \chapter{Parameter definition with json input file}
\label{Definition-parameters_json}
%------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------%
The geometry of the FD grid and all parameters for the wave field simulation and inversion have to be defined in a parameter file.
DENISE uses a parameter file according to the JSON standard wich is described in this chapter. In the following we will first list a full input file for a forward modeling as an example and later explain every input parameter section in detail:
\input{DENISE_FW.json}
All lines in the parameter file are formated according to the JSON standard (\href{www.json.org}{www.json.org}) and organized as follows:
{\color{blue}\begin{verbatim}
"VARNAME" = "Parameter value",
\end{verbatim}}
where VARNAME denotes the name of the global variable in which the value is saved in all functions of the program. A comment line can look like this:
{\color{blue}\begin{verbatim}
"Comment" = "This is a useful comment",
"2D Grid information" = "comment",
\end{verbatim}}
Sometimes possible values are described in comments, feel free to add own comments. Basically all non JSON conform line will be ignored. The order of parameters can be arbitrarily organized. The built-in JSON parser will search for the need parameters and displays found values. If critical parameters are missing the code will stop and an error message will appear.\\
If you use the json input file some default values for the forward modeling and the inversion are set. The default values are written in the following subsections in red. The input file \texttt{DENISE\_FW\_all\_parameters.json} in the directory \texttt{par/in\_and\_out} is an input file for a forward modeling containing all parameters that can be defined. Analog to that the input file \texttt{DENISE\_INV\_all\_parameters.json} is an example for an inversion input file. The input files \texttt{DENISE\_FW.json} and \texttt{DENISE\_INV.json} contain only the parameters that must be set by the user.\\
% In the beginning of the code development DENISE used a different kind of input parameter file. The current version is still able to read this old input file. The old parameter file was organized as follows:
% {\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
% description_of_parameter_(VARNAME)_(switches) = parameter value
% \end{verbatim}}}
% where VARNAME denotes the name of the global variable in which the value is saved in all functions of the program. The possible values are described in switches. A comment line is indicated by a \# on the very first position of a line. You can find an example of such a parameter file in \texttt{par/in\_and\_out/DENISE\_HESSIAN.inp}. You can switch between the two possible input files via the file extension. Use ``.inp'' as file extension to read in the old input file or the file extension ``.json'' to use the new input file.
\section{Domain decomposition}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Domain Decomposition" : "comment",
"NPROCX" : "4",
"NPROCY" : "2",
\end{verbatim}}}
Parallelization is based on domain decomposition (see Figure \ref{fig_grid_json}), i.e each processing element (PE) updates the wavefield within his portion of the grid. The model is decomposed
by the program into sub grids. After decomposition each processing elements (PE) saves only his sub-volume of the grid. NPROCX and NPROCY specify the number of
processors in x-, y-direction, respectively (Figure \ref{fig_grid_json}). The total number of processors thus is NP=NPROCX*NPROCY. This value must be specified when starting the program with the mpirun command:
\newline
\textit{mpirun -np $<$NP$>$ ../bin/DENISE DENISE.json} (see section \ref{compexec1}).
\newline
If the total number of processors in DENISE.json and the command line differ, the program will terminate immediately with a corresponding error message. Obviously, the total number of PEs (NPROCX*NPROCY) used to decompose the model should be less equal than the total number of CPUs which are available on your parallel machine. If you use LAM and decompose your model in more domains than CPUs are available two or more domains will be updated on the same CPU (the program will not terminate and will produce the correct results). However, this is only efficient if more than one processor is available on each node. In order to reduce the amount of data that needs to be exchanged between PEs, you should decompose the model into more or less cubic sub grids. In our example, we use 2 PEs in each direction: NPROCX=NPROCY=2. The total number of PEs used by the program is NPROC=NPROCX*NPROCY=4.
\begin{figure}
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=7cm,angle=0]{figures/sketch_grid.png}
\end{center}
\caption{Geometry of the numerical FD grid using 2 processors in x-direction (NPROCX=2) and 2 processors in y-direction (NPROCY=2). Each processing element (PE) is updating the wavefield in its domain.
At the top of the numerical mesh the PEs apply a free surface boundary condition if FREE\_SURF=1, otherwise an absorbing boundary condition (PML). The width of the absorbing frame is FW grid points. The size of the total grid is NX grid points in x-direction and NY gridpoints in y-direction. The size of each sub-grid thus is NX/NPROCX x NY/NPROCY gridpoints. The origin of the Cartesian coordinate system (x,y) is at the top left corner of the grid.}
\label{fig_grid_json}
\end{figure}
\FloatBarrier
\newpage
\section{Order of the FD operator}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"FD order" : "comment",
"FDORDER" : "2",
"MAXRELERROR" : "0",
\end{verbatim}}}
The order of the used FD operator is defined by the option FDORDER (FDORDER=2,\,4\,6 or 8). With the option MAXRELERROR the user can switch between Taylor (MAXRELERROR=0) and Holberg (MAXRELERROR=1-4) FD coefficients of different accuracy. The chosen FD operator and FD coefficients have an influence on the numerical stability and grid dispersion (see chapter \ref{grid-dispersion}).
\section{Discretization}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"2-D Grid" : "comment",
"NX" : "500",
"NY" : "100",
"DH" : "0.2",
\end{verbatim}}}
These lines specify the size of the total numerical grid (Figure \ref{fig_grid_json}). NX and NY give the number of grid points in the x- and y-direction, respectively, and DH specify the grid spacing in x- and y-direction. The size of the total internal grid in meters in x-direction is NX*DH and in y-direction NY*DH. To allow for a consistent domain decomposition NX/NPROCX and NY/NPROCY must be integer values.
To avoid numerical dispersion the wavefield must be discretized with a certain number of gridpoints per wavelength. The number of gridpoints per wavelength required, depends on the order of the spatial
FD operators used in the simulation (see section \ref{grid-dispersion}). In the current FD software, 2nd, 4th, 6th and 8th order operators are implemented. The criterion to avoid numerical dispersion reads:
\begin{equation}
DH\le\frac{v_{s,\text{min}}}{2 f_c n} \label{eq_dispersion_json}
\end{equation}
where $\frac{v_{s,\text{min}}}{2 f_c}$ is the smallest wavelength propagating through the model and $v_{s,\text{min}}$ denotes the minimum shear wave velocity in the model, and $f_c=1/TS$ is the center frequency of the source wavelet. The program assumes that the maximum frequency of the source signal is approximately two times the center frequency. The center frequency is approximately one over the duration time TS. The value of n for different FD operators is tabulated in table \ref{grid_disp.2}. The criterion \ref{eq_dispersion_json} is checked by the FD software. If the criterion is violated a warning message will be displayed in the DENISE output section ``--- CHECK FOR GRID DISPERSION ---``. Please note, that the FD-code will NOT terminate due to grid dispersion, only a warning is given in the output file.
\section{Time stepping}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Time Stepping" : "comment",
"TIME" : "0.5",
"DT" : "5.0e-05",
\end{verbatim}}}
The propagation time of seismic waves in the entire model is TIME (given in seconds). The time stepping interval (DT in s) has to fulfill the stability criterion \ER{courandt:1} in section \ref{courandt}.
The program checks these criteria for the entire model, outputs a warning message if these are violated , stops the program and will output the time step interval for a stable model run.
\newpage
\section{Sources}
\label{sec:sources}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Source" : "comment",
"QUELLART" : "4",
"QUELLART values: ricker=1;fumue=2;from_SIGNAL_FILE=3;SIN**3=4;
Gaussian_deriv=5;Spike=6;from_SIGNAL_FILE_in_su_format=7" : "comment",
"SIGNAL_FILE" : "./ormsby.dat",
"QUELLTYP" : "3",
"QUELLTYP values (point_source): explosive=1;force_in_x=2;force_in_y=3;
rotated_force=4" : "comment",
"SRCREC" : "1",
"SRCREC values : read source positions from SOURCE_FILE=1,
PLANE_WAVE=2" : "comment",
"SOURCE_FILE" : "./source/sources.dat",
"RUN_MULTIPLE_SHOTS" : "1",
"PLANE_WAVE_DEPTH" : "0.0",
"PHI" : "0.0",
"TS" : "0.032",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
SRCREC=1
\end{verbatim}}}
Five built-in wavelets of the seismic source are available. The corresponding source time functions are defined in \texttt{src/wavelet.c}. You may modify the time functions in this file and recompile to include your
own analytical wavelet or to modify the shape of the built-in wavelets.
Ricker wavelet (QUELLART=1):
\begin{equation}
r(\tau)=\left(1-2\tau^2\right)\exp(-\tau^2) \quad \mbox{with} \quad \tau=\frac{\pi(t-1.5/f_c-t_d)}{1.0/f_c}
\label{eq_ricker}
\end{equation}
Fuchs-M\"uller wavelet (QUELLART=2):
\begin{equation}
f_m(t)=\sin(2\pi(t-t_d)f_c)-0.5\sin(4\pi(t-t_d)f_c) \quad \mbox{if} \quad t\in[t_d,t_d+1/fc] \quad \mbox{else} \quad fm(t)=0
\label{eq_fm}
\end{equation}
$sin^3$ wavelet (QUELLART=4):
\begin{equation}
s3(t)=0.75 \pi f_c \sin(\pi(t+t_d)f_c)^3\quad \mbox{if} \quad t \in[t_d,t_d+1/fc] \quad \mbox{else} \quad s3(t)=0
\label{eq_s3}
\end{equation}
First derivative of a Gaussian function (QUELLART=5):
\begin{equation}
f(t)= -2.0 a (t-t_s) \exp(-a (t-t_s)^2)\quad \mbox{with} \quad a=\pi^2 f_c^2 \quad \mbox{and} \quad t_s=1.2/f_c
\label{eq_deriv_of_gaussian}
\end{equation}
Delta pulse (QUELLART=6):
Lowpass filtered delta pulse. Note, that it is not clear if the lowpass filter used in the current version works correctly for a delta pulse.\\
Source time function from SIGNAL\_FILE in su format (QUELLART=7).\\
In these equations, t denotes time and $f_c=1/TS$ is the center frequency. $t_d$ is a time delay which can be defined for each source position in SOURCE\_FILE. Note that the symmetric (zero phase) Ricker signal is always delayed by $1.0/f_c$, which means that after one period the maximum amplitude is excited at the source location. Three of these 5 source wavelets and the corresponding amplitude spectra for a center frequency of $f_c=50$ Hz and a delay of $t_d=0$ are plotted in Figure \ref{fig_source_wavelets_json}. Note the delay of the Ricker signal described above. The Fuchs-M\"uller wavelet has a slightly higher center frequency and covers a broader frequency range.
\begin{figure}
\begin{center}
\includegraphics[width=8cm,angle=0]{figures/signals.eps}
\end{center}
\caption{Plot of built-in source wavelets (equations \ref{eq_ricker}, \ref{eq_fm}, \ref{eq_s3}) for a center frequency of $f_c=50$ Hz
($TS=1/f_c=0.02$s): Ricker signal (solid), Fuchs-M\"uller signal (dashed), $sin^3$-signal (dotted). a) Time function, b) amplitude
spectrum, c) phase spectrum. }
\label{fig_source_wavelets_json}
\end{figure}
You may also use your own time function as the source wavelet (for instance the signal of the first arrival recorded by a geophone at near offsets). Specify QUELLART=3 and save the samples of
your source wavelet in ASCII-format in SIGNAL\_FILE. SIGNAL\_FILE should contain one sample per line. It should thus look like:
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
0.0
0.01
0.03
...
\end{verbatim}}}
The time interval between the samples must equal the time step interval (DT) of the FD simulation (see above)! Therefore it might be necessary to resample/interpolate a given source time function with a smaller sample rate. You may use the matlab script mfiles/resamp.m to resample your external source signal to the required sampling interval.
\newline
It is also possible to read different external source wavelets for each shot. Specify QUELLART=7 and save the wavelets in su format in SIGNAL\_FILE.shot<no\_of\_shot>. The wavelets in each su file must equal the time step intervel (DT) and the number of time steps of the FD simulation!
\newline
The following source types are availabe: explosive sources that excite compressional waves only (QUELLTYP=1), and point forces in the x- and y-direction (QUELLTYP=2,3).
The force sources excite both P- and S-waves. The explosive source is located at the same position as the diagonal elements of the stress tensor, i.e. at (i,j) (Figure \ref{fig_cell}).
The forces are located at the same position as the corresponding components of particle velocity (Figure \ref{fig_cell}). If (x,y) denotes the position at which the source location is defined in source.dat, then the actual force in x-direction is located at (x+DX/2,y) and the actual force in y-direction is located at (x,y+DY/2). With QUELLTYP=4 a custom directive force can be defined by a force angle between y and x. The angle of the force must be specified in the SOURCE\_FILE after AMP. This force is not aligned along the main directions.
The locations of multiple sources must be defined in an external ASCII file (SOURCE\_FILE) that has the following format:
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
NSRC
% XSRC ZSRC YSRC TD FC AMP SOURCE_AZIMUTH SOURCE_TYPE (NSRC lines)
\end{verbatim}}}
In the following lines, you can define certain parameters for each source point:\\
The first line must be the overall number of sources (NSRC). XSRC is the x-coordinate of a source point (in meter), YSRC is the y-coordinate of a source point (in meter). ZSRC is the z-coordinate should always be set to 0.0, because DENISE is a 2D code. TD is the excitation time (time-delay) for the source point (in seconds), FC is the center frequency of the source signal (in Hz), and AMP is the maximum amplitude of the source signal.
\newline
\textbf{Optional parameter:} The SOURCE\_AZIMUTH if SOURCE\_TYPE is 4. The SOURCE\_AZIMUTH is the angle between the y- and x-direction in degree and with SOURCE\_TYPE if SOURCE\_TYPE is set here, the value of SOURCE\_TYPE in the input file is ignored.
The SOURCE\_FILE = ./sources/source.dat that defines an explosive source at $x_s=2592.0\;$ m and $y_s=2106.0\;$ m with
a center frequency of 5 Hz (no time delay) is
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
2592.0 0.0 2106.0 0.0 5.0 1.0
\end{verbatim}}}
If the option RUN\_MULTIPLE\_SHOTS=0 in the parameter file all shot points defined in the SOURCE\_FILE are excitated simultaneously in one simulation. Setting RUN\_MULTIPLE\_SHOTS=1 will start individual model runs from i=1 to i=NSRC with source locations and properties defined at line i of the SOURCE\_FILE. (To apply a full waveform inversion you have to use RUN\_MULTIPLE\_SHOTS=1.)
% Instead of a single source or multiple sources specified in the SOURCE\_FILE, you can also specify to excite a plane wave parallel (or tilted by an angle PHI) to the top of the model. This plane wave is approximated by a plane of single sources at every grid point at a depth of PLANE\_WAVE\_DEPTH below. The center source frequency $f_c$ is specified by the inverse of the duration of the source signal TS. QUELLART and QUELLTYP are taken from the parameters as described above. If you choose the plane wave option by specifying a PLANE\_WAVE\_DEPTH$>$0, the parameters SRCREC and SOURCE\_FILE will be ignored.
%
% This option will not be supported in future releases of DENISE.
\newpage
\section{Acoustic Modelling}
\label{ac_mod}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Acoustic Computation" : "comment",
"ACOUSTIC" : "1",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default value is:
ACOUSTIC=0
\end{verbatim}}}
With this option pure acoustic modelling and/or inversion can be performed (ACOUSTIC = 1). Only a P-wave and a density model need to be provided. Acoustic modelling and inversion can be a quick estimate especially for marine environments. Acoustic gradients are derived from pressure wavefields, therefore the option QUELLTYPB = 4 has to be used and only the inversion of hydrophone data is possible at the moment.
For acoustic modelling the option HESSIAN is not available (GRAD\_METHOD needs to be 1), as well as the option VELOCITY. Only FDORDER = 2 and INVMAT1 = 1 are possible.
\section{Model input}
\label{gen_of_mod}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Model" : "comment",
"READMOD" : "0",
"MFILE" : "model/test",
\end{verbatim}}}
If READMOD=1, the P-wave, S-wave, and density model grids are read from external binary files. MFILE defines the basic file name that is expanded by the following extensions: P-wave model: ''.vp'', S-wave model: ''.vs'', density model: ''.rho''. In the example above, the model files thus are: ''model/test.vp'' (P-wave velocity model),''model/test.vs'' (S-wave velocity model), and ''model/test.rho'' (density model).
In these files, each material parameter value must be saved as 32 bit (4 byte) native float. Velocities must be in meter/second, density values in kg/m$^3$. The fast dimension is the y direction. See \texttt{src/readmod.c}. The number of samples for the entire model in the x-direction is NX, the number of values in the y-direction is NY. The file size of each model file thus must be NX*NY*4 bytes. You may check the model structure using the SU command ximage:
\newline
\textit{ximage n1=$<$NY$>$ $<$ model/test.vp} .
\newline
It is also possible to read Qp, and Qs grid files to allow for spatial variable attenuation. For this you must uncomment a few lines in \texttt{src/readmod.c} and generate the corresponding binary files.
If READMOD=0 the model is generated ''on the fly'' by DENISE, i.e. it is generated internally before the time loop starts. See \texttt{genmod/1D\_linear\_gradient\_el.c} for an example function that generates a simple model with a linear vertical gradient ''on the fly''. If READMOD=0 this function is called in \texttt{src/denise.c} and therefore must be specified in \texttt{src/Makefile} (at the top of \texttt{src/Makefile}, see section \ref{compexec}). If you change this file, for example to change the model structure, you need to re-compile DENISE by changing to the src directory and ''make denise''.
\section{Free surface}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Free Surface" : "comment",
"FREE_SURF" : "1",
\end{verbatim}}}
A plane stress free surface is applied at the top of the global grid if FREE\_SURF!=0 using the imaging method proposed by \cite{levander:88}. Note that the free surface is always located at $y$=0 or at the first grid point, respectively.
\section{Boundary conditions}
\label{abs}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"PML Boundary" : "comment",
"FW" : "20",
"DAMPING" : "600.0",
"FPML" : "31.25",
"BOUNDARY" : "0",
"npower" : "4.0",
"k_max_PML" : "8.0",
\end{verbatim}}}
The boundary conditions are applied on each side face and the bottom face of the model grid. If FREE\_SURF = 0 the boundary conditions are also applied at the top face of the model grid. Note that the absorbing frames are always located INSIDE the model space, i.e. parts of the model structure are covered by the absorbing frame, in which no physically meaningful wavefield propagates. You should therefore consider the frame width when you design the model structure and the acquisition geometry (shot and receivers should certainly be placed outside).
A convolutional perfectly matched layer (CPML) boundary condition is used. The PML implementation is based on the following papers \cite{komatitsch:07} and \cite{martin:09}. A width of the absorbing frame of FW=10-20 grid points should be sufficient. For the optimal realization of the PML boundary condition you have to specify the dominant signal frequency FPML occurring during the wave simulation. This is usually the center source frequency FC specified in the source file. DAMPING specifies the attenuation velocity in m/s within the PML. DAMPING should be approximately the propagation velocity of the dominant wave near the model boundaries.
In some cases, it is usefull to apply periodic boundary conditions (see section \ref{bound_cond}). IF BOUNDARY=1 no absorbing boundaries are installed at the left/right sides of the grid. Instead, wavefield information is copied from left to right and vice versa. The effect is, for example, that a wave which leaves the model at the left side enters the model again at the right side.
\section{Receivers}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Receiver" : "comment",
"SEISMO" : "1",
"READREC" : "1",
"REC_FILE" : "./receiver/receiver.dat",
"REFRECX, REFRECY" : "0.0 , 0.0",
"XREC1, YREC1" : "6.0 , 0.2",
"XREC2, YREC2" : "93.0 , 0.2",
"NGEOPH" : "80",
\end{verbatim}}}
If SEISMO$>$0, seismograms are saved on hard disk. If SEISMO equals 1 x- and y-component of particle velocity will be written according to parameters specified in Chapter \ref{seismograms_json}.
If SEISMO = 2 pressure (sum of the diagonal components of the stress tensor) recorded at the receiver locations (receivers are hydrophones!) is written. If SEISMO = 3 the curl and divergence are saved. For SEISMO = 4 everthying is saved and for SEISMO = 5 everything except curl and divergence is saved.
The curl and divergence of the particle velocities are useful to separate between P- and S-waves in the snapshots of the wavefield. DENISE calculates the divergence and the magnitude of the curl of the particle velocity field according to \cite{dougherty:88}. The motivation for this is as follows. According to Morse and Feshbach \cite{morse:53} the energy of P- and S-wave particle velocities is, respectively,
\begin{equation}
E_p=\left(\lambda + 2 \mu\right) (div(\vec{v}))^2 \quad \mbox{and} \quad E_s=\mu \left|rot(\vec{v})\right|^2 \quad\mbox{.}
\label{eq_E}
\end{equation}
$\lambda$ and $\mu$ are the Lam\`{e} parameters, and $\vec{v}$ is the particle velocity vector.
The locations of the receivers may either be specified in a separate file REC\_FILE or in this parameter file. If READREC=1 receiver locations are read from the ASCII-file REC\_FILE. Each line contains the coordinates of one receiver, the first two number in each line indicate the horizontal x- and the vertical y-coordinate of each receiver position. To give an example of a receiver file, the following 3 lines specify 3 receivers located at constant depth (2106.0 m). However, the receiver coordinates change in x-direction (starting at 540 m) and therefore lining up along the x-axis.
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
540.0 2106.0
1080.0 2106.0
1620.0 2106.0
\end{verbatim}}}
These receiver coordinates in REC\_FILE are shifted by REFREC[1], REFREC[2] into the x- and y-direction, respectively. This allows for completely moving the receiver spread without modifying REC\_FILE. This may be useful for the simulation of moving profiles in reflection seismics.
If READREC=0 the receiver locations must be specified in the parameter file. In this case, it is assumed that the receivers are located along a straight line. The first receiver position is defined by (XREC1, YREC1), and the last receiver position by (XREC1, YREC1). The spacing between receivers is NGEOPH grid points.
Receivers are always located on full grid indices, i.e. a receiver that is located between two grid points will be shifted by the FD program to the closest next grid point. It is not yet possible
to output seismograms for arbitrary receiver locations since this would require a certain wavefield interpolation.
\textbf{It is important to note that the actual receiver positions defined in REC\_FILE or in DENISE.json may vary by DH/2 due to the staggered positions of the particle velocities and stress tensor components. }
In our example, we specify 100 receiver location. Due to the small size of the model, most of the specified receiver positions will be located inside this absorbing boundary (if ABS=2, see Chapter \ref{abs}). A corresponding warning message will appear. If you choose to read the receiver location from REC\_FILE receiver.dat (READREC=1), only 10 receivers locations are considered. The list of receivers specified in file receiver.dat is equivalent to the parameters in the input file with only a larger distance between adjacent receivers (NGEOPH = 10.)
\section{Seismograms}
\label{seismograms_json}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Seismograms" : "comment",
"NDT" : "1",
"SEIS_FORMAT" : "1",
"SEIS_FILE_VX" : "su/DENISE_x.su",
"SEIS_FILE_VY" : "su/DENISE_y.su",
"SEIS_FILE_CURL" : "su/DENISE_rot.su",
"SEIS_FILE_DIV" : "su/DENISE_div.su",
"SEIS_FILE_P" : "su/DENISE_p.su",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
NDT=1
\end{verbatim}}}
If SEISMO$>$0 seismograms recorded at the receiver positions are written to the corresponding output files. The sampling rate of the seismograms is NDT*DT seconds. In case of a small
time step interval and a high number of time steps, it might be useful to choose a high NDT in order to avoid a unnecessary detailed sampling of the seismograms and consequently large files of seismogram data. Possible output formats of the seismograms are SU, ASCII and BINARY. It is recommended to use SU format for saving the seismograms. The main advantage of this format is that the time step interval (NDT*DT) and the acquisition geometry (shot and receiver locations) are stored in the corresponding SU header words. Also additional header words like offset are set by DENISE. This format thus facilitates a further visualization and processing of the synthetic seismograms. Note, however, that SU cannot handle sampling rates smaller than 1.0e-6 seconds and the number of samples is limited to about 32.000. In such cases, you should increase the sampling rate by increasing NDT. If this is impossible (for example because the Nyquist criterion is violated) you must choose a different output format (ASCII or binary).
\section{Q-approximation}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Q-approximation",
"L" : "0",
"FL1" : "50.0",
"FL2" : "100.0",
"TAU" : "0.00001",
"F_REF" : "100",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
L=0
\end{verbatim}}}
These lines may be used to define an overall level of intrinsic (viscoelastic) attenuation of seismic waves. In case of L=0, a purely elastic simulation is performed
(no absorption). The frequency dependence of the (intrinsic) Quality factor $Q(\omega)$ is defined by
the L relaxation
frequencies (FL=$f_l=2\pi/\tau_{\sigma l}$) and one value $\tau$ (see equation 5 in \cite{bohlen:02}). For a single relaxation mechanism (L=1) $Q \approx 2/\tau$ \citep{bohlen:98,blanch:95,bohlen:02}. If the model is generated ''on the fly'' the value
of TAU can be assigned to all gridpoints for both P- and S-waves. Thus, intrinsic attenuation is homogeneous and equal for P- and S-waves ($Q_p(\omega)=Q_s(\omega)$). However, it is possible to simulate any spatial distribution of
absorption by assigning the gridpoints with different Q-values by reading external grid files for $Q_p$ (P-waves) and $Q_s$ (S-waves) (see \texttt{src/readmod.c}) or by generating these files ''on the fly'' (see section \ref{gen_of_mod} or exemplary model function \texttt{genmod/1D\_linear\_gradient\_visc.c}).
Small $Q$ values ($Q<50$) may lead to significant amplitude decay and velocity dispersion. Please note, that due to dispersive media properties the viscoelastic velocity model is defined for the reference frequency only. In DENISE, this
reference frequency is specified as the center source frequency. With F\_REF one can set the reference frequency manually. At the exact reference frequency, elastic and viscoelastic models are equivalent. As a consequence, slightly smaller and larger minimum and maximum velocity values
occure in the viscoelastic model.
The frequency dependence of attenuation, i.e. $Q$ and phase velocity as a function of frequency, may be calculated using the Matlab functions in the
directory mfiles.
\section{Wavefield snapshots}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Snapshots" : "comment",
"SNAP" : "0",
"TSNAP1" : "2.7e-3",
"TSNAP2" : "6.0",
"TSNAPINC" : "0.12",
"IDX" : "1",
"IDY" : "1",
"SNAP_FORMAT" : "3",
"SNAP_FILE" : "./snap/waveform_forward",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
SNAP=0
IDX=1
IDY=1
\end{verbatim}}}
If SNAP$>0$, wavefield information (particle velocities (SNAP=1), pressure (SNAP=2), or curl and divergence of particle velocities (SNAP=3), or everything (SNAP=4)) for the entire model is saved on the hard disk (assure that enough free space is on disk!). Each PE is writing his sub-volume to disk. The filenames have the basic filename SNAP\_FILE plus an extension that indicates the PE number in the logical processor array (SNAP\_FILE.<PEnumber>). The first snapshot is written at TSNAP1 seconds of seismic wave traveltime to the output files, the second at TSNAP1 + TSNAPINC seconds etc. The last snapshots contains wavefield at TSNAP2 seconds. Note that the file sizes increase during the simulation. The snapshot files might become quite LARGE. It may therefore be necessary to reduce the amount of snapshot data by increasing IDX, IDY and/or TSNAPINC. In order to merge the separate snapshots of each PE after the completion of the wave modeling, you can use the program snapmerge (see Chapter \ref{installation}, section \textbf{src}). The bash command line to merge the snapshot files can look like this:
\newline
\textit{../bin/snapmerge DENISE.json}.
\section{Monitoring the simulation}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Monitoring the simulation" : "comment",
"LOG_FILE" : "log/2layer.log",
"LOG" : "1",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
LOG=1
LOG_FILE="log/LOG_FILE"
\end{verbatim}}}
DENISE can output a lot of useful information about the modeling parameters and the status of the modeling process etc. The major part of this information is output by PE 0.
If LOG=1, PE 0 writes this info to stdout, i.e. on the screen of your shell. This is generally recommended to monitor the modeling process. You may want to save this screen info to an output file by adding ''$>$ DENISE.out'' or ''| tee DENISE.out''. to your starting command. If LOG=1 all other processes with PE number greater than zero will write their information to LOG\_FILE.<PEnumber>. If you specify LOG=2 PE 0 will also output information to LOG\_FILE.0. As a consequence only little information is written directly to the screen of your shell. On supercomputers where you submit modeling jobs to a queuing system as batch jobs LOG=2 may be advantageous. In case of LOG=2, you may still watch the simulation by checking the content of LOG\_FILE.0 for example by using the Unix commands more or tail. After finishing the program the timing information is written to the ASCII file log/test.log.0.timings. This feature is useful to benchmark your local PC cluster or supercomputer. If LOG=0 no output from node 0 will be written, neither to stdout nor to an LOG file. There will be also no output of timing information to the ASCII file log/test.log.0.timings.
If TIME\_FILT is set to one the log file L2\_LOG.dat contains a 9th column with the corner frequency in Hz used in the iteration step.
\newpage
\section{General inversion parameters}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"General inversion parameters" : "comment",
"ITERMAX" : "10",
"DATA_DIR" : "su/measured_data/DENISE_real",
"INVMAT1" : "1",
"INVMAT" : "0",
% "INVTYPE" : "2",
"QUELLTYPB" : "1",
"MISFIT_LOG_FILE" : "L2_LOG.dat",
"VELOCITY" : "0",
"Inversion for ..." : "comment",
"INV_RHO_ITER" : "0",
"INV_VP_ITER" : "0",
"INV_VS_ITER" : "0",
%
% "Cosine taper" : "comment",
% "TAPER" : "0",
% "TAPERLENGTH" : "10",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
% INVTYPE=2
MISFIT_LOG_FILE=L2_LOG.dat
VELOCITY=0
INV_RHO_ITER=0
INV_VP_ITER=0
INV_VS_ITER=0
% TAPER=0
% TAPERLENGTH=10
\end{verbatim}}}
This section covers some general inversion parameters. The maximum number of iterations is defined by ITERMAX. The switch INVMAT controls if only the forward modeling code should be used (INVMAT=10), e.\,g. to calculate synthetic seismograms or a complete FWT run (INVMAT=0). The seismic sections of the real data need to be located in DATA\_DIR and should have the ending \_x.su.shot<shotnumber> for the x-component and so on. As noted in section \ref{model parametrizations} the gradients can be expressed for different model parameterizations. The switch INVMAT1 defines which parameterization should be used, seismic velocities and density (Vp,Vs,rho, INVMAT1=1), seismic impedances (Zp,Zs,rho, INVMAT1=2) or Lam$\rm{\acute{e}}$ parameters ($\rm{\lambda,\mu,\rho}$, INVMAT1=3). If models are read from binary files appropriate file extensions are required for the different models (see section \ref{gen_of_mod}). Depending on the data different components of the seismic sections can be backpropagated. For two component data (x- and y-component) set QUELLTYPB=1, only the y-component (QUELLTYPB=2) and only the x-component (QUELLTYPB=3). For acoustic modelling pressure seismograms and QUELLTYPB=4 have to be used.\\
During the inversion the misfit values are saved in a log file specified in MISFIT\_LOG\_FILE. The log file consists of eight or nine columns and each line corresponds to one iteration step. The used step length is written in the first column. In the second to fourth column the three test step lengths used for the step length estimation are saved. The corresponding misfit values for these test step lengthes and the test shots are written to column five to seven. Column eight corresponds to the total misfit for all shots and if you use freqeuncy filtering then the ninth column corresponds to the corner frequency of the lowpass filter used in the inversion step.\\
In general DENISE tries to minimize the misfit in the particle displacement between the observed data and the synthetic data. If you set the switch VELOCITY to 1 the misfit in the particle velocity seismograms is minimized.\\
The parameters INV\_RHO\_ITER, INV\_VP\_ITER and INV\_VS\_ITER define from which inversion step on an inversion for density, Vp and Vs, respectively, is applied. To invert for one parameter from the beginning of an inversion set it to 0 or 1.\\
% The parameters TAPER, TAPERLENGTH and INVTYPE are debug parameters and should not be changed.
\section{Output of inversion results}
\label{sec:Output_of_inversion_results_json}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Output of inverted models" : "comment",
"INV_MODELFILE" : "model/model_Test",
"nfstart" : "1",
"nf" : "1",
"Output of gradients" : "comment",
"JACOBIAN" : "jacobian/jacobian_Test",
"nfstart_jac" : "1",
"nf_jac" : "1",
\end{verbatim}}}
The inverted models are saved in INV\_MODELFILE. The first model that is saved is at iteration step nfstart and then every $\mathrm{nf}^{\mathrm{th}}$ iteration step. Analog the gradients are saved every $\mathrm{nf\_jac}^{\mathrm{th}}$ iteration step from iteration step nftart\_jac on in JACOBIAN.
\section{Change optimization method}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Hessian and Gradient-Method" : "comment",
"HESSIAN" : "0",
"FC_HESSIAN" : "100",
"ORDER_HESSIAN" : "4",
"TSHIFT_back" : "0.0",
"GRAD_METHOD" : "1",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
HESSIAN=0
\end{verbatim}}}
DENISE contains the option to calculate the diagonal elements of the Hessian (after \cite{sheen:06}) for the starting model. Currently the Hessian is calculated for the Vp- and Vs-model and only for sources with directed forces in y-direction. The Hessian for the density model is not implemented yet.\\
The estimation of the Hessian requires for each shot position the solution of the forward problem with the actual source wavelet and for each receiver position the backpropagation of a spike. The forward and backpropagated wavefields have to be saved in memory and convolved with each other for each shot-receiver combination. This convolution is currently implemented as a multiplication in the frequency domain in \texttt{conv\_fd.c}. Because the time intensive computation of the forward/backpropgated wavefields and the convolution process it is highly recommended to estimate the Hessian only for acquisition geometries with a small number of sources and receivers.\\
To calculate the Hessian the parameter HESSIAN in the input file has to be set to 1 and INVMAT to 0. If HESSIAN is set to 0 and INVMAT to 0 the code runs a standard FWT. If HESSIAN is set to 0 and INVMAT to 10 the code runs a forward modeling only.
A few important things to keep in mind, when calculating the Hessian in the current version of DENISE:
\begin{enumerate}
\item The HESSIAN can currently only be calculated for sources with forces in y-direction. Therefore the parameters QUELLTYP and QUELLTYPB in the input file should be set to 3 and 2 respectively.
\item To calculate the impulse response of a spike from the receiver positions a spike wavelet is defined as option in the parameter QUELLART. Due to the limitation of the frequency range by the grid dispersion criterion it is not possible to calculate a true spike response, neither in time or in frequency-domain FD. Therefore, the spike wavelet is low-pass filtered using the parameters FC\_HESSIAN and ORDER\_HESSIAN. Note that in the current version there maybe is a bug in the definition of the spike wavelet. Therefore, one should check the source signal that will be written out using \texttt{output\_source\_signal.c}. The parameter TSHIFT\_back must be given in seconds and causes a timeshift of the delta impulses which are propagated from the receiver positions into the medium. This parameter must be used in cases where the source signal of the forward propagated wavefields does not have its main impulse at t=0 s.
\item The estimated Vp-Hessian is written in binary format to JACOBIAN\_hessian.old in the Jacobian directory, the estimated Vs-Hessian to JACOBIAN\_hessian\_u.old, respectively.
\item The inversion of the Hessian and the application of a Marquardt-Levenberg regularization can be done with the Matlab script check\_hessian.m, which can be found in the /mfiles directory. With this script the value of the Marquardt factor, the damping function of the Hessian within the PML regions and additional preconditioning operators can be applied on the Hessian. To test the influence of the different parameters on the Hessian it is useful to calculate one FWT iteration and multiply the resulting gradient in check\_hessian.m with the inverse Hessian. When the regularization and preconditioning of the inverse Hessian is satisfying, the inverse Hessian is written in binary format to the file taper.bin.
\item To apply the taper (inverse Hessian) defined in taper.bin, on the gradient in DENISE, the parameter SWS\_TAPER\_FILE has to be set to 1 (see section~\ref{sec:Definition_of_gradient_taper_geometry}). Each model parameter requires a taper file which should be located in the /par directory and named as taper.bin for the Vp-model, taper\_u.bin for the Vs-model and taper\_rho.bin for the density model. Because the density-Hessian is not implemented yet, taper\_rho.bin can be simply a copy of taper.bin.
\item At each preconditioned conjugate gradient (PCG) iteration the Hessian for the starting model is multiplied by the regularized and preconditioned inverse Hessian. This scaling of the gradient improves the convergence speed of DENISE by approximately a factor 2. However it is not a real Gauss-Newton method, which would require the calculation of the inverse Hessian at each iteration step. The implementation of a quasi-Newton method, the L-BFGS method (see f.e. the book \cite{nocedal:1999}) is currently in development. A pre-alpha version is included in this version. It can be activated by the parameter GRAD\_METHOD, but a bug seem to prevent the convergence of the L-BFGS method. Therefore it is higly recommended to use only the PCG method (GRAD\_METHOD=1) and not the L-BFGS method.
\end{enumerate}
\section{Misfit definition}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Gradient calculation" : "comment",
"LNORM" : "2",
"NORMALIZE" : "0",
"DTINV" : "2",
"WATERLEVEL_LNORM8" : "0.0",
\end{verbatim}}}
With LNORM=2 the L2 norm is used as misfit definition. In this case the misfit is scaled with the energy of the observed seismograms.\\
With LNORM=5 the global correlation is used as misfit function. It was suggested e.\,g. by \cite{choi:2012} and consists of a zero-lag cross correlation of two normalized signals. The misfit is calculated by
\begin{equation}
E = - \sum_i^{ns} \sum_j^{nr} \sum_k^{nc} \frac{\vec{u}_{i,j,k} \cdot \vec{d}_{i,j,k}}{|\vec{u}_{i,j,k}| |\vec{d}_{i,j,k}|}
\end{equation}
where the sum over $i$ denotes the sum over the sources, the sum over $j$ denotes the sum over the receivers and the sum over $k$ denotes the sum over the components used in the inversion. $\vec{u}$ are the forward modeled data and $\vec{d}$ are the observed data. The misfit is minimized but the misfit function is not yet normalized. Therefore, a perfect fit results in a misfit of $(-1)\cdot ns \cdot nr \cdot nc$.\\
LNORM=1 uses the L1 norm, LNORM=3 the Cauchy norm and LNORM=4 the SECH norm.\\
LNORM=7 uses the normalized L2 norm
\begin{equation}
E=\frac{\sum_i^{ns} \sum_j^{nr} \sum_k^{nc} \left| \frac{\vec{u}_{i,j,k}}{|\vec{u}_{i,j,k}|}-\frac{\vec{d}_{i,j,k}}{|\vec{d}_{i,j,k}|}\right|^2}{\sum_i^{ns} \sum_j^{nr} \sum_k^{nc} \left| \frac{\vec{d}_{i,j,k}}{|\vec{d}_{i,j,k}|}\right|^2}
\end{equation}
suggested by \cite{choi:2012}. The misfit is scaled with the energy of the observed seismograms.\\
LNORM=8 is based on an envelope-based objective function which compares the difference between the envelopes of observed and synthetic wave fields.
The misfit function is defined by
\begin{equation}
E= \frac{1}{2} \sum_i^{ns} \sum_j^{nr} \sum_k^{nc} \int_0^T \left( \text{env}(\vec{u}_{i,j,k}) - \text{env}(\vec{d}_{i,j,k}) \right)^2~\text{d}t.
\label{misfit_envelope}
\end{equation}
At time samples $t$ where the envelope of the synthetics $\text{env}( u)$ becomes small with respect to the noise of the observed data $\text{env}( d)$, the corresponding adjoint source develops a singularity (for $\text{env}( u) \rightarrow 0$). A finite water-level (WATERLEVEL\_LNORM8) is used to keep the division regular. The water-level is estimated about the smallest signal amplitude of the observed data which is considered in the misfit.\\
If NORMALIZE is set to 1, the synthetic data and the measured data will be normalized before calculating the residuals.\\
To reduce the memory requirements during an inversion one can define that only every DTINV time sample is used for the calculation of the gradients. To set this parameter appropriately one has to keep in mind the Nyquist criterion to avoid aliasing effects.
\section{Step length estimation}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Step length estimation" : "comment",
"EPS_SCALE" : "0.01",
"STEPMAX" : "4",
"SCALEFAC" : "4.0",
"TESTSHOT_START , TESTSHOT_END , TESTSHOT_INCR" : "1 , 2 , 1",
\end{verbatim}}}
For the step length estimation a parabolic line search method proposed by \cite{sourbier:09,sourbier:09b}, \cite{brossier:2009} and \cite{nocedal:1999} is implemented. For this step length estimation only two further test forward modelings are needed. The vector L2t contains the misfit values and the vector epst contains the corresponding step length. During the forward modeling of an iteration step the misfit norm of the data residuals is calculated for the shots defined by TESTSHOT\_START, TESTSHOT\_END and TESTSHOT\_INC. The value L2t(1) then contains the misfit from the forward modeling and the corresponding epst(1) value is 0.0.\\
The step lengths for the different parameters are defined as:\\
EPSILON = EPS\_SCALE * m\_max/grad\_max
EPSILON = epst[i] * m\_max/grad\_max\\
where m\_max is the maximum value of the corresponding model parameter in the whole model and grad\_max is the maximum absolute value of the gradient.\\
For a better definition of the parabola the improved line search is now trying to estimate a steplength epst(2) with L2t(2)<L2t(1). If the code is not able to find an appropiate steplength using the user-defined value EPS\_SCALE (f.e. EPS\_SCALE = 0.01 = 1\% change in terms of m\_max/grad\_max), the code divides this steplength by the variable SCALEFAC and calculates the misfit norm again. If this search fails after STEPMAX attempts DENISE exits with an error message. If the algorithm has found an appropriate value for epst(2), it is trying to estimate a steplength epst(3) with L2t(3)> L2t(2), by increasing the steplength\\
EPS\_SCALE += EPS\_SCALE/SCALEFAC.\\
If a corresponding value epst(3) can be found after STEPMAX forward modellings, DENISE can fit a parabola through the 3 points (L2t(i),epst(i)) and estimates an optimum step length at the minimum of the parabola. If the L2-value L2t(3) after STEPMAX forward models is still smaller than L2t(2) the optimum steplength estimated by parabolic fitting will be not larger than epst(3).
\newpage
\section{Abort criterion}
\label{json:abort_criterion}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Termination of the programmme" : "comment",
"PRO" : "0.01",
\end{verbatim}}}
Additionally to the parameter ITERMAX a second abort criterion is implemented in DENISE which is using the relative misfit change within the last two iterations. The relative misfit of
the current iteration step and the misfit of the second to last iteration step is calculated with regard to the misfit of the second to last iteration step. If this relative change is
smaller than PRO the inversion aborts or in case of using frequency filtering (TIME\_FILT==1) it increases the corner frequency of the low pass filter and therefore switches to next higher bandwidth.
\section{Minimum number of iteration per frequency}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Minimum number of iteration per frequency" : "comment",
"MIN_ITER" : "10",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
MIN_ITER=0
\end{verbatim}}}
If you are using frequeny filtering (TIME\_FILT==1) during the inversion, you can set a minimum number of iterations per frequency. Within this minimum number of iteration per frequency the abort criterion PRO will receive no consideration.
\section{Definition of the gradient taper geometry}
\label{sec:Definition_of_gradient_taper_geometry}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Definition of gradient taper geometry" : "comment",
"SWS_TAPER_GRAD_VERT" : "0",
"SWS_TAPER_GRAD_HOR" : "0",
"GRADT1 , GRADT2 , GRADT3 , GRADT4" : "5 , 15 , 490 , 500",
"SWS_TAPER_GRAD_SOURCES" : "0",
"SWS_TAPER_CIRCULAR_PER_SHOT" : "0",
"SRTSHAPE" : "1",
"SRTRADIUS" : "5.0",
"FILTSIZE" : "1",
"SWS_TAPER_FILE" : "0",
"SWS_TAPER_FILE_PER_SHOT" : "0",
"TAPER_FILE_NAME" : "taper.bin",
"TAPER_FILE_NAME_U" : "taper_u.bin",
"TAPER_FILE_NAME_RHO" : "taper_rho.bin",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
SWS_TAPER_GRAD_VERT=0
SWS_TAPER_GRAD_HOR=0
SWS_TAPER_GRAD_SOURCES=0
SWS_TAPER_CIRCULAR_PER_SHOT=0
SWS_TAPER_FILE=0
SWS_TAPER_FILE_PER_SHOT=0
\end{verbatim}}}
Different preconditioning matrices can be created and applied to the gradients (using the function \texttt{taper\_grad.c}). To apply a vertical taper one has to set the switch SWS\_TAPER\_GRAD\_VERT to one and for a horizontaltaper SWS\_TAPER\_GRAD\_HOR has to be 1. The parameters for the vertical and the horizontal window are defined by the input file paramters GRADT1, GRADT2, GRADT3 and GRADT4. Please have a look at the function \texttt{taper\_grad.c} directly to obtain more information about the actual definition of the tapers. It is also possible to apply cylindrical tapers around the source positions. This can be done by either setting the switch SWS\_TAPER\_GRAD\_SOURCES or SWS\_TAPER\_CIRCULAR\_PER\_SHOT to 1. If one uses SWS\_TAPER\_GRAD\_SOURCES=1 only the final gradients (that means the gradients obtained by the summation of the gradients of each shots) are multiplied with a taper that decreases the gradients at all shot positions. Therefore, one looses the update information at the source positions. To avoid this one can use SWS\_TAPER\_CIRCULAR\_PER\_SHOT=1. In this case the gradients of the single shots are preconditioned with a window that only decreases at the current shot position. This is done before the summation of all gradients to keep model update information also at the shot positions. The actual tapers are generated by the function \texttt{taper\_grad.c} and \texttt{taper\_grad\_shot.c}, respectively. The circular taper around the source positions decrease from a value of one at the edge of the taper to a value of zero at the source position. The shape of the decrease can be defined by an error function (SRTSHAPE=1) or a log-function (SRTSHAPE=2). The radius of the taper is defined in meter by SRTRADIUS. Note, that this radius must be at least 5 gridpoints. With the parameter FILTSIZE one can extend the region where the taper is zero around the source. The taper is set to zero in a square region of (2*FILTSIZE+1 times 2*FILTSIZE+1) gridpoints. All preconditioning matrices that are applied are saved in the par directory with the file names taper\_coeff\_vert.bin, taper\_coeff\_horz.bin and taper\_coeff\_sources.bin.\\
To apply an externally defined taper on the gradients in DENISE, the parameter SWS\_TAPER\_FILE has to be set to 1. Each model parameter requires a taper file which needs to be located in TAPER\_FILE\_NAME for vp, in TAPER\_FILE\_NAME\_U for vs and in TAPER\_FILE\_NAME\_RHO for the density.\\
It is also possible to apply externally defined taper files to the gradients of the single shots before summation of these gradients. This can be done by setting SWS\_TAPER\_FILE\_PER\_SHOT to one. DENISE expects the tapers in TAPER\_FILE\_NAME.shot<shotnumber> for the vp gradients, in TAPER\_FILE\_NAME\_U.shot<shotnumber> for the vs gradients and in TAPER\_FILE\_NAME\_RHO.shot<shotnumber> for the density gradients.
\section{Definition of spatial filtering of the gradients}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Definition of smoothing (spatial filtering) of the gradients" : "comment",
"SPATFILTER" : "0",
"SPAT_FILT_SIZE" : "40",
"SPAT_FILT_1" : "1",
"SPAT_FILT_ITER" : "1",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
SPATFILTER=0
\end{verbatim}}}
One can apply a spatial Gaussian filter to the gradients that acts in horizontal direction (SPATFILTER=1). Have a look at the function \texttt{spat\_filt.c} for more information.
\section{Smoothing the gradients}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Definition of smoothing the gradients with a 2D-Gaussian filter" : "comment",
"GRAD_FILTER" : "0",
"FILT_SIZE_GRAD" : "5",
"GRAD_FILT_WAVELENGTH" : "0",
"A" : "0.0",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
GRAD_FILTER=0
GRAD_FILT_WAVELENGTH=0
\end{verbatim}}}
If GRAD\_FILTER = 1 the gradients are smoothed with a 2D median filter after every iterationstep. With FILT\_SIZE\_GRAD you can set the filter length in gridpoints.\\
For GRAD\_FILT\_WAVELENGTH = 1 (and TIME\_FILT=1) a new wavelength dependent filter size for smoothing the gradients is calculated by
\begin{equation}
\mbox{FILT\_SIZE\_GRAD} = \frac{V_{s,\text{average}}\cdot \text{A}}{\text{FC}}
\end{equation}
where FC is the corner frequency of TIME\_FILT and A is a weighting factor.
\section{Limits for the model parameters}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Upper and lower limits for model parameters" : "comment",
"VPUPPERLIM" : "3500",
"VPLOWERLIM" : "0",
"VSUPPERLIM" : "5000",
"VSLOWERLIM" : "0",
"RHOUPPERLIM" : "5000",
"RHOLOWERLIM" : "0",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
VPUPPERLIM=25000.0
VPLOWERLIM=0.0
VSUPPERLIM=25000.0
VSLOWERLIM=0.0
RHOUPPERLIM=25000.0
RHOLOWERLIM=0.0
\end{verbatim}}}
The six limits for the model parameters specify the minimum and maximum values which may be achieved by the inversion. Here, known a priori information can be used. Depending on the choice of the parameter INVMAT1, either vp and vs or lambda and mu is meant.
\section{Limited update of model parameters}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Limited model update in reference to the starting model" : "comment",
"S" : "0",
"S_VS" : "0.0",
"S_VP" : "0.0",
"S_RHO" : "0.0",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
S=0
\end{verbatim}}}
For S=1 individual limited updates of the elastic model parameters are considered. S\_VS, S\_VP and S\_RHO are the maximum updates of the model parameters at each grid point (given in \%) in reference to the model parameters of their starting models for S-wave and P-wave velocity as well as density, respectively. For example S\_VS = 30.0 means that the model parameter update of the S-wave velocity model is limited to 30\,\% at each grid point in reference to the starting model of the S-wave velocity model. Zero (S\_VS=0.0, S\_VP=0.0 or S\_RHO=0.0) means that the model parameter won't be updated at all. S\_VS=100.0, S\_VP=100.0 or S\_RHO=100.0 equal to S=0.
\section{Vp/Vs ratio}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Minimum Vp/Vs-ratio" : "comment",
"VP_VS_RATIO" : "1.5",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
VP_VS_RATIO > 1
\end{verbatim}}}
With VP\_VS\_RATIO = 1.5 (e.g.) it is possible to ensure a minimum Vp/Vs ratio during the inversion. This is done by checking the Vp/Vs ratio at every grid point after every model update and if it is less than (e.g.) 1.5 the P-wave velocity will be increased. For smaller values than one (1) this criterion is disregarded.
\section{Time windowing and damping}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Time windowing and damping" : "comment",
"TIMEWIN" : "0",
"PICKS_FILE" : "./picked_times/picks"
"TWLENGTH_PLUS" : "0.01",
"TWLENGTH_MINUS" : "0.01",
"GAMMA" : "100000",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
TIMEWIN=0
\end{verbatim}}}
To apply time windowing in a time series the paramter TIMEWIN must set to 1. A automatic picker routine is not integrated at the moment. The point in time (picked time) for each source must be specified in seperate files. The folder and file name can be set with the parameter PICKS\_FILE. The files must be named like this PICKS\_FILE\_<sourcenumber>.dat. So the number of sources in (SRCREC) must be equal to the number of files. Each file must contain the picked times for every receiver.\
The parameters TWLENGTH\_PLUS and TWLENGTH\_MINUS specify the length of the time window after (PLUS) and before (MINUS) the picked time. The unit is seconds. The damping factor GAMMA must be set individually.
\section{Source wavelet inversion}
To remove the contribution of the unknown source time function (STF) from the waveform residuals,
it is necessary to design a filter which minimizes the misfit to the field recordings and raw synthetics. Therefore, a second forward simulation is applied. The first one is done with the wavelet specified in QUELLART and the second one with the optimized source wavelet saved in SIGNAL\_FILE (see Section~\ref{sec:sources}). This optimized source wavelet is kept constant within N\_STF or within a frequency range (see below).\\
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Definition of inversion for source time function" : "comment",
"INV_STF" : "0",
"PARA" : "fdlsq:tshift=0.0",
"N_STF" : "10",
"N_STF_START" : "1",
"TRKILL_STF" : "0",
"TRKILL_FILE_STF" : "./trace_kill/trace_kill.dat",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
INV_STF=0
\end{verbatim}}}
INV\_STF should be switched to 1 if you want to invert for the source time function. %How to construct parameter strings PARA see doxygen documentation.
Examples for the parameter PARA are:
\begin{itemize}
\item To select frequency domain least squares (fdlsq) and shift the returned source time function by 0.4s, pass the following parameter string:\\
\textit{fdlsq:tshift=0.4}
\item To select fdlsq, apply offset dependent weights and use a power of two to speed up the FFT\\
\textit{fdlsq:exp=1.4:pow2}
\end{itemize}
N\_STF is the increment between the iteration steps. N\_STF\_START defines at which iterationstep the inversion for STF should start. This parameter has to be set at least to 1 NOT(!) 0. With TRKILL\_STF = 1 it is possible to apply a trace killing for the estimation of the source wavelet correction filter.
\newline
Please note: If you additionally switch on frequency filtering during the inversion (TIME\_FILT=1 or TIME\_FILT=2), the parameters N\_STF and N\_STF\_START will be ignored. But the optimal source time function will be inverted for the first iteration and after every change of the frequency range.
For more information see \ref{cha:STF-Inversion}
\section{Smoothing the models}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Definition of smoothing the models vp and vs" : "comment",
"MODEL_FILTER" : "0",
"FILT_SIZE" : "5",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
MODEL_FILTER=0
\end{verbatim}}}
If MODEL\_FILTER = 1 vp- and vs-models are smoothed with a 2D median filter after every iterationstep. With FILT\_SIZE you can set the filter length in gridpoints.
\section{Frequency filtering}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Frequency filtering during inversion" : "comment",
"TIME_FILT" : "0",
"F_HP" : "1",
"FC_START" : "10.0",
"FC_END" : "75.0",
"FC_INCR" : "10.0",
"ORDER" : "2",
"ZERO_PHASE" : "0",
"FREQ_FILE" : "freqeuncies.dat";
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
TIME_FILT=0
ZERO_PHASE=0
\end{verbatim}}}
TIME\_FILT = 1 can be set to use frequency filtering. The parameter FC\_START defines the corner frequency of the Butterworth low pass filter at the beginning of the inversion. The parameter FC\_END defines the maximum corner frequency used in the inversion. The parameter FC\_INCR controls in which steps the bandwidth is increased during the inversion.
If TIME\_FILT = 2 individual frequencies for each step can be read from FREQ\_FILE. In this file the first entry must be the number of frequencies used for filtering. Each frequency in Hz has to be specified in a row. The example file freqeuncies.dat can be found in \texttt{trunk/par}.
The parameter ORDER defines the order of the Butterworth low pass filter. If the variable ZERO\_PHASE is set to one a zero phase filter is applied. It is realized by filtering the the traces in both forward and reverse direction with the defined Butterworth low pass filter. Therefore, the effective order of the low pass filter is doubled.
With F\_HP an additional high pass filter can be applied, where F\_HP is the corner frequency in Hz.
With the parameter PRO (see~\ref{json:abort_criterion}) one has to adjust the criterion that defines at which points the bandwidth of the signals are increased.
\section{Trace killing}
{\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
"Trace killing" : "comment",
"TRKILL" : "0",
"TRKILL_FILE" : "./trace_kill/trace_kill.dat",
\end{verbatim}}}
{\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
Default values are:
TRKILL=0
\end{verbatim}}}
For not using all traces, the parameter TRKILL is introduced. If TRKILL is set to 1, trace killing is in use. The necessary file can be selected with the parameter TRKILL\_FILE. The file should include a kill table, where
the number of rows is the number of receivers and the number of columns reflects the number of sources. Now, a 1 (ONE) means, YES, please kill the trace. The trace is NOT used, it should be killed. A 0 (ZERO) means, NO, this trace should NOT be killed.
% \newpage
% \section{Receiver array}
% {\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
% "Receiver array" : "comment",
% "REC_ARRAY" : "0",
% "REC_ARRAY_DEPTH" : "70.0",
% "REC_ARRAY_DIST" : "40.0",
% "DRX" : "4",
% \end{verbatim}}}
%
% {\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
% Default values are:
% REC_ARRAY=0
% \end{verbatim}}}
%
% These options are obsolete. Receiver arrays have to be defined directly in receiver.dat.
%
%
% \section{Checkpointing}
% {\color{blue}{\begin{verbatim}
% "Checkpoints" : "comment",
% "CHECKPTREAD" : "0",
% "CHECKPTWRITE" : "0",
% "CHECKPTFILE" : "tmp/checkpoint_fdveps",
% \end{verbatim}}}
%
% {\color{red}{\begin{verbatim}
% Default values are:
% CHECKPTREAD=0
% CHECKPTWRITE=0
% CHECKPTFILE="tmp/checkpoint_fdveps"
% \end{verbatim}}}
%
% These options are obsolete and will not be supported in the current version of DENISE. |
https://www.cs.bgu.ac.il/~abraham/courses/Concurrency14/2(Logic)/2.LogicMultisorted.tex | bgu.ac.il | CC-MAIN-2022-49 | text/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-49/segments/1669446710421.14/warc/CC-MAIN-20221210074242-20221210104242-00839.warc.gz | 779,351,388 | 8,822 |
\documentclass[12pt]{article}
\usepackage{amssymb,amsmath}
\hfuzz=1.0em
\newcommand {\ignore} [1] {}
\newcommand{\CM}{{\cal M}}
\newcommand{\CN}{{\cal N}}
\newcommand{\CR}{\text{$\cal R$}}
\newcommand{\CW}{\text{$\cal W$}}
\newcommand{\CS}{{\cal S}}
\newcommand{\calM}{\text{$\cal M$}}
\newcommand{\Val}{{\it Val}}
\newcommand{\Value}{{\it Value}}
\newcommand{\makepair}{{\it make\_pair}}
\newcommand{\first}{{\it first}}
\newcommand{\second}{{\it second}}
\newcommand{\rest}{\vbox{\hbox{$\:\kern -2pt\mathbin{\vert\kern-3.1pt\lower-1pt
\hbox{$\mathsurround=0pt\mathchar"0012$}\kern-4pt}\:$}}}
%\newcommand{\TRUE} {\mbox{\bf true}}
%\newcommand{\FALSE} {\mbox{\bf false}}
\newcommand{\TRUE} {{true}}
\newcommand{\FALSE} {{false}}
\newcommand{\arity}{{\it arity}}
\newcommand{\ov}{\overline}
\newcommand{\sort}{\text{\it sort}}
\newcommand{\Leftend}{{\it Left\_End}}
\newcommand{\Rightend}{{\it Right\_End}}
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%5
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
%%%%%%%%%%%%%
\def\newtheorems{\newtheorem{theorem}{Theorem}[section]
\newtheorem{exercise}[theorem]{Exercise}
\newtheorem{cor}[theorem]{Corollary}
\newtheorem{prop}[theorem]{Proposition}
\newtheorem{lemma}[theorem]{Lemma}
\newtheorem{claim}[theorem]{Claim}
\newtheorem{example}[theorem]{Example}
\newtheorem{remark}[theorem]{Remark}
\newtheorem{definition}[theorem]{Definition}
\newtheorem{invariant}[theorem]{Invariant}}
\newtheorems
\begin{document}
\title{Multisorted languages and structures}
\author{Uri Abraham
\thanks{Models for Concurrency 2014, Ben-Gurion
University.}}
\maketitle
\begin{abstract}
We continue with multisorted first-order logics and Tarskian structures.
\end{abstract}
In the previous lectures we covered first-order signatures, languages, and their interpretations.
These were {\em single-sort} structures in which all members of the universe have the same status. In most applications however objects of different characters are considered, and for a more natural modeling, multi-sorted structures have a certain advantage. It is obvious that everything that can be done with multi-sorted structures can also be done with single-sorted ones: predicates can be used to
distinguish between different kinds of members. Because of its simplicity and elegance, the usage of single-sorted structures and logic is more common in mathematical logic textbooks. Yet, for applications we prefer here multi-sorted structures and find them useful and natural. So we assume not a single and uniform universe of discourse, but
several domains, called sorts, in a single, multi-sorted structure. I give an example for this
in the following subsection, but we proceed with the formal definition first. As before, we define multi-sorted signatures, then the resulting language, and finally the interpretations.
\begin{definition}[Multi-sorted signature]
A multi-sorted signature is a sequence of the form
$$L=\langle
S_1,\ldots,S_n;\, \ov{P},\ov{F},\ov{c},\arity,\sort \rangle$$ where (as before) $\ov{P}$ is a sequence of predicates, $\ov{F}$ a sequence of function names, and $\ov{c}$ a sequence of constants. And $\arity$ is a natural-number valued function defined
over the set of predicates and function symbols.
In a multi-sorted signature we have in addition a list $S_1,\ldots,S_n$ of symbols called sorts, and a function \sort\ that associate with each predicate, function, or constant its sort as
follows.
If $P$ is a predicate of arity $k$, then $\sort(P)$ is a $k$-tuple
of sorts. That is $\sort(P)=\langle X_1,\ldots,X_k \rangle$ where
each $X_i$ is some $S_j$ (repetitions are allowed). The intention is
that the question of whether $P(x_1,\ldots,x_k)$ holds or not can be
asked only if each $x_i$ is of sort $X_i$.
Similarly, with each
$k$-ary function symbol $F$, $\sort(F)= \langle X_1,\ldots,X_k;X_{k+1}\rangle$ is a $k+1$ tuple of sorts
defining the sorts both of the domain and the range of $F$: $X_i$ for $1\leq i\leq k$ is the sort of the $i$-th
entry of $F$, and $X_{k+1}$ is the sort of its return value.
Finally $\sort(c)$ for a constant $c$ gives the sort of $c$.
\end{definition}
Another feature of multi-sorted signature which is often very useful is
the assignment of variables to specific sorts. That is, a list $V_1,\ldots,V_n$
where each $V_i$ is a set of variables that correspond to sort $S_i$. The intention
is to allow any variable $x\in V_i$ to vary only over domain $S_i$. In addition
to these sort-specific variables, we may have variables whose range of possible values is
all of the structure universe.
\begin{definition}[Multi-sorted interpretation]
An interpretation $\CM$ for a multi-sorted \index{multi-sorted
interpretation}
signature $L$ consists of the following.
\begin{enumerate}
\item A non-empty set $|\CM|$ which is called the universe of $\CM$, and for every sort $S_i$ we have $S_i^\CM\subseteq \CM$
which is said to be the set of members of $\CM$ of sort $S_i$. The universe of $\CM$ is the union of its sorts:
$| \CM|=S_1^\CM\cup S_2^\CM\cdots \cup S_n^\CM$ (not necessarily a disjoint union and in some cases it may be useful to specify that some sorts are subsets of some other sorts.)
\item The structure interprets predicates, function
symbols and constants in accordance with
their sorts. In details, this means the following.
\begin{enumerate}
\item
If $P$ is a $k$-place relation symbol
and $\sort(P)=\langle S_1,\ldots,S_k \rangle$, then $P^\CM \subseteq
S_1^\CM \times\cdots\times S_k^\CM$.
\item If $G$ is a function symbol with arity $k$ and
$\sort(G)=\langle S_1,\ldots,S_k;S \rangle$, then $G^\CM: S_1^\CM\times\cdots\times S_k^\CM \to
S^\CM$.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\end{definition}
\begin{definition}[Isomorphism]
Let $L$ be a signature with sorts $S_1,\ldots, S_n$, and let
$\CM_1$, $\CM_2$ be two interpretations of $L$. We say that $f:
|\CM_1 |\to| \CM_2|$ is an {\em isomorphism} \index{isomorphism of
structures} of $\CM_1$ and $\CM_2$ if $f$ is one-to-one from the
universe of $\CM_1$ and onto the universe of $\CM_2$ such that:
\begin{enumerate}
\item For every sort $S_i$, $m\in S_i^{\CM_1}$ iff $f(m)\in S_i^{\CM_2}$.
({\em iff} stands for ``if and only if''.)
\item For every $n$-ary predicate symbol $P$ and $n$-tuple $m_1,\ldots, m_n
\in | \CM_1 |$,
\[ \langle m_1,\ldots, m_n \rangle \in P^{\CM_1}\ \text{iff}\
\langle f(m_1),\ldots, f(m_n) \rangle \in P^{\CM_1}.\]
\item For every $n$-place function symbol $F$,
\[ f(F^{\CM_1}(m_1,\ldots,m_n))= F^{\CM_2}(f(m_1),\ldots f(m_n)).\]
Similarly, if $c$ is any constant then $f(c^{\CM_1})=c^{\CM_2}$.
\end{enumerate}
\end{definition}
Since we shall identify two isomorphic structures,
this concept reflects our understanding that the inner composition
of the elements of the universe of a structure is not relevant.
These elements are just abstract ``points'' devoid of any inherent
meanings, were it not for the sorts, functions, and predicates defined on
them.
As before, an assignment for $M$ is a function $\sigma$ from the set of variables
into the universe $|M|$. But now an assignment has to respect the sort of the variables. That is, if $x\in V_i$ is a variable of sort $S_i$, then $\sigma(x)\in S_i^M$ is required. On variables that are not tied to any specific sort there is no such restriction.
Given a multi-sorted signature, the language is defined as before but now with some attention to the issue of sorts.
To see the problem suppose for example that $F$ is a function symbol of arity $n$ and $\sort(F)=\langle S_1,\ldots,S_n;T \rangle$
That is, $F$ is specified to
take arguments from sort $S_i$ at its $i$th coordinate and to return
arguments in sort $T$. Now, what shall we do with a term $F(x_1,\ldots,x_n)$ when one of the variables $x_i$ is not of sort $S_i$?
The simplest solution is to allow such ``meaningless terms'' in the language and to have a special object (denoted $\perp$) in each structure to be their denotation. We repeat the definition of the $\Val_M$ function, but allowing this $\perp$ value. For every term $\tau$ and assignment $\sigma$ we define $\Val_M(\tau,\sigma)\in |M|$ with the possibility that $\Val_M(\tau,\sigma)=\perp$.
\begin{enumerate}
\item For every variable $x$, $\Val_M(x,\sigma)=\sigma(x)$. For every constant $c$ in the signature $\Val_M(c,\sigma)=c^M$.
\item If $\tau$ has the form $F(\tau_1,\ldots,\tau_k)$ and if $a_i=\Val_M(\tau_i,\sigma)$ for every $i$, if the sort of $F$ is $(X_1,\ldots,X_k,T)$ (where each $X_i$ and $T$ is some sort) and $a_i\in X_i^M$ for every $i$ then $\Val_M(\tau,\sigma)=F^M(a_1,\ldots,a_k)$.
In case some $a_i$ is not of sort $X_i$ (or is $\perp$) then we define
$\Val_M(\tau,\sigma)=\perp$.
\end{enumerate}
For the definition of the truth value $\Val_M(\alpha,\sigma)$ for formulas $\alpha$ (and assignment $\sigma$ into the structure $M$) we must decide if we are ready to have the undefined value in addition to the two truth values \TRUE\ and \FALSE. Suppose for example that $P$ is a unary predicate of sort $S$. How should we define $\Val_M(P(x),\sigma)$ when $\sigma(x)\not\in S$? It seems that there are two options: to define this value as $\FALSE$ or as the undefined value $\perp$. We prefer the first one which seems more natural to us.
So for every formula $\alpha$ we shall define $\Val_M(\alpha,\sigma)\in \{ \TRUE,\FALSE\}$ for every assignment $\sigma$.
We begin with atomic formulas $P(\tau_1,\ldots,\tau_k)$ and we assume that $P$ has sort $(X_1,\ldots,X_k)$. Say $a_i=\Val(\tau_i,\sigma)$ for every $i\leq k$. In case every $a_i$ is of sort $X_i$ and $\langle a_1,\ldots,a_k\rangle\in P^M$, then we define $\Val_M(P(\tau_1,\ldots,\tau_k),\sigma)=\TRUE$. In any other case we define $\Val_M(P(\tau_1,\ldots,\tau_k),\sigma)=\FALSE$. Thus in case some $a_i$ is $\perp$ or is of the wrong sort (i.e. not of sort $X_i$) then $\Val_M(P(\tau_1,\ldots,\tau_k),\sigma)=\FALSE$.
In particular, for an equality formula $\tau_1 = \tau_2$ we let $\Val_M(\tau_1=\tau_2,\sigma)=\TRUE$ if and only if $\Val_M(\tau_1) = \Val_M(\tau_2)$. So if $\Val_M(\tau_1,\sigma)= \Val_M(\tau_2,\sigma)=\perp$ then the equality formula gets the value $\TRUE$.
If $\varphi$ is any formula (in the given signature) we define $\Val_M(\varphi,\sigma)$ (for every assignment $\sigma$) by induction on the structure of $\varphi$ as before.
\begin{enumerate}
\item If $\varphi$ is an atomic formula then $\Val_M(\varphi,\sigma)$ was defined above.
\item Suppose $\alpha$ and $\beta$ are formulas and both of $\Val_M(\alpha,\sigma)$ and $\Val_M(\beta,\sigma)$
were defined. Then $\Val_M((\alpha\rightarrow\beta),\sigma)=\FALSE$
if and only if
$\Val_M(\alpha,\sigma)=\TRUE$
and $\Val_M(\beta,\sigma)=\FALSE$.
The truth value definitions for the other logical connectives are similarly defined.
\item Suppose a formula $\varphi$ for which we have defined $\Val_M(\varphi,\sigma')$ for every assignment $\sigma'$.
Then we define $\Val_M(\exists x\varphi,\sigma)=\TRUE$ iff there exists an assignment $\sigma'$ so that
\begin{enumerate}
\item For every variable $y$ that is different from $x$ $\sigma'(y)=\sigma(y)$, and
\item $\Val_M(\varphi,\sigma')=\TRUE$.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
We can write $M\models \varphi[\sigma]$ for $\Val_M(\varphi,\sigma)=\TRUE$ (we say then that $M$ {\em satisfies} $\varphi$ under the assignment $\sigma$).
\begin{definition}[Model]
We say that a {\em collection} of sentences $T$ in some language is
satisfied by a structure $\CM$ if every sentence in $T$ is satisfied
by $\CM$; we then say that $\CM$ is a {\em model} of $T$.
We write this as $\CM \models T$. \index{$\models$} A collection of
sentences that has a model is called a {\em theory} \index{theory}.
\end{definition}
\subsection{Examples of multi-sorted structures}
\label{sI11} In the first example we model the situation in which
several measurements of light intensity are made by some
light-meter. A measurement evaluates the intensity of light
during the opening of the meter. We want to be able to express in our language the fact that
distinct measurements may be made over different exposure intervals
and may show different values.
For this, every structure contains a set of ``events'' that represent
measurements, and a value is assigned to each event to represent
the result of the measurement.
Hence two sorts of individuals are needed: measurement
events and real numbers (if we want the results to be real numbers).
Moreover, to evaluate the measurement error, we
would like to have the ``true'' light intensity function in the
structure, that is the function that gives the real intensity at
each instant. We shall denote this function by $I$ and let $I(t)$
denotes the light intensity at moment $t$.
In our
example
the measurement events are one sort and the real numbers are another.
An advantage of this two-sorted approach is that functions and
relations may be specific to certain sorts. The addition operation,
for example, is defined on the real numbers, and it is meaningless
to ask for the addition of events.
So we define first a signature $K$ that contains two sorts: $E$ and
$R$ (the elements of $E$ are called events and those of $R$
numbers). In addition, $K$ contains the following.
\begin{enumerate}
\item A binary predicate $<$ and binary
function symbols $+,\ -,\ \times,\ /$ over sort $R$. (For
typographical clarity, we no longer use the asterisks.) When we say
that $+$, for example, is over $R$ we mean that $\sort(+)=\langle
R,R;R \rangle$; that is to say that $+$ is interpreted as a function
taking pairs of individuals of sort $R$ into individuals of sort
$R$.
\item For each rational number $q$, a constant $\boldsymbol{q}$.
\item Two function symbols,
$\Leftend$ and $\Rightend$, are defined on $E$ and give
values in $R$. (The intention is to use them to give for every event
$e$ its temporal interval $(\Leftend(e),\Rightend(e)))$.
\item A unary function symbol $\Value$ is of sort $(E;R)$. That is, the function is defined on $E$ and returns values in $R$.
(The intention is to use it for the values of the measurement
events.)
\item A unary function symbol $I$ is of sort $(R;R)$. The intension is to have $I(t)$ for the light intensity at time $t$.
\end{enumerate}
A standard real number interpretation $\CM$
of $K$ is a structure containing the
real numbers $\Re$ (interpreting the sort $R$) and a set $E^{\calM}$
of ``events''. The interpretation of the arithmetical
operations is the standard interpretation on $\Re$ (for example,
$<^{\calM}$ is the natural ordering on $\Re$). For each individual
$e$ in $E^{\calM}$, $\Leftend^{\calM}(e),\ \Rightend^{\calM}(e),\
\Value^{\calM}(e)$ are real numbers with $\Leftend^\CM(e)<^\CM
\Rightend^\CM(e)$. The interpretation of $I$ is an arbitrary
real-valued function $I^{\calM}$.
Of course there is nothing in the symbols to force this particular
interpretation, and many other interpretations are possible. This example
is brought here just to give some idea of the diversity of
situations where multi-sorted structures can be used, and it will not be used later on.
The duration of any event $e$ is the number $\Rightend(e)-\Leftend(e)$ which is the length of
the interval of $e$.
\begin{exercise}
\begin{enumerate}
\item
Write a sentence that says that for every measurement of a positive duration, the value returned is the $I$ value at some inner point in the interval.
\item Write a sentence that says that item 1 holds provided that the measurement is of length more than 0.23.
\end{enumerate}
\end{exercise}
We return to the light intensity measurement from above. Suppose that we want to say
about a light-meter that it guarantees that every measurement is
accurate to within 0.1\% of the intensity at some point in its interval, provided
its exposure interval is
at least 20 seconds but not more than 35. I will write this
statement three times, in increased degrees of formality.
For every measurement event $e$, if the duration of $e$ is between 20
seconds and 35 seconds, then the value returned by $e$ is between
$0.999\times
r$ and $1.001\times r$, where $r$ is the intensity at some point of this period.
This is the easiest and most understandable formulation. But it leaves some doubts, as for example what do we mean by ``between''. A more formal writing clarifies that we mean ``between in the strict sense''.
$$\forall e\in E\ [(20 \leq \text{duration}(e) \leq 35)\rightarrow 0.999
\times r < \Value(e) < 1.001 \times r]$$ where $r$ is the intensity at some point in the temporal interval of $e$
The problem with this formulation is that there are no facilities in our language for using expressions such as
``where $r$ is etc.'' So we can use existential quantifiers to express this property.
\begin{multline*}
\forall e \in E\ 20\leq (\Rightend(e)-\Leftend(e))\leq 35\rightarrow\\
(\exists t \in R) (\Leftend(e)< t < \Rightend(e)\wedge
0.999 \times I(t) < \Value(e) < 1.001 \times I(t)) .
\end{multline*}
The reader can appreciate now why we seldom write the formal
sentences in full, but prefer an informal discourse. Completely formal writing is very difficult to read.
Yet we must exercise and get used to read and write such formal statements in order to get a feeling for what can be done formally and what cannot.
The expression $\forall e\in E\; \phi$ used above as a formalization
of ``for all events $e$ $\phi$''
can be written simply as $\forall e\; \phi$ if we agree that variable
$e$ varies only over events. In general we adopt this convention of
using special variables for each sort of objects, but the qualified
quantification $\forall x \in E\; \phi$ is still used here and
there. (Many authors use expressions such as $\forall e:E$, which is
very reasonable because the relationship between a variable and its
sort is not exactly the membership relation.)
\subsubsection{Pairs}
Two-sorted structures are useful to handle pairs and finite
sequences, as the second example shows. This will be significant for
later development and specifications.
Usually we write pairs with angled brackets $\langle
a,b \rangle$, but for typographical simplicity we often use round
brackets $(a,b)$.
In set theory one learns how to form pairs as sets.
A pair $\langle a,b \rangle$ can
be
defined as a set $\{ \{ a \}, \{ a , b \} \}$. We do not use this
(or any other) particular representation here, as only the abstract
properties of pairs and finite sequences are needed. We shall define
now the language in which these abstract properties are expressed.
We first define the pair signature.\index{pair signature} There are
two sorts, $U$ (for the set of individuals from which pairs are
formed)
and $P$ (for the pairs).
There is a binary function symbol \makepair\ defined on $U$ and
returning values in $P$, and there are two unary function symbols
\first\ and \second\ defined on $P$ and returning values in $U$.
Two axioms determine the properties of these pairing and unpairing
functions. Let us agree that variables $x$ and $y$ vary through $U$
and variables $p$ and $p'$ vary through $P$.
\begin{equation}
\forall x,y\; [\first(\makepair(x,y))=x \wedge
\second(\makepair(x,y))=y]
\end{equation}
\begin{equation}
\forall p, p'\; [\first(p)=\first(p') \wedge \second(p)=\second(p')
\longrightarrow p=p']
\end{equation}
Observe that we
did not have to say in these axioms that $\makepair(x,y)$ is in $P$,
as this is a consequence of the signature requirement which says
that the sort of $\makepair$ is $\langle U,U,P \rangle$, namely that
\makepair\ is a binary function from $U$ to $P$. An advantage of
using a multi-sorted language is that each variable is connected
with a certain fixed
sort, and this
brings some economy in writing formulas. For example, a longer form
of the first axiom would be $\forall x,y \in U\ldots$, but here
there was no need to qualify the range of $x$ and $y$ which were
assumed to be $U$-variables. If the traditional notation $\langle x,
y \rangle$ for the expression ``$\makepair(x,y)$'' is used, then the
first axiom becomes $\forall x,y (\first(\langle x,y
\rangle)=x\ldots$.
We did not require that sorts $U$ and $P$ are disjoint. In many
cases it is natural to add $\forall x \in U ( x \not \in P)$, but
there are occasions when we want $P\subset U$, which enables forming
pairs $\langle x,y \rangle$ when $x$ or $y$ (or both) are themselves
pairs.
If $\CM$ is an interpretation of the signature defined above that
satisfies the two axioms, then $U^\CM$ and $P^\CM$ are just sets, and
the fact that we shall call members of $U^\CM$ ``elements'' and
members of $P^\CM$ ``pairs'' does not say anything about their
structure. In fact, the individuals of $\CM$ are devoid of any
structure and only the functions and predicates defined over them
can convey a meaning.
Let $\CM$ be an interpretation for this pairing/unpairing signature, and
assume that $P^\CM \subset U^\CM$. Then a notation $\langle a_0,
\ldots, a_{n-1} \rangle$ can be introduced for $n \geq 2$ and for
$a_i$'s in $U^\CM$ as follows: If $n>2$ then $$\langle a_0, \ldots,
a_{n-1} \rangle=
\makepair(\langle a_0, \ldots, a_{n-2} \rangle, a_{n-1}).$$
There are other possibilities to model tuples, and I do not want to
suggest that this is the best way: the reader can keep his favorite
definition if he wants to, and I will avoid referring to a
particular representation by adhering to the following convention.
\label{pageagreement}
Whenever a structure $\CN$ is mentioned and $U^\CN$ is a specific
sort in $\CN$, if I say that $\CN$ is {\em equiped with pairs},
\index{equiped with
pairs}
%\mymarginpar{\em Equiped\\ with\\ pairs}
I mean that
there is in fact another sort in $\CN$, a sort of pairs of members
of $U^\CN$, even though this sort and the related functions were not
specified beforehand. Since pairs are ubiquitous, it is reasonable
to assume that all our structures are equiped with pairs.
\begin{exercise}
In this exercise we want to specify finite sequences similarly to the way that we specified pairs.
The language is defined below, and your exercise is to write axioms in this language that express properties of finite sequences.
\end{exercise}
There are three sorts: $U$ for the set of individual of which the finite sequences are formed, $S$ for the
sort of all finite sequences, and $N$ for the sort of natural numbers. We have the following functions in our signature.
$make\_seq(e)$: forms the one element sequence $\langle e \rangle$.
$concatenate(s,t)$: forms the sequence $s^\frown t$.
$length(s)$: gives the length of the sequence $s$.
$At(s,i)$: returns the $i$-th entry in $s$ (when $i< length(s)$).
Then we have the arithmetic functions on $N$ (such as $+$) and the ordering relation $<$.
\end{document}
|
http://smlnj-gforge.cs.uchicago.edu/scm/viewvc.php/*checkout*/sml/trunk/src/MLRISC/Doc/latex/labelexp.tex?revision=547&root=smlnj&pathrev=1054 | uchicago.edu | CC-MAIN-2019-39 | text/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-39/segments/1568514574050.69/warc/CC-MAIN-20190920155311-20190920181311-00057.warc.gz | 186,312,071 | 1,575 | \section{Label Expressions}
A \newdef{label expression} is a constant
expression defined in terms of labels, or user
defined \href{constants.html}{constants}. MLRISC uses the type
\sml{labexp} to represent label expressions. Label expressions
are defined in the structure
\mlrischref{instructions/labelExp.sml}{LabelExp}.
The datatype \sml{labexp} has the following definition:
\begin{SML}
datatype labexp =
LABEL of Label.label
| CONST of Constant.const
| INT of int
| PLUS of labexp * labexp
| MINUS of labexp * labexp
| MULT of labexp * labexp
| DIV of labexp * labexp
| LSHIFT of labexp * word
| RSHIFT of labexp * word
| AND of labexp * word
| OR of labexp * word
\end{SML}
In addition, the following functions are defined in \sml{labexp}:
\begin{itemize}
\item \sml{valueOf : labexp -> int} -- Returns the value associated with
a label expression
\item \sml{toString : labexp -> string} -- Return the pretty printed representation of an expression
\item \sml{hash : labexp -> word} -- Returns the hash value of an expression
\item \sml{== : labexp * labexp -> bool} -- Tests whether two label expression are lexically identical
\end{itemize}
The type \sml{labexp} is depends on client defined
\href{constants.html}{constants} typed. The functor \sml{LabelExp}
is parameterized as follows.
\begin{SML}
functor \mlrischref{instructions/labelExp.sml}{LabelExp}(Constant : \mlrischref{instructions/constant.sig}{CONSTANT})
\end{SML}
<script type="text/javascript">//<![CDATA[
function toggle_ffErrors() {
var errorsblock = document.getElementById("ffErrorsBlock");
var errorsgroup = document.getElementById("ffErrors");
if (errorsblock.style.display == "none") {
errorsblock.style.display = "block";
errorsgroup.style.right = "10px";
} else {
errorsblock.style.display = "none";
errorsgroup.style.right = "300px";
}
}
//]]></script>
<div id="ffErrors">
<a href="javascript:toggle_ffErrors();">Click to toggle</a>
<div id="ffErrorsBlock">
<div class="error">does not end with </html> tag</div>
<div class="error">does not end with </body> tag</div>
<div class="info">The output has ended thus: tions/labelExp.sml}{LabelExp}(Constant : \mlrischref{instructions/constant.sig}{CONSTANT})
\end{SML}</div>
</div></div>
</body></html>
|
https://unilab.gbb60166.jp/prekou/tex/kyu-V-S.tex | gbb60166.jp | CC-MAIN-2017-43 | application/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-43/segments/1508187822822.66/warc/CC-MAIN-20171018070528-20171018090528-00822.warc.gz | 887,523,977 | 2,927 | %
% [email protected] http://unilab.gbb60166.jp/prekou/prekou.htm
%
% aspectratio= は 1610, 169, 149, 54, 32 の中から選べる(省略時は 43)
% C:\w32tex\share\texmf\tex\latex\beamer\beamer.cls
%\documentclass[20pt,dvipdfmx,hyperref={pdfpagemode=FullScreen},aspectratio=169]{beamer}
\documentclass[20pt,dvipdfmx,aspectratio=169]{beamer}
% pdfの栞の字化けを防ぐ
%\AtBeginDvi{\special{pdf:tounicode EUC-UCS2}}
% テーマ
\usetheme{Copenhagen}
% navi. symbolsは目立たないが,dvipdfmxを使うと機能しないので非表示に
\setbeamertemplate{navigation symbols}{}
\usepackage{bxdpx-beamer,pxjahyper,minijs}
%\usepackage{graphicx}
%\usepackage{amsmath}
%\usepackage{amssymb}
%\usepackage{tkokugo,furikana,tsayusen,shiika,sfkanbun,jdkintou,plext}
\usepackage{furikana,utf,bm,type1cm}
%\usepackage{tikzsymbols}
%\usepackage[dvipdfmx]{graphicx}%
\def\pgfsysdriver{pgfsys-dvipdfmx.def}%(graphicxパッケージを使用しない場合はこの行を有効に)
%\def\pgfsysdriver{pgfsys-dvips.def}%デフォルト
\usepackage{tikz}%(これで、pgfとpgfforが読み込まれます。)
%\usetikzlibrary{calc,intersections}
%\usetikzlibrary{patterns,through,backgrounds}
%\PassOptionsToPackage{dvipdfmx}{graphicx}
%\PassOptionsToPackage{dvipdfmx}{color}
% フォントはお好みで
%\usepackage{txfonts}
\mathversion{bold}
\renewcommand{\familydefault}{\sfdefault}
% ■ 以前は{\bf }とかしてましたが \seriesdefault で一気に
% 変更出来ることがわかりました。2017/3/3
% ソースも書き換えるつもりですが、見落として{\bf }が
% 残ったままになるかもしれません。
\renewcommand{\seriesdefault}{bx}
\renewcommand{\kanjifamilydefault}{\gtdefault}
\setbeamerfont{title}{size=\normalsize,series=\bfseries}
\setbeamerfont{frametitle}{size=\normalsize,series=\bfseries}
\setbeamertemplate{frametitle}[default][center]
\usefonttheme{professionalfonts}
% 参考にしたURL
% http://windom.phys.hirosaki-u.ac.jp/fswiki/wiki.cgi?page=LaTeX+Beamer%A4%C7%A5%D7%A5%EC%A5%BC%A5%F3%A5%C6%A1%BC%A5%B7%A5%E7%A5%F3
\newcommand{\Slash}[1]{\ooalign{\hfil\kern-3pt/\hfil\crcr$#1$}}
\everymath{\displaystyle}
\def\maruwaku#1{\begin{tikzpicture}[scale=0.7, baseline={([yshift=-22pt] current bounding box.north)}]
\filldraw[color=blue, line width=1pt, rounded corners=2pt] (-0.1,0)--(2.1,0)--(2.1,1.1)--(-0.1,1.1)--cycle;
\draw(1,0.5) node[white]{#1};
\end{tikzpicture}
}
\setbeamersize{text margin left=5mm,text margin right=5mm}
%\fboxrule=1pt
\makeatletter
\def\hooklen#1#2{\settowidth{\@tempdima}{\(#1\)}
%\advance\@tempdima by.3ex
% ↑ 数式モードで式の前後に入るスペースを制御したかったが、
% 難しいのでやめた。段々難解なコードになっているのでやめた方がよい?
\hbox to\@tempdima{\hfil \(#2\)\hfil}}
\makeatother
\begin{document}
\title{プレ高数学科}\author{gbb60166}
%■■■■■■■■■■■■■ テスト領域 ■■■■■■■■■■■■■■
%\end{document}
%■■■■■■■■■■■■■ 完成品 ■■■■■■■■■■■■■■
\begin{frame}[t]
\frametitle{球の体積$V$}
\begin{minipage}[t]{0.36\textwidth}
\begin{tikzpicture}[thick, scale=1, baseline={( [yshift=-36pt] current bounding box.north)}]
\draw(0,0) circle (2.5);
\draw(-2.5,0) arc [start angle=-180, end angle=0,x radius=2.5cm, y radius=8mm];
\draw[dashed](2.5,0) arc [start angle=0, end angle=180,x radius=2.5cm, y radius=8mm];
\fill(0,0) circle (2pt);
\draw[red](0,0)--(2.5,0);
\draw[dashed](0,0) to[out=-30,in=210] node [inner sep=2pt, semithick, fill=white]{\small $r$} (2.5,0);
\end{tikzpicture}
\end{minipage}
\hfill
\begin{minipage}[t]{0.6\textwidth}
\vspace*{-4ex}
\[ \mbox{体積}V={\ 4 \pi r^3\over3} \]
\bigskip
{\small\Kana{語,呂,合}{ご,ろ,あ}わせ暗記法}
\bigskip
\centerline{\textcolor{red}{身の上に、心配あるので参上}}
\end{minipage}
\end{frame}
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
\begin{frame}[t]
\frametitle{球の表面積$S$}
\begin{minipage}[t]{0.36\textwidth}
\begin{tikzpicture}[thick, scale=1, baseline={( [yshift=-36pt] current bounding box.north)}]
\draw(0,0) circle (2.5);
\draw(-2.5,0) arc [start angle=-180, end angle=0,x radius=2.5cm, y radius=8mm];
\draw[dashed](2.5,0) arc [start angle=0, end angle=180,x radius=2.5cm, y radius=8mm];
\fill(0,0) circle (2pt);
\draw[red](0,0)--(2.5,0);
\draw[dashed](0,0) to[out=-30,in=210] node [inner sep=2pt, semithick, fill=white]{\small $r$} (2.5,0);
\end{tikzpicture}
\end{minipage}
\hfill
\begin{minipage}[t]{0.6\textwidth}
\vspace*{-4ex}
\[ \mbox{表面積}S=4 \pi r^2 \]
\bigskip
{\small\Kana{語,呂,合}{ご,ろ,あ}わせ暗記法}
\bigskip
\centerline{\textcolor{red}{心配ある事情}}
\end{minipage}
\end{frame}
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
\begin{frame}[t]
\frametitle{球の体積$V$の計算例}
\begin{minipage}[t]{0.36\textwidth}
\begin{tikzpicture}[thick, scale=1, baseline={( [yshift=-36pt] current bounding box.north)}]
\draw(0,0) circle (2.5);
\draw(-2.5,0) arc [start angle=-180, end angle=0,x radius=2.5cm, y radius=8mm];
\draw[dashed](2.5,0) arc [start angle=0, end angle=180,x radius=2.5cm, y radius=8mm];
\fill(0,0) circle (2pt);
\draw[red](0,0)--(2.5,0);
\draw[dashed](0,0) to[out=-30,in=210] node [inner sep=2pt, semithick, fill=white]{\small\textcolor{blue}{$2 \,\textrm{cm}$}} (2.5,0);
\end{tikzpicture}
\end{minipage}
\hfill
\begin{minipage}[t]{0.6\textwidth}
\vspace*{-6ex}
\begin{eqnarray*}
\mbox{体積}V &=& {\ 4 \pi r^3\over3}\pause\\[1ex]
&=& {\ 4 \pi \times \textcolor{blue}{2}^3\over3}\\[1ex]
&=& {32 \pi \over3}\ \textrm{cm}^3
\end{eqnarray*}
\end{minipage}
\end{frame}
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
\begin{frame}[t]
\frametitle{球の表面積$S$の計算例}
\begin{minipage}[t]{0.36\textwidth}
\begin{tikzpicture}[thick, scale=1, baseline={( [yshift=-36pt] current bounding box.north)}]
\draw(0,0) circle (2.5);
\draw(-2.5,0) arc [start angle=-180, end angle=0,x radius=2.5cm, y radius=8mm];
\draw[dashed](2.5,0) arc [start angle=0, end angle=180,x radius=2.5cm, y radius=8mm];
\fill(0,0) circle (2pt);
\draw[red](0,0)--(2.5,0);
\draw[dashed](0,0) to[out=-30,in=210] node [inner sep=2pt, semithick, fill=white]{\small \textcolor{blue}{$2 \,\textrm{cm}$}} (2.5,0);
\end{tikzpicture}
\end{minipage}
\hfill
\begin{minipage}[t]{0.6\textwidth}
\vspace*{-6ex}
\begin{eqnarray*}
\mbox{表面積}S &=& 4 \pi r^2 \pause\\[1ex]
&=& 4\pi \times \textcolor{blue}{2}^2 \\[1ex]
&=& 16\pi \ \textrm{cm}^2
\end{eqnarray*}
\end{minipage}
\end{frame}
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
\end{document}
\textcolor{red}{
|
http://pdgfloat.lbl.gov/2019/AtomicNuclearProperties/MUB/muB_a-150_tissue-equivalent_plastic.tex | lbl.gov | CC-MAIN-2019-47 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-47/segments/1573496669795.59/warc/CC-MAIN-20191118131311-20191118155311-00390.warc.gz | 122,526,532 | 1,249 | \tenpoint
\nopagenumbers
\singlespace
\def\sub#1{$_{\bf#1}$}
\def\b{\phantom{0}}
\def\dashfill{\leaders\hrule height2.5pt depth-2pt\hfill}
\vbox{
\vskip0.3in
\vbox{\centerline{$b(E)\times10^6$ [cm$^2$g$^{-1}$] for}
\centerline{%
a-150 tissue-equivalent plastic}
\centerline{%
$\langle Z/A\rangle = $ 0.54903}
\vskip0.03in
{\advance\baselineskip-3pt
\centerline{\vbox{\halign{
&\hbox to 0.55in{\hss\ #}
&\hbox to 0.5in{\hskip0.2in\hss#}
&\hbox to 0.5in{\hss#}
&\hbox to 0.5in{\hss#}
&\hbox to 0.5in{\hss#} \cr
\noalign{\hrule\vskip2pt\hrule\smallskip}
E [GeV]&$b_{\rm brems}$&$b_{\rm pair}\ $
&$b_{\rm nucl}\ $ &$b_{\rm tot}\ $\cr
\noalign{\smallskip\hrule\smallskip}
2. & 0.2437 & 0.1052 & 0.4765 & 0.8255\cr
5. & 0.3308 & 0.2617 & 0.5036 & 1.0961\cr
10. & 0.4033 & 0.3987 & 0.4881 & 1.2901\cr
20. & 0.4801 & 0.5481 & 0.4652 & 1.4933\cr
50. & 0.5852 & 0.7579 & 0.4402 & 1.7834\cr
100. & 0.6646 & 0.9069 & 0.4279 & 1.9994\cr
200. & 0.7391 & 1.0446 & 0.4217 & 2.2053\cr
500. & 0.8282 & 1.1877 & 0.4206 & 2.4365\cr
1000. & 0.8857 & 1.2756 & 0.4274 & 2.5888\cr
2000. & 0.9336 & 1.3381 & 0.4390 & 2.7107\cr
5000. & 0.9818 & 1.3936 & 0.4605 & 2.8360\cr
10000. & 1.0077 & 1.4197 & 0.4824 & 2.9098\cr
20000. & 1.0260 & 1.4362 & 0.5081 & 2.9703\cr
50000. & 1.0419 & 1.4492 & 0.5484 & 3.0394\cr
100000. & 1.0489 & 1.4545 & 0.5830 & 3.0864\cr
\noalign{\smallskip\hrule\vskip2pt\hrule\smallskip}
}}}}}
} \bye
|
http://dlmf.nist.gov/13.6.E13.tex | nist.gov | CC-MAIN-2014-10 | application/x-tex | null | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-10/segments/1393999651919/warc/CC-MAIN-20140305060731-00055-ip-10-183-142-35.ec2.internal.warc.gz | 55,078,805 | 630 | \[\mathop{U\/}\nolimits\!\left(\tfrac{1}{2}a+\tfrac{3}{4},\tfrac{3}{2},\tfrac{1}%
{2}z^{{2}}\right)=2^{{\frac{1}{2}a+\frac{3}{4}}}\frac{e^{{\frac{1}{4}z^{2}}}}{%
z}\mathop{U\/}\nolimits\!\left(a,z\right).\] |
http://dlmf.nist.gov/19.25.E28.tex | nist.gov | CC-MAIN-2014-10 | application/x-tex | null | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2014-10/segments/1394010951612/warc/CC-MAIN-20140305091551-00068-ip-10-183-142-35.ec2.internal.warc.gz | 59,972,864 | 609 | \[\Delta(\mathrm{p,q})={\mathop{\mathrm{ps}\/}\nolimits^{{2}}}\left(u,k\right)-{%
\mathop{\mathrm{qs}\/}\nolimits^{{2}}}\left(u,k\right)=-\Delta(\mathrm{q,p}),\] |
http://hendrikmaryns.name/Wiskunde/Gelykvormixhyt/bronbestanden/toets%20gelykvormixhyt%209A%202011.tex | hendrikmaryns.name | CC-MAIN-2019-26 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-26/segments/1560627998813.71/warc/CC-MAIN-20190618183446-20190618205446-00005.warc.gz | 74,477,033 | 2,959 | \documentclass{scrartcl}
\usepackage{ifxetex}
\ifxetex
\usepackage{fontspec}
\else
\usepackage{ucs}
\usepackage[utf8x]{inputenc}
\usepackage[T1]{fontenc}
\fi
\usepackage{fixltx2e}
\usepackage[dutch]{babel}
\usepackage{graphicx}
\usepackage{floatflt}
\usepackage{multido}
\usepackage{amsmath,amssymb}
\usepackage{calc}
\usepackage{enumitem}
\usepackage{pstricks,pst-eucl}
\usepackage{fancyhdr}
\pagestyle{fancy}
\lhead{Klas 9A}
\chead{\textbf{\Large Toets: Gelijkvormigheid}}
\rhead{21/1/2011}
\lfoot{Groep A}
\cfoot{\thepage}
\rfoot{}
\begin{document}
Deze toets bestaat uit \ref{laatsteA} opgaven. Voor elk onderdeel is
aangegeven hoeveel punten kunnen worden behaald. Er zijn maximaal 24 punten te
behalen. Antwoorden moeten altijd zijn voorzien van een \emph{berekening,
toelichting of argumentatie}.
\vspace{1ex}
\hrule
\section*{Verhoudingstabellen}
\begin{enumerate}[topsep=3pt,itemsep=0pt]
\item {\footnotesize 4p} De onderstaande tabellen zijn verhoudingstabellen.
Bereken $x$, $y$, $p$ en $q$:
$\begin{array}{c|c|c}
4 & x & 12\\
\hline
8 & 6 & y\\
\end{array}$
\qquad
$\begin{array}{c|c|c}
6 & p & 2\\
\hline
24 & 50 & q\\
\end{array}$
\end{enumerate}
\section*{Flatgebouw bis}
Iemand, laten we zeggen Maarten, gebruikt de “spiegelmethode” om de hoogte van
een gebouw te berekenen.
\begin{center}
\begin{pspicture}(-.5,0)(8,5)
\psline[linewidth=2pt](-.5,0)(8.5,0)
\psline[linewidth=2pt](0,0)(0,.5)
\uput[d](0,0){$A$}
\uput[u](0,.5){$B$}
\psline[linewidth=.5pt](0,.5)(.5,0)
\uput[d](0.5,0){$S$}
\psline[linewidth=.5pt](.5,0)(7,5)
\psline[linewidth=1.5pt](7,0)(7,5)(8,5)(8,0)
\uput[d](7,0){$R$}
\uput[l](7,5){$T$}
\multido{\neen=0.2+0.5,\ntwee=0.4+0.5}{10}{%
\psframe[linewidth=.5pt](7.1,\neen)(7.9,\ntwee)%
}
\end{pspicture}
\end{center}
Maarten ($AB$) staat 40~cm van het midden van de spiegel $S$ en het midden van
de spiegel is 640~cm van het gebouw $RT$. In het midden van de spiegel ziet
Maarten precies de top $T$ van het gebouw. Maartens ooghoogte is 160~cm.
\begin{enumerate}[resume,topsep=3pt,itemsep=0pt]
\item {\footnotesize 3p} Bereken de hoogte van het gebouw. Leg uit!
\end{enumerate}
\section*{Hoogte van een boom}
\begin{floatingfigure}[r]{6cm}
\includegraphics[height=4cm,width=6cm,keepaspectratio]{boom-stok}
\end{floatingfigure}
Een boswachter staat op 18 meter afstand van een boom. Hij houdt een liniaal met
een lengte van 30~cm op een afstand van 65~cm voor zijn oog. Vanuit zijn
gezichtspunt bedekt de liniaal precies de boom.
\noindent
\begin{minipage}{\linewidth-6cm}
\begin{enumerate}[resume,topsep=3pt,itemsep=0pt]
\item {\footnotesize 3p} Bereken in dm nauwkeurig de hoogte van de boom. Leg
uit!
\end{enumerate}
\end{minipage}
\newpage
\section*{Gelijkvormige driehoeken}
$ST$ en $PQ$ zijn evenwijdig.
\begin{center}
\begin{pspicture}(-.5,.5)(6.5,-4.5)
\pstTriangle(0,0){R}(1,-4){P}(6,-4){Q}
\psline(.5,-2)(3,-2)
\uput[l](.5,-2){$S$}
\uput[r](3,-2){$T$}
\uput[l](.25,-1){4}
\uput[r](1.5,-1){5}
\uput[d](1.5,-2){3,5}
\uput[l](.75,-3){6}
\end{pspicture}
\end{center}
\begin{enumerate}[resume,topsep=3pt,itemsep=0pt]
\addtocounter{enumi}{1}
\item {\footnotesize 2p} Neem over en vul in: $\triangle RST \backsim
\triangle \ldots$
\item {\footnotesize 4p} Bereken $PQ$ en $QR$.
\end{enumerate}
\section*{Zendmast}
Een zendmast is 35 meter hoog. Op een zonnige dag meet een zekere Djamel dat de
schaduw van de mast een lengte van 30 meter heeft. Zijn eigen schaduw is op dat
moment 127~cm.
\begin{enumerate}[resume,topsep=3pt,itemsep=0pt]
\item {\footnotesize 3p} Hoe groot is Djamel?
\end{enumerate}
\section*{Rechthoek}
Hieronder zie je een rechthoek $ABCD$ met $AB=8$ en $AD=3$. Verder is $E$ het
midden van $CD$ en $F$ het snijpunt van $AE$ met $BD$.
\begin{center}
\begin{pspicture}(0,0)(10,5)
\pstGeonode[CurveType=polygon,PosAngle={180,0,0,180}](0,0){A}(10,0){B}(10,4){C}(0,4){D}
\pstLineAB{D}{B}
\pstMiddleAB{D}{C}{E}
\pstLineAB{A}{E}
\pstInterLL{A}{E}{D}{B}{F}
\end{pspicture}
\end{center}
\begin{enumerate}[resume,itemsep=0pt]
\item {\footnotesize 2p} Bereken $AE$.
\item \label{laatsteA} {\footnotesize 3p} Geef twee gelijkvormige driehoeken
in de tekening en leg uit waarom ze gelijkvormig zijn.
\end{enumerate}
\newpage
\setcounter{page}{1}
\lfoot{Groep B}
Deze toets bestaat uit \ref{laatsteB} opgaven. Voor elk onderdeel is
aangegeven hoeveel punten kunnen worden behaald. Er zijn maximaal 30 punten
te behalen. Antwoorden moeten altijd zijn voorzien van een \emph{berekening,
toelichting of argumentatie}.
\vspace{1ex}
\hrule
\section*{Verhoudingstabellen}
\begin{enumerate}[topsep=3pt,itemsep=0pt]
\item {\footnotesize 5p} De onderstaande tabellen zijn verhoudingstabellen.
Bereken $x$, $y$ en $z$:
$\begin{array}{c|c|c}
4 & x & 12 \\
\hline
8 & 6 & y \\
\end{array}$
\qquad
$\begin{array}{c|c}
z-2 & z+3 \\
\hline
3 & 6 \\
\end{array}$
\end{enumerate}
\section*{Flatgebouw}
Iemand, laten we zeggen Maarten, gebruikt de “spiegelmethode” om de hoogte van
een gebouw te berekenen.
\psset{unit=.7cm}
\begin{center}
\begin{pspicture}(-.5,0)(8,5)
\psline[linewidth=2pt](-.5,0)(8.5,0)
\psline[linewidth=2pt](0,0)(0,.5)
\uput[d](0,0){$A$}
\uput[u](0,.5){$B$}
\psline[linewidth=.5pt](0,.5)(.5,0)
\uput[d](0.5,0){$S$}
\psline[linewidth=.5pt](.5,0)(7,5)
\psline[linewidth=1.5pt](7,0)(7,5)(8,5)(8,0)
\uput[d](7,0){$R$}
\uput[l](7,5){$T$}
\multido{\neen=0.2+0.5,\ntwee=0.4+0.5}{10}{%
\psframe[linewidth=.5pt](7.1,\neen)(7.9,\ntwee)%
}
\end{pspicture}
\end{center}
Maarten ($AB$) staat 4 voeten van het midden van de spiegel $S$ en het midden
van de spiegel is 64 voeten van het gebouw $RT$. In het midden van de spiegel
ziet Maarten precies de top $T$ van het gebouw. Maartens ooghoogte is 160~cm.
\begin{enumerate}[resume,topsep=3pt,itemsep=0pt]
\item {\footnotesize 5p} Bereken de hoogte van het gebouw. Licht je
berekening toe en leg uit waarom het niet uitmaakt dat Maartens ooghoogte in
cm en de afstanden $AS$ en $SR$ in voeten zijn gegeven.
\end{enumerate}
\section*{Hoogte van een boom}
\begin{floatingfigure}[r]{6cm}
\includegraphics[height=4cm,width=6cm,keepaspectratio]{boom-stok}
\end{floatingfigure}
Een boswachter staat op 18 meter afstand van een boom. Hij houdt een liniaal met
een lengte van 30~cm op een afstand van 65~cm voor zijn oog. Vanuit zijn
gezichtspunt bedekt de liniaal precies de boom.
\noindent
\begin{minipage}{\linewidth-6cm}
\begin{enumerate}[resume,topsep=3pt,itemsep=0pt]
\item {\footnotesize 3p} Bereken in dm nauwkeurig de hoogte van de boom. Leg
uit!
\end{enumerate}
\end{minipage}
\newpage
\section*{Gelijkvormige driehoeken}
$ST$ en $PQ$ zijn evenwijdig.
\psset{unit=.5cm}
\begin{center}
\begin{pspicture}(-.5,.5)(6.5,-4.5)
\pstTriangle(0,0){R}(1,-4){P}(6,-4){Q}
\psline(.5,-2)(3,-2)
\uput[l](.5,-2){$S$}
\uput[r](3,-2){$T$}
\uput[l](.25,-1){4}
\uput[r](1.5,-1){5}
\uput[d](1.5,-2){3,5}
\uput[l](.75,-3){6}
\end{pspicture}
\end{center}
\begin{enumerate}[resume,topsep=3pt,itemsep=0pt]
\addtocounter{enumi}{1}
\item {\footnotesize 2p} Neem over en vul in: $\triangle RST \backsim
\triangle \ldots$
\item {\footnotesize 5p} Bereken $PQ$ en $QT$.
\end{enumerate}
\section*{Rechthoek}
Hieronder zie je een rechthoek $ABCD$ met $AB=8$ en $AD=3$. Verder is $E$ het
midden van $CD$ en $F$ het snijpunt van $AE$ met $BD$.
\psset{unit=.5cm}
\begin{center}
\begin{pspicture}(0,0)(10,5)
\pstGeonode[CurveType=polygon,PosAngle={180,0,0,180}](0,0){A}(10,0){B}(10,4){C}(0,4){D}
\pstLineAB{D}{B}
\pstMiddleAB{D}{C}{E}
\pstLineAB{A}{E}
\pstInterLL{A}{E}{D}{B}{F}
\end{pspicture}
\end{center}
\begin{enumerate}[resume,itemsep=0pt]
\item {\footnotesize 2p} Stel $EF=x$. Leg uit dat dan $AF=5-x$.
\item {\footnotesize 3p} Bereken $EF$.
\end{enumerate}
\section*{Thales}
\begin{floatingfigure}[r]{6cm}
\includegraphics[width=6cm,keepaspectratio]{tales}
\end{floatingfigure}
De Stelling van Thales luidt: Is $AB$ de middellijn van een cirkel en $C$ een
willekeurig punt op de cirkel, dan is in $\triangle ABC$ hoek $C$ gelijk aan
90°.
\noindent
\begin{minipage}{\linewidth-6.5cm}
\begin{enumerate}[resume,topsep=3pt,itemsep=0pt]
\item \label{laatsteB} {\footnotesize 5p} Gebruik de tekening om deze stelling
te bewijzen. Je mag gebruiken dat de hoeken in een driehoek optellen tot 180°.
Ook weet je dat de “basishoeken” in een gelijkbenige driehoek gelijk zijn.
\end{enumerate}
\end{minipage}
\end{document}
|
http://ctan.math.utah.edu/tex-archive/graphics/awesomebox/awesomebox.tex | utah.edu | CC-MAIN-2019-30 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-30/segments/1563195523840.34/warc/CC-MAIN-20190715175205-20190715201205-00113.warc.gz | 39,906,604 | 3,906 | \documentclass[a4paper,12pt]{article}
\usepackage{awesomebox}
\usepackage{xltxtra}
\defaultfontfeatures{Scale=MatchLowercase}
\setmonofont[Mapping=tex-text,Scale=0.9]{Inconsolata}
\setromanfont[Mapping=tex-text]{Linux Libertine O}
\setsansfont[Mapping=tex-text]{Linux Biolinum O}
\usepackage{polyglossia}
\setdefaultlanguage{english}
\usepackage{minted}
% Comment out the lines above and uncomment the following lines to test
% usage with pdflatex
%\usepackage[utf8]{inputenc}
%\usepackage[T1]{fontenc}
%\usepackage[english,frenchb]{babel}
\usepackage[vmargin=2cm,hmargin=3cm,includeheadfoot=true]{geometry}
\linespread{1.2}
\newcommand{\cf}[1]{(\emph{cf.} section \ref{#1}, %
<<\,\nameref{#1}\,>>, p. \pageref{#1})}
\usepackage{datetime}
\newcommand{\colophon}{
~\vfill
\begin{center}
\scriptsize Prepared with \faHeart{} from Nantes,
France\\
Awesome Box is released under the
\hrefcolor{http://www.wtfpl.net/txt/copying/}{WTFPL}. A copy of this
license is distributed in this package.\\
\tiny version of the \today{} --- \currenttime
\end{center}
}
% configuration de la transformation en PDF
\usepackage[pdfusetitle]{hyperref}
\hypersetup{
colorlinks=false,
pdfborder=0 0 0,
breaklinks=true,
bookmarksopen=true,
pdfcreator=XeLaTeX,
pdfproducer=XeLaTeX}
\newcommand\hrefcolor[2]{\textcolor{magenta}{\href{#1}{#2}}}
\title{Awesome Boxes}
\author{Étienne Deparis}
\date{2019-04-04 v0.5}
\begin{document}
\maketitle
\section{Introduction}
Awesome Boxes is all about drawing admonition blocks around text to
inform or alert your readers about something particular. The specific
aim of this package is to use
\hrefcolor{https://fontawesome.com/}{FontAwesome 5} icons to ease the
illustration of these boxes.
The idea of admonition blocks comes from the ones you can easily do with
\hrefcolor{http://asciidoctor.org/docs/user-manual/\#admonition}{AsciiDoc}.
\section{How to use it?}
Just download this package and call it at the beginning of your
document:
\begin{center}
\verb!\usepackage{awesomebox}!
\end{center}
\section{Provided boxes}
\subsection{Inline boxes}
The provided boxes follow the name convention of the
\hrefcolor{http://asciidoctor.org/docs/user-manual/\#admonition}{admonition
blocks} from \hrefcolor{http://asciidoctor.org}{AsciiDoc}.
\begin{center}
\verb!\notebox{Lorem ipsum…}!
\end{center}
\notebox{Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam
aliquet libero quis lectus elementum fermentum.
Fusce aliquet augue sapien, non efficitur mi ornare sed. Morbi at
dictum felis. Pellentesque tortor lacus, semper et neque vitae,
egestas commodo nisl.}
\clearpage
\begin{center}
\verb!\tipbox{Lorem ipsum…}!
\end{center}
\tipbox{Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam
aliquet libero quis lectus elementum fermentum.
Fusce aliquet augue sapien, non efficitur mi ornare sed. Morbi at
dictum felis. Pellentesque tortor lacus, semper et neque vitae,
egestas commodo nisl.}
\begin{center}
\verb!\warningbox{Lorem ipsum…}!
\end{center}
\warningbox{Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam
aliquet libero quis lectus elementum fermentum.
Fusce aliquet augue sapien, non efficitur mi ornare sed. Morbi at
dictum felis. Pellentesque tortor lacus, semper et neque vitae,
egestas commodo nisl.}
\begin{center}
\verb!\cautionbox{Lorem ipsum…}!
\end{center}
\cautionbox{Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam
aliquet libero quis lectus elementum fermentum.
Fusce aliquet augue sapien, non efficitur mi ornare sed. Morbi at
dictum felis. Pellentesque tortor lacus, semper et neque vitae,
egestas commodo nisl.}
\begin{center}
\verb!\importantbox{Lorem ipsum…}!
\end{center}
\importantbox{Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing
elit. Nam aliquet libero quis lectus elementum fermentum.
Fusce aliquet augue sapien, non efficitur mi ornare sed. Morbi at
dictum felis. Pellentesque tortor lacus, semper et neque vitae,
egestas commodo nisl.}
\subsection{Environments}
\label{sec:environments}
You can also insert admonition blocks with an environment syntax. The
same names can be used, but with a \emph{block} suffix.
\begin{verbatim}
\begin{noteblock}
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam
aliquet libero quis lectus elementum fermentum.
\end{noteblock}
\end{verbatim}
For the exactly same rendering:
\begin{noteblock}
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam aliquet
libero quis lectus elementum fermentum.
Fusce aliquet augue sapien, non efficitur mi ornare sed. Morbi at
dictum felis. Pellentesque tortor lacus, semper et neque vitae,
egestas commodo nisl.
\end{noteblock}
\section{How to add new icons?}
\label{sec:new-icons}
This package use the
\hrefcolor{https://www.ctan.org/pkg/fontawesome5}{FontAwesome5 package}
under the hood. In order to use your own icons, just call the proper
\verb!\faXxx! command.
For example, if you want to add the \emph{rocket} icon
(\faRocket), you just have to insert \verb!\faRocket!.
\section{How to create your own box?}
\label{sec:howtoown}
\subsection{Inline boxes}
To create your own box, with your own icon and colour, your own
vertical rule width and colour, your own horizontal rules at the top
and the bottom of your boxes, or a title, you can use our meta
command:
\begin{center}
\verb!\awesomebox[vrulecolor][hrule][title]{vrulewidth}{icon}{iconcolor}{your text content}!
\end{center}
Here are some examples of custom boxes:
\begin{center}
\verb!\awesomebox{5pt}{\faCertificate}{magenta}{Lorem ipsum…}!
\end{center}
\awesomebox{5pt}{\faCertificate}{magenta}{Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet,
consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam aliquet libero quis lectus elementum
fermentum.
Fusce aliquet augue sapien, non efficitur mi ornare sed. Morbi at
dictum felis. Pellentesque tortor lacus, semper et neque vitae,
egestas commodo nisl.}
\begin{center}
\verb!\awesomebox{0pt}{\faCogs}{black}{Lorem ipsum…}!
\end{center}
\awesomebox{0pt}{\faCogs}{black}{%
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam aliquet
libero quis lectus elementum fermentum.
Fusce aliquet augue sapien, non efficitur mi ornare sed. Morbi at
dictum felis. Pellentesque tortor lacus, semper et neque vitae,
egestas commodo nisl.}
\begin{center}
\verb!\awesomebox[violet]{2pt}{\faRocket}{violet}{Lorem ipsum…}!
\end{center}
\awesomebox[violet]{2pt}{\faRocket}{violet}{Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet,
consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam aliquet libero quis lectus elementum
fermentum.
Fusce aliquet augue sapien, non efficitur mi ornare sed. Morbi at
dictum felis. Pellentesque tortor lacus, semper et neque vitae,
egestas commodo nisl.}
\begin{center}
\verb!\awesomebox[white][\abShortLine]{0pt}{\faGrinBeam[regular]}{black}{Lorem ipsum…}!
\end{center}
\awesomebox[white][\abShortLine]{0pt}{\faGrinBeam[regular]}{black}{%
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam aliquet
libero quis lectus elementum fermentum.
Fusce aliquet augue sapien, non efficitur mi ornare sed. Morbi at
dictum felis. Pellentesque tortor lacus, semper et neque vitae,
egestas commodo nisl.}
\clearpage
\begin{center}
\verb!\awesomebox[white][\abLongLine][\textbf{Watch out}]{0pt}{\faBomb}{black}{Lorem ipsum…}!
\end{center}
\awesomebox[white][\abLongLine][\textbf{Watch out}]{0pt}{\faBomb}{black}{%
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam aliquet
libero quis lectus elementum fermentum.
Fusce aliquet augue sapien, non efficitur mi ornare sed. Morbi at
dictum felis. Pellentesque tortor lacus, semper et neque vitae,
egestas commodo nisl.}
\subsection{Environments}
To create your own box, with your own icon and colour, your own
vertical rule width and colour, your own horizontal rules at the top
and the bottom of your boxes, or a title, you can use our meta
command:
\begin{verbatim}
\begin{awesomeblock}[vrulecolor][hrule][title]{vrulewidth}{icon}{iconcolor}
your text content
\end{awesomeblock}
\end{verbatim}
For example, we can rewrite the first previous example as:
\begin{verbatim}
\begin{awesomeblock}[magenta]{5pt}{\faCertificate}{magenta}
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam aliquet
libero quis lectus elementum fermentum.
\end{awesomeblock}
\end{verbatim}
Which will render this way:
\begin{awesomeblock}[magenta]{5pt}{\faCertificate}{magenta}
Lorem ipsum dolor sit amet, consectetur adipiscing elit. Nam aliquet
libero quis lectus elementum fermentum.
Fusce aliquet augue sapien, non efficitur mi ornare sed. Morbi at
dictum felis. Pellentesque tortor lacus, semper et neque vitae,
egestas commodo nisl.
\end{awesomeblock}
\section{Other options}
Finally, you can also modify some internal options in order to modify
globally your awesome boxes (either the default ones or your new ones).
\subsection{Left margin}
The left margin is the space left before the vertical rule to display
the icon. You can change it with the following command
(\verb!0.08\linewidth! is the default one):\\
\verb!\setlength{\aweboxleftmargin}{0.08\linewidth}!.
\subsection{Content width}
The content width is the space used to insert the body of your
admonition block. You can change it with the following command
(\verb!0.92\linewidth! is the default one):\\
\verb!\setlength{\aweboxcontentwidth}{0.92\linewidth}!.
\subsection{Vertical skip}
This space is used before and after the awesome box. You can change it
with (5mm is the default): \verb!\setlength{\aweboxvskip}{5mm}!.
\subsection{Sign raise}
This length is used to raise (or lower) the left icon. Its default value
is -5mm and you can change it with:
\verb!\setlength{\aweboxsignraise}{-5mm}!.
\subsection{Vertical rule width}
This width is used for the vertical rule of our four default boxes. Its
default value is 2pt and you can change it with:
\verb!\setlength{\aweboxrulewidth}{2pt}!.
\subsection{Vertical rule default color}
The vertical rule color is an optional argument passed to the commands
or environments. Its default value is the following (to match the one
defined by AsciiDoctor) and you can change it this way:
\verb!\definecolor{abvrulecolor}{RGB}{221,221,216}!
\section{With other environments}
Awesome boxes may be used in any other environments, like in a list.
\begin{verbatim}
\begin{itemize}
\item My first item
\item My second item with \notebox{A note box!}
\item Last and finally
\end{itemize}
\end{verbatim}
will give:
\begin{itemize}
\item My first item
\item My second item with \notebox{A note box!}
\item Last and finally
\end{itemize}
It may contain other environments too, but in that case, you should
prefer the environment API (see Section \ref{sec:environments}):
\begin{verbatim}
\begin{importantblock}
\begin{itemize}
\item My first item
\item My second item with \notebox{A note box!}
\item Last and finally
\end{itemize}
\end{importantblock}
\end{verbatim}
will give:
\begin{importantblock}
\begin{itemize}
\vspace{-5mm}
\item My first item
\item My second item with \notebox{A note box!}
\item Last and finally
\vspace{-5mm}
\end{itemize}
\end{importantblock}
\clearpage
Or with a more complex example with minted environment:
\begin{verbatim}
\begin{noteblock}
This could be written as:
\begin{minted}{c++}
std::cout << "hello world!" << std::endl;
\end{minted}
\end{noteblock}
\end{verbatim}
\begin{noteblock}
This could be written as:
\begin{minted}{c++}
std::cout << "hello world!" << std::endl;
\end{minted}
\end{noteblock}
\section{Breaking changes}
Version 0.4 of this package introduced a way to customize the rule
color. Thus, the commands and environments arguments have been
reorganized to be in a more logical order.
Historically, the \verb!\awesomebox! command used the following syntax:
\begin{center}
\verb!\awesomebox{icon}{rulewidth}{iconcolor}{your text content}!
\end{center}
This syntax now leads to compiling errors, as you must now write it
as the following example shows you (and as explained in the Section
\ref{sec:howtoown} "\nameref{sec:howtoown}"), to avoid an alternate
declaration of rule and icon options:
\begin{center}
\verb!\awesomebox[rulecolor]{rulewidth}{icon}{iconcolor}{your text content}!
\end{center}
If you only use the provided boxes and environments (the
\verb!\notebox!, \verb!\tipbox!, \verb!\warningbox!, \verb!\cautionbox!,
and \verb!\importantbox! or the \texttt{noteblock}, \texttt{tipblock},
\texttt{cautionblock}, \texttt{warningblock}, \texttt{importantblock}
environment) you are not affected by this change and your documents will
work without any change.
\colophon
\end{document}
|
http://edshare.soton.ac.uk/2264/8/MA309ex7_8.tex | soton.ac.uk | CC-MAIN-2019-26 | text/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-26/segments/1560627998580.10/warc/CC-MAIN-20190617203228-20190617225228-00339.warc.gz | 53,456,783 | 1,092 | \documentclass[a4paper,12pt]{article}
\begin{document}
\parindent=0pt
QUESTION
Represent 765 as a sum of two squares. Represent 323 as a sum of
four squares.
[Hint: Factorise them first]
ANSWER
$765=5.153=5.3.51=5.3^2.17.$
Now $5=2^2+1^2$, so $5.3^2=(2^2+1^2).3^2=(2.3)^2+(1.3)^2=6^2+3^2$.
Also $17=4^2+1^2$. Hence $5.3^2.17=(6^2+3^2)(4^2+1^2)$, and using
the identity $(a^2+b^2)(c^2+d^2)=(ac+bd)^2+(ad-bc)^2$, we get
$5.3^2.17=(24+3)^2+(6-12)^2=27^2+6^2$.
$323=17.19$
Now $17=4^2+1^2=4^2+1^2+0^2+0^2$, and $19=4^2+1^2+1^2+1^2$, so
using the identity
\begin{eqnarray*}
(a^2+b^2+c^2+d^2)(e^2+f^2+g^2+h^2)&=&(ae+bf+cg+dh)^2\\
&+&(af-be+ch-dg)^2\\ &+&(ag-bh-ce+df)^2\\ &+&(ah+bg-cf-de)^2
\end{eqnarray*}
we get
$17.19=(16+1+0+0)^2+(4-4+0-0)^2+(4-1-0+0)^2+(4+1-0-0)^2=17^2+0^2+3^2+5^2$
\end{document}
|
https://gitlab.dkrz.de/mpim-sw/libcdi/-/raw/588fbff53887826f5e214f335c913c48b967f417/doc/tex/zaxis.tex?inline=false | dkrz.de | CC-MAIN-2022-27 | text/plain | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-27/segments/1656104249664.70/warc/CC-MAIN-20220703195118-20220703225118-00545.warc.gz | 318,490,567 | 1,350 | This section contains functions to define a new vertical Z-axis
and to get information from an existing Z-axis.
A Z-axis object is necessary to define a variable.
The following different Z-axis types are available:
\vspace*{3mm}
\hspace*{8mm}\begin{minipage}{15cm}
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\bibitem{Galvan2004} Galv{\'a}n, L. (2004). Valle de l{\'a}grimas y lugares de la gloria: la {\textquotedblleft}Celestina{\textquotedblright} y el Salmo 83/84. \textit{Celestinesca}, 28, 25--32.
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https://www.zentralblatt-math.org/matheduc/en/?id=4156&type=tex | zentralblatt-math.org | CC-MAIN-2019-30 | text/plain | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-30/segments/1563195532251.99/warc/CC-MAIN-20190724082321-20190724104321-00199.warc.gz | 888,816,074 | 1,593 | \input zb-basic
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\iteman{ZMATH 2016b.00270}
\itemau{Bellamy, Anna}
\itemti{A critical analysis of teaching and learning negative numbers.}
\itemso{Philos. Math. Educ. J. 29, 13 p., electronic only (2015).}
\itemab
From the text: I will start by briefly looking into the knowledge that students gain about negative numbers outside of school. Then, I will analyse the concept of integers and identify the success criteria students must meet to truly comprehend all four arithmetic operations. I will subsequently move on to an analysis of the current methods and models used to teach negative numbers. This will lead me to a final section on proposed improvements to teaching negative number at the policy level. I will include both proposed improvements to current classroom methods and my own classroom practice throughout this paper. The map of concepts I will discuss in this paper is available as illustration. Not all the identified factors will be discussed in great detail in this paper -- however, their presence on the scene must be acknowledged for the sake of consistency and creating a full picture of the cognitive challenges students encounter when dealing with negative numbers.
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\itemut{mathematics and philosophy; concept formation; negative numbers; teaching; concepts; integers; arithmetic; teaching methods; understanding; mathematical applications; number line; events; learning objectives; goals of mathematics education}
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https://mirror.anarhija.net/anarhisticka-biblioteka.net/mirror/j/jz/john-zerzan-drzavni-neprijatelj.tex | anarhija.net | CC-MAIN-2021-25 | application/octet-stream | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-25/segments/1623487626465.55/warc/CC-MAIN-20210617011001-20210617041001-00185.warc.gz | 374,486,798 | 30,623 | \documentclass[DIV=12,%
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\title{Državni neprijatelj}
\date{1998-2000.}
\author{John Zerzan}
\subtitle{Razgovor s Derrickom Jensenom}
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\emph{Derick Jensen}: Što je anarhizam?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Rekao bih da je anarhizam pokušaj da se dokinu svi oblici dominacije. Pritom ne mislim samo na očevidne oblike kao što su, primjerice, nacionalna država i u njoj uvriježena uporaba nasilja i zakonske sile, ili pak korporacije sa svojom institucionaliziranom neodgovornošću, nego i na neke pounutrene oblike poput patrijarhalnosti, rasizma ili homofobije. To je također pokušaj razotkrivanja načina na koje naša filozofija, religija, ekonomija i drugi ideološki konstrukti obavljaju svoju prvotnu funkciju, koja je da racionaliziraju ili oprirode – stvore privid prirodnosti – dominaciju koja duboko utječe na naše živote: tako se, primjerice, volimo uvjeravati da uništavanje prirodnoga svijeta ili domorodačkog stanovništva nisu učinak donesenih odluka koje su provedene u djelo, nego zapravo, očitovanje darvinističke selekcije ili Božje volje, ili ekonomske nužnosti. Osim toga, anarhizam je pokušaj uvida čak i u one dijelove našeg svakodnevnog života koje prihvaćamo kao danosti, kao sastavne dijelove univerzuma; to je pokušaj da se vidi, na koji način ti dijelovi vladaju našim životima ili nas potiču da vladamo drugima. U tome se smislu postavlja pitanje, koja je uloga podjele rada u otuđenju i uništenju koje nas okružuje? Ili, još važnije, kakav je odnos između dominacije i vremena, brojeva, jezika ili čak samog simboličkog mišljenja? Točka u kojoj ta definicija postaje pomalo problematična jest činjenica da neki anarhisti određenim stvarima pripisuju dominantnost, a drugi ne. Tako, na primjer neki anarhisti tehnološki imperativ ne vide kao kategoriju dominacije. Ja ga vidim takvim i sve više anarhista zauzima tu protu-tehnološku poziciju. Što više odmičemo na tom putu tehnologizacije našega unutarnjega, ali i vanjskog života, sve manje anarhista – a to vrijedi i za ljude koji se ne nazivaju anarhistima – vrednuje tehnologiju, proizvodnju, napredak i kategorije suvremenog tehnološkog života. No, vratimo se definiciji. U osnovnom smislu, anarhizam vidim kao istoznačnicu za protu-autoritarnost.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Nisu li sve to samo juriši na vjetrenjače? Je li takvo stanje u kojemu odnosi nisu bili zasnovani na dominaciji, ikada postojalo?
\emph{John Zerzan}: U tome smo stanju bili barem 99\% vremena od kako postojimo kao vrsta – od vremena puno prije pojave \emph{homo sapiensa}, možda čak unatrag nekoliko milijuna godina, pa sve do prije 10.000 godina kada se pojavilo poljodjelstvo, a zatim i civilizacija. Od tada se neobično trudimo uvjeriti se da takvo stanje nikada nije postojalo, jer ako ono nikada nije postojalo, onda je posve beskorisno nastojati ga uspostaviti. U tom smislu preostalo bi nam tada prihvatiti ugnjetavanje i podčinjavanje kao nužne protuotrove \emph{zločinačkoj ljudskoj prirodi}. Prema tom načinu mišljenja, u usporedbi s našim prijecivilizacijskim postojanjem prožetim otuđenjem, brutalnošću i neznanjem, autoritet je zapravo jedan dobrohotni dar koji nas je spasio od divljaštva. Razmislite o predodžbama koje vam padaju na um kad čujete riječi \emph{ špiljski čovjek} ili \emph{neandertalac}. Te predodžbe duboko su usađene u našim umovima i na njih se poziva uvijek kad nas se želi podsjetiti gdje bismo bili bez religije, vladajućih struktura i napornog rada; one su možda najveća ideološka opravdanja za sve sastavnice civilizacije – vojske, religije, zakona i države – bez kojih bismo svi živjeli prema brutalnim Hobbsovim klišejima.
Problem tih predodžaba je taj da su one, dakako, potpuno pogrešne. Tijekom proteklih 20 godina dogodila se snažna revolucija na polju antropologije i arheologije zbog koje su ljudi počeli uviđati da je život prije poljodjelstva i pripitomljavanja – kad smo pripitomljujući druge pripitomili sebe same – zapravo uvelike bio obilježen razonodom, bliskošću s prirodom, osjetilnom mudrošću, spolnom jednakošću i zdravljem.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Kako mi to možemo znati?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Djelomice promatranjem suvremenih skupljačkih naroda – onih koje još nismo istrijebili – te praćenjem toga kako njihov egalitaristički pristup nestaje kao rezultat uništavanja njihovih staništa ili pak česte izravne prisile i ubojstava. S druge strane, vremenske ljestvice, možemo to doznati tumačenjem arheoloških iskopina. Primjer za to je povezan s dijeljenjem, koje se sada smatra ključnom odrednicom \emph{nepripitomljenih} naroda. Kad biste, istražujući ognjišta drevnih ljudi, otkrili da su na jednom ognjištu ostaci svih dobara, a na ostalima ih ima samo nekoliko, mogli biste zaključiti da je prvo ognjište vjerojatno pripadalo vođi. Ali ako se uvijek iznova pokazuje da sva ognjišta imaju gotovo jednak raspon dobara, pojavljuje se slika ljudi čiji se način života bio zasnivao na \emph{dijeljenju}. A upravo to otkrivamo na pred-neolitskim ognjištima. Treći izvor spoznaja zasnovan je na uvidima ranih europskih istraživača koji su uvijek iznova govorili o darežljivosti i blagosti ljudi na koje su nailazili. To vrijedi za čitav svijet.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Kako odgovarate ljudima koji smatraju da je sve to samo besmislena rusoovska budalaština o plemenitom divljaku?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Obično im, s dužnim poštovanjem, predložim da malo dublje zarone u spomenuta područja. Ne radi se o anarhističkoj teoriji. Riječ je o nalazima službene arheologije i antropologije. Dakako da postoje neslaganja u vezi s pojedinostima, ali opća je struktura potpuno prihvaćena.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Ali što je s Aztecima ili s pričama o lovcima na glave i kanibalima?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Budući da je naša civilizacija jedina koja je izmislila napalm i nuklearno oružje, nisam baš siguran da imamo osobito pravo moralno prosuđivati beskrajno manju prisutnost nasilja u drugim kulturama. No, važno je istaknuti veliku podijeljenost u ponašanju starosjedilačkih skupina. Ni jednu kanibalističku ili glavolovačku skupinu – a ponajmanje to vrijedi za Azteke – nisu činili lovci-skupljači. Svi su se oni već bavili poljodjelstvom. Danas je opće prihvaćeno da poljodjelstvo obično vodi porastu rada, smanjenju dijeljenja, porastu nasilja, skraćivanju životnog vijeka i sličnome. To, dakako, ne znači da su sva poljodjeljska društva nasilna, nego se time ističe da nasilje nije osobita i uvelike prisutna osobina pravih lovaca-skupljača.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Možete li definirati pripitomljavanje?
\emph{John Zerzan}: To je pokušaj podvrgavanja slobodnih područja nadzoru, zbog sebičnih ciljeva.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Ako je sve prije bilo tako dobro, zašto se onda poljodjelstvo uopće javilo?
\emph{John Zerzan}: To je pitanje vrlo složeno i to zato što je stotinama tisuća godina bilo vrlo malo promjena, a stanje je bilo gotovo zamrznuto. To je pitanje dugo vremena antropolozima i arheolozima bilo izvor frustracija: kako je moguće da tijekom stotina tisuća godina nije bilo gotovo nikakvih promjena – tijekom cijelog nižeg i srednjeg paleolitika – a onda se u nekom trenutku u gornjem paleolitiku događa ta eksplozija, gotovo ničim izazvana? Odjednom se javlja umjetnost i, odmah za njom, poljodjelstvo. Virtualna djelatnost. Religija. Ali ono što osobito šokira jest to da sve više shvaćamo kako je inteligencija ljudi od prije milijun godina bila istovjetna onoj današnjih ljudi. Thomas Wynn vrlo uvjerljivo brani tu tezu. Nedavno je u časopisu \emph{Nature magazine} objavljen članak o otkriću, da su ljudi vjerojatno već prije 800.000 godina plovili služeći se navigacijom, u području današnje Mikronezije. Sve to zapravo znači da razlog zbog kojeg se civilizacija nije pojavila prije nema nikakve veze s inteligencijom. U svakom slučaju, argument inteligencije uvijek je bio utješan, ali i rasistički obojen; utješan jer smanjuje ulogu izbora, upućujući na to da će oni sposobni za uspostavu načina života poput našega to nužno i učiniti, a rasistički zato što podrazumijeva da su oni ljudi koji i danas žive primitivnim životom jednostavno preglupi da to promijene. Kad bi samo bili dovoljno pametni, slijedi iz tog načina razmišljanja, i oni bi mogli izmisliti asfalt, motorne pile i kaznionice.
Znamo i to da se spomenuti prijelaz nije dogodio zbog populacijskog pritiska. Populacija je također oduvijek bila velik problem: kako su skupljački narodi održavali tako nisku razinu populacije, a nisu poznavali nikakvu tehnologiju? Prije se smatralo da su primjenjivali čedomorstvo, ali ta je teorija danas većim dijelom odbačena. Osobno vjerujem da su ti ljudi, uz različite biljke koje su mogli rabiti za kontracepciju, puno bolje poznavali vlastito tijelo.
No, vratimo se pitanju: zašto je sve dugo vremena bilo stabilno i zašto se onda tako brzo promijenilo? Mislim da je situacija bila stabilna zato što je sve dobro funkcioniralo, i mislim da je na kraju nastala promjena zato što se tijekom mnogih tisućljeća događalo postupno skliznuće prema podjeli rada. To se događalo tako sporo – gotovo neopazice – da ljudi nisu shvaćali što se događa niti što bi time mogli izgubiti. Otuđenje uzrokovano podjelom rada – međusobno otuđenje, otuđenje od prirodnog svijeta, od njihovih tijela – dosegnulo je zatim neku vrstu kritične mase i izazvalo svoju apoteozu u onome što nazivamo civilizacijom. Kad je riječ o početku civilizacije, mislim da je Freud riješio to pitanje kad je rekao da je „civilizacija nešto što je opirućoj većini nametnula manjina koja je otkrila kako si može priskrbiti vlasništvo nad sredstvima moći i prisile“. Isto se događa i danas, pa nema nikakva razloga vjerovati da je prije bilo drugačije.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Što ne valja s podjelom rada?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Sve ovisi o tome što želite od života. Ako je vaš glavni cilj, masovna proizvodnja, onda je sve u redu. To je središnja odrednica našeg načina života. Svatko je od nas sićušni zubac zupčanika ovoga golemog stroja. No, ako je, s druge strane, vaš prvotni cilj razmjerna cjelovitost, jednakost, autonomija ili netaknuti svijet, onda puno toga s podjelom rada ne valja.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Možete li to objasniti?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Podjela rada obično se promatra, ako je se uopće i primjećuje, kao banalnost, „danost“ suvremenog života. Sve što oko sebe vidimo bilo bi neostvarivo bez tog temeljca proizvodnje. Ali upravo u tome i jeste stvar. Riješiti sav taj nered znači ukinuti podjelu rada.
Smatram da u osnovi, osoba ne može biti cjelovita ili slobodna sve dok njezin život i čitavo njezino okružje ovisi o tome da je ona samo dio nekog procesa, neki njegov komadić. Podijeljeni život zrcali temeljne podjele u društvu iz kojih sve proizlazi. Hijerarhija i otuđenje također su posljedice tih podjela.
Mislim da nitko ne može poreći čvrst nadzor što ga specijalisti ili stručnjaci imaju nad suvremenim svijetom. Jednako tako sam uvjeren da će se svi složiti kako se nadzor sve brže povećava.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Dobar je primjer prehrambena industrija. Nedavno sam pročitao da na svakih 10 dolara koje Amerikanci potroše na hranu, jedan odlazi tvrtki RJR Nabisco. Četiri mesarske udruge nadziru 90\% industrije mesa. Osam udruga nadzire polovicu peradarske industrije. 90\% čitave agrokemijske i sjemenarske industrije nadzire samo 2\% postojećih udruga. Osim toga, tko od nas još znade uzgojiti vlastitu hranu?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Upravo tako. Ali to nije slučaj samo s hranom. Još ne tako davno mogli ste izraditi vlastiti radio prijemnik. Ljudi su to stalno radili. Prije samo 10 godina još ste mogli popraviti svoj automobil. To postaje sve teže. Svijet stoga sve više postaje talac različitih specijalista i sve je ovisniji o ljudima koji nadziru specijaliziranu tehnologiju. A kad se morate oslanjati na druge, kad ne raspolažete vještinama koje su vam u općem smislu potrebne, vi ste kao osoba umanjeni.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Ali ljudi su društvena bića. Nije li nam prirođeno da se oslanjamo jedni na druge?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Ni u kojem slučaju ne bih htio ljude pretvoriti u međusobno neovisne monade. Upravo suprotno. Ali važno je shvatiti razliku između međuovisnosti u dobro uređenoj zajednici i oblika ovisnosti koji se javlja kao posljedica oslanjanja na druge ljude, koji imaju neke specijalizirane vještine što ih vi nemate. Oni tada imaju moć nad vama, a rabe li je oni \emph{dobrohotno} ili ne, zapravo uopće nije bitno.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: To me podsjeća na ruskog anarhista Kropotkina koji je, pišući o revoluciji, rekao da je od svega najvažnije \emph{pitanje kruha} i to zato što je nestašica hrane najsnažnije oružje kontrarevolucionarnih snaga: zadržavajući hranu ili sprečavajući njezinu isporuku, ljudi na položajima moći mogu narod prisiliti na poslušnost.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Uz izravan nadzor onih koji imaju specijalizirane vještine, javlja se i naglašena mistifikacija tih vještina. Dio ideologije suvremenog društva počiva na uvjeravanju da biste bez njih bili potpuno izgubljeni i da ne biste znali obaviti ni najjednostavnije radnje. E pa ljudi su se bili prehranjivali milijunima godina i radili su to, štoviše, puno uspješnije i učinkovitije nego danas. Globalni prehrambeni sustav je sulud. Njegova nehumanost i neučinkovitost uistinu je začudna. Uništavamo svijet pesticidima, herbicidima, učincima fosilnih goriva kojima se koristimo za prijevoz i skladištenje hrane, a milijarde ljudi prožive doslovce čitav život bez dovoljno hrane. Ali zapravo ima malo stvari koje su jednostavnije od uzgoja i skupljanja vlastite hrane.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: U kojoj bismo se mjeri prema vašemu mišljenju, trebali osloboditi podjele rada?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Mislim da je bolje pitanje: koliko cjelovitosti želimo sebi i svojem planetu.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Prije ste spomenuli vezu između vremena i dominacije.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Mislio sam pritom na dvoje. Prije svega, vrijeme je izum, kulturni artefakt, kulturno uobličenje. Ono ne postoji izvan kulture. I drugo, vrijeme je prilično točno mjerilo otuđenja. Osobno vjerujem da sadašnjost oblikuje prošlost ili da, točnije, daje smjernice otkrivanju izvora suvremenog otuđenja.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Kako to mislite?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Krenimo od sadašnjosti. Vrijeme nikada nije bilo opipljivije, tvarnije nego što je danas. Ono nikada nije bilo konkretnije nego danas. Sve je u našim životima podređeno i mjereno vremenskim kategorijama.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Čini mi se da su čak i snovi podređeni vremenu jer su prisiljeni prilagoditi se svijetu rada, budilica i rasporeda.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Zaista zapanjuje kad pomislite da još donedavno vrijeme nije bilo toliko rastjelovljeno, toliko apstraktno.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Ali, čekajte! Nije li kucanje sata posve opipljivo?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Da, ono je postalo konkretno. Upravo to i jest smisao konkretizacije, dakle, kad zamisao tretirate poput stvari, iako ona zapravo nije stvar, nego samo zamisao. Sekunda je ništa, a pridati joj odvojeno postojanje, protivno je našem životnom iskustvu. Neobično mi se sviđaju riječi Lévy-Bruhla o toj temi: „Mi vrijeme svaćamo kao da je ono prirodno svojstvo ljudskoga uma. Ali to je opsjena. Takvog poimanja gotovo da nema ni u jednoj primitivnoj zajednici\emph{“.}
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Što znači\dots{}
\emph{John Zerzan}: Što najjednostavnije, znači da oni žive u sadašnjosti, kao i svi mi kad se zabavljamo. Priča se da južnoafričko pleme Mbuti vjeruje da će se „pravilnim ispunjenjem sadašnjosti prošlost i budućnost same pobrinuti za sebe“.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Krasna zamisao!
\emph{John Zerzan}: Sjeverno-američko pleme Pawnee smatra da život ima ritam, ali ne i razvoj. Primitivni narodi općenito ne pokazuju osobito zanimanje za rođendane ili računanje godina. Što se tiče budućnosti, oni zapravo ne žele nadzirati nešto što još ne postoji, baš kao što ne žele nadzirati prirodu. To iz-trena-u-tren sjedinjavanje sa strujanjima i tijekovima prirodnog svijeta ne isključuje svijest o godišnjim dobima, ali to nikako ne stvara otuđenu svijest o vremenu koja bi im otela sadašnjost.
Sve je to nama vrlo teško shvatljivo, zato što je pojam vremena toliko snažno usađen u našu svijest da je ponekad teško zamisliti život bez njega.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Pretpostavljam da ne mislite samo na mjerenje sekunda\dots{}
\emph{John Zerzan}: Mislim na to da vrijeme ne postoji. Vrijeme kao apstraktna nit koja se odmata u beskraj, povezujući sve događaje, dok sama ostaje posve neovisna o njima. Takvo što ne postoji. Postoji određeni slijed. Postoji ritam. Ali ne i vrijeme. To je pitanje na određeni način povezano s masovnom proizvodnjom i podjelom rada. Kucanje sata koje ste spomenuli. Istovjetne sekunde. Istovjetni ljudi. Beskonačno ponavljanje istovjetnih radnji. Ali, dva istovjetna trenutka zapravo ne postoje; jer ako živite u bujici unutarnjeg i vanjskog iskustva koja uvijek donosi gomile novih događaja, svaki je trenutak po kakvoći i kolikoći različit od prethodnog. Pojam vremena tada jednostavno nestaje.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Još sam pomalo zbunjen.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Pokušajmo ovako: ako su događaji uvijek novi, onda ne samo da je rutina nemoguća, nego je i pojam vremena posve besmislen.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: I obratno.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Točno. Nametanje rutine moguće je jedino nakon nametanja vremena. Freud je tu bio vrlo jasan. Neprestance je isticao da je za uspostavu civilizacije – s otuđenjem u njezinu središtu – ponajprije trebalo prekinuti početno stanje bezvremenske i ne-proizvodne ugode.
To se, prema mojemu mišljenju, dogodilo u dvije faze. Prvo je pojava poljodjelstva uvećala važnost vremena i specifično opredmetila cikličko vrijeme, s njegovim razdobljima intenzivnog rada vezana za sjetvu i žetvu, i s njegovim stvaranjem viška sjetvenog uroda koji se prepuštao poznavateljima kalendara: dakle, svećenicima. To je vrijedilo za Babilonace i Maye. Na zapadu je pojam cikličkog vremena, koji je zadržao barem sklonost prirodnome svijetu s njegovom povezanošću s ritmom izmjene dana i godišnjih doba, uzmaknuo pred linearnim vremenom. Prelazak na linearno vrijeme počeo je s pojavom civilizacije, a zaista je zavladao negdje u osvit kršćanske ere. A kad jedanput uspostavite linearno vrijeme, javlja se i povijest, zatim napredak, onda idolatrija budućnosti na čijem žrtveniku valja žrtvovati neke oblike života, neke jezike, kulture, a u najnovije vrijeme možda i čitav prirodni svijet. Nekoć je to bio oltar neke utopijske budućnosti, ali danas više nemamo ni to. Isto se događa u čovjekovu osobnom životu, kad se uime nekoga budućeg života odrekne života u sadašnjosti, možda uime života nakon odlaska u mirovinu, a možda čak i uime života nakon smrti i odlaska u raj. Ta vjera u onostrani raj također je rezultat nelagode uzrokovane životom u linearnom vremenu.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Linearno vrijeme ne samo da vodi uništavanju okoliša, nego je, čini se, izravna posljedica tog uništavanja. Jer dok je sve u stanju razumne ravnoteže, ravnamo se prema cikličkom vremenu ili, kao što ste rekli, vremena čak i nema; ali onoga trenutka kad počnemo uništavati vlastitu okolinu u toj mjeri da promjene postaju očite, zakoračujemo u povijesno vrijeme. Kad sam bio dijete, bilo je puno žaba. Sada ih je samo nekoliko. Bilo je mnogo ptica pjevica. Danas ih je ostalo samo nekoliko. To je linearno vrijeme. Prolazak vremena mjeren gubicima. Povijesno vrijeme prestat će tek kad nestanu i posljednji tragovi naše civilizacije, tek kad se i posljednje čelične grede posljednjeg nebodera pretvore u prah, kad mine taj trenutačni grč izumiranja i kad se preživjeli vrate ritmu i spokoju.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Slažem se. Linearno se vrijeme uvođenjem satnog mehanizma preobličilo u mehaničko. Izgubila se svaka veza s prirodom i sadašnjošću, koje su podvedene tiraniji stroja i proizvodnje. Crkva je u tim događanjima odigrala ključnu ulogu. Benediktinci, koji su na vrhuncu svoje moći u Srednjem vijeku imali 40.000 samostana, pomogli su u podjarmljivanju ljudskog pregnuća ustaljenom, kolektivnom gibanju i ritmu stroja, prisiljavajući ljude da rade \emph{po satu}.
U četrnaestom stoljeću pojavili su se prvi javni satovi i podjela sata na minute, a minuta na sekunde. Sastavnice vremena postale su tada međusobno zamjenjive, poput standardiziranih radnih procesa nužnih za kapitalizam. U svakoj je fazi to podređivanje vremenu bilo praćeno otporima. Tako su, primjerice, u početnim borbama Francuske srpanjske revolucije, 1830. godine, diljem Pariza ljudi počeli pucati u javne satove. Tijekom 1960-tih, mnogi su ljudi – uključujući i mene – prestali nositi satove. Čak i danas, u djece se mora slomiti njihov otpor vremenu. Upravo to je bio jedan od glavnih razloga nametanja obveznog školovanja, premda velik broj ljudi tu mjeru nije objeručke prihvatio. Škola vas uči da u određeno vrijeme budete na određenome mjestu i time vas priprema za život u tvornici. Ona vas usklađuje s potrebama sustava. Raoul Vaneigem napisao je nekoliko prelijepih rečenica o toj temi, pa ću navesti sljedeće: „Djetetovi dani izmiču vremenu odraslih; njihovo je vrijeme natopljeno subjektivnošću, strastima i snovima progonjenim zbiljom. Tamo vani, obrazovatelji budno čekaju, sa satom u ruci, da dijete priključe i predaju ga satnoj podjeli vremena“.
Vrijeme nije važno samo u sociološkom ili ekološkom smislu, nego i osobno. Ako mogu upotrijebiti još jedan navod, onda će to biti Wittgensteinov: „Sretan je samo onaj čovjek koji ne živi u vremenu, nego u sadašnjosti“.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Spomenuli ste da broj, također, otuđuje\dots{}
\emph{John Zerzan}: Možete zbrajati objekte, ali ne i subjekte. Kad članovi neke velike obitelji sjednu za objed, oni odmah, bez prebrojavanja, znaju nedostaje li tko. Brojanje postaje nužno tek nakon homogenizacije. Ne služe se svi ljudi brojevnim sustavima. Pleme Yanomame tako primjerice broji samo do dva. Posve je jasno da tome nije razlog njihova glupost. Ali jednako tako je jasno da oni imaju drugačiji odnos prema prirodnome svijetu.
Prvi je brojevni sustav gotovo nedvojbeno rabljen za mjerenje i nadzor pripitomljenih stada ili za oblikovanje krda, budući da su divlja stvorenja postala proizvodi koje se ubire. Matematikom se zatim koristilo u Sumeru prije otprilike 5000. godina, i to u poslovne svrhe. Poslije je Euklid razvio geometriju, pri čemu se iz doslovnog značenja tog pojma iščitava i njegova svrha, dakle, geometrija kao mjerenje površine polja zbog određivanja vlasništva, oporezivanja i robovskog rada. Taj isti imperativ pokreće i današnju znanost, samo što danas pokušavamo premjeriti i porobiti čitav svemir. Još jedanput ponavljam da to nije anarhistička teorija. Sam Descartes, kojeg mnogi smatraju ocem suvremene znanosti, rekao je da je svrha znanosti „učiniti nas gospodarima i posjednicima prirode\emph{“}. On je, također, čitav univerzum proglasio divovskim satnim mehanizmom, povezujući time dva spomenuta oblika dominacije – broj i vrijeme – u jedno.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Pročitao sam da su u nacističkim logorima smrti često postojale kvote, odnosno točno određen broj ljudi koje je svaki dan trebalo ubiti. Danas \emph{Državno udruženje šumara} ima kvote za sječu, budući da moraju proizvesti određen broj dasaka. Odavno mi je postalo jasno da je puno lakše ubiti broj, nego pojedinca, bez obzira na to je li riječ o vagonima ljudi niže rase, milijunima drvenih dasaka ili tonama ribe. Pitam se gdje mi to živimo?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Rekao bih da živimo u svijetu koji umire. Otuđeni.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Otuđeni?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Marx je otuđenje definirao kao odvojenost od sredstava za proizvodnju. Umjesto da proizvodimo stvari kojima ćemo se koristiti, sustav se koristi nama. Ja bih to odveo korak dalje i rekao da biti otuđen znači biti udaljen od vlastitih iskustava, biti izmješten iz prirodnog načina bivanja. Budući da se svijet sve više tehnicizira i postaje sve umjetniji, a prirodni se svijet evakuira, posve je razumljivo da se javlja osjećaj otuđenja od prirodne ukorijenjenosti. Da se ponovno vratim u stanje prije pripitomljavanja, mislim da su ljudi nekoć bili bitno usklađeniji s vlastitim organskim ustrojem i to na način koji je nama danas posve nepojmljiv. Kad je riječ o osjetilima, postoje uvjerljivi iskazi prema kojima je pripadnik plemena San mogao čuti jedno-motorni avion s udaljenosti od sedamdeset milja i vidjeti četiri Jupiterova mjeseca golim okom. Ta se povezanost, dakako, protezala na čitavo njihovo okružje, pa nas Laurens Van der Post obavješćuje kako su ljudi iz tog plemena, čini se, znali kakav je to osjećaj biti slon, lav, antilopa i slično. Povezanost je, također, bila jednako uzvraćena. Postoje bilješke, ako ne i tisuće svjedočanstava ranih europskih istraživača u kojima stoji da se divlje životinje uopće nisu bojale tih ljudi.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Baš sam prošle godine naišao na tekst istraživača Samuala Hornea, prvoga bijelca koji je istraživao Sjevernu Kanadu u 18. stoljeću. U njemu su dijelovi u kojima je opisano kako su se djeca indijanaca igrala s mladuncima vukova. Djeca bi mladuncima obojila lica smeđe-crvenim linijama, a kad bi igra završila, vraćali bi neozlijeđene mladunce u jazbinu. Zanimljivo je da to nije smetalo ni mladuncima, niti njihovim roditeljima.
\emph{John Zerzan}: A danas ih ubijamo iz aviona. Eto vam napretka!
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Što je, u širem smislu, napredak bio u praksi?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Napredak je donio posvemašnju dehumanizaciju pojedinca i katastrofu ekološkog sloma. Mislim da je danas golem broj ljudi potpuno izgubio vjeru u napredak, ali ga vjerojatno još mnogi doživljavaju kao neizbježnost. U svakom slučaju, svi smo mi prisiljeni pomiriti se s napretkom i na određeni smo način njegovi taoci. Sada je temeljna zamisao učiniti sve nas ovisnicima o tehnologiji i to na neobično bijedan način. Kad je riječ o zdravlju, to znači povečatu našu ovisnost o tehnologiji, ali se pritom očekuje da svi zaboravimo kako je upravo tehnologija prouzročila većinu zdravstvenih problema. Nije riječ samo o tumorima uzrokovanim kemikalijama. Gotovo sve bolesti u vezi su s civilizacijom, otuđenjem ili odurnim uništavanjem okoliša.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Ja patim od Crohnove bolesti koja se gotovo ne javlja u ne-industrijaliziranim zemljama, a počinje se javljati tek kao posljedica industrijalizacije tih zemalja. Doslovce, industrijska civilizacija proždire mi utrobu.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Mislim da ljudi uistinu počinju shvaćati svu ispraznost mita o napretku. Možda je to pretjerano smion iskaz, ali učinke napretka gotovo je nemoguće ne primijetiti. Štoviše, ni sam sustav više ne govori previše o napretku.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Je li ga zamijenio neki novi pojam?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Da, pojam inercije. To je to. Nosite se s njome ili ćete nagrabusiti. Danas se malo govori i o \emph{američkom snu} ili vrlome novom svijetu. Danas smo svjedoci globalne utrke prema dnu, dok se transnacionalne kompanije natječu koja će od njih najviše izrabiti radnike i najviše uništiti prirodu. To natjecanje otvoreno je i na osobnoj razini. Ako se ne kužite u računala, nećete dobiti posao. To je napredak.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: I što nam preostaje?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Ja sam optimist i to zato što nikada prije naš životni stil nije bio toliko ogoljen kao danas.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Sad kad smo shvatili što se zbiva, što trebamo učiniti?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Najprije taj životni stil valja dobro preispitati, osigurati da se dio društvenog diskursa – ako već ne čitav – ipak bavi tim sudbonosnim pitanjima, umjesto da izbjegava i poriče da postoje, kao što se često događa u sklopu onoga što se danas naziva diskursom. Ponovno moram izraziti svoje uvjerenje da se to poricanje neće još dugo održati i to zato što postoji potresna razlika između zbilje i onoga što o zbilji govori. Rekao bih da je to osobito svojstveno za Ameriku. Možda taj kontrast može trajati vječno, ali to je scenarij noćne more. \emph{Unabomber Manifesto} uzima u obzir i tu mogućnost, da ljudi postanu toliko uvjetovani da uopće ne primijete kako svijeta više nema, da nema slobode, ispunjenja, jednostavno ničega. Svakodnevno ćete uzimati svoje tablete za smirenje i neurotično šepesati naokolo, misleći da ne postoji ništa osim ovoga što vas okružuje. Da bi se to izbjeglo, da bi se uništio monopol laži, valja jednostavno uništiti taj monopol i iznijeti staru priču, da je car gol; ukazati na sav užas postojećega stanja i na sve ono što možemo izgubiti. Valja suprotstaviti ono što je moguće – ono što je bilo i što bi jednom ponovno moglo biti – ovoj bijednoj sadašnjosti i onome što budućnost donosi.
Jer ako ne uništimo monopol laži, kroz nekoliko desetljeća neće preostati gotovo ništa za što bi se valjalo boriti. To postaje jasno ako uzmete u obzir brzinu uništavanja okoliša i osobne dehumanizacije.
Stoga je dvostruko važno da se u rasprave uključe zabranjene teme o tome koliko je postojeće stanje užasno. Moramo re-definirati ono što je u ovome društvu prihvatljiv diskurs. Ponovno se vraćam \emph{Unabomberu} koji je odlučio ubijati ljude kako bi otvorio prostor za ta potisnuta pitanja i prisilno ih objavio. Opravdanost ili neopravdanost njegovih postupaka tu nije bitna; ključno je razotkriti stupanj poricanja. Tog se poricanja nećemo riješiti sitnim izmjenama, baš kao što ni planet nećemo spasiti recikliranjem. Misliti da hoćemo, jednostavno je glupo. Ili ne, to nije glupo, to je kriminalno. Moramo se suočiti s onim što se zbiva. A kad se jedanput suočimo sa zbiljom, onda ćemo zajedno odlučiti, kako je promijeniti i kako je potpuno preobraziti.
Pitali ste me \emph{što je napredak}? Nužno je razgovarati o otuđenju jer je ono ključni problem. Nedavno sam pročitao da mladi danas puše više nego ikad. Svakome mora biti jasno da sve te silne kampanje protiv pušenja, sve blještave reklame i sva ta sranja neće ni malo pomoći jer ne poduzimamo ništa u vezi s pitanjem uzroka tog problema. Živimo, dakle, u ovoj zemlji nedođiji u kojoj doduše postoje ljudi koji vjeruju da će, pisanjem ili snimanjem dopadljivih materijala o pušenju, nešto promijeniti. No ipak ga se uglavnom izbjegava i poriče.
Postavlja se pitanje \emph{kakav je to sustav koji proizvodi sve te maligne pojave}? Popričajmo malo o tome, iako je zabranjeno. Još se uvijek ne bi smjelo govoriti o zbiljskoj prirodi globalnog sustava. Prije nego što se posvetimo konkretnim odgovorima, ključno je čitav problem postaviti kao pitanje, odnosno razgovarati o globalnom sustavu kao pitanju. Ako to ne učinimo, potpuno je besmisleno razgovarati o taktici. Unutar pokreta Earth First! upravo je u tijeku rasprava o odnosu nasilja i nenasilja. Čini se, međutim, da i Earth First ne pogađa bit problema. Mislim da se ljudi neobično intenzivno bave pitanjem taktike zato što se nisu suočili s temeljnim pitanjem: \emph{što je zapravo naš cilj}? Koja je naše temeljna odrednica? Koje je naše gledište? Koji je smisao našeg djelovanja? Taktičke odrednice velikim su dijelom organski uvjetovane vašom ishodišnom pozicijom. Ali ako ne želite raspravljati o vlastitom položaju, svaki je razgovor o taktici besmislen.
Trebalo bi početi postavljanjem sljedećih pitanja: Kako možemo ostvariti radikalni obrat? Pridonosi li naše djelovanje tome radikalnom obratu? Želimo li još nekoliko liberala koji će posjeći tek nešto manje drveća od ostalih? Je li to sve što želimo?
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Nedavno sam napisao tekst za časopis \emph{Earth First!} o pitanju: \emph{kad je nasilje opravdano}? Osobno sam, poput Vas, uvjeren da to nije najvažnije pitanje. Pitanje koje mi se čini važnijim jest \emph{koliko razaranje osjećamo na vlastitim tijelima}? Na zidu držim isječak iz novina naslovljen: \emph{Medvjedica nasrće na vlakove}! Sačuvao sam ga jer sam uvjeren da ćemo tek kad situaciju osjetimo na vlastitoj koži – poput medvjedice koja napada vlak koji joj je ubio sinove – znati točno što trebamo činiti. Jer medvjedica se nije upustila u teoretsku raspravu o ispravnom i pogrešnom; njezin je odgovor bio je tjelesan.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Jednako vrijedi za ljude koji mrze posao koji rade. Kad bi se samo vratili svojim tijelima, bilo bi im potpuno jasno što trebaju učiniti.
\emph{Derick Jensen}: Često pratim izvještaje o životima ljudi – primjerice o maloljetnicima koji čitave dane provode pod zemljom – i pitam se kako preživljavaju? Koliko znamo, imamo samo jedan život: pa zar ćemo ga potrošiti ubijajući se od posla?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Ili tjerati druge da se ubijaju od posla!? Nedavno sam raspravljao s prijateljima o tehnološkom društvu, a neki od njih tvrdili su da moramo imati telefone, da njih jednostavno ne možemo odbaciti. Drugi prijatelj je na to odgovorio: Hoćeš li se jednako tako spustiti u rudnik? Zašto to ne učiniš? Jer čitav naš način života zasnovan je na robovanju pojedinaca ili, točnije, milijuna pojedinaca.
Osobno bih se u rudnik spustio samo pod prijetnjom smrću. Ali neki ljudi uistinu žive pod prijetnjom smrću jer nemaju gotovo nikakvog izbora kad je riječ o preživljavanju. A mi koji nismo tako ugroženi jednostavno moramo biti svjesni što nam omogućava da ovako živimo.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Posvetimo se tehnologiji. Nije li razvoj tehnologije gonjen pukom znatiželjom?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Ljudi stalno govore – ne možete duh vratiti u bocu; ne možete od ljudi tražiti da zaborave, i slično. Ali to je samo još jedan pokušaj da se naše sluđeno stanje učini prirodnom pojavom. To je, također, samo oblik onog istog rasističkog argumenta o inteligenciji. Zar Hopi indijanci nisu znatiželjni samo zato što nisu izmislili hulahupke. Dakako, da su ljudi znatiželjni. Ali u kojem smislu? Jesmo li vi i ja zbog toga što smo znatiželjni poželjeli stvoriti neutronsku bombu? Naravno da nismo. To je suludo. Pa zašto bi to ljudi uopće htjeli učiniti? Većina to ne želi. Ali to što ja ne želim stvoriti neutronsku bombu ne znači da nisam znatiželjan. Znatiželja nije oslobođena vrijednosnog određenja. Određeni tipovi znatiželje posljedica su određenih tipova mentalnog sklopa, a naša znatiželja slijedi logiku otuđenja; ona nije samo rezultat puke želje za znanjem ili želje da se nešto spozna kako bi se postalo boljim čovjekom. Uzeta u cijelosti, naša nas znatiželja vodi većoj dominaciji i to je, čini se, njezin jedini cilj.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Mnogo se energije troši na razvoj boljih mišolovki – učinkovitijih načina ubijanja malih glodavaca – ali mi se u isto vrijeme čini da ne radimo puno na sprječavanju silovanja, zlostavljanja djece ili globalnog zatopljenja. Uistinu su čudne stvari na koje primjenjujemo tu znatiželju kojom se toliko dičimo.
Uzmimo za primjer prijatelje. Osobno ih želim što bolje upoznati kako bismo bili što bolji prijatelji, a ne kako bi ih što učinkovitije iskoristio. To jednako vrijedi za ljude i za životinje.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Moramo se nadati da će se čitava stvar urušiti.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Kad smo kod urušavanja, kako vidite budućnost?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Baš sam danas o tome razgovarao s prijateljem koji mi je navodio razloge zbog kojih, ne samo da ishod neće biti dobar, nego se nećemo niti približiti dobrom ishodu. Ne mislim da ima krivo, ali, kao što sam prije spomenuo, na određeni način sam uvjeren da će očito osiromašenje na svim razinama nagnati ljude na propitivanje o kojem govorimo, te na jačanje volje da mu se suprotstave. Možda smo trenutačno u mraku prije svitanja. Slažem se s ljudima koji smatraju da šezdesete nisu zagreble ni površinu, ali mora se priznati da se nešto ipak dogodilo. Jer uistinu su postojale naznake mogućnosti, naznake nade da će se, nastavi li se postojeće kretanje, možda ipak otvoriti neki novi smjer.
To se kretanje nije nastavilo, ali ja još baštinim spomenutu mogućnost koja me grije, iako su trideset godina poslije stvari zamrznute i užasne. Ponekad me zadivljuje da mladi ljudi uopće išta čine ili da imaju i tračak nade, jer nisam siguran da su imali prilike vidjeti i jedan pokušaj koji je makar djelomice uspio. Uistinu sam zadivljen postojanjem nade među mladima.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Neki smatraju da su šezdesete bile posljednji veliki proboj, posljednji zamah, i da se otada išlo samo nizbrdo.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Ponekad i ja to mislim. Bio sam u San Franciscu ‚76. i '77., u vrijeme eksplozije punka i moram reći da je bilo vrlo uzbudljivo, iako nisam tada osjetio da bi to moglo pokrenuti nove promjene.
Ali uvjeren sam da se približavamo velikom obratu, nečemu puno većem od 1960-ih. Ne samo zato što se to mora dogoditi ako želimo preživjeti, nego i zato što smo tada imali mnoge iluzije. Naš je idealizam najvećim dijelom bio promašen, vjerovali smo da za pokretanje važnih promjena neće trebati mnogo truda. Previše smo bili vjerovali u institucije i nismo dovoljno promislili određene stvari. Nismo bili dovoljno prizemljeni, dovoljno poznavali zbilju. Ali ako se ta revolucionarna energija ponovno vrati, bit će bitno cjelovitija.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Predavao sam neko vrijeme na Eastern Washington University i često sam svojim studentima postavljao pitanje: živimo li u demokraciji? Njihov odgovor najčešće je bio smijeh. Pitao sam ih brine li se vlada više o pravima korporacija ili pojedinaca. Odgovor je bio isti. To me ispunilo nadom.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Prvi put sam to uočio kad sam se 1981. preselio iz Kalifornije u Oregon. Bio je to dan atentata na Regana. Čitava je situacija bila potpuno suprotna onoj kada je ubijen Kennedy. Godine 1963. ljudi su plakali i tugovali. Bila je to trauma. Ali 1981. sve je bilo drugačije. Ljudi su se smijali, zafrkavali i nastavljali sa životom. Bili su nemilosrdni. Zamijetio sam potpuni izostanak vjere u vladu. Kad stvari sljedeći put eksplodiraju, uistinu će eksplodirati.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: U djelu \emph{Elementi odbijanja} vrlo precizno objašnjavate kako je početkom dvadesetog stoljeća postojala golema revolucionarna energija, te kako je na mnogo različitih načina Prvi svjetski rat bio izravan pokušaj uništavanja te energije putem pokolja pod pokroviteljstvom države.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Za rat je, dakako, uvijek potreban dobar razlog, osobito kad je pravi neprijatelj države upravo samo njezino građanstvo. Ubojstvo vojvode Ferdinanda osobito je odgovaralo umirućem poretku. Ali ono ni u kojem slučaju nije uzrokovalo rat. Pravi razlog rata bio je, prema mojemu uvjerenju, vezan za izniman nemir diljem Europe. To je priznao čak i George V. kad je u ljeto 1914. pred početak rata, rekao: Krik građanskog rata dolazi iz grla mojih najodgovornijih i najtrezvenijih sugrađana. Eksplozija se morala dogoditi.
Ali, o kakvoj je eksploziji riječ i prema kome je ona usmjerena? Ima li boljeg načina uništavanja nade od dugog i besmislenog rata? I upalilo je. Većina sindikata i ljevičarskih stranaka poduprla je rat, a sve one koji to nisu učinili, jednostavno je uništila država. Nakon rata mali je broj ljudi imao srca težiti revoluciji, a oni koji su joj težili, poput Mussolonija ili boljševika, nisu bili pravi revolucionari koji bi preobrazili društveni poredak, nego zapravo oportunisti koji su vakuum moći okrenuli u vlastitu korist.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Nagoni li vas taj paralelizam na misao o nekom budućem velikom ratu?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Dakako, ali takav bi rat mogao trajati tek 24 sata jer ga ljudi duže ne bi podržavali.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: U kojem se smjeru ta energija – iako je pomalo čudno otuđenje zvati energijom – zapravo kreće?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Mislite li da raste? To ne znam. Ali sam siguran da mi nismo sretni bezumni potrošači za kakve nas drže. Pa čak i ako vjerujemo da to jesmo, naša će nam tijela otkriti istinu. Nedavno sam napisao kratki osvrt na knjigu Ellen Showalter naslovljenu \emph{Histerije}. U njoj autorica govori o šest različitih histerija devedesetih godina: sindromu kroničnog umora, sindromu Zaljevskog rata, obnovljenom sjećanju, sotonističkim kultovima i tako dalje. Neki su se ljudi našli uvrijeđeni jer se čini da autorica govori da je sve to zapravo umišljeno.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Da, čak i naslov njezine knjige upućuje na to. Freud je pojmom histerije opisivao iskaze svojih pacijentica koje su kao djecu očevi seksualno zlostavljali. U početku je vjerovao tim iskazima i počeo otkrivati široku epidemiju incesta koja se i danas nastavlja u jednakoj mjeri. Ali kad je svoja otkrića objavio, bio je toliko žestoko napadnut da se povukao i izgradio čitavu filozofiju oko velikog poricanja tih dokaza. Kako bi opravdao vlastitu nevjericu prema postojećim dokazima, žene je nazvao histeričnima.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Osobno mi se čini, pri čemu moram reći da je knjiga nedovoljno izrađena, da autorica želi reći da smo svi mi toliko ojađeni i toliko ogrezli u poricanje da će se spomenute krize nastaviti pojavljivati, bile one tjelesno uzrokovane ili ne: čim jedna histerija prođe, pojavit će se nova. I tome nikada neće biti lijeka. Bez obzira na to gdje živjeli i što radili, život je danas toliko nemilosrdan, otuđen, bizaran i sjeban da mora potaknuti sve te potencijalno psihogene probleme. Pa što to onda govori o našem načinu života? Više si nitko ne može dozvoliti usitnjavanje, partikularizaciju bilo kojeg od navedenih problema. Jer, čitava je situacija u osnovi toliko trula i patološka da čitav sustav dovodi pred sud. Dakako da je vlada spremna i voljna potrovati vlastite građane. Pa to se stalno događa. Ali stvar je još i gora\dots{}
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Kako god gledali na stvari, one su vrijedne prijezira. Jer ako vlada nije potrovala vojnike (u slučaju sindroma Pustinjske oluje), koji je onda psihogeni uzrok sindroma? A ako jest, što osobno vjerujem, što to onda znači? Zašto bi nas vlastita vlada trovala?
To nas dovodi do poteškoće koja se javlja u čitavoj ovoj raspravi. To je nešto što još nisam uspio odgonetnuti u vlastitom radu. Mi ne samo da se moramo prisjetiti ili ponovno naučiti kako živjeti održivo, nego moramo dokučiti kako se suprotstaviti silama koje ovaj trenutak uništavaju sve one koji žive održivo? Ugodno je razgovarati o zdravom životu oslobođenom dominacije, ali svima nam je jasno što bi se dogodilo kad bismo u svojim lokalnim zajednicama razvili prihvatljiv način života i kad bi odjedanput članovi vladajuće kulture poželjeli neke naše resurse. Čitava bi naša zajednica bila uništena, a naši bi resursi bili pokradeni.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Da, tako je to u zbilji. Mi volimo misliti da nasilje nije nužan odgovor, ali nisam siguran je li to baš tako. Mogli bismo, dakle, reći da u slučaju dovoljno velikog ustanka zapravo ne bi bilo puno nasilja.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Nastavite.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Prvo što mi pada na pamet jest svibanjski ustanak u Francuskoj 1968., tijekom kojega je deset milijuna ljudi jednostavno zaposjelo svoja radna mjesta. Studenti su bili pokrenuli lavinu, ali nakon toga je nagomilana ljutnja jednostavno provalila. Policija i vojska državi nisu nimalo koristile jer je čitava zemelja bila uključena. Neko se vrijeme razmišljalo o slanju NATO-vih snaga. Nažalost, ustanak je vrlo brzo stavljen pod kontrolu i to uglavnom uz pomoć ljevičara i sindikata koji su revolucionarnu energiju htjeli iskoristiti za vlastite reformske zahtjeve. Ali narod je neko vrijeme uistinu zauzeo čitavu zemlju. I sve je proteklo bez nasilja. Nasilje jednostavno nije bilo potrebno.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Ali ustanak nije prouzročio nikakvu dugoročnu promjenu, zar ne?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Nije. Ali je pokazao svu krhkost sredstava prinude kojima država raspolaže. Kod tako masovnog ustanka država je bespomoćna.
To se ponovilo prigodom urušavanja državnog kapitalizma u Sovjetskom Savezu i zemljama istočnog bloka. Nije bilo previše nasilja. Čitav se sustav jednostavno raspao. Ne želim reći da će se isto dogoditi ovdje, niti smatram da je urušavanje potaknulo neke radikalne promjene, ali spomenuti događaji potvrđuju da su se u povijesti događali nenasilni ustanci.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Možda je priroda jedna od stvari koje nam moraju pomoći da prebrodimo trenutačno stanje. Sustav se već počeo urušavati i mislim da bismo se trebali pobrinuti da grizliji i lososi prežive njegov slom. Mogli bismo također raditi na artikuliranju različitih alternativa.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Čini mi se da ovoga časa upravo to i činimo.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Htio bih se vratiti na pitanje kako se čovjek ponaša kad je svjestan da ljudi na pozicijama moći raspolažu tenkovima, topovima i zrakoplovima. Čini mi se da je to možda i najvažnije pitanje našega doba. Može li se zdravo i pribrano odgovoriti na užasno destruktivno ponašanje? Kako neka miroljubiva osoba odgovara na nasilje? Kako se pomiriti s činjenicom da ćete, kako biste ukinuli prisilu možda i sami morati primijeniti prisilu? Možda ćete morati prisiliti prisiljivače?
\emph{John Zerzan}: To je složeno pitanje. Čitali ste Kolumbove zapise – iako to nije jedini primjer – u kojima opisuje kako su domoroci veoma srdačno dočekivali pridošlice. Možda bi im bilo pametnije da su im prerezali grkljane. Mislim da će se većina s time složiti, a ako se i ne slože, to je vjerojatno zato što nikada u životu nisu bili podvrgnuti nasilju, ni osobno ni kao članovi obitelji ili zajednice. Ali ti miroljubivi ljudi sebi postavljaju pitanje, zašto bi starosjedioci morali prerezati grkljane pridošlicama? To nije bio njihov način.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Sherman Alexie ispripovijedio je veliku priču o tome kako bi sve dao samo da je bio živ onda kad se Kolumbo iskrcao. Nakon iznošenja mnogih oblika nasilja kojima bi podvrgao Kolumba i njegove ljude, zaustavlja se i kaže: Ali ipak, mi to nikada ne bismo učinili. Mi jednostavno nismo takvi.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Možda treba reći da slijedeći put stvari neće biti iste. Nismo mi stvorili ovu kulturu. Nismo mi pretvorili svijet u ovo bojište i groblje. Nismo mi međuljudske odnose doveli u ovo stanje parodije. Ali naša je odgovornost da nadiđemo tvorevine ove kulture. Moglo bi se reći da sada moramo biti ono što moramo, kako bismo ih nadišli. Adorno govori o prevladavanju otuđenja otuđenjem. Ne znam kako to učiniti, ali često razmišljam o tome. O tome mora razmišljati svatko onaj kome je stalo do održavanja života na ovome planetu. Na osobnoj razini stvar se može iskazati pitanjem: biste li mogli nekoga ubiti, kad biste znali da ćete time spasiti mnoge živote?
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Nedavno sam čitao o njemačkom opiranju Hitleru i zapanjila me činjenica da su Nijemci, unatoč spoznaji da se Hitlera mora ukloniti, prije uspostave neke 'dolične‘ vlade, više vremena potrošili na stvaranje tekstualnog oblika te teoretske vlade nego da Hitlera maknu s pozicije moći. Ta sljepoća nije bila uzrokovana manjkom hrabrosti, nego pogrešnim poimanjem morala. Tako se, primjerice, Karl Goerdeler – inače neumoran u nastojanju da stvori novu vladu – snažno protivio Hitlerovu ubojstvu, vjerujući da bi Hitler nakon razgovora s njim vjerojatno promijenio svoja stajališta. Kako to objašnjavate i kako se takva razmišljanja odražavaju na osobnoj razini?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Taj primjer vraća nas knjizi Ellen Showalter. Možda su te histerije, ako ih tako možemo nazvati, rezultat pounutrenja našeg bijesa koji bi zapravo trebao biti usmjeren prema sustavu. Dobro nam je poznato što se događa pojedincima koji pokušaju nasilno srušiti sustav, čak i ako je njihovo nasilje opravdano. Svi takvi pojedinci koje poznajem ili su mrtvi ili pak leže u zatvoru. Imam prijatelja u zatvoru koji je neko vrijeme bio član Simbionističke oslobodilačke vojske. Jedanput sam ga upitao što ga je nagnalo da zakorači u nasilje, a on mi je odgovorio: Morao sam to učiniti. Taj je korak bio apsolutno neizbježan.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Kad sam isto pitanje postavio pripadniku Tupamarosa, rekao mi je da ga je nasilju približila svijest o potpunoj beskorisnosti građanskog otpora, ali i suočenost sa smrću prijatelja i nenasilnih aktivista koje je pobila državna policija.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Često sam razmišljao o najboljem obliku otpora – pri čemu mi je sasvim jasno da je barem dio ovog odgovora zasnovan na klasnim povlasticama, na većem broju mogućnosti koje su mi otvorene – i moram reći da sam trenutačno zadovoljan svojim oblikom otpora koji se očituje u kritici kulture. Prema mojemu mišljenju, riječi su puno bolje oružje za rušenje sustava nego topovi. Time, dakako, ne želim kritizirati tuđi izbor oružja za borbu. Ali moje su riječi moje oružje.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Jasno je da isto vrijedi i za mene. No, iako sam se trenutačno odlučio za takav način djelovanja, ipak se često vraćam tom pitanju. Svaki put kad ustanem pitam se, bih li trebao pisati ili raznijeti neku branu. Govorim sebi da trebam pisati iako nisam siguran u to, jer nije nedostatak riječi ili aktivizma razlog ugibanja lososa ovdje na sjeverozapadu Amerike, nego su krive brane. Svatko tko zna imalo o lososima, zna da brane moraju nestati. Svatko tko zna imalo o politici, zna da će brane ostati. Znanstvenici poučavaju, političari i poslovni ljudi lažu i odgađaju, birokrati održavaju tobožnje javne rasprave, aktivisti šalju pisma i tiskaju proglase, ja pišem knjige, a lososi i dalje umiru. To je ugodna situacija za sve osim za losose.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Pitanje nasilja još je složenije. Posve mi je jasno da mi u jednakoj mjeri ubijamo ne djelovanjem, kao i izravnim djelovanjem. To mi je postalo jasno prije godinu dana. Imao sam gusku koja je ubijala piliće, a budući da nisam pristaša ubijanja, pustio sam gusku da živi. Naposljetku je guska uistinu pretjerala, pa sam je ubio i pojeo za ručak. Želim reći sljedeće: te sam večeri osjetio egzistencijalnu potištenost zbog okončanja nečijeg života, kad me je prijatelj upozorio na činjenicu da sam toga dana preuzeo odgovornost ne za jedan, nego za nekoliko života. Bio sam odgovoran i za živote pilića koje je guska pobila jer je nisam htio zaustaviti\dots{} Nedavno sam naišao na navod Exiene Cervenkora, koji kaže: \emph{„Ubio sam puno više ljudi od Kaczynskog (Unabombera), jer sam u posljednjih petnaest godina platio hrpu poreza koje on nije plaćao“.} Uistinu me zapanjila osnovanost te tvrdnje koja nas podsjeća da smo svi odgovorni.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Vratimo se pojmu protu-autoritarizma. Mogu li postojati vođe bez dominacije?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Mislim da uvjeravanje nije dominacija, sve dok nije manipulativno i sve dok je transparentno. Na toj su osnovi vođene anarhističke jedinice u Španjolskome građanskom ratu. Odluke su se najčešće donosile tijekom rasprave, a nakon što bi neka odluka bila donesena, vođa svake jedinice odlučivao je o načinu provedbe. Svaki je vođa imao autoritet samo u pojedinačnom slučaju. To je neko vrijeme dobro funkcioniralo, a onda su, kako to obično biva, takozvani saveznici – u ovom slučaju Komunistička partija i Sovjetski savez, te druge konzervativne snage u Španjolskoj – iskorijenile protu-autoritarizam. Anarhističke postrojbe na kraju su pretvorene u jedinice regularne vojske, a revolucionarna strast je žrtvovana.
Upravo to pitanje vodstva jest i razlog zbog kojeg sam se prestao baviti organiziranjem. Neko sam vrijeme bio član jedne vrste \emph{uradi sam} sindikata u San Franciscu. Protivili smo se svim korumpiranim i birokratskim Radničkim sindikatima i bili smo prilično anarhistički ustrojeni, iako nismo rabili taj termin. Naša zamisao bila je pružiti pomoć ljudima u vezi s različitim problemima, braniti svakog i raspravljati o svemu. Slijedili smo teoriju popularnu tijekom šezdesetih nazvanu \emph{dugi marš kroz institucije}, a čija je središnja zamisao bila da se sustav može srušiti jedino iznutra. Danas više tako ne mislim. Ali ono što me konačno razbudilo bila je spoznaja da moje djelovanje nije imalo pravu svrhu. Shvatio sam da zapravo ne pomažem nekoj određenoj osobi da se ponovno zaposli ili nekom čovjeku da promijeni određeni pristup – iako sam pomagao i u takvim situacijama – nego da se tim djelovanjem koristim kao putom prema svrgavanju institucija. Nisam govorio, \emph{Činim to jer želim uništiti sustav,} niti da \emph{moji pogledi daleko nadilaze ovaj sindikat}, jer sam mislio da bi mali broj ljudi to mogao shvatiti. Oni su samo htjeli vratiti svoj posao ili dobiti povišicu, a meni su se obraćali jer sam im mogao pomoći. Naposljetku sam shvatio da je ta neprovidnost zapravo manipulativna, pa sam prekinuo s radom.
I zato se danas više oslanjam na kritiku jer jednostavno nisam mogao shvatiti kako se može biti učinkovit organizator bez nekog skrivenog i tajnog programa. Tom problemu prilazim više kao pisac. Nitko nije prisiljen čitati moja djela, pa čitatelji i ja možemo uživati u nehijerarhijskom odnosu.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Uvjeravanje, dakle, nije oblik dominacije?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Ne, sve dok je iskreno.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Koji je smisao vašega rada i života?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Volio bih vidjeti blisko povezanu zajednicu, intimno bivanje u kojem odnosi nisu zasnovani na moći niti na podjeli rada. Volio bih vidjeti netaknutu prirodu i živjeti kao istinski čovjek. Želim to svim ljudima.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Recite mi još jedanput kako da to ostvarimo?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Zaista ne znam. Možda bismo svi jednostavno trebali ne otići na posao. Tko ga jebe. Uskratite im svoju energiju. Sustav ne može opstati bez nas. Njemu je potrebna naša energija, a ako ljudi prestanu odgovarati na njegove potrebe, on je osuđen na propast.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Ali ako prestanemo odgovarati, ako uistinu odlučimo prekinuti suradnju, nismo li onda i sami osuđeni na propast, jer će nas sustav uništiti?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Da, to je uistinu složeno. Kad bi sve bilo tako lako, ljudi bi jednostavno ostali kod kuće jer je doista naporno prolaziti kroz bijednu rutinu u ovoj sve ispraznijoj kulturi. Ali uvijek moramo imati na umu pitanje: \emph{ako smo već osuđeni na propast, koji je oblik propasti gori}? Nedavno sam održao predavanje na oregonskom sveučilištu o većini spomenutih tema. Na kraju sam rekao: \emph{Znam da poziv na ovakav oblik rušenja sustava može zvučati smiješno, ali jedino rješenje koje je još smješnije od spomenutoga jest ostaviti sustav da djeluje.}
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Kako možemo biti sigurni da će sva ta otuđenost koja nas okružuje prouzročiti slom i novu obnovu? Zašto njezin rezultat ne bi bilo još snažnije otuđenje? Znam samo da već dvadeset godina pokušavam sagledati čitav problem i nastojim se izvući iz njega. Ali ja nemam obitelji koju bih morao uzdržavati. Nemam stalan posao. Otuđenje može voditi razumijevanju, ali isto tako može voditi prebacivanju odgovornosti na ljude koji nas okružuju.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Pitanje je koliko je ta odgovornost povratna? Ponekad – a mislim da to nije ni izbjegavanje, niti poricanje – ponekad se, dakle, u povijesti stvari obrću u trenutku kad nas prirodni svijet u dovoljnoj mjeri izbaci iz ravnoteže. Vaneigim na jednome mjestu spominje prekrasan događaj koji me ispunjava nadom. Psi u Pavlovljevu laboratoriju prošli su jednom prigodom mjesece dresure, sve dok se nisu posve udomaćili. A onda se u podrumu dogodila poplava. I znate što se dogodilo? U djeliću sekunde zaboravili su sve što su naučili. Potpuno sam uvjeren da i mi možemo učiniti isto, a čitav moj rad posvećen je upravo tom cilju.
Baš sam danas razgovarao s čovjekom iz \emph{New York Times}a i unatoč tome što mi njegovo interesno žarište nije sasvim poznato, moram reći da je razgovor bio puno zanimljiviji nego što sam to mogao očekivati. Čovjek je potpuno svjestan da je upravo u tijeku veliki raskid, i već godinama predviđa rasplamsavanje otpora prema sustavu. U tom smislu prosvjedi u Seattleu nisu ga nimalo iznenadili\dots{}Njegovo poimanje raskida proizašlo je iz velikog zanimanja za osjećaje mladih ljudi. To je na određeni način slično Adornovoj tezi o potrebi koja pokreće filozofiju\dots{}
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Što podrazumijevate pod raskidom?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Mislim da je spomenuti gospodin primijetio da postoji sve veći broj, osobito mladih ljudi, koji su prozreli nasmiješenu obrazinu sustava i uvidjeli noćnu moru koja leži ispod nje, sav užas i bijedu koju taj sustav uzrokuje primjerice u zemljama Trećeg svijeta i u svijetu prirode, ali i svu ispraznost života koji je svima nama nametnuo sustav.
Uvijek iznova ljudi u različitim medijima na tu kritiku sustava odgovaraju riječima: \emph{Ma, dajte, pa nikad nije bilo bolje. O čemu vi to pričate? Sve je divno. Svi su sretni. Stvarno ne znam o čemu pričate.} Ali to ismijavanje kritike, dakako, i sâmo je dio te noćne more, i ono ne može trajati dovijeka. Događa se nešto što će ga dokinuti.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Što se točno događa?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Ljudi se počinju okupljati i sve glasnije poručuju kako više ne žele trpiti svu tu ispraznost koja ih okružuje, jer shvaćaju da više ne moraju voditi bijedan život u službi sustava koji uništava planet. Shvaćaju da više ne moraju prihvaćati medijski, politički ili ekonomski sustav koji odbija priznati zbilju s kojom se svi mi svakodnevno suočavamo.
Danas sam s čovjekom iz \emph{Times}a razgovarao o valu nasilja u školama i obojica smo se zgrozili nad krajnje površnim raspravama o toj temi. Ljudi govore o video igrama kao mogućem uzroku, ali njihovi pokušaji da na sve moguće načine izbjegnu razgovor o patologiji sustava, da izbjegnu čak i površan dodir, uistinu su kriminalni. Koristim se tim pojmom u najtežem smislu.
Koliko ćemo se još dugo pretvarati da civilizacija ima smisla, da ima budućnost i donosi odgovore? Više ne mogu naći gotovo nikoga tko bi branio sustav, osim ako nije riječ o plaćenim ideolozima poput političara ili ljudima koji ravnaju medijima.
No, vratimo se otporu. Rekao bih da je, uzevši u obzir opipljivo pogoršanje životnih uvjeta na svim razinama, zapravo iznenađujuće, koliko je dugo trebalo da otpor dosegne današnji stupanj.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Spomenuli ste Seattle. Mislim da su tamošnji događaji jedna od najboljih stvari koje su se dogodile nakon dugo vremena.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Puno sam govorio o tome i mislim da je Seattle već nadišao pokret iz šezdesetih. Moglo bi se reći da jedna lastavica ne čini proljeće, ali ljudi danas razumiju neke stvari koje mi najvećim dijelom tada nismo shvaćali. Šezdesetih sam bio vrlo aktivan na Berkleyju i u San Franciscu i moram reći da sam već dugo uvjeren kako tada nismo ni dotaknuli bitna pitanja. Ali u Seattleu, u praskozorje ovoga novog pokreta, ljudi su pokazali koliko dobro razumiju opseg tlačenja. Ne bih htio uveličavati ulogu tih zbivanja bez dovoljnih dokaza, ali jednostavno osjećam da se tamo okupilo golemo mnoštvo ljudi koji su se uistinu približili probijanju svih zapreka i pravila što ih koče.
Zbivanja u Seattleu bila su vrlo napeta i osobito me se dojmilo što su svi prosvjednici, bez obzira na različite načine prosvjeda, pokazali iznimnu hrabrost, predanost i izdržljivost\dots{}
Prosvjednici su satima blokirali promet oko konferencijskog centra i držali su se hrabro sve dok policajci nisu izgubili živce jer im je postalo jasno da ti ljudi neće samo tako odustati. Ali prosvjednici se ni tada nisu dali otjerati. Svaki od njih ispunio me ponosom. Iako su ih mogli pretući nasmrt, oni ipak nisu odustajali.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Čitao sam izjave očevidaca u kojima se govori da su ljude iz velike blizine gađali gumenim mecima u glavu, o policajcima koji su prosvjednicima razbijali vilice i o tome kako su ljude privodili bez odjeće.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Da, tamo se uz hrabrost mogla vidjeti i sva brutalnost sustava. Uvjeren sam – iako se možda varam – da svi ti događaji u Seattleu nisu imali previše veze sa WTO-om. Mislim da su ljudi shvatili da je WTO samo vrh ledene sante i da njegovo postojanje ili nepostojanje zapravo ništa ne mijenja.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Što je onda bio razlog prosvjeda?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Razloga je bilo mnogo. Evo jedne anegdote koja me još nasmije do suza kad god je se sjetim. Vidio sam sredovječnog muškarca kako raspravlja s nekim studentom. Navodio je sve moguće razloge zbog kojih WTO ne valja – njegovu ne-providnost, protu-demokratski ustroj i slično – te iznosio različite prijedloge kako stati na kraj WTO-u. Klinac ga je odslušao, a onda ga je pogledao i rekao: \emph{Ja možda ne znam sve te pojedinosti o kojima vi govorite, ali znam da mrzim bogataše}. Stariji je jednostavno zašutio. Dolazili su s različitih planeta. S jedne strane imate liberale koji beskrajno prevrću svaku najsitniju pojedinost i ispuštaju cijelu sliku, a s druge strane imate ljude koji kažu: \emph{Čitav sustav je sjeban}.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Vratimo se vašoj tvrdnji da šezdesete nisu dodirnule ni površinu.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Tijekom šezdesetih postojao je zajednički osjećaj da je sustav ipak moguće preobraziti, a ako i nije, da revolucija neće biti osobito teška. Mislili smo da vjetrovi pušu u drugom smjeru. Ali velike promjene kojima smo težili, nikada se nisu obistinile. I tako su se u 70-ima neki od nas zapitali što nam je uopće značila revolucija? Što taj pojam zapravo znači? Što bi trebalo učiniti da se stvari uistinu promijene? Jesmo li uopće bili na pravome putu? Često smo si postavljali ta pitanja jer nam je sve više postajalo jasno da je naše djelovanje bilo nedostatno. Danas, tridesetak godina poslije, nakon triju desetljeća poraza i uništavanja, puno je manje idealizma i optimizma, ali mislim da sada imamo i manje iluzija. Počinjemo shvaćati dubinu problema i složenost potrebnih mjera. Mislim da neki ljudi to danas sve to neobično dobro shvaćaju.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Kako mislite \emph{sve to}?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Ne kažem da ljudi prije trideset godina nisu znali kakve promjene žele, ali bilo je mnogo stvari o kojima tada nismo ni približno dovoljno razmišljali. Na primjer, tehnologija. Ljudi nisu razmišljali što tehnologija zapravo jest, koliko je sustav ovisan o njoj (i obrnuto), i koliko ona utjelovljuje sustav kapitala. To se jednim dijelom dogodilo zato što društvo nije bilo toliko tehnologizirano. Ali danas je zbiljsko iskustvo na rubu izumiranja. Štoviše, gotovo da ne postoji iskustvo koje nije posredovano. Stoga je vrlo teško ne primijetiti da život – podloga života, cjelovitost života i osjećaj neposrednog iskustva – polako biva isisan. Svjedoci smo i sudjelujemo u nečemu što je Debord nazvao prijelazom sa življenog života na predstavljeni život.
Sljedeća stvar o kojoj nismo dovoljno razmišljali – a koja je vezana za tehnologiju – jesu mediji. Ali danas više ne možete izbjeći raspravu o tome. Čitav slikovni mehanizam potiče nas da probavljamo različite slike života: da probavljamo predstavljanja umjesto da živimo. Danas je to opće poznato, ali nisam siguran da je tako bilo i prije trideset godina.
Dobro je i to što ljudi sve više shvaćaju da sustav ne baštini spomenuta pitanja kao dio diskursa o tome kakvo društvo jest i kakvo bi trebalo biti.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Pa, jasno, jer kad bi to i učinio, istog bi se trena urušio.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Slažem se.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Što biste voljeli da ljudi učine u skorašnjem razdoblju?
\emph{John Zerzan}: S jedne strane, sustav je toliko sjeban da je sve što učinimo dobrodošlo, bila to zaštita biološke raznolikosti ili pomoć zlostavljanim ženama. Ali svim tim postupcima, mi se samo štitimo od nasrtaja sustava. Pitanje je kako prijeći u napad.
To je puno složenije jer je ipak puno teže odrediti izravne praktične poteze. Mislim da je razlog tome golemost čitavog projekta. Ali prilično sam uvjeren da je projekt koji nas očekuje najvećim dijelom zapravo uklanjanje, rastavljanje i brisanje svih postojećih razdvajanja, posredovanja i upletanja. A taj projekt uključuje – i upravo u toj točki stvari postaju vrlo složene – rušenje ovoga golemog sklopa međusobno isprepletenih institucija. Činjenica da je sustav tako snažno isprepleten – tako totalan – i jest razlog njegove učinkovitosti.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Ne znam zašto, ali čini mi se da bi ta isprepletenost mogla biti ključ njegova rušenja.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Zvuči zanimljivo.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Vratimo se pitanju što trebamo učiniti\dots{}
\emph{John Zerzan}: Teško je reći hoće li nas poštivanje pravila igre – odobrenih prosvjednih rituala koje nam pruža sustav – približiti uklanjanju sustava. Nije mi jasno kako ljudi mogu misliti da će nam sam sustav pružiti pravila vlastitog dokidanja. Bilo bi lijepo kad bi uljudni prosvjedi i poštivanje pravila igre, uključujući i nepovredivost vlasništva, bili dovoljni. Ali uljuđena neposlušnost zapravo je uljudnost prema sustavu. Pa kakav je to neposluh koji prihvaća neprijateljevo poimanje prihvatljivog i neprihvatljivog?
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Mnogi ljudi izjednačavaju uništavanje vlasništva s nasiljem.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Nije mi jasno kako ljudi mogu previdjeti tu neobično važnu razliku. Ne možete oskvrnuti neživu strukturu ili objekt. Nasilje prema bilo kojem živom biću nema gotovo ništa zajedničko s uništavanjem privatnog vlasništva. Zakoračiti u kršenje svetinje vlasništva ni u kojem slučaju nije isti što i zakoračiti u kršenje svetinje života. Štoviše, naš je sustav zasnovan na svetinji vlasništva najubojitiji od svih postojećih sustava jer se ne zadovoljava pukim ubijanjem ljudi ekonomskim i vojnim sredstvima, nego naginje razaranju čitavog života na planetu.
Također bih istaknuo razliku između udruženog i privatnog vlasništva. Postoji ogromna razlika između razbijanja prozora na \emph{Starbucksu} i bacanja kamena u susjedov prozor. Još me iznenađuje koliko ljudi previđa tu razliku govoreći: \emph{Pa, to samo znači da ćete sutra razbiti moje prozore}. Ali to je potpuno pogrešan način razmišljanja. Pa, zašto bi netko htio razbiti vaš prozor? Već i samo postavljanje takvog pitanja pretpostavlja nasumičnost spomenutog čina i njegovu neuokvirenost vizijom, kritikom ili analizom. To je suludo. Zar ste u toj mjeri poistovjećeni sa sustavom da mislite kako će netko, zato što je razbio staklo na \emph{Starbucks}-u, sutra ubiti vas, a onda i vašeg psa zbog pravilnog omjera? Uozbiljite se!
No, oni među nama koji sudjeluju u otporu moraju kao dio izazova prihvatiti činjenicu da ta pitanja ljudima nikada nisu postavljena i da su se sustavno isključivala iz svakog razmatranja. Mi to moramo promijeniti baveći se njima izravno i pošteno.
Do sada se uvijek potvrdilo da kad ljudi jedanput shvate svu zatrovanost određenog stanja i njegovih temelja, stvari se događaju same po sebi. Drugim riječima, prvo što moramo učiniti, jest shvatiti suludost igre prema pravilima sustava. Misliti da će vaše uhićenje zbog klečanja na pločniku i plaćanja kazne zapravo zaustaviti ili znatno usporiti čudovištan razvoj bitne tehnologije i civilizacije, uistinu je suludo\dots{} Budućnost pokreta za zaštitu okoliša, po meni, ovisi o shvaćanju potrebe za njegovim proširivanjem i produbljivanjem.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Dobro onda\dots{} Što bi trebalo učiniti da se, primjerice, zatvori drvna industrija? A zatim na sljedećoj razini: što bi trebalo učiniti da se isključi čitav stroj?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Mislim da prvo moramo odlučiti što zapravo želimo. To je vrlo hrabar i, čini mi se, razuman pristup. S obzirom na razornost sustava, mislim da je to i jedini razuman stav. Uvjeren sam da će se mnogi ljudi s time složiti. No isto tako, mnogo ih je koji se plaše tog pristupa.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Ja svim srcem podupirem taj pristup i užasno ga se bojim.
\emph{John Zerzan}: Da, pomalo je zastrašujuć\dots{} Kad to odlučimo, mislim da slijedeće pitanje – koje bi zbog određenih razloga moglo biti i prvo – glasi: \emph{što treba učiniti da se oslobodimo terora potrošačke kulture u kojoj su jedini preostali izbori i zadovoljstva oni koje pruža trošenje}? Ili možemo pitanje drugačije postaviti: \emph{zašto neki ljudi već ukazuju na besmislenost i ispraznost potrošačke kulture}? \emph{Zašto se snimaju filmovi poput} Kluba boraca, \emph{koji je krajnje protu-potrošački.} Središnja poruka tog filma je nevjerojatna. Ne kažem da film nema manjkavosti, ali jasno daje do znanja da je život, u kojem je trošenje jedino zadovoljstvo, potpuno nesretan i apsurdan.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Porazgovarajmo o nasilju\dots{} Što mislite, koliko će nasilja biti nužno – mrzim rabiti tu riječ jer se nasilje često opravdava nužnošću – da se sruši civilizacija?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Iskreno se nadam da je prevladavajući ustroj bliže svojemu kraju nego što mi to možemo misliti. Ako samo otkrijemo gdje treba stisnuti, možda shvatimo da je zapravo puno nestabilniji nego što nam se to sada čini. Čini mi se, stoga, da nije isključeno da bi se pod pravim pritiskom na pravim mjestima – pri čemu uopće ne govorim o nasilju – čitava stvar mogla urušiti. Više nisam baš uvjeren da civilizacija ima osobito čvrst oslonac, pa i njezino rušenje ne bi trebalo biti osobito nasilno.
\emph{Derrick Jensen}: Želim da tu budemo sasvim jasni. Mislite li da će se sustav sam urušiti ili bismo ga trebali pogurnuti? A ako već trebamo gurati, možete li reći gdje?
\emph{John Zerzan}: Mislim da se, na žalost, neće sam urušiti. Ali uvjeren sam, kao što rekoh, da je sustav samo ljuštura čiji temelj polako truli. Stoga je pitanje gdje udariti uistinu dobro i ključno. Ja bih ga obrnuo i pitao: gdje ne udariti? Sustav je toliko razoran, dostojan prijezira i dokinuća da ne znam niti jedan njegov dio koji bi vrijedilo sačuvati. To shvaćanje – i shvaćanje da ovaj sustav ubija planet – uistinu će vas osloboditi da djelujete na prikladan i učinkovit način.
\begin{flushright}
1998-2000.
\end{flushright}
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% the page would be odd on an even one.
\ifthispageodd{\strut\thispagestyle{empty}\clearpage}{}
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\thispagestyle{empty}
\begin{center}
Anarhistička biblioteka
\smallskip
Anti-Copyright
\bigskip
\includegraphics[width=0.25\textwidth]{logo-yu}
\bigskip
\end{center}
\strut
\vfill
\begin{center}
John Zerzan
Državni neprijatelj
Razgovor s Derrickom Jensenom
1998-2000.
\bigskip
„Enemy of the State: An Interview with John Zerzan“, The Sun, 1998; Alternative Press Review, 2000. John Zerzan, \emph{Running on Emptiness: The Pathology of Civilization}, Feral House 2002.
Preveo Višeslav Kirinić, 2004. Preuzeto iz John Zerzan: \emph{Anarhoprimitivizam protiv civilizacije}, Naklada Jesenski i Turk, Zagreb, 2004.
\bigskip
\textbf{anarhisticka-biblioteka.net}
\end{center}
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\end{document}
|
http://dlmf.nist.gov/10.41.E12.tex | nist.gov | CC-MAIN-2017-17 | application/x-tex | null | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-17/segments/1492917120001.0/warc/CC-MAIN-20170423031200-00132-ip-10-145-167-34.ec2.internal.warc.gz | 107,891,517 | 707 | \[\mathop{I_{\nu}\/}\nolimits\!\left(\nu z\right)=\frac{e^{\nu\eta}}{(2\pi\nu)^{%
\frac{1}{2}}(1+z^{2})^{\frac{1}{4}}}\left(\sum_{k=0}^{\ell-1}\frac{U_{k}(p)}{%
\nu^{k}}+\mathop{O\/}\nolimits\left(\frac{1}{z^{\ell}}\right)\right),\] |
http://dlmf.nist.gov/5.9.E9.tex | nist.gov | CC-MAIN-2017-22 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-22/segments/1495463607998.27/warc/CC-MAIN-20170525044605-20170525064605-00350.warc.gz | 100,442,496 | 679 | \[\mathop{\Gamma\/}\nolimits\!\left(1+\frac{1}{n}\right)\mathop{\sin\/}\nolimits%
\!\left(\frac{\pi}{2n}\right)=\int_{0}^{\infty}\mathop{\sin\/}\nolimits\!\left%
(t^{n}\right)\mathrm{d}t,\] |
https://www.apmep.fr/IMG/tex/STI_electro_Metro_sept_1999.tex | apmep.fr | CC-MAIN-2021-49 | text/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-49/segments/1637964363598.57/warc/CC-MAIN-20211208205849-20211208235849-00143.warc.gz | 679,888,115 | 3,780 | \documentclass[10pt]{article}
\usepackage[T1]{fontenc}
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\usepackage[normalem]{ulem}
\usepackage{fourier}
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\def\Ouv{$\left(\text{O}~;~\overrightarrow{u},~\overrightarrow{v}\right)$}
\usepackage{fancyhdr}
\usepackage[french]{babel}
\usepackage[np]{numprint}
\begin{document}
\setlength\parindent{0mm}
\rhead{A. P{}. M. E. P{}.}
\lhead{\small Baccalauréat STI Génie électronique}
\lfoot{\small{Métropole}}
\rfoot{\small{septembre 1999}}
\pagestyle{fancy}
\thispagestyle{empty}
\begin{center} \textbf{\Large\decofourleft~Baccalauréat STI Métropole septembre 1999~\decofourright\\[4pt]Génie électronique} \end{center}
\vspace{0,5cm}
Durée : 4 heures \hfill Coefficient : 4
\vspace{1cm}
\textbf{\textsc{Exercice 1} \hfill 5 points}
\medskip
\parbox{0,48\linewidth}{Un circuit comprend en série un générateur de force électromotrice E, une bobine d'inductance L et une résis-
tance R.
L'intensité du courant électrique $i$, exprimée en ampères, est fonction du temps $t$, exprimé en secondes, et est solution de l'équation différentielle (1) :} \hfill
\parbox{0,48\linewidth}{\psset{unit=1cm}\begin{pspicture}(-0.5,0)(5,3.5)
\pnode(0,0){A}\pnode(5,0){B}\pnode(5,3){C}\pnode(0,3){D}
\resistor(A)(D){E} \coil(A)(B){L}\resistor(B)(C){R}\wire(C)(D)
\end{pspicture}}
\medskip
\[\text{L}i'(t) + \text{R} i(t) = \text{E}.\]
On donne L = 0,2~H ; R $= 100~\Omega$ ; E = 10~V.
\medskip
\begin{enumerate}
\item Écrire l'équation différentielle (1) en remplaçant L, R et E par leurs valeurs.
\item Résoudre l'équation différentielle (2) : $\dfrac{1}{5}y' + 100y = 0$.
\item Vérifier que la fonction $i$ définie sur $\R$ par $i(t) = - \dfrac{1}{10}\text{e}^{- 500t} + \dfrac{1}{10}$ est solution de l'équation différentielle (1).
\item Étudier sur l'intervalle $[0~ ;~+ \infty[$ les variations de la fonction $i$ définie à la question 3.
Dresser le tableau de variations de $i$ sur l'intervalle $[0~ ;~+ \infty[$ ; préciser la limite de $i$ en $+ \infty$.
\item Déterminer par le calcul l'instant $t_{1} $ à partir duquel l'intensité $i(t)$ sera supérieure à $0,095$~A.
En donner la valeur exacte puis la valeur décimale approchée à $10^{-3}$ près par excès.
\end{enumerate}
\vspace{0,5cm}
\textbf{\textsc{Exercice 2} \hfill 5 points}
\medskip
Le plan est rapporté à un repère orthonormal \Ouv{} d'unité graphique 2~cm.
\medskip
\begin{enumerate}
\item Soit A le point d'affixe: $z_{\text{A}} = 1 - \text{i} \sqrt{3}$.
Calculer le module et un argument de $z_{\text{A}}$. En déduire la forme exponentielle du nombre complexe $z_{\text{A}}$. Placer le point A avec précision dans le repère \Ouv.
\item Soit B l'image du point A par la rotation de centre 0 et d'angle $- \dfrac{\pi}{3}$. On appelle $z_{\text{B}}$ l'affixe du point B.
Calculer $z_{\text{B}}$ sous forme exponentielle puis sous forme algébrique.
Placer le point B avec précision dans le repère \Ouv.
\item Quelle est la nature du triangle AOB ?
\item Soit C l'image du point A par la rotation de centre O et d'angle $\dfrac{\pi}{4}$ et $z_{\text{C}}$ son affixe.
\begin{enumerate}
\item Placer le point C avec précision dans le repère \Ouv.
\item Calculer $z_{\text{C}}$ sous forme exponentielle.
\item Montrer que $z_{\text{C}} = z_{\text{A}}\left(\dfrac{\sqrt{2}}{2} + \text{i}\dfrac{\sqrt{2}}{2}\right)$· En déduire une forme algébrique de $z_{\text{C}}$.
\item Déduire des résultats précédents les valeurs exactes de $\cos \dfrac{\pi}{12}$ et de $\sin \dfrac{\pi}{12}$.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\vspace{0,5cm}
\textbf{\textsc{Problème} \hfill 10 points}
\bigskip
\parbox{0.55\linewidth}{La figure ci-contre représente la voile d'un bateau constituée par la réunion des parties P et T. Les distances sont exprimées en dm et le repère est orthonormal.
La Courbe $\Gamma$ représente la fonction $g$ définie sur l'intervalle $[0~;~+ \infty[$ par :
$g(x) = x + \dfrac{\np{5000}x}{x^2 + \np{2500}}$. La droite $\Delta$
a pour équation $y = x$.}
\hfill
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\begin{pspicture}(-20,-20)(170,130)
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\medskip
$a$ étant un nombre appartenant à l'intervalle $[50~;~100]$ :
\setlength\parindent{5mm}
\begin{itemize}
\item[$\bullet~$] P est l'ensemble des points dont les coordonnées $(x~;~ y)$ vérifient $0 \leqslant x \leqslant a$
et $x \leqslant y \leqslant g(x)$ ;
\item[$\bullet~$] T est l'ensemble des points dont les coordonnées $(x~;~ y)$ vérifient $0 \leqslant x \leqslant a$ et $0 \leqslant y \leqslant x$. La droite $d$ d'équation $x = a$ coupe l'axe des abscisses, la droite $\Delta$ et la courbe $\Gamma$ respectivement aux points A, B et C.
\end{itemize}
\setlength\parindent{0mm}
\medskip
Le but du problème est de déterminer, si elle existe, la valeur de $a$ pour laquelle les aires de P et de T sont égales.
\medskip
\textbf{Partie A}
\medskip
On considère la fonction $h$ définie sur l'intervalle $[0~;~+ \infty[$ par $h(x) = g(x) - x$.
\begin{enumerate}
\item Déterminer la limite en $+ \infty$ de la fonction $h$. Que représente la droite $\Delta$ pour la courbe $\Gamma$ ?
\item En utilisant le signe de $h(x)$ étudier la position relative de la courbe $\Gamma$ et de la droite $\Delta$.
\end{enumerate}
\medskip
\textbf{Partie B}
\medskip
On rappelle que la fonction $h$ est définie par: $h(x) = \dfrac{\np{5000}x}{x^2 + \np{2500}}$.
\begin{enumerate}
\item Déterminer une primitive $H$ de la fonction $h$ sur l'intervalle $[0~;~+ \infty[$.
\item Montrer que l'aire $\mathcal{A}(a)$ de la partie P est :
\[\mathcal{A}(a) = \np{2500}\left[\ln \left(a^2 + \np{2500}\right) - \ln \np{2500}\right].\]
\item Calculer, en fonction de $a$, l'aire $\mathcal{B}(a)$ de la partie T.
\end{enumerate}
\medskip
\textbf{Partie B}
\medskip
Soit $f$ la fonction définie sur l'intervalle $[0~;~+ \infty[$ par :
\[f(x) = \np{2500} \ln \left(x^2 + \np{2500}\right) - \np{2500} \ln \np{2500} - \dfrac{1}{2} x^2.\]
\begin{enumerate}
\item
\begin{enumerate}
\item Déterminer la fonction dérivée $f'$ de $f$ sur l'intervalle $[0~;~+ \infty[$.
\item Dresser le tableau de variations de la fonction $f$. (on admettra que la limite en $+\infty$ de $f$ est $- \infty$.)
\item Dans le repère orthogonal \Oij{} (unités graphiques : 1~cm pour 10~ dm sur l'axe des abscisses et 1~cm pour 50~ dm$^2$ sur l'axe des ordonnées), construire la représentation graphique de la fonction $f$.
\end{enumerate}
\item
\begin{enumerate}
\item Montrer que sur l'intervalle $[50~;~100]$ l'équation $f(x) = 0$ a une unique solution, notée $\alpha$. Déterminer un intervalle d'amplitude $10^{-1}$ contenant le réel $\alpha$.
\item Quelle est l'interprétation géométrique de ce nombre $\alpha$ ?
\item Déterminer alors une valeur décimale approchée de l'aire de chacune des parties P et T en prenant 79,3 comme valeur décimale approchée de $\alpha$.
\end{enumerate}
\end{enumerate}
\end{document} |
http://dlmf.nist.gov/13.10.E12.tex | nist.gov | CC-MAIN-2016-50 | application/x-tex | null | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2016-50/segments/1480698542939.6/warc/CC-MAIN-20161202170902-00229-ip-10-31-129-80.ec2.internal.warc.gz | 74,818,505 | 695 | \[\int_{0}^{\infty}\mathop{\cos\/}\nolimits\!\left(2xt\right)\mathop{{\mathbf{M}%
}\/}\nolimits\!\left(a,b,-t^{2}\right)dt=\frac{\sqrt{\pi}}{2\mathop{\Gamma\/}%
\nolimits\!\left(a\right)}x^{2a-1}e^{-x^{2}}\mathop{U\/}\nolimits\!\left(b-%
\tfrac{1}{2},a+\tfrac{1}{2},x^{2}\right),\] |
https://unilab.gbb60166.jp/prekou/tex/3kake2_1.tex | gbb60166.jp | CC-MAIN-2022-05 | application/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-05/segments/1642320305420.54/warc/CC-MAIN-20220128043801-20220128073801-00679.warc.gz | 636,616,712 | 3,992 | %
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\title{プレ小算数科}\author{gbb60166}
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}
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\begin{minipage}[t]{0.56\textwidth}
\only<2>{\hspace*{-1zw}\ajRightHand \kana{位}{くらい}をたてにそろえて書く。}
\only<3-5>{\hspace*{-1zw}\ajRightHand \textcolor{CUDGreen}{一の位}から計算する。}
\only<4-5>{\( 3\times4=\textcolor{CUDRed}{1}2 \)}
\only<5>{\textcolor{CUDGreen}{十の位}に\textcolor{CUDRed}{\ajMaru{1}}くり上げる。}
\only<6-9>{\hspace*{-1zw}\ajRightHand 次に\textcolor{CUDGreen}{十の位}を計算する。}
\only<7-9>{\( 3\times5=15 \)}
\only<8-9>{\( \phantom{3\times5=\;}15+\textcolor{CUDRed}{\mbox{\ajMaru{1}}}=\textcolor{CUDBlue}{1}6 \)}
\only<9>{\textcolor{CUDGreen}{百の位}に\textcolor{CUDBlue}{\ajMaru{1}}くり上げる。}
\only<10-13>{\hspace*{-1zw}\ajRightHand 次に\textcolor{CUDGreen}{百の位}を計算する。}
\only<11-13>{\( 3\times1=3 \)}
\only<12-13>{\( \phantom{3\times1=\;}3+\textcolor{CUDBlue}{\mbox{\ajMaru{1}}}=4 \)}
\only<14-16>{\hspace*{-1zw}\ajRightHand 次に\textcolor{CUDGreen}{十の位}と
\textcolor{CUDGreen}{一の位}を計算する。}
\only<15>{\( 2\times4=8 \)}
\only<17-19>{\hspace*{-1zw}\ajRightHand 次に\textcolor{CUDGreen}{十の位}と
\textcolor{CUDGreen}{十の位}を計算する。}
\only<18-19>{\( 2\times5=\textcolor{CUDCyan}{1}0 \)}
\only<19>{\textcolor{CUDCyan}{\ajMaru{1}}くり上げる。}
\only<20-23>{\hspace*{-1zw}\ajRightHand 次に\textcolor{CUDGreen}{十の位}と
\textcolor{CUDGreen}{百の位}を計算する。}
\only<21-23>{\( 2\times1=2 \)}
\only<22-23>{\( \phantom{2\times1=\;}2+\textcolor{CUDCyan}{\mbox{\ajMaru{1}}}=3 \)}
\only<24-30>{\hspace*{-1zw}\ajRightHand 最後にたし算をする。}
\only<24>{\hspace*{-1zw}(間違えないように、くり上がりの数字は消す)}
\only<26-27>{\( 6+8=\textcolor{CUDOrange}{1}4 \)}
\only<27>{\textcolor{CUDOrange}{\ajMaru{1}}くり上げる。}
\only<28-29>{\( 4+0+\textcolor{CUDOrange}{\mbox{\ajMaru{1}}}=5 \)}
\only<31->{こたえは $3542$}
\end{minipage}
\end{frame}
%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%%
\end{document}
%■■■■■■■■■■■■■ 完成品 ■■■■■■■■■■■■■■
\end{document}
\textcolor{CUDRed}{
|
http://git.asterisk.org/gitweb/?p=asterisk/asterisk.git;a=blob_plain;f=doc/tex/hardware.tex;hb=d0a4fac1b32e7694615633ffb27e038da9b6bc31 | asterisk.org | CC-MAIN-2020-45 | text/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-45/segments/1603107916776.80/warc/CC-MAIN-20201031062721-20201031092721-00015.warc.gz | 39,583,550 | 2,033 | \subsection{Introduction}
A PBX is only really useful if you can get calls into it. Of course, you
can use Asterisk with VoIP calls (SIP, H.323, IAX, etc.), but you can also
talk to the real PSTN through various cards.
Supported Hardware is divided into two general groups: Zaptel devices and
non-zaptel devices. The Zaptel compatible hardware supports pseudo-TDM
conferencing and all call features through chan\_zap, whereas non-zaptel
compatible hardware may have different features.
\subsection{Zaptel compatible hardware}
\begin{itemize}
\item Digium, Inc. (Primary Developer of Asterisk)
\url{http://www.digium.com}
\begin{itemize}
\item Analog Interfaces
\begin{itemize}
\item TDM400P - The TDM400P is a half-length PCI 2.2-compliant card that supports FXS and FXO station interfaces for connecting analog telephones and analog POTS lines through a PC.
\item TDM800P - The TDM800P is a half-length PCI 2.2-compliant, 8 port card using Digium's VoiceBus technology that supports FXS and FXO station interfaces for connecting analog telephones and analog POTS lines through a PC.
\item TDM2400P - The TDM2400P is a full-length PCI 2.2-compliant card for connecting analog telephones and analog POTS lines through a PC. It supports a combination of up to 6 FXS and/or FXO modules for a total of 24 lines.
\end{itemize}
\item Digital Interfaces
\begin{itemize}
\item TE412P - The TE412P offers an on-board DSP-based echo cancellation module. It supports E1, T1, and J1 environments and is selectable on a per-card or per-port basis.
\item TE410P - The TE410P improves performance and scalability through bus mastering architecture. It supports E1, T1, and J1 environments and is selectable on a per-card or per-port basis.
\item TE407P - The TE407P offers an on-board DSP-based echo cancellation module. It supports E1, T1, and J1 environments and is selectable on a per-card or per-port basis.
\item TE405P - The TE405P improves performance and scalability through bus mastering architecture. It supports both E1, T1, J1 environments and is selectable on a per-card or per-port basis.
\item TE212P - The TE212P offers an on-board DSP-based echo cancellation module. It supports E1, T1, and J1 environments and is selectable on a per-card or per-port basis.
\item TE210P - The TE210P improves performance and scalability through bus mastering architecture. It supports E1, T1, and J1 environments and is selectable on a per-card or per-port basis.
\item TE207P - The TE207P offers an on-board DSP-based echo cancellation module. It supports E1, T1, and J1 environments and is selectable on a per-card or per-port basis.
\item TE205P - The TE205P improves performance and scalability through bus mastering architecture. It supports both E1 and T1/J1 environments and is selectable on a per-card or per-port basis.
\item TE120P - The TE120P is a single span, selectable T1, E1, or J1 card and utilizes Digium's VoiceBus\texttrademark technology. It supports both voice and data modes.
\item TE110P - The TE110P brings a high-performance, cost-effective, and flexible single span togglable T1, E1, J1 interface to the Digium line-up of telephony interface devices.
\end{itemize}
\end{itemize}
\end{itemize}
\subsection{Non-zaptel compatible hardware}
\begin{itemize}
\item QuickNet, Inc.
\url{http://www.quicknet.net}
\begin{itemize}
\item Internet PhoneJack - Single FXS interface. Supports Linux telephony
interface. DSP compression built-in.
\item Internet LineJack - Single FXS or FXO interface. Supports Linux
telephony interface.
\end{itemize}
\end{itemize}
\subsection{mISDN compatible hardware}
mISDN homepage: \url{http://www.misdn.org/}
Any adapter with an mISDN driver should be compatible with
chan\_misdn. See the mISDN section for more information.
\begin{itemize}
\item Digium, Inc. (Primary Developer of Asterisk)
\url{http://www.digium.com}
\begin{itemize}
\item B410P - 4 Port BRI card (TE/NT)
\end{itemize}
\end{itemize}
\begin{itemize}
\item beroNet
\url{http://www.beronet.com}
\begin{itemize}
\item BN4S0 - 4 Port BRI card (TE/NT)
\item BN8S0 - 8 Port BRI card (TE/NT)
\item Billion Card - Single Port BRI card (TE (/NT with crossed cable))
\end{itemize}
\end{itemize}
\subsection{Miscellaneous other interfaces}
\begin{itemize}
\item Digium, Inc. (Primary Developer of Asterisk)
\begin{itemize}
\item TC400B - The TC400B is a half-length, low-profile PCI 2.2-compliant card for transforming complex VoIP codecs (G.729) into simple codecs.
\end{itemize}
\item ALSA
\url{http://www.alsa-project.org}
\begin{itemize}
\item Any ALSA compatible full-duplex sound card
\end{itemize}
\item OSS
\url{http://www.opensound.com}
\begin{itemize}
\item Any OSS compatible full-duplex sound card
\end{itemize}
\end{itemize}
|
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http://cda.psych.uiuc.edu/multivariate_fall_2011/multivariate_notes_2011.lof | uiuc.edu | CC-MAIN-2018-17 | unk | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-17/segments/1524125945459.17/warc/CC-MAIN-20180421223015-20180422003015-00631.warc.gz | 54,474,663 | 691 | \contentsline {figure}{\numberline {1}{\ignorespaces Two vectors plotted in two-dimensional space}}{15}
\contentsline {figure}{\numberline {2}{\ignorespaces Illustration of projecting one vector onto another}}{16}
|
https://dlmf.nist.gov/10.40.E6.tex | nist.gov | CC-MAIN-2022-21 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-21/segments/1652662550298.31/warc/CC-MAIN-20220522220714-20220523010714-00067.warc.gz | 255,878,417 | 755 | \[I_{\nu}\left(z\right)K_{\nu}\left(z\right)\sim\frac{1}{2z}\left(1-\frac{1}{2}%
\frac{\mu-1}{(2z)^{2}}+\frac{1\cdot 3}{2\cdot 4}\frac{(\mu-1)(\mu-9)}{(2z)^{4}%
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\bibitem{Ekman_etal2017} Ekman, R., Asenjo, F. A., \& Zamanian, J. (2017). Relativistic kinetic equation for spin-1/2 particles in the long-scale-length approximation. \textit{Phys. Rev. E}, \textit{96}(2), 8 pp.
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https://ejde.math.txstate.edu/Volumes/2017/26/sat.tex | txstate.edu | CC-MAIN-2019-13 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2019-13/segments/1552912206016.98/warc/CC-MAIN-20190326200359-20190326222359-00481.warc.gz | 473,724,387 | 8,149 | \documentclass[reqno]{amsart}
\usepackage{hyperref}
\AtBeginDocument{{\noindent\small
\emph{Electronic Journal of Differential Equations},
Vol. 2017 (2017), No. 26, pp. 1--7.\newline
ISSN: 1072-6691. URL: http://ejde.math.txstate.edu or http://ejde.math.unt.edu}
\thanks{\copyright 2017 Texas State University.}
\vspace{8mm}}
\begin{document}
\title[\hfilneg EJDE-2017/26\hfil Inverse problems for Sturm-Liouville operators]
{Inverse problems for Sturm-Liouville operators with boundary
conditions depending on a spectral parameter}
\author[M. Sat \hfil EJDE-2017/26\hfilneg]
{Murat Sat}
\address{Murat Sat \newline
Department of Mathematics,
Faculty of Science and Art,
Erzincan University,
Erzincan, 24100, Turkey}
\email{murat\[email protected]}
\dedicatory{Communicated by Ira Herbst}
\thanks{Submitted May 5, 2016. Published January 24, 2017.}
\subjclass[2010]{34B05, 34L20, 47E05}
\keywords{Inverse problem; uniqueness theorem; eigenvalue;
spectral parameter}
\begin{abstract}
In this article, we study the inverse problem for Sturm-Liouville
operators with boundary conditions dependent on the spectral
parameter. We show that the potential $q(x)$ and coefficient
$\frac{a_1\lambda +b_1}{c_1\lambda +d_1}$ functions can be uniquely
determined from the particular set of eigenvalues.
\end{abstract}
\maketitle
\numberwithin{equation}{section}
\newtheorem{theorem}{Theorem}[section]
\newtheorem{lemma}[theorem]{Lemma}
\allowdisplaybreaks
\section{Introduction}
The theory of inverse problem for differential operators takes an important
position in the trend development of the spectral theory of linear
operators. Inverse problems of spectral analysis consist in recovering
operators from their spectral characteristics
\cite{a1,b5,g2,h1,l1,p1}.
Such problems often come along in mathematical physics, mechanics,
electronics, geophysics and other branches of natural sciences. The inverse
problem of a regular Sturm-Liouville operator was studied firstly by
Ambarzumyan in 1929 \cite{a2} and secondly by Borg in 1945 \cite{b5}.
From then on, Borg's result has been extended to various versions.
McLaughlin and Rundell in 1986 \cite{m1}, established a new uniqueness
theorem for the inverse Sturm-Liouville problem. They showed that the
measurement of a particular set of eigenvalues was sufficient to define the
obscure potential functions.
They considered the eigenvalue problem
\begin{gather*}
y''+( \lambda -q( x) ) y=\lambda y, \quad 0<x<1, \\
y(0,\lambda )=0,\quad y'(\pi ,\lambda )+H_ky(\pi ,\lambda )=0.
\end{gather*}
They indicated that the spectral knowledge, for a constant index $n$
$(n=0,1,2,\dots )$, $\{ \lambda _n(q,H_k)\} _{k=1}^{+\infty }$
is equivalent to two spectra of boundary value problems with the equation
and the first initial situation (one common boundary situation at $x=0)$ and
the second boundary situation (two different boundary conditions at $x=\pi$).
In \cite{m1} the spectral data was handled by the Hochstadt and Lieberman
method \cite{h2}. Wang \cite{w1,w2} discussed the inverse
problem for uncertain Sturm-Liouville operators on the finite interval
$[ a,b] $ and diffusion operators. Here, we consider
inverse spectral problems for Sturm Liouville operators with boundary
conditions dependent on the spectral parameter with the above spectral
knowledge. As far as we know, inverse spectral problems for Sturm
Liouville operators with boundary conditions depending on the spectral
parameter have not been studied with the spectral data before.
Eigenvalue dependent boundary conditions have been studied extensively.
References \cite{b1,b2,b3,b4,b6,f1,f3,g1} are
well known examples for problems with boundary conditions depending linearly on
the eigenvalue parameter. Recently inverse problems according to various
spectral knowledge for eigenparameter linearly dependent Sturm-Liouville
operator have been studied in \cite{b7,f2,g3,o1,w3,w4,w5,y1}.
We consider the Sturm-Liouville operator $L:=L( q,H_k) $
defined by
\begin{equation}
Ly\equiv -y''+q( x) y=\lambda y,\quad 0\leq x\leq \pi , \label{3}
\end{equation}
with boundary conditions dependent on the spectral parameter
\begin{equation}
( a_1\lambda +b_1) y(0,\lambda )-( c_1\lambda
+d_1) y'(0,\lambda )=0, \label{4}
\end{equation}
\begin{equation}
y'(\pi ,\lambda )+H_ky(\pi ,\lambda )=0. \label{5}
\end{equation}
Also we consider the Sturm-Liouville operator
$\widetilde{L}:=\widetilde{L} ( \widetilde{q},H_k) $ defined by
\begin{equation}
\widetilde{L}y\equiv -\widetilde{y}''+\widetilde{q}(
x) \widetilde{y}=\lambda \widetilde{y},\text{ }(0\leq x\leq \pi ),~
\label{6}
\end{equation}
with boundary conditions depending on the spectral parameter
\begin{gather}
( \widetilde{a}_1\lambda +\widetilde{b}_1) \widetilde{y}
(0,\lambda )-( \widetilde{c}_1\lambda +\widetilde{d}_1)
\widetilde{y}'(0,\lambda )=0, \label{7} \\
\widetilde{y}'(\pi ,\lambda )+H_k\widetilde{y}(\pi ,\lambda )=0,\label{8}
\end{gather}
where $a_1,b_1,c_1,d_1,\widetilde{a}_1,\widetilde{b}_1,
\widetilde{c}_1,\widetilde{d}_1,H_k\in \mathbb{R}$, such that
$\delta _1=a_1d_1-b_1c_1<0$,
$\widetilde{\delta }_1=\widetilde{a}_1\widetilde{d}_1
-\widetilde{b}_1\widetilde{c}_1<0$, $0<H_1<H_2<\dots <H_k<H_{k+1}<\dots <H_{0}$,
the potentials $q(x)$ and $\widetilde{q}( x)$ are real valued functions,
$q(x),\widetilde{q}( x) \in L^{1}[0,\pi ] $ and $\lambda $
is a spectral parameter.
For the boundary-value problem \eqref{3}-\eqref{5} with coefficient
$H=-\frac{( a_2\lambda +b_2) }{( c_2\lambda +d_2) }$ where
$c_2\neq 0$ and $d_2\neq 0$, instead of $H_k$
describes the actual background of Sturm Liouville operators with boundary
conditions dependent on a spectral parameter; see \cite{f3}.
In this article, we construct a uniqueness theorem for Sturm-Liouville operators with
boundary conditions depending on the spectral parameter on the finite
interval $[0,\pi]$. i.e. for a constant
index $n\in\mathbb{N}$, we demonstrate that if the spectral set
$\{ \lambda_n(q,H_k)\} _{k=1}^{+\infty }$ for different $H_k$ can be
restrained, then the spectral set
$\{ \lambda _n(q,H_k)\}_{k=1}^{+\infty }$ is sufficient to define the
potential $q(x)$ and coefficient $\frac{a_1\lambda +b_1}{c_1\lambda +d_1}$ of the
boundary condition. The techniques used here will be adopted from
\cite{h2,m1,w5}.
\begin{lemma}[\cite{b2,w5}]\label{lem1.1}
Eigenvalues $\lambda _n$ $( n\neq 0) $ of the boundary-value problem
\eqref{3}-\eqref{5} for coefficient
$H=H_k=-\frac{( a_2\lambda+b_2) }{( c_2\lambda +d_2) }$ in \eqref{5} are roots
of \eqref{5} and satisfy the asymptotic formula
\begin{equation}
\sqrt{\lambda _n}=n+[ 1+O( \frac{1}{n}) ] .\label{9}
\end{equation}
\end{lemma}
\begin{lemma}[\cite{w5}] \label{lem1.2}
The solution to the \eqref{3} with the initial conditions
$y(0,\lambda )=(c_1\lambda +d_1) $ and
$y'(0,\lambda )=(a_1\lambda +b_1) $ is
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
y(x,\lambda )
&=( c_1\lambda +d_1) \Big[ \cos \sqrt{\lambda}x
+\int_{0}^{x}A(x,t)\cos \sqrt{\lambda }t\,dt\Big] \\
&\quad +( a_1\lambda +b_1) \Big[ \sin \frac{\sqrt{\lambda }x}{
\sqrt{\lambda }}+\frac{1}{\sqrt{\lambda }}\int_{0}^{x}B(x,t)\sin \sqrt{
\lambda }t\,dt\Big]
\end{aligned} \label{y}
\end{equation}
where the kernel $A(x,t)$ satisfies
\begin{equation*}
\frac{\partial ^{2}A(x,t)}{\partial x^{2}}-q( x) A(x,t)=\frac{
\partial ^{2}A(x,t)}{\partial t^{2}},
\end{equation*}
where $q( x) =2\frac{dA( x,x) }{dx}$, $A(
0,0) =h$, $\frac{\partial A(x,t)}{\partial t}\big| _{t=0}=0$;
and the kernel $B(x,t)$ satisfies
\begin{equation*}
\frac{\partial ^{2}B(x,t)}{\partial x^{2}}-q( x) B(x,t)=\frac{
\partial ^{2}B(x,t)}{\partial t^{2}}
\end{equation*}
where $q( x) =2\frac{dB( x,x) }{dx}$, $B(x,0) =0$.
\end{lemma}
\section{Main results and their proofs}
\begin{theorem} \label{thm2.1}
Let $\sigma ( L_{k_{j}}) :=\{ \lambda_n(q,H_{k_{j}})\} $ $( j=1,2) $
be the spectrum of the boundary value problem \eqref{3}-\eqref{5}
with coefficient $H_{k_{j}}$. If $H_{k_1}\neq H_{k_2}$, then
\begin{equation}
\sigma ( L_{k_1}) \cap \sigma ( L_{k_2}) =\emptyset \label{x}
\end{equation}
where $k_{j}\in \mathbb{N}$, and $\emptyset $ denotes an empty set.
\end{theorem}
\begin{lemma} \label{lem2.1}
Let $\lambda _n(q,H_k)$ be the $n$-th eigenvalue of the boundary-value
problem \eqref{3}-\eqref{5}. Then the spectral set
$\{ \lambda_n(q,H_k)\} _{k=1}^{+\infty }$ is a bounded infinite set, where
$0<H_1<H_2<\dots <H_k<H_{k+1}<\dots <H_{0}$.
\end{lemma}
The above Lemma carries a significant part in the proof of the next theorem.
\begin{theorem} \label{thm2.2}
Let $\lambda _n(q,H_k)$ be the $n$-th eigenvalue of the boundary-value
problem \eqref{3}-\eqref{5} and $\lambda _n(\widetilde{q},H_k)$ be the
$n$-th eigenvalue of the boundary-value problem \eqref{6}-\eqref{8}, for a
constant index $n( n\in \mathbb{N}) $.
If $\lambda _n(q,H_k)=\lambda _n(\widetilde{q},H_k)$ for all $k\in\mathbb{N}$,
then
\begin{gather*}
q(x)=\widetilde{q}(x) \text{a.e. on } [ 0,\pi ], \\
\frac{\widetilde{a}_1\lambda +\widetilde{b}_1}{\widetilde{c}_1\lambda +
\widetilde{d}_1}=\frac{a_1\lambda +b_1}{c_1\lambda +d_1},\quad
\forall \lambda \in C.
\end{gather*}
\end{theorem}
\begin{proof}[Proof of Theorem \ref{thm2.1}]
Suppose the argument of Theorem \ref{thm2.1} is false.
Then there exists $\lambda _{n_1}(H_{k_1})=\lambda _{n_2}(H_{k_2})\in\mathbb{R}$,
where $\lambda _{n_{j}}(H_{k_{j}})\in \sigma ( L_{k_{j}}) $ for
$j=1,2$ and $n_{j}\in\mathbb{N}$.
Let $y_{k_{j}}( x,\lambda _{n_{j}}(H_{k_{j}})) $ be the solution of
\eqref{3}-\eqref{5} with the eigenvalue $\lambda _{n_{j}}(H_{k_{j}})$ and
satisfy the initial conditions
$y_{k_{j}}(0,\lambda _{n_{j}}(H_{k_{j}}))=(c_1\lambda +d_1) $ and
$y_{k_{j}}'(0,\lambda_{n_{j}}(H_{k_{j}}))=( a_1\lambda +b_1) $. For a fixed index
$n$, we have
\begin{equation}
-y_{k_1}''( x,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1})
) +q(x)y_{k_1}( x,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1}))
=\lambda _{n_1}(H_{k_1})y_{k_1}( x,\lambda _{n_1}(H_{k_1}) ) \label{40}
\end{equation}
and
\begin{equation}
-y_{k_2}''( x,\lambda _{n_2}( H_{k_2})
) +q(x)y_{k_2}( x,\lambda _{n_2}( H_{k_2})
) =\lambda _{n_2}(H_{k_2})y_{k_2}( x,\lambda _{n_2}(
H_{k_2}) ) . \label{41}
\end{equation}
By multiplying \eqref{40} by
$y_{k_2}( x,\lambda _{n_2}(H_{k_2}) ) $ and \eqref{41} by $y_{k_1}( x,\lambda
_{n_1}( H_{k_1}) ) $ respectively and subtracting and
integrating from $0$ to $\pi $, we obtain
\begin{equation}
( y_{k_2}y_{k_1}'-y_{k_1}y_{k_2}') \big| _{0}^{\pi } =0. \label{42}
\end{equation}
Using the initial conditions, we obtain
\begin{equation}
y_{k_2}( \pi ,\lambda _{n_2}( H_{k_2}) )
y_{k_1}'( \pi ,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1})
) -y_{k_1}( \pi ,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1})
) y_{k_2}'( \pi ,\lambda _{n_2}(
H_{k_2}) ) =0. \label{43}
\end{equation}
On the other hand, we have the equality
\begin{equation} \label{44}
\begin{aligned}
&y_{k_2}( \pi ,\lambda _{n_2}( H_{k_2}) )
y_{k_1}'( \pi ,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1})
) -y_{k_1}( \pi ,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1})
) y_{k_2}'( \pi ,\lambda _{n_2}(
H_{k_2}) ) \\
&= y_{k_2}( \pi ,\lambda _{n_2}( H_{k_2}) )
[ y_{k_1}'( \pi ,\lambda _{n_1}(
H_{k_1}) ) +H_{k_1}y_{k_1}( \pi ,\lambda
_{n_1}( H_{k_1}) ) ] \\
&\quad -y_{k_1}( \pi ,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1}) )
[ y_{k_2}'( \pi ,\lambda _{n_2}(
H_{k_2}) ) +H_{k_2}y_{k_2}( \pi ,\lambda
_{n_2}( H_{k_2}) ) ] \\
&\quad +( H_{k_2}-H_{k_1}) y_{k_1}( \pi ,\lambda
_{n_1}( H_{k_1}) ) y_{k_2}( \pi ,\lambda
_{n_2}( H_{k_2}) ) \\
&=( H_{k_2}-H_{k_1}) y_{k_1}( \pi ,\lambda
_{n_1}( H_{k_1}) ) y_{k_2}( \pi ,\lambda
_{n_2}( H_{k_2}) ) .
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
Since $H_{k_2}-H_{k_1}\neq 0$, if $y_{k_1}( \pi ,\lambda
_{n_1}( H_{k_1}) ) y_{k_2}( \pi ,\lambda
_{n_2}( H_{k_2}) ) =0$, it follows that
\begin{equation}
y_{k_1}( \pi ,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1}) ) =0\text{
or }y_{k_2}( \pi ,\lambda _{n_2}( H_{k_2}) ) .
\label{45}
\end{equation}
By virtue of \eqref{45} together with \eqref{5}, this yields
\begin{equation}
y_{k_1}( \pi ,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1}) )
= y_{k_1}'( \pi ,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1})) =0 \label{46}
\end{equation}
or
\begin{equation}
y_{k_2}( \pi ,\lambda _{n_2}( H_{k_2}) )
=y_{k_2}'( \pi ,\lambda _{n_2}( H_{k_2})
) =0. \label{47}
\end{equation}
By \eqref{46} and \eqref{47}, this yields
\begin{equation}
y_{k_1}( x,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1}) ) =0\text{
or }y_{k_2}( x,\lambda _{n_2}( H_{k_2}) ) =0
\quad \text{on }[ 0,\pi ] , \label{48}
\end{equation}
This is impossible. Thus, we obtain
\begin{equation}
y_{k_2}( \pi ,\lambda _{n_2}( H_{k_2}) )
y_{k_1}'( \pi ,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1})
) -y_{k_1}( \pi ,\lambda _{n_1}( H_{k_1})
) y_{k_2}'( \pi ,\lambda _{n_2}(
H_{k_2}) ) \neq 0. \label{49}
\end{equation}
Clearly, this contradicts \eqref{43}; therefore \eqref{x}) holds.
The proof is complete.
\end{proof}
\begin{proof}[Proof of Lemma \ref{lem2.1}]
We will show that the following formula holds
\begin{equation}
\lambda _n(H_{0})<\dots <\lambda _n(H_{k+1})<\lambda _n(H_k)<\dots
<\lambda _n(H_1). \label{50}
\end{equation}
Let $y( x,\lambda _n(H)) $ be the solution of the boundary
value problem \eqref{3}-\eqref{5} of the eigenvalue $\lambda _n(H)$ and
satisfies the initial conditions $y(0,\lambda _n(H))=( c_1\lambda
+d_1) $ and $y'(0,\lambda _n(H))=( a_1\lambda
+b_1) $. We have
\begin{gather}
-y''( x,\lambda _n( H) ) +q(x)y(
x,\lambda _n( H) ) =\lambda _n( H) y(
x,\lambda _n( H) ) , \label{51} \\
\begin{aligned}
&-y''( x,\lambda _n( H+\Delta H) )
+q(x)y( x,\lambda _n( H+\Delta H) ) \\
&=\lambda_n( H+\Delta H) y( x,\lambda _n( H+\Delta H))
\end{aligned} \label{52}
\end{gather}
where $\Delta H$ is the enhancement of $H$.
Multiplying \eqref{51} by $y( x,\lambda _n( H+\Delta H) ) $ and
multiplying \eqref{52} by $y( x,\lambda _n( H) ) $ and
subtracting from each other and integrating from $0$ to $\pi $, we obtain
\begin{equation} \label{53}
\begin{aligned}
&\Delta \lambda _n(H)\int_{0}^{^{\pi }}y(x,\lambda _n(H))y(x,\lambda
_n(H+\Delta H))dx \\
&=\Delta Hy(\pi ,\lambda _n(H)y(\pi ,\lambda _n(H+\Delta H)),
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
where $\Delta \lambda _n( H) =\lambda _n( H+\Delta H) -\lambda _n( H)$.
It is well understood that $y( x,\lambda _n( H) ) $
and $\lambda _n( H) $ are real and continuous with respect to
$H$. Dividing \eqref{53} by $\Delta H$, and letting $\Delta H\to 0$
in \eqref{53}, we have
\begin{equation}
\frac{\partial \lambda _n(H)}{\partial H}\int_{0}^{^{\pi }}y^{2}(x,\lambda
_n(H))dx=y^{2}(\pi ,\lambda _n(H)). \label{54}
\end{equation}
If $y(\pi ,\lambda _n(H))=0$, then $y'(\pi ,\lambda _n(H))=0$.
By the uniqueness theorem, this yields
\[
y(x,\lambda _n(H))\equiv 0.
\]
This contradicts the eigenfunction $y(x,\lambda _n(H)\neq 0$
corresponding to eigenvalue $\lambda _n(H)$.
Hence $y^{2}(\pi ,\lambda_n(H))>0$ and
$\int_{0}^{^{\pi }}y^{2}(x,\lambda _n(H))dx>0$. From \eqref{54}, we have
\begin{equation*}
\frac{\partial \lambda _n(H)}{\partial H}>0.
\end{equation*}
This implies that \eqref{50} holds. Therefore the spectral set
$\{ \lambda_n(q,H_k)\} _{k=1}^{+\infty }$ is a bounded infinite set.
The proof is complete.
\end{proof}
Finally, using Theorem \ref{thm2.1}, Lemma \ref{lem2.1} and the properties of entire
functions, we show that Theorem \ref{thm2.2} holds.
\begin{proof}[Proof of Theorem \ref{thm2.2}]
According to Lemma \ref{lem1.2}, solutions to equation \eqref{3} with boundary
condition \eqref{4} and the equation \eqref{6} with boundary condition
\eqref{7} can be stated in the integral forms:
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
y(x,\lambda ) &=( c_1\lambda +d_1) \Big[ \cos \sqrt{\lambda
}x+\int_{0}^{x}A(x,t)\cos \sqrt{\lambda }t\,dt\Big] \\
&\quad +( a_1\lambda +b_1) \Big[ \sin \frac{\sqrt{\lambda }x}{
\sqrt{\lambda }}+\frac{1}{\sqrt{\lambda }}\int_{0}^{x}B(x,t)\sin \sqrt{
\lambda }t\,dt\Big]
\end{aligned} \label{55}
\end{equation}
and
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
\widetilde{y}(x,\lambda )
&=( \widetilde{c}_1\lambda +\widetilde{d}_1)
\Big[ \cos \sqrt{\lambda }x+\int_{0}^{x}\widetilde{A}(x,t)\cos
\sqrt{\lambda }t\,dt\Big] \\
&\quad +( \widetilde{a}_1\lambda +\widetilde{b}_1) \Big[ \sin
\frac{\sqrt{\lambda }x}{\sqrt{\lambda }}+\frac{1}{\sqrt{\lambda }}
\int_{0}^{x}\widetilde{B}(x,t)\sin \sqrt{\lambda }t\,dt\Big]
\end{aligned} \label{56}
\end{equation}
respectively. Let $\lambda =s^{2}$. From \eqref{55}, \eqref{56} and
\cite[proof of Theorem 2.1]{w5} we obtain
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
y\widetilde{y}
&=\frac{( c_1s^{2}+d_1) ( \widetilde{c}
_1s^{2}+\widetilde{d}_1) }{2}
\Big[ 1+\cos 2sx+\int_{0}^{x}k(x,\tau )\cos 2s\tau d\tau \Big] \\
&\quad +\frac{( a_1s^{2}+b_1) ( \widetilde{a}_1s^{2}+
\widetilde{b}_1) }{2s^{2}}\Big[ 1-\cos 2sx+\int_{0}^{x}h(x,\tau
)\cos 2s\tau d\tau \Big] \\
&\quad +\frac{1}{2s}( c_1s^{2}+d_1) ( \widetilde{a}_1s^{2}+
\widetilde{b}_1) \Big[ \sin 2sx+\int_{0}^{x}l(x,\tau )\sin 2s\tau
d\tau \Big] \\
&\quad +\frac{1}{2s}( \widetilde{c}_1s^{2}+\widetilde{d}_1) (
a_1s^{2}+b_1) \Big[ \sin 2sx+\int_{0}^{x}m(x,\tau )\sin 2s\tau
d\tau \Big] ,
\end{aligned} \label{62}
\end{equation}
where the functions $k(x,\tau )$, $h(x,\tau )$, $l(x,\tau )$ and $m(x,\tau )$
are continuous functions.
We define the function
\begin{equation*}
w( \lambda ) =( a_2\lambda +b_2) y(\pi ,\lambda
)-( c_2\lambda +d_2) y'(\pi ,\lambda ).
\end{equation*}
From \eqref{55}, we obtain the asymptotic forms
\begin{gather*}
y(\pi ,\lambda )=( c_1\lambda +d_1) \cos \sqrt{\lambda }\pi
+O( \sqrt{\lambda }e^{| \operatorname{Im}\sqrt{\lambda }|\pi }), \\
y'(\pi ,\lambda )=-( c_1\lambda +d_1) \sqrt{\lambda }
\sin \sqrt{\lambda }\pi +O( \sqrt{\lambda }e^{| \operatorname{Im}\sqrt{
\lambda }| \pi }) .
\end{gather*}
Hence
\begin{equation}
w( \lambda ) =( c_1\lambda +d_1) (
c_2\lambda +d_2) \sqrt{\lambda }\sin \sqrt{\lambda }\pi +O(
| \lambda | ^{2}e^{| \operatorname{Im}\sqrt{\lambda }
| \pi }) . \label{63}
\end{equation}
Zeros of $w( \lambda ) $ are the eigenvalues of the
Sturm-Liouville problem \eqref{3}-\eqref{5} where
$H_k=H=-\frac{(a_2\lambda +b_2) }{( c_2\lambda +d_2) }$.
$w(\lambda ) $ is an entire function of order $\frac{1}{2}$ of $\lambda $.
Multiplying \eqref{6} by $y$, \eqref{3} by $\widetilde{y}$ and subtracting
and integrating from $0$ to $\pi $, we take
\[
( \widetilde{y}y'-y\widetilde{y}') \big|_{0}^{\pi }
+\int_{0}^{\pi }( \widetilde{q}-q) y\widetilde{y}dx=0.
\]
Using $y(0,\lambda )=( c_1\lambda +d_1) $,
$\widetilde{y}(0,\lambda )=( \widetilde{c}_1\lambda +\widetilde{d}_1) $,
$y'(0,\lambda )=( a_1\lambda +b_1) $ and
$\widetilde{y}'(0,\lambda )=( \widetilde{a}_1\lambda +\widetilde{b}_1) $,
this yields
\begin{equation} \label{64}
\begin{aligned}
0 &=[ \widetilde{y}(\pi ,\lambda )y'(\pi ,\lambda )-y(\pi
,\lambda )\widetilde{y}'(\pi ,\lambda )] +( a_1\lambda
+b_1) ( \widetilde{c}_1\lambda +\widetilde{d}_1)\\
&\quad -( c_1\lambda +d_1) ( \widetilde{a}_1\lambda +
\widetilde{b}_1) +\int_{0}^{\pi }( \widetilde{q}(x)-q(x))
y\widetilde{y}dx.
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
Let $Q(x)=( \widetilde{q}(x)-q(x))$ and
\begin{equation}
\begin{aligned}
K(\lambda )
&= ( a_1\widetilde{c}_1-\widetilde{a}_1c_1)
\lambda ^{2}+( a_1\widetilde{d}_1+b_1\widetilde{c}_1-\widetilde{
a}_1d_1-\widetilde{b}_1c_1) \lambda \\
&\quad +( b_1\widetilde{d}_1-\widetilde{b}_1d_1)
+\int_{0}^{\pi }Q(x)y\widetilde{y}dx. \label{65}
\end{aligned}
\end{equation}
Clearly, the function $K(\lambda )$ is an entire function. Because the first
term of equation \eqref{64} for $\lambda =\lambda _n( q,H_k) $ is zero, then
\begin{equation*}
K(\lambda _n( q,H_k) )=0.
\end{equation*}
From Lemmas \ref{lem1.1} and \ref{lem2.1}, we see that the spectral set
$\{ \lambda _n(q,H_k)\} _{k=1}^{+\infty }$ is a bounded infinite set.
Therefore, if consists of $\lambda _{n0}(q)\in\mathbb{R}$, such that
$\lambda _{n0}(q)$ is a finite accumulation dot of the spectrum
set $\{ \lambda _n(q,H_k)\} _{k=1}^{+\infty }$. It is well
understood that the set of zeros of every entire function which is not
identically zero hasn't any finite accumulation dot.
Hence
\begin{equation}
K(\lambda )=0,~\forall \lambda \in \mathbb{C}. \label{66}
\end{equation}
From \eqref{65}, \eqref{66} and \cite[proof of Theorem 2.1]{w5}, we have
\begin{gather*}
Q(x)=\widetilde{q}(x)-q(x)=0,\quad\text{a.e. on }[ 0,\pi ] , \\
\frac{\widetilde{a}_1\lambda +\widetilde{b}_1}{\widetilde{c}_1\lambda +
\widetilde{d}_1}=\frac{a_1\lambda +b_1}{c_1\lambda +d_1},\quad \forall
\lambda \in C.
\end{gather*}
The proof is complete.
\end{proof}
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\end{document}
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\title{From Politics to Life: Ridding anarchy of the leftist millstone}
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From the time anarchism was first defined as a distinct radical movement it has been associated with the left, but the association has always been uneasy. Leftists who were in a position of authority (including those who called themselves anarchists, like the leaders of the CNT and the FAI in Spain in 1936–37) found the anarchist aim of the total transformation of life and the consequent principle that the ends should already exist in the means of struggle to be a hindrance to their political programs. Real insurgence always burst far beyond any political program, and the most coherent anarchists saw the realization of their dreams precisely in this unknown place beyond. Yet, time after time, when the fires of insurrection cooled (and even occasionally, as in Spain in 1936–37, while they still burnt brightly), leading anarchists would take their place again as “the conscience of the left”. But if the expansiveness of anarchist dreams and the principles that it implies have been a hindrance to the political schemes of the left, these schemes have been a far greater millstone around the neck of the anarchist movement, weighing it down with the “realism” that cannot dream.
For the left, the social struggle against exploitation and oppression is essentially a political program to be realized by whatever means are expedient. Such a conception obviously requires a political methodology of struggle, and such a methodology is bound to contradict some basic anarchist principles. First of all, politics as a distinct category of social existence is the separation of the decisions that determine our lives from the execution of those decisions. This separation resides in institutions that make and impose those decisions. It matters little how democratic or consensual those institutions are; the separation and institutionalization inherent in politics always constitute an imposition simply because they require that decisions be made before the circumstances to which they apply arise. This makes it necessary that they take on the form of general rules that are always to be applied in certain types of situations regardless of the specific circumstances. The seeds of ideological thinking — in which ideas rule the activities of individuals rather than serving individuals in developing their own projects — are found here, but I will go into that later. Of equal importance from an anarchist perspective is the fact that power lies in these decision-making and enforcing institutions. And the leftist conception of social struggle is precisely one of influencing, taking over or creating alternative versions of these institutions. In other words, it is a struggle to change, not to destroy institutionalized power relationships.
This conception of struggle, with its programmatic basis requires an organization as the means for carrying out the struggle. The organization represents the struggle, because it is the concrete expression of its program. If those involved define that program as revolutionary and anarchist, then the organization comes to represent revolution and anarchy for them, and the strength of the organization is equated with the strength of revolutionary and anarchist struggle. A clear example of this is found in the Spanish revolution where the leadership of the CNT, after inspiring the workers and peasants of Catalonia to expropriate the means of production (as well as arms with which they formed their free militias), did not dissolve the organization and allow the workers to explore the recreation of social life on their own terms, but rather took over management of production. This confusion of management by the union for workers’ self-management had results that can be studied by anyone willing to look at those events critically. When the struggle against the ruling order is thus separated from the individuals carrying it out and placed into the hands of the organization, it ceases to be the self-determined project of those individuals and instead becomes a external cause to which they adhere. Because this cause is equated with the organization, the primary activity of the individuals who adhere to it is the maintenance and expansion of the organization.
In fact, the leftist organization is the means through which the left intends to transform institutionalized power relationships. Whether this is done through appeal to the current rulers and the exercise of democratic rights, through the electoral or violent conquest of state power, through the institutional expropriation of the means of production or through a combination of these means is of little importance. To accomplish this, the organization tries to make itself into an alternative power or a counter-power. This is why it must embrace the current ideology of power, i.e., democracy. Democracy is that system of separated and institutionalized decision-making that requires the creation of social consensus for programs put forward. Although power always resides in coercion, in the democratic framework, it is justified through the consent it can win. This is why it is necessary for the left to seek as many adherents as possible, numbers to tally in support of its programs. Thus, in its adherence to democracy, the left must embrace the quantitative illusion.
The attempt to win adherents requires the appeal to the lowest common denominator. So instead of carrying on a vital theoretical exploration, the left develops a set of simplistic doctrines through which to view the world and a litany of moral outrages perpetrated by the current rulers, which leftists hope will have mass appeal. Any questioning or exploration outside of this ideological framework is vehemently condemned or viewed with incomprehension. The incapacity for serious theoretical exploration is the cost of accepting the quantitative illusion according to which numbers of adherents, regardless of their passivity and ignorance, are considered the reflection of a strong movement rather than the quality and coherence of ideas and practice.
The political necessity of appealing to “the masses” also moves the left to use the method of making piece-meal demands to the current rulers. This method is certainly quite consistent with a project of transforming power relationships, precisely because it does not challenge those relationships at their roots. In fact, by making demands of those in power, it implies that simple (though possibly extreme) adjustments of the current relationships are sufficient for the realization of the leftist program. What is not put into question in this method is the ruling order itself, because this would threaten the political framework of the left.
Implicit in this piece-meal approach to change is the doctrine of progressivism (in fact, one of the more popular labels among leftists and liberals nowadays — who would rather leave behind these other sullied labels — is precisely “progressive”). Progressivism is the idea that the current order of things is the result of an ongoing (though possibly “dialectical”) process of improvement and that if we put in the effort (whether through voting, petition, litigation, civil disobedience, political violence or even the conquest of power — anything other than its destruction), we can take this process further. The concept of progress and the piece-meal approach that is its practical expression point to another quantitative aspect of the leftist conception of social transformation. This transformation is simply a matter of degrees, of one’s position along an ongoing trajectory. The right amount of adjustment will get us “there” (wherever “there” is). Reform and revolution are simply different levels of the same activity. Such are the absurdities of leftism which remains blind to the overwhelming evidence that the only trajectory that we have been on at least since the rise of capitalism and industrialism is the increasing impoverishment of existence, and this cannot be reformed away.
The piece-meal approach and the political need for categorization also leads the left to valorize people in terms of their membership in various oppressed and exploited groups, such as “workers”, “women”, “people of color”, “gays and lesbians” and so on. This categorization is the basis of identity politics. Identity politics is the particular form of false opposition in which oppressed people choose to identify with a particular social category through which their oppression is reinforced as a supposed act of defiance against their oppression. In fact, the continued identification with this social role limits the capacity of those who practice identity politics to analyze their situation in this society deeply and to act as individuals against their oppression. It thus guarantees the continuation of the social relationships that cause their oppression. But only as members of categories are these people useful as pawns in the political maneuverings of the left, because such social categories take on the role of pressure groups and power blocs within the democratic framework.
The political logic of the left, with its organizational requirements, its embrace of democracy and the quantitative illusion and its valorization of people as mere members of social categories, is inherently collectivist, suppressing the individual as such. This expresses itself in the call for individuals to sacrifice themselves to the various causes, programs and organizations of the left. Behind these calls one finds the manipulative ideologies of collective identity, collective responsibility and collective guilt. Individuals who are defined as being part of a “privileged” group — “straight”, “white”, “male”, “first-world”, “middle class” — are held responsible for all the oppression attributed to that group. They are then manipulated into acting to expiate these “crimes”, giving uncritical support to the movements of those more oppressed than they are. Individuals who are defined as being part of an oppressed group are manipulated into accepting collective identity in this group out of a mandatory “solidarity” — sisterhood, black nationalism, queer identity, etc. If they reject or even deeply and radically criticize this group identity, this is equated with acceptance of their own oppression. In fact, the individual who acts on his or her own (or only with those with whom s\Slash{}he has developed real affinity) against her or his oppression and exploitation as s\Slash{}he experiences it in his or her life, is accused of “bourgeois individualism”, in spite of the fact that s\Slash{}he is struggling precisely against the alienation, separation and atomization that is the inherent result of the collective alienated social activity that the state and capital — so-called “bourgeois society” — impose upon us.
Because leftism is the active perception of social struggle as a political program, it is ideological from top to bottom. The struggle of the left does not grow out of the desires, needs and dreams of the living individuals exploited, oppressed, dominated and dispossessed by this society. It is not the activity of people striving to reappropriate their own lives and seeking the tools necessary for doing so. Rather it is a program formulated in the minds of leftist leaders or in organizational meetings that exists above and before people’s individual struggles and to which these latter are to subordinate themselves. Whatever the slogan of this program — socialism, communism, anarchism, sisterhood, the African people, animal rights, earth liberation, primitivism, workers’ self-management, etc., etc. — it does not provide a tool for individuals to use in their own struggles against domination, but rather demands individuals to exchange the domination of the ruling order for the domination of the leftist program. In other words, it demands that individuals continue to give up their capacity to determine their own existence.
At its best, the anarchist endeavor has always been the total transformation of existence based on the reappropriation of life by each and every individual, acting in free association with others of their choosing. This vision can be found in the most poetic writings of nearly every well-known anarchist, and it is what made anarchism “the conscience of the left”. But of what use is it to be the conscience of a movement that does not and cannot share the breadth and depth of one’s dreams, if one desires to realize those dreams? In the history of the anarchist movement, those perspectives and practices closest to the left, such as anarcho-syndicalism and platformism, have always had far less of the dream and far more of the program about them. Now that leftism has ceased to be a significant force in any way distinguishable from the rest of the political sphere at least in the West of the world, there is certainly no reason to continue carrying this millstone around our necks. The realization of anarchist dreams, of the dreams of every individual still capable of dreaming and desiring independently to be the autonomous creators of their own existence, requires a conscious and rigorous break with the left. At minimum, this break would mean:
\begin{enumerate}[1.]
\item\relax
The rejection of a political perception of social struggle; a recognition that revolutionary struggle is not a program, but is rather the struggle for the individual and social reappropriation of the totality of life. As such it is inherently anti-political. In other words,it is opposed to any form of social organization — and any method of struggle — in which the decisions about how to live and struggle are separated from the execution of those decisions regardless of how democratic and participatory this separated decision-making process may be.
\item\relax
The rejection of organizationalism, meaning by this the rejection of the idea that any organization can represent exploited individuals or groups, social struggle, revolution or anarchy. Therefore also the rejection of all formal organizations — parties, unions, federations and their like — which, due to their programmatic nature, take on such a representative role. This does not mean the rejection of the capacity to organize the specific activities necessary to the revolutionary struggle, but rather the rejection of the subjection of the organization of tasks and projects to the formalism of an organizational program. The only task that has ever been shown to require formal organization is the development and maintenance of a formal organization.
\item\relax
The rejection of democracy and the quantitative illusion. The rejection of the view that the number of adherents to a cause, idea or program is what determines the strength of the struggle, rather than the qualitative value of the practice of struggle as an attack against the institutions of domination and as a reappropriation of life. The rejection of every institutionalization or formalization of decision-making, and indeed of every conception of decision-making as a moment separated from life and practice. The rejection, as well, of the evangelistic method that strives to win over the masses. Such a method assumes that theoretical exploration is at an end, that one has the answer to which all are to adhere and that therefore every method is acceptable for getting the message out even if that method contradicts what we are saying. It leads one to seek followers who accept one’s position rather than comrades and accomplices with which to carry on one’s explorations. The practice instead of striving to carry out one’s projects, as best one can, in a way consistent with one’s ideas, dreams and desires, thus attracting potential accomplices with whom to develop relationships of affinity and expand the practice of revolt.
\item\relax
The rejection of making demands to those in power, choosing rather a practice of direct action and attack. The rejection of the idea that we can realize our desire for self-determination through piece-meal demands which, at best, only offer a temporary amelioration of the harmfulness of the social order of capital. Recognition of the necessity to attack this society in its totality, to achieve a practical and theoretical awareness in each partial struggle of the totality that must be destroyed. Thus, as well, the capacity to see what is potentially revolutionary — what has moved beyond the logic of demands and of piece-meal changes — in partial social struggles, since, after all, every radical, insurrectionary rupture has been sparked by a struggle that started as an attempt to gain partial demands, but that moved in practice from demanding what was desired to seizing it and more.
\item\relax
The rejection of the idea of progress, of the idea that the current order of things is the result of an ongoing process of improvement that we can take further, possibly even to its apotheosis, if we put in the effort. The recognition that the current trajectory — which the rulers and their loyal reformist and “revolutionary” opposition call “progress” — is inherently harmful to individual freedom, free association, healthy human relations, the totality of life and the planet itself. The recognition that this trajectory must be brought to an end and new ways of living and relating developed if we are to achieve full autonomy and freedom. (This does not necessarily lead to an absolute rejection of technology and civilization, and such a rejection does not constitute the bottom line of a break with the left, but the rejection of progress most certainly means a willingness to seriously and critically examine and question civilization and technology, and particularly industrialism. Those who are not willing to raise such questions most likely continue to hold to the myth of progress.)
\item\relax
The rejection of identity politics. The recognition that, while various oppressed groups experience their dispossession in ways specific to their oppression and analysis of these specificities is necessary in order to get a full understanding of how domination functions, nonetheless, dispossession is fundamentally the stealing away of the capacity of each of us as individuals to create our lives on our own terms in free association with others. The reappropriation of life on the social level, as well as its full reappropriation on the individual level, can only occur when we stop identifying ourselves essentially in terms of our social identities.
\item\relax
The rejection of collectivism, of the subordination of the individual to the group. The rejection of the ideology of collective responsibility (a rejection that does not mean the refusal of social or class analysis, but rather that removes the moral judgment from such analysis, and refuses the dangerous practice of blaming individuals for activities that have been done in the name of, or that have been attributed to, a social category of which they are said to be a part, but about which they had no choice — e.g., “Jew”, “gypsy”, “male”, “white”, etc.). The rejection of the idea that anyone, either due to “privilege” or due to supposed membership in a particular oppressed group, owes uncritical solidarity to any struggle or movement, and the recognition that such a conception is a major obstruction in any serious revolutionary process. The creation of collective projects and activities to serve the needs and desires of the individuals involved, and not vice versa. The recognition that the fundamental alienation imposed by capital is not based in any hyper-individualist ideology that it may promote, but rather stems from the collective project of production that it imposes, which expropriates our individual creative capacities to fulfill its aims. The recognition of the liberation of each and every individual to be able to determine the conditions of her or his existence in free association with others of her or his choosing — i.e., the individual and social reappropriation of life — as the primary aim of revolution.
\item\relax
The rejection of ideology, that is to say, the rejection of every program, idea, abstraction, ideal or theory that is placed above life and individuals as a construct to be served. The rejection, therefore, of God, the State, the Nation, the Race, etc., but also of Anarchism, Primitivism, Communism, Freedom, Reason, the Individual, etc. when these become ideals to which one is to sacrifice oneself, one’s desires, one’s aspirations, one’s dreams. The use of ideas, theoretical analysis and the capacity to reason and think abstractly and critically as tools for realizing one’s aims, for reappropriating life and acting against everything that stands in the way of this reappropriation. The rejection of easy answers that come to act as blinders to one’s attempts to examine the reality one is facing in favor of ongoing questioning and theoretical exploration.
\end{enumerate}
As I see it, these are what constitute a real break with the left. Where any of these rejections are lacking — whether in theory or practice — vestiges of the left remain, and this is a hindrance to our project of liberation. Since this break with the left is based in the necessity to free the practice of anarchy from the confines of politics, it is certainly not an embrace of the right or any other part of the political spectrum. It is rather a recognition that a struggle for the transformation of the totality of life, a struggle to take back each of our lives as our own in a collective movement for individual realization, can only be hampered by political programs, “revolutionary” organizations and ideological constructs that demand our service, because these too, like the state and capital, demand that we give our lives to them rather than take our lives as our own. Our dreams are much too large for the narrow confines of political schemes. It is long past time that we leave the left behind and go on our merry way toward the unknown of insurrection and the creation of full and self-determined lives.
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The Anarchist Library
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Wolfi Landstreicher
From Politics to Life: Ridding anarchy of the leftist millstone
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Retrieved on April 7, 2009 from \href{http://www.geocities.com/kk\_abacus/ioaa/life.html}{www.geocities.com}
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\textbf{theanarchistlibrary.org}
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«Centocinquant’anni di rivolta metafisica e di nichilismo hanno visto ricorrere con ostinazione, sotto maschere diverse, lo stesso viso devastato; quello della protesta umana. Tutti, insorgendo contro la condizione e il suo creatore, hanno affermato la solitudine della creatura, la vacuità di ogni morale. Ma al tempo stesso tutti hanno cercato di costruire un regno puramente terrestre ove regnasse la norma che avevano scelta. Rivali del creatore, sono stati logicamente condotti a rifare la creazione per proprio conto. Quelli che, per il mondo da loro creato, hanno rifiutato ogni regola tranne quella del desiderio e della potenza, sono corsi al suicidio o alla pazzia, e hanno cantato l’apocalisse. Quanto agli altri, che hanno voluto crearsi una loro norma con le proprie forze, hanno scelto la vana parata, il sembrare o la banalità; oppure l’omicidio e la distruzione. Ma Sade e i romantici, Karamazov e Nietzsche sono entrati nel mondo della morte soltanto perché vollero la vera vita. Cosicché, per effetto inverso, è l’invocazione dilaniata alla regola, all’ordine e alla morale, a risuonare in quest’universo demente. Le loro conclusioni sono state nefaste o liberticide solo dacché hanno gettato il gravame della rivolta, fuggito la tensione che essa presuppone e scelto gli agi della tirannia o della servitù. L’insurrezione umana, nelle sue forme elevate e tragiche, non può essere altro che una lunga protesta contro la morte, un’arrovellata accusa a questa condizione retta dalla pena di morte generalizzata. In tutti i casi in cui ci siamo imbattuti, la protesta si rivolse sempre a quanto, nella creazione, è dissonanza, opacità, soluzione di continuità. Si tratta dunque, di un’interminabile rivendicazione d’unità. Il rifiuto della morte, il desiderio di durata e di trasparenza, sono incentivi di tutte queste pazzie, sublimi o puerili. È soltanto il vile e personale rifiuto di morire? No, poiché molti di questi ribelli hanno pagato quanto occorreva per essere all’altezza della loro esigenza. L’uomo in rivolta non chiede la vita, ma le ragioni della vita. Rifiuta la conseguenza introdotta dalla morte. Se niente dura, niente è giustificato, ciò che muore è privo di senso. Lottare contro la morte equivale a rivendicare un senso alla vita, a combattere per la regola e l’unità. A questo riguardo, è significativa la protesta contro il male che sta nel cuore stesso della rivolta metafisica. Non è la sofferenza del bambino ad essere rivoltante in se stessa, ma il fatto che questa sofferenza non sia giustificata. Dopo tutto il dolore, l’esilio, la clausura, vengono talvolta accettati quando ce ne persuadano la medicina o il buonsenso. Agli occhi dell’uomo in rivolta, ciò che manca al dolore del mondo, come agli istanti della sua felicità, è un principio di spiegazione. L’insurrezione contro il male rimane innanzi tutto una rivendicazione d’unità. Al mondo dei condannati a morte, alla mortale opacità della condizione, l’uomo della rivolta oppone instancabilmente la sua esigenza di vita e di trasparenza definitive. Senza saperlo è alla ricerca di una morale o di un elemento sacro. La rivolta è un’ascesi, sia pure cieca. Se l’insorto allora bestemmia, lo fa nella speranza del nuovo Dio. Lo scuote l’urgere del primo e più profondo tra i moti religiosi, ma si tratta di un moto religioso deluso. Non la rivolta in se stessa è nobile, ma quanto essa esige, anche se ciò che consegue sia di nuovo ignobile. Mi bisogna almeno saper riconoscere quanto d’ignobile consegue. Ogniqualvolta deifica il rifiuto totale di ciò che è, il no assoluto, essa uccide. Ogniqualvolta accetta ciecamente ciò che è, e grida il sì assoluto, uccide. L’odio contro il creatore può tramutarsi in odio contro la creazione o in amore esclusivo e provocante di ciò che è. Ma in ambedue i casi, va a sfociare nell’omicidio e perde il diritto a dirsi rivolta. Si può essere nichilista in due modi, e ogni volta per una intemperanza d’assoluto. In apparenza, ci sono i rivoltosi che vogliono morire e quelli che vogliono far morire. Ma sono gli stessi, arsi dal desiderio della vita vera, privati dell’essere e portati allora a preferire l’ingiustizia generalizzata a una giustizia mutilata. A questo grado d’indignazione, la ragione diviene furore. Se è vero che la rivolta istintiva del cuore umano incede a poco a poco, lungo i secoli, verso la massima coscienza di sé, essa è pure cresciuta, l’abbiamo visto, in audacia cieca fino al momento smisurato in cui ha deciso di rispondere all’omicidio universale con l’assassinio metafisico. L’anche se, che come abbiamo riconosciuto segnava il momento ospitale della rivolta metafisica, si adempie in ogni ramo nella distruzione assoluta. Non è la rivolta a risplendere oggi sul mondo, né la sua nobiltà, ma il nichilismo. E di esso dobbiamo ora delineare le conseguenze, senza perdere di vista la verità delle sue origini. Anche se Dio esistesse, Ivan non gli si arrenderebbe di fronte all’ingiustizia fatta all’uomo. Ma una più lunga ruminazione di questa ingiustizia, una vampa più amara, hanno trasformato l’“anche se esisti” in “non meriti di esistere”, e poi “non esisti”. Le vittime hanno cercato la forza e le ragioni del delitto estremo nell’innocenza che si riconoscevano. Disperando dell’immortalità, certi della loro condanna, hanno deciso l’uccisione di Dio. Se è falso dire che da quel giorno abbia avuto inizio la tragedia dell’uomo contemporaneo, non è vero neppure che essa vi sia conclusa. Quell’attentato segna al contrario il più alto momento di un dramma iniziatesi alla fine del mondo antico e di cui non hanno ancora suonato le ultime parole. Da quel momento, l’uomo decide di escludersi dalla grazia e di vivere con i propri mezzi. Il progresso, da Sade ai giorni nostri, è consistito nell’allargare progressivamente il luogo chiuso dove, seguendo la propria regola, regnava selvaggiamente l’uomo senza Dio. Si sono progressivamente portate avanti le frontiere del campo trincerato, di fronte alla divinità, fino a fare dell’universo intero una fortezza contro il Dio deposto ed esiliato. Al termine della rivolta, l’uomo si rinchiudeva: la sua grande libertà consisteva soltanto, dal castello tragico di Sade al campo di concentramento, nel costruire il carcere dei propri delitti. Ma lo stato d’assedio a poco a poco si generalizza, la rivendicazione della libertà vuole estendersi a tutti. Bisogna allora costruire il solo regno che s’opponga a quello della grazia, il regno della giustizia, e riunire al fine la comunità umana sulle macerie della comunità divina. Uccidere Dio e costruire una Chiesa, è questo il movimento costante e contraddittorio della rivolta. La libertà assoluta diviene infine prigione di doveri assoluti, ascesi collettiva, o per finire; storia. L’Ottocento, secolo della rivolta, sfocia così nel Novecento, secolo della giustizia e della morale; in cui ognuno si batte il petto. Chamfort, moralista della rivolta, ne aveva già dato la formula: “Si deve essere giusti prima di essere generosi, come si hanno delle camicie prima d’avere dei merletti”. Si rinuncerà dunque alla morale del lusso per l’aspra etica dei costruttori. Questo sforzo convulso verso l’impero del mondo e verso la regola universale, dobbiamo ora prenderlo in esame. Siamo giunti al momento in cui la rivolta, respingendo ogni servitù, mira ad annettere l’intera creazione. A ciascuno di questi fallimenti, avevamo già visto annunciarsi la soluzione politica e conquistatrice. Ormai, delle sue acquisizioni, essa manterrà, insieme al nichilismo morale, soltanto la volontà di potenza. Al principio, l’uomo in rivolta, voleva soltanto conquistare il proprio essere e mantenerlo in faccia a Dio. Ma perde la memoria delle proprie origini e, seguendo la legge di un imperialismo spirituale, eccolo in marcia per l’impero del mondo attraverso uccisioni moltiplicate all’infinito. Ha scacciato Dio dal suo cielo, ma venendo allora lo spirito di rivolta metafisica a raggiungere risolutamente il movimento rivoluzionario, la rivendicazione irrazionale della libertà prenderà come arma, paradossalmente, la ragione, solo potere di conquista che le sembri puramente umano. Morto Dio, restano gli uomini, vale a dire la storia che bisogna comprendere e costruire. Il nichilismo che, in seno alla rivolta, sommerge allora la forza creativa, aggiunge soltanto che si può costruirla con qualsiasi mezzo. Ai delitti dell’irrazionale, l’uomo, su di una terra che sa ormai solitaria, unirà i delitti della ragione in cammino verso l’impero degli uomini. Al “mi rivolto, dunque siamo” aggiunge, meditando prodigiosi disegni e la morte stessa della rivolta: “E siamo soli”. [\dots{}] Ma siamo ancora in un mondo in rivolta? Questa non è forse divenuta, al contrario, alibi dei nuovi tiranni? Il “Noi siamo” contenuto nel moto di rivolta, può forse, senza scandalo e senza sotterfugio, conciliarsi con l’omicidio? Assegnando all’oppressione un limite entro il quale comincia la dignità comune a tutti gli uomini, la rivolta definiva un primo valore. Metteva in primo piano, tra le sue referenze, una complicità trasparente degli uomini tra loro, una tessitura comune, la solidarietà della catena, una comunicazione tra essere ed essere che rende gli uomini somiglianti e alleati. Faceva compiere così un primo passo allo spirito alle prese con un mondo assurdo. Con questo progresso, rendeva ancora più angoscioso il problema che deve ora risolvere di fronte all’omicidio. Sul piano dell’assurdo, infatti, l’omicidio suscitava soltanto contraddizioni logiche; sul piano della rivolta, e lacerazione. Poiché si tratta di decidere se sia possibile uccidere quel qualsiasi uomo di cui proprio ora abbiamo finalmente riconosciuto la somiglianza e consacrato l’identità. Superata appena la solitudine, dobbiamo dunque ritrovarla definitivamente legittimando l’atto che separa da tutto? Forzare alla solitudine chi ha appena saputo che non è solo, non è forse il delitto definitivo contro l’uomo? Sul piano logico, dobbiamo rispondere che omicidio e rivolta sono contraddittori. Che un solo padrone sia infatti ucciso, e l’insorto, in certo modo, non è più autorizzato a richiamarsi alla comunità degli uomini da cui tuttavia traeva giustificazione. Se questo mondo non ha un senso superiore, se l’uomo non ha che l’uomo a suo mallevadore, basta che un uomo scinda un solo essere dalla unicità dei viventi per escludere se stesso. Caino, quando uccide Abele, fugge nel deserto. E se gli uccisori sono folla, la folla vive nel deserto e in quell’altro genere di solitudine che si chiama promiscuità. Non appena colpisce, l’insorto taglia il mondo in due. Si erge nella sua rivolta in nome dell’identità dell’uomo con l’uomo e sacrifica l’identità consacrando, nel sangue, la differenza. Il suo solo essere, al cuore della miseria e dell’oppressione, stava in questa identità. Lo stesso moto che tendeva ad affermarlo, lo fa dunque cessare di essere».
(A. Camus, \emph{L’uomo in rivolta}, in \emph{Opere}, tr. it., Milano 1969, vol. II, pp. 435-439).
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\begin{quote}
Hystory is a nightmare from which I am trying to awake.
\end{quote}
\begin{quote}
(Joyce, \emph{Ulisse})
\end{quote}
\chapter{Introduzione}
Al momento di pubblicare in volume tutti i miei scritti su Bakunin si pone il problema del mio modo di pensare la storia. Più volte, negli ultimi quarant’anni, ho preso qua e là questo problema cercando di chiarire perché non sono d’accordo col modo di lavorare degli storici, i quali, come i filosofi – e forse anche in modo più brutale –, sono spesso semplici provveditori di materiali per la caverna dei massacri.
Il loro modo di porsi di fronte alle cosiddette fonti fa il paio con il modo di porsi dei filosofi di fronte all’esistenza e ai problemi relativi. A queste brave persone, storici e filosofi, basta la somiglianza di quello che dicono con quello che pensano sia la documentazione di quanto è accaduto o è stato pensato. Come se il passato fosse lì, davanti agli occhi dello storico – mettiamo da parte il filosofo di cui abbiamo detto a lungo altrove – come una fitta trama di corrispondenze, di somiglianze, analogie e simpatie. Non è ovviamente così.
Poiché questo è un libro dedicato a Bakunin non può essere considerato un libro di storia in senso stretto, e poiché non sono uno storico non può esserlo considerato in nessun modo e basta. Detto questo mi sono tolto un peso e vado avanti più leggero.
Bakunin è un rivoluzionario anarchico, la sua vita e i suoi scritti non sono separabili, sono un tutt’uno e si integrano a vicenda. Non ha quindi senso la distinzione che è stata fatta tra biografia e analisi delle sue teorie. Proprio queste distinzioni fanno vedere la povertà di tanti sforzi per non capire e non volere approfondire l’azione di quest’uomo.
Prima di tutto mi preme indicare alcune caratteristiche portanti della sua azione. La non scindibilità di vita e pensiero l’ho già accennata, la ricerca della qualità, il non avere paura della completezza, la generosa concezione del coraggio come coinvolgimento totale, la distruzione come fatto rivoluzionario, l’anarchia come rimessa in questione di qualsiasi ordine, l’eccesso, l’assenza di prudenza, il ricominciare sempre daccapo, l’oltrepassamento come accesso alla qualità, la svalutazione del mondo produttivo coatto e amministrato, e tante altre. Questi elementi cointeragiscono tra loro nel crogiolo incredibile e fantastico dell’azione rivoluzionaria di Bakunin e quindi forniscono delle vere segnature a ogni singola realizzazione che così si trova inserita in un contesto organico e significativo che però bisogna decifrare. E questa lettura non può essere fatta da uno storico, ma deve essere fatta da un rivoluzionario, da un uomo di parte, da un uomo che non ha paura di ripercorrere gli itinerari di Bakunin e non solo di limitarsi a contemplarli da lontano con il sussiegoso distacco dello storico.
Qual è in effetti il limite della Storia? L’argomento è tagliente come una lama di coltello. Dovremo entrarvi dentro con cautela e tirarne le conseguenze necessarie, anche le più estreme. Scrive Aldo Masullo: «Il fatto-limite della storia è la comunità intersoggettiva, fondamento sempre fungente e sempre perduto, poiché funge appunto perdendosi, “passando via”, “assentandosi”, dimenticanza e desiderio dell’anima, ossia dell’individuale “carne”, fatta tra gli uomini “umana” termine di una ricerca, che è l’esistenza stessa dell’uomo progettata secondo innumerevoli “possibilità” – tema della filosofia come interrogazione della esistenza intorno a sé, cioè al sempre rinnovato passaggio dalla naturale coscienza-senso alla storia e dialogica coscienza-del-senso, dal sogno alla veglia. Il rapporto intersoggettivo che, rompendo il chiuso particolarismo della vita naturale e liberando l’individuo all’universale, fonda la storicità, ma non ne cade mai fuori, è il limite della storia, quel fatto con cui sempre da capo si origina la possibilità della storia, la storicità, e che, insieme, “dileguando” si media con la situazione storica quale risulta nel presente “configurata”. D’altronde, il fondamento comunitario, essendo, come fatto-limite, sempre passato, “passato senza tempo”, è sempre-ancorada-scegliere, futuro senza tempo: se, dov’è il fondato, il fondamento è un non-essere-piú, allora, fin quando il fondato è, il fondamento può esser pure un non-essere-ancora. Il fondamento è l’inconscio che la coscienza, in quanto coscienza, originandosi ha perduto, ma è anche quello che essa per un invincibile bisogno cerca, secondo l’osservazione di Platone che “il desiderante desidera le cose di cui è privo” e “si diventa privi di qualche cosa, quando questa ci è portata via”».(\emph{Antimetafisica del fondamento}, Napoli 1971, pp. 32-33). La storia cerca di mettere rimedio ai limiti della vita, ma tra queste due dimensioni, antitetiche come altre mai, non c’è un passaggio diretto. La seconda non travalica mai nella prima. La vita non si cura della storia, il cuore non batte perché le sue scansioni vengano riportate, accuratamente disseccate e selezionate, nelle pagine di un qualsiasi libro di storia. La vita, a volte, soprende il mondo e le sue attenzioni dirette a incatenarla costruendo con parsimonia di dettagli ma con fermezza di intenzioni l’assenza nella sua pienezza. Anche nella vita di un rivoluzionario come Bakunin c’è sempre questo contrasto tra quello che si presenta chiaramente e quello che soltanto si intravede o si intuisce con non poche difficoltà. Ci sono tracce disseminate, punti deboli per l’operosità indefessa del fare, cioè considerandoli dal punto di vista meramente amministrativo, punti comunque su cui la volontà cerca in tutti i modi di mettere una pezza. Eppure, quando meno essa se lo aspetta, ecco che uno stimolo fortissimo viene fuori e lascia un segno, incide qualcosa, quello che qui definiamo “segnatura”. La gelosia della volontà e del suo controllo è sempre tradita, ma sempre torna al contrattacco nel tentativo di riprendere il controllo.
Queste tracce, nella vita e nelle teorie, nelle realizzazioni pratiche, insomma questi segni da cosa si distinguono dagli aspetti confusi e contraddittori che spesso i documenti si intestardiscono a trasmetterci? In esse c’è il carattere di Bakunin, la sua coerenza, il suo progetto rivoluzionario, il suo sogno anarchico. Queste altre segnature si integrano alle precedenti e le sommuovono a nuova vita. Molti – non moltissimi – hanno sperimentato la qualità, quindi hanno avuto il coraggio dell’oltrepassamento dando luce alla loro esistenza, ma il carattere di Bakunin è la sua persona, ed è questa che viene fuori da quelle tracce e da quei segni, dall’intersecarsi di questa rete, ed è questo intersecarsi che forma e dà consistenza ai miei scritti su di lui.
Ogni traccia conduce a una segnatura nell’azione e nel pensiero di Bakunin, inscindibili e non separabili nemmeno per amore di chiarezza teorica. Meno che mai per qualche tipo di avventatezza storica costruita a tavolino. Essendo contrario ai canoni della chiarezza, la cosa non mi disturba. Ogni segnatura incide in modo particolare le sue parole e le sue azioni per cui parlando di queste è quella – o la rete che l’accoglie – che bisogna tenere presente. Individuata la segnatura bisogna farla parlare dall’interno delle azioni e delle teorie, e questo richiede un insieme di conoscenze che danno parola sia al segno che a ciò che la sua caratteristica ha conferito a Bakunin come rivoluzionario e anarchico.
Questo territorio affascina per la sua intrinseca potenzialità distruttiva, anche se non è facile rendersene conto direttamente, come ci si illude di fare quando si affrontano i brividi metodologici degli incasellamenti che la storia suggerisce per rassicurare che le proprie malvagità sono, dopo tutto, faccende necessarie. Gli uomini dabbene si appagano della storia, per immagini, e si rassicurano di fronte alla sua potenza lineare, al suo sviluppo per singole spaventose realizzazioni di massacri sempre nuovi e sempre uguali. È l’equivoco, altrettanto spaventoso, del progresso che sta alla base della vicenda umana e che riempie il cuore di stoppa. Il sogno della qualità, la spontaneità della vita, la forza dirompente dell’essere che è e che non si può confondere con l’apparenza che soltanto si pasce di ombre e fantasmi, tutto questo non appartiene alla storia, solo una traccia, risibile a volte, apparentemente trascurabile, si può trovare. Che farsene? Si chiede l’uomo dabbene. E in questa domanda trova la forza per non suicidarsi oggi e non domani. La consapevolezza del pericolo che quella segnatura costituisce è colta dalla volontà di controllo, che non si tira indietro, anzi qualsiasi prezzo è buono e può essere pagato per garantirsi un’apparente tranquillità. Ecco una amara riflessione di Felice Battaglia: «Confessiamo che il peso della nostra formazione idealistica ancora grava su noi, essendo allo spirito, che è il nostro spirito, affidato un compito grave di formatività se non di costitutività, di fattività se non di teticità. Senonché non ci spaventiamo, quando diciamo che proprio l’appellarsi alla spontaneità dell’uomo, il rifarsi alla sua iniziativa, rivela nel profondo del suo essere e del suo interrogarsi, nell’escavazione che esso fa di sé, l’oggettività più genuina e vera, ammesso che tale termine ancora voglia e possa usarsi. Né si dica che con ciò abbiamo eluso il problema, quando invece abbiamo evitato la sostanzializzazione e rispettato l’esigenza profonda della fondazione. Del resto, possiamo senza tema evitare il discorso generale e discendere alle cose e ai valori, a questa o quella cosa, a questo o quel valore. Certo i valori sono soggettivi, perché l’uomo ne é l’artefice; con essi noi facciamo e rifacciamo il mondo, assumendo le cose come altrettante condizioni e rifondendole ai nostri processi conoscitivi e operativi; senonché anche le cose valgono, le cerchiamo perché valgono, se non valessero non le cercheremmo, valgono dunque come cose, in una oggettività che è ben più di quella esterna, fuori dalla relazione a noi, in una oggettività vogliamo dire interna, valgono per noi che le cerchiamo e le assumiamo. Il che vuol dire che alla fine il profilo soggettivo del valore e il profilo oggettivo delle cose sono uno: le cose sono rese valorizzate, i valori delle cose che sono, appunto come noi valorizzanti siamo riferiti alle cose che sono e valgono. V’è dunque, non sappiamo se preliminare o non piuttosto conclusivo, un senso delle cose e dei valori che rifonde ogni dualità e fonda ogni conseguente operazione che vi si riferisca. L’oggettività, poiché si vuole usare tale parola, è propria della connessione di una cosa e di un valore, della cosa e del suo senso, essendo al centro della connessione l’uomo, la spiritualità attiva fattrice del mondo e della storia». (\emph{La formazione spirituale del soggetto e il mondo storico}, Bologna 1960, pp. 17-18). Riflessione tipica di un pensatore, tutt’altro che trascurabile, su di un vago sentimento storico che non corrisponde affatto alla realtà. In che modo si può seriamente accettare che la storia sia depositaria di una identificazione certa, di valori che commisurino la possibilità della vita? In nessuna maniera. D’altro canto, come fare tacere la storia, quando è grazie ad essa che guardando bene riusciamo a capire meglio quale bestia sia l’uomo e quali nefandezze lo hanno inseguito nel tempo dalla remota progenie fino a oggi? Non ci si può abbandonare alla vita, lasciandosi trascinare da un flusso che non è coglibile dalla volontà se non come semplice, e terrificante, volontà di abbandonarsi?
Vivere in modo qualitativamente diverso è di certo anche abbandono – senza il quale non c’è possibilità alcuna di oltrepassamento – ma l’abbandono esclude la negligenza, il lasciarsi andare come modulo che si racchiude nell’opinare, nel sopravvivere sonnolento che è sempre impegno per custodire e conservare, nello stesso lasciarsi fare che è delittuosa accettazione del di già costituito come segno e riferimento della ponderatezza. L’abbandono mette da parte, l’immediatezza resta vigile pure mettendo da parte tutti quegli aspetti critici che negativamente tormentano la decisione. L’abbandono è un attraversare non più critico della modificazione fattiva, è un distacco progressivo anche dagli stessi risultati della critica negativa. Si abbandona chi sente la voce dell’essere concreto, vero e proprio, e il vento che la trasporta e ne assume su di sé la fondatezza angosciante del congiungimento con l’azione, del trovarsi semplicemente nell’occhio del ciclone, senza risparmio, nel pericolo che non fa distinzioni. L’abbandono si perfeziona e si conclude nel coinvolgimento dell’azione rivoluzionaria. Bakunin sapeva che cos’era l’abbandono di ogni riserva, di ogni cautela, di ogni garanzia, di ogni possesso, di ogni remora.
La natura della storia, le forze che l’attraversano, il legame che le unisce, tutto viene così visto attraverso l’azione e le teorie di Bakunin, che diventa così non il centro di un universo incomunicabile, ma il punto di forza di trasformazioni rivoluzionarie, sia pure circoscritte e limitate a un arco cronologico preciso e a un gruppo di rapporti sociali ben precisati, ma con conseguenze non dettagliabili completamente e che continuano anche oggi a muovere la realtà verso ulteriori trasformazioni. Di volta in volta, scarti più o meno ampi consentono di fissare correlazioni con contesti oscillanti tra l’immediata ingerenza e la subordinata remota casualità. Ciò va sottolineato, anche se non è ancora una volta la storia a fare il suo ingresso trionfale.
Quello che mi aspetto da questo libro non è un sapere superiore a quello storico ma qualcosa di completamente diverso. Mi aspetto la proposizione di una serie di domande aventi caratteristiche sociali e rivoluzionarie, alcune delle quali senza una plausibile risposta. Cioè mi aspetto di passare dalla traccia o dall’accadimento alla segnatura e da questa tornare indietro fornendo non solo una interpretazione dei risultati e dei limiti di essi, ma principalmente una rammemorazione della forza qualitativa raggiunta. In ogni caso, nessuna domanda avrà una risposta rassicurante.
Allo stesso modo che per le scelte storiche e per le tanto discusse “essenze storiche” nel senso poniamo di Dilthey, nemmeno per le segnature ci si può aspettare di imbattersi del tutto semplicemente con l’“oggettività”. Scriveva Giulio Preti: «Queste essenze sono sempre qualcosa di convenzionale, di relativamente arbitrario, sono introdotte dallo storico per sua comodità espositiva e come criteri euristici. Ben inteso, ciò non è arbitrario nel senso che dipenda da capriccio o da disposizioni umorali dello storico. Ci sono in gioco motivi, interessi storici e teoretici, esperienza, fiuto e gusto, che determinano queste costruzioni». (“Continuità ed ‘essenze’ nella storia della filosofia”, in “Rivista critica di storia della filosofia”, XI, 1956, p. 368). Tesi condivisibile per l’impossibilità di un completamento e di un venir meno dell’oggettualizzazione che caratterizzano, in ogni caso, il mondo storico e, per motivi non del tutto differenti, anche quello delle segnature, di cui veniamo discutendo. La storia si propone un progetto di completamento, non lo raggiunge, e quindi si dispera, ma questo proponimento la attraversa fino in fondo senza tregua. Incamminarsi nel sentiero dove si trovano le segnature non si propone un oggetto o un possesso, la qualità e l’esperienza diversa, in questo caso quella rammemorata da Bakunin, non possono essere catturate, ma solo accostate in un tentativo esso stesso privo di limiti. L’assenza di riferimenti oggettuali, nella sperimentazione della singola segnatura, condensa in termini logici la desolazione di ogni tentativo di andare al di là della semplice esperienza immediata, cioè di tutto quello che riempie il mondo. Ma questa stessa desolazione è ciò che caratterizza il territorio dove la segnatura assorbe tutti i suoi segni specifici, la sua stessa capacità di differenziarsi dagli accadimenti e dalla vita di Bakunin e dalle sue teorie, queste, come tutte, incapsulate e quindi prigioniere della quotidianità.
Le teorie sviluppate da Bakunin si intrecciano in modo inestricabile con la sua vita. La loro unità significante si può certamente extrapolare e cristallizzare in un repertorio a se stante, così la vita si può narrare come qualsiasi biografo farebbe. Ma il fatto che questi due elementi esistano anche separatamente non vuol dire che li si debba per forza esaminare separatamente. Anzi, così facendo essi si inaridiscono a vicenda. Il discorso teorico nasce dalle azioni e queste si innestano e hanno conseguenze sulla vita, da dove riprendono a inserirsi come rammemorazione nello sviluppo ulteriore della teoria. Il messaggio è quindi pensiero e azione nello stesso tempo, non può essere ridotto a una successione di formulazioni separate, una sommatoria di precisazioni, come allo stesso modo la vita non può essere raccontata come una serie di accadimenti ma, al contrario, questi ultimi partecipano di un senso globale che è la rivoluzione anarchica nel suo insieme e l’oltrepassamento verso la qualità, individualmente considerato. Non essendo due ordini separati di fatti – oggetti prodotti e definiti coattamente – ma trattandosi di un unico insieme di pensiero e azione, non ci sono due livelli interpretativi di validità. Lo storico non può acconsentire a questa commistione per lui inestricabile, e quindi tenderà a separare le vicende della vita inserendole nella loro ovvia prigione cronologica. Nel migliore dei casi la teoria sarà per lui una vicenda come le altre per come si è concretizzata in uno scritto e in un discorso, accidentalmente connesso, sempre temporalmente, con gli altri fatti di cui la vita è materiata. Ciò è chiaramente insufficiente e non spiega come non ci sia né passaggio né separazione tra fatti della vita e teorie. L’unione di pensiero e azione non prevede la presa in considerazione di fatti.
Valutando la vita come un insieme di fatti e la teoria come un insieme di concetti, anche se questi due flussi vengono considerati coerenti e in grado di costituire conseguenze logiche ineccepibili, non si ottiene mai un’unità di azione e di pensiero e Bakunin verrebbe così ad apparire o come un fantoccio in preda alle convulsioni storiche imposte dallo spirito assoluto, o come un teorico indaffarato nel fare tante, troppe cose, per sviluppare a pieno e fino in fondo la sua teoria. Quello che un uomo ha trasformato a seguito del proprio agire verrebbe così irrimediabilmente travisato e resterebbe incompreso.
Ecco alcune riflessioni di Marx: «La \emph{Logica} – il denaro dello spirito, il valore speculativo ideale dell’uomo e della natura – l’essenza dell’uomo e della natura diventata completamente indifferente di fronte ad ogni determinatezza reale e perciò diventata irreale – il pensiero alienato, e che perciò astrae dalla natura e dall’uomo reale; il pensiero astratto. L’esteriorità di questo pensiero astratto\dots{} la natura, come essa è per questo pensiero astratto. Essa è al pensiero astratto esterna, è per il pensiero astratto la perdita di se stesso; il quale la apprende a sua volta in modo esterno, come pensiero astratto, ma come pensiero astratto alienato. Infine lo spirito, questo pensiero che ritorna al suo luogo d’origine, che come spirito antropologico, fenomenologico, psicologico, etico, artistico-religioso vale pur sempre soltanto per sé, sino a che si trova alla fine come sapere assoluto nello spirito ormai assoluto, cioè astratto, e come tale si riferisce a se stesso, e ivi raggiunge la sua esistenza cosciente e adeguata. Infatti, la sua esistenza reale è l’astrazione. In Hegel vi è un duplice errore. Il primo si rivela con la massima chiarezza nella \emph{Fenomenologia}, questo luogo d’origine della filosofia hegeliana. Quando egli, ad esempio, concepisce la ricchezza, il potere statale, ecc., come enti resi estranei all’essere umano, ciò accade soltanto nella loro forma ideale\dots{} Essi sono enti ideali, e quindi sono puramente e semplicemente una estraniazione del pensiero filosofico puro, cioè astratto. Tutto il movimento finisce perciò nel sapere assoluto. Ciò da cui questi oggetti sono alienati e a cui si contrappongono con la pretesa di essere oggetti reali, è appunto il pensiero astratto. Il filosofo – e dunque proprio una forma astratta dell’uomo estraniato – si pone come misura del mondo estraniato. Tutta intera la storia dell’alienazione e tutta intera la revoca di questa alienazione non è quindi altro che la storia della produzione del pensiero astratto, cioè assoluto, del pensiero logico speculativo. L’estraniazione che costituisce perciò l’interesse proprio di questa alienazione e della soppressione di questa alienazione, è l’opposizione, all’interno dello stesso pensiero, tra l’in sé e il per sé, tra la coscienza e l’autocoscienza, tra l’oggetto e il soggetto, cioè è l’opposizione tra il pensiero astratto e la realtà sensibile o la sensibilità reale. Tutte le altre opposizioni e tutti gli altri movimenti di queste opposizioni non sono che l’apparenza, l’involucro, la forma essoterica di queste opposizioni, che sono le uniche interessanti e costituiscono il senso delle altre opposizioni, delle opposizioni profane. Come essenza posta e quindi da sopprimere dell’estraniazione vale [per Hegel] non già il fatto che l’essere umano si oggettivizzi in modo disumano, in opposizione a se stesso, ma il fatto che si oggettivizza differenziandosi e opponendosi al pensiero astratto». (K. Marx, \emph{Manoscritti economico-filosofici del 1844}, tr. it., Torino 1968, pp. 164-165). A parte il gioco terminologico che qui risente fortemente delle cabale hegeliane, è del contrasto tra essere e apparire che Marx parla, del farsi dell’essere al di fuori della storia che gli uomini narrono a se stessi, in quella concretezza reale che solo può accoglierlo e di cui non si ha esatta cognizione fin quando uno non c’è dentro fino in fondo. La vita non ha distinzioni possibili se non divinizzate nell’astrattezza o materializzate in un’idea falsa e spesso compromissoria del passato, di ciò che è veramente appartenuto all’uomo e che ormai è solo polvere e silenzio. Ecco perché la storia non sta prima del mondo per come l’uomo lo crea continuamente, né dopo, nell’istante in cui l’azione si concretizza, e di cui può restare memoria tutt’altro che storica nella rammemorazione.
Nei singoli fatti, se così li prendiamo in considerazione, seguendo le abitudini dello storico e del filosofo, non c’è transizione possibile all’uomo completo, al rivoluzionario anarchico. Apparirebbero di volta in volta fantasmi differenti uno dall’altro, perfettamente adeguati all’apparire che è il modulo coatto del fare. Il cospiratore, il nobile decaduto, lo studente hegeliano, il barricadiero, il prigioniero rinchiuso nel ridotto delle varie fortezze, l’evaso, l’esiliato, l’avventuriero, il padre di figli non suoi, il sovversivo intento a tessere le prossime insurrezioni, mai Bakunin.
Il rivoluzionario anarchico è altra cosa. Sfugge al coltello dello storico e al crivello del filosofo. Per raggiungere questa completezza occorre porsela davanti senza rinunciare, di volta in volta, a ciò che resta dopo aver conosciuto la vita di Bakunin e letto i suoi scritti. Questo residuo può sembrare non pertinente ma per me è essenziale, esso è costituito dall’avventura qualitativa che non solo trasforma la vita evitando di ridurla a mera successione di fatti, ma trasforma la realtà in cui la vita viene a trovarsi inserita. Questa indagine sulle trasformazioni non esiste al modo della storia, cioè non collega cause ed effetti, ma inquadra l’uomo nella sua esistenza unitaria, nella sua individualità, dove emerge in relazione contestuale al suo essere rivoluzionario anarchico un modo di vivere e di pensare dotato di unitarietà prive di coordinate spazio-temporali.
Quello che viene qui perseguito non è pertanto identificabile come una storia o una teoria del modo di vivere e di pensare di Bakunin, non è una struttura che proponiamo come sintesi di pensiero e azione, ma è tutto questo inserito in un progetto rivoluzionario che da tutto questo prende le mosse e oltrepassa le ragioni logiche che lo reggono e l’efficacia, necessariamente limitata, che lo realizza.
Una funzione di esistenza appartiene a ognuno di noi, essa di regola è immersa nell’ottusità del fare, dove annega e si mummifica fabbricando oggetti, attraverso l’intuizione della propria incompletezza essa si può trasformare in funzione qualitativamente significante, senza che la successione degli eventi, vista necessariamente da un terzo osservatore prigioniero di un’estraneità temporale irrimediabile, cambi o venga giustapposta o cancellata. Quello che di volta in volta apparirà qui di Bakunin non sarà un pezzo della sua storia, ma l’insieme rammemorato della mia esperienza qualitativamente diversa, maturata grazie alla frequentazione del suo agire anarchico e rivoluzionario. Ciò comporta necessariamente una serie di ripetizioni e di esitazioni, di riprese e interruzioni, di parzialità e approssimazioni che all’occhio dello storico sembreranno lacune imperdonabili e a quello del filosofo ingenuità irripetibili. Ma non ho mai perseguito adeguamenti di saperi disciplinari, quindi non mi aspetto da parte loro risposta diversa.
Tutt’altra sarebbe la posizione di coloro che pretendono individuare la comprensione di un accadimento all’interno degli elementi che lo costituiscono. Un dubbio in merito mi senbra voglia sollevare Gadamer: «Nello sviluppo della teoria di Schleiermacher incontriamo Dilthey, che ci parla di un “orientamento verso il centro” per descrivere la comprensione di un tutto: ecco come Dilthey applica all’insieme dei problemi storici il principio tradizionale dell’ermeneutica, secondo il quale un testo deve essere comprensibile attraverso se stesso. Resta tuttavia da vedere se l’idea di circolo della comprensione si fonda su di una descrizione corretta. Ora, da una parte, tutto ciò che Schleiermacher e il romanticismo ci riferiscono sui fattori soggettivi della comprensione non ci sembra convincente». (H. G. Gadamer, \emph{Il problema della coscienza storica}, tr. it., Napoli 1969, pp. 77-78). Il che non è poco. Ma lascia intendere che lo scopo della storia dovrebbe rimanere quello di fornire spiegazioni quanto più complete, il che resta da provare.
Non essendo indispensabile nei meri fatti raccolti dagli storici né nell’occhio delle teorie che i filosofi potrebbero dilungarsi a svolgere, questa condizione precariamente intermedia, con cui mi accingo ad accostare Bakunin, si basa sull’insieme di tutto quello che in essa ho potuto conoscere riguardo questo rivoluzionario anarchico, insieme che mi è stato possibile cogliere perché anche io non mi sono tirato indietro ma ho affrontato gli stessi rischi che ha affrontato lui, sia pure in condizioni ed epoche diverse. Quello che qui apparirà, costituendo la guida per una lettura non sempre agevole, sarà però Bakunin nella sua azione pratica e teorica, non la mia che restando invisibile farà da contraltare esplicativo materiale ai tanti interrogativi di cui in fondo si costituisce questo lavoro. Ho pertanto interrogato il materiale raccolto da altri con intendimenti diversi dai miei e ho sviluppato l’indagine verso la qualità non verso la quantità, cioè non ho preteso che le cose mi rispondessero soddisfacendo alle mie richieste, ho lasciato che esse si dessero a me secondo il mio modo di intendere l’oltrepassamento del quantitativo.
La comunicazione col materiale disponibile – in sostanza gli otto volumi delle \emph{Opere complete} nella traduzione italiana da me edita nell’arco di più di trent’anni – non è stata quella di un ascoltatore di fronte a un soggetto parlante, ma di un dialogo fra due pratiche rammemoranti, spesso del tutto avulse dalle regole che in un determinato tratto di tempo e di spazio si impongono alla funzione del dire, alla forza della parola. Il mio sforzo non sarà quindi né storico né filosofico e non sarà un mio discorso, o almeno non lo sarà del tutto, perché il segno che in esso sarà possibile rintracciare è quello dell’agire rivoluzionario e anarchico di Bakunin. Così, al di là di quello stesso limite che ogni discorso ha, che ogni parola trova e non è capace di superare, c’è l’oltrepassamento di Bakunin e il mio, questi due movimenti non devieranno necessariamente il mio dire dall’obiettivo Bakunin, ma proporranno sempre – nei limiti concessimi – questo obiettivo caratterizzandolo con i segni insostituibili della mia personale esperienza rivoluzionaria e anarchica. Ciò potrà dislocare l’efficacia della parola di Bakunin ricomponendola in forme impensate, dislocate in territori dove il lettore provveduto non se li può attendere, ma questa è la sfasatura che il materiale riceve non per motivi ermeneutici ma perché entra in contatto con la mia presenza perturbante, né storica né filosofica. Questo mio tentativo viene a rettificare l’idea inesatta che sia possibile fare rivivere Bakunin. Ora e con l’intermediarietà alchemica della parola, solo perché lo si è sottratto alle grinfie di storici e filosofi. Non c’è un modo puro di parlare né di Bakunin né di altro, la parola è impura ed è prodotta dal fare coatto, quindi segue le sorti di quest’ultimo. Nel caso che ci occupa, per due motivi però, il primo appartenente a Bakunin e il secondo a me, questa parola è quella della rammemorazione, quindi risente dell’esperienza nella qualità.
Non potendosi presupporre contenuti oggettivi non è possibile supporre percezioni e orientamenti soggettivi allo stato puro, questi movimenti sono mie proiezioni oggettuali come ogni altro tentativo di parlare di un’esperienza qualitativamente diversa, cioè come ogni altra rammemorazione. L’esperienza altra, vissuta dal rivoluzionario Bakunin, non è quella contenuta nei suoi scritti, ormai consegnati alla storia, e fatta strame dai denti aguzzi degli specialisti, essa, dall’interno di questo luogo rinchiuso non parla, non ha un pensiero suo che non sia quello commisurabile ai parametri codificati nella storia e nella filosofia, elementi portanti dell’avviamento alla caverna dei massacri. Se le cose stessero diversamente non ci sarebbe stato bisogno di andare inseguendo le segnature di cui abbiamo parlato nel sentiero nella foresta. L’orgoglio dell’oggettualità fattiva mostra tutti i suoi limiti nella circoscritta grandiosità del costruire questa stessa impresa a cui ho dato completamento io nell’editare le \emph{Opere complete} di Bakunin seguendo il lavoro – per altro tecnicamente encomiabile – di Lehning. Così la storia registra i suoi processi ma anche l’assenza di una capacità interna che ne registri e indirizzi i destini. Tutta la potenza del successo, della conquista, degli Stati che nascono e muoiono, mantenendo intatta la loro capacità di massacrare, tutto ciò svanisce come nebbia al sole non appena si considera l’inconsiderabile parola rammemorante del rivoluzionario che fronteggia il silenzio dei cimiteri provenendo dall’essenza e dall’intensità qualitativa, luoghi inaccessibili alla parola.
Per motivi non del tutto diversi, il risultato non sarà una serie di riflessioni libere e ipotetiche sulla complessa vicenda terrena di Bakunin. Anche puntualizzando i suoi contributi come simbiosi di azione e pensiero non si avrebbe che una valutazione generalissima, come per altro potrebbe accadere anche per mano di un qualsiasi storico di buona volontà. Non si devono isolare queste esperienze alla loro semplice esistenza come passione, cioè a ciò che esse condividono con la realtà fattuale e a ciò che di diverso a questa apportano, e tutto questo per il semplice fatto di essere queste esperienze e non altro.
Ma, invertendo il processo, la riflessione – allargandosi ben al di là dell’immediato e improbabile commento esplicativo – deve ricondurre a unità l’esperienza di Bakunin e il tempo presente in cui essa viene rivissuta nell’azione oggi, proliferando o mortificandosi, mostrandosi nella trasformazione o nascondendosi nella teoria che prepara – ma non lo può capire fino in fondo – altre azioni. L’oltrepassamento non è una via che sta automaticamente dopo l’apertura, non ci sono carte geografiche che descrivono questo movimento, ma è un diverso atteggiamento della coscienza. Non si tratta di una indicazione esterna ma di un movimento che compie la persona stessa che può essere in grado di rammemorarlo. Nessuna descrizione è possibile ad opera di cosiddetti specialisti, storici in primo luogo. L’oltrepassamento è l’oltrepassato stesso che oltrepassa, non un accadimento che chi non oltrepassa è in grado di constatare nel momento in cui non lo sta vivendo. L’indispensabile di questa caratteristica è dato dal coinvolgimento, per cui non c’è una forza esterna che può spingere verso un dato modo di atteggiarsi ma tutto si matura all’interno della coscienza immediata che diventa diversa. Dare parola a questa trasformazione è sempre un tentativo male riuscito – il presente lavoro solo dentro limiti molto ristretti non si inscrive in questa categoria – anche se è evidente che si tratta di processi che non possono passare inosservati.
Una lettura delle teorie di Bakunin può essere un fatto vacuo e generico, una conoscenza meramente strumentale, un tassello erudito e pretenzioso del più ampio quadro di un’epoca ormai trascorsa a cui lo storico – maestro di vacuità insieme al filosofo – vuole apportare il suo contributo di rispecchiamento. In questo modo i suoi testi devono essere presi alla lettera, decodificati, scarnificati, esposti nella propria ossatura linguistica, mortificati nella singolarità di una sola significanza. Nessun altro intervento è possibile, nessuna altra determinazione che non sia quella oggettuale. Al contrario, se inseriamo in questa lettura la scoperta di una passione e di un segno che non necessariamente nel testo può risultare a tutta prima, e a questa incisione in profondità aggiungiamo la rammemorazione di un personale nostro coinvolgimento, agire di fronte ad agire, oltrepassamento che si confronta con oltrepassamento, la comprensione sarà per forza diversa e lo sforzo ermeneutico indirizzerà se stesso a una totalità di testo e di pensiero, di lettura e di rammemorazione. È questa nuova unità che ci preme sottolineare, con la sua singolare diversità che la disloca lontano dalla storia e dalla filosofia e la colloca nella vita.
Ha scritto Bradley: «Costa poca fatica trovare che infine la Realtà è imperscrutabile. È facile percepire che ogni apparenza non essendo la Realtà è un nonsenso fallace. Queste verità sono, costituiscono il patrimonio di ogni uomo. È facile concludere ulteriormente che forse il Reale sta a parte, e si afferma da sé e non scende nei fenomeni; è facile considerare un altro lato dello stesso errore. La Realtà è concepita forse come immanente in tutte le sue apparenze, in modo tale che sia ugualmente presente in tutte. Ogni cosa è così priva di valore da una parte e sublime dall’altra, per cui nulla può essere più basso o più nobile. È contro entrambi i lati di questo errore, contro questa vuota trascendenza, contro questo basso panteismo che le nostre pagine possono sembrare una polemica. La positiva relazione di ogni apparenza come attributo della Realtà, e la presenza della Realtà nelle sue apparenze in gradi diversi e con diversi valori: questa duplice verità noi abbiamo visto essere il centro della filosofia. E perché l’Assoluto non è un’astrazione ma ha un carattere positivo, è perché questo Assoluto stesso è positivamente presente in tutte le apparenze, che le apparenze stesse possono possedere vere differenze di valore». (F. H. Bradley, \emph{Apparenza e realtà}, tr. it., Milano 1957, pp. 575-576). Non è esattamente questo il modo in cui stabilire la distanza tra essere ed apparire, tra qualità e quantità, tra ciò che vuole completarsi e non ci riesce e ciò che essendo completo è semplicemente quello che è. Ma è di certo una positiva indicazione per mettere in guardia contro la sostanziale apparenza di quello che di solito è considerata vera e propria realtà, considerando quest’ultima un modo differente per indicare l’essere.
L’apparenza è adesso in secondo piano, l’apparenza Bakunin e la mia apparenza di estensore di introduzioni all’edizione italiana delle \emph{Opere complete}. La nuova rilevanza è data dall’essere Bakunin che emerge dalle sue passioni contrassegnate, impresse, nelle sue teorie e nella sua vita, rivissute da me, nella mia azione e nella mia vita non come occasionale disseminazione ma come motivo ed elemento di vita qualitativamente diversa. L’apparenza non contrassegna nulla se non l’oggetto fatto, se questo fare viene revocato in dubbio scompare e rimane l’essere delle cose se questa scomparsa è stata caratterizzata da una ricerca personale e rischiosa, mai doma, della qualità.
L’essere, in questo modo, torna di volta in volta a comparire nello sforzo di segnare l’esperienza di quella passione che l’apparenza vorrebbe togliere via come superflua e distogliente dall’oggettualità fattiva. Qui, questo essere, appena delineato nello spazio unitario di cui sopra, potrebbe sparire e vanificare ogni sforzo, esso infatti non è un concetto che una volta affidato al meccanismo produttivo diventa un oggetto e si può cristallizzare in un bel libro di storia, come un’aggiunta o un’appendice. Esso vive nella partecipazione con cui lo facciamo vivere, con la passione che riusciamo a risvegliare, con il segno che abbiamo la capacità di riportare alla luce col nostro – non con quello di Bakunin – impegno rivoluzionario e anarchico.
Questo sforzo, qui appena accennato, ma che delineeremo più a lungo, non è una tecnica determinata ma un sentiero nella foresta, un camminamento a ritroso verso qualcosa che sta a monte dei testi e della vita di Bakunin, e che non sempre è direttamente intelligibile interrogando questi testi e leggendo le sue biografie. È un segno nascosto che non è facile scoprire se non ci si mette a rischio personalmente, se non si è vissuta personalmente una vita rivoluzionaria e anarchica, certamente non uguale a quella di Bakunin, che sarebbe ridicola imitazione, per altro impossibile, ma parallela, con proprie esperienze e dolori e morte. Qui non emergono saperi particolari né tecniche sconosciute da rivalutare. Qui è la vita a dettare le sue leggi di completezza, inaccessibili a imbecilli e oziosi.
Questo sentiero nella foresta non è la foresta ma è nella foresta. C’è chi si ferma a descrivere la foresta e chi si limita a darci interpretazioni del suo significato, cioè di ciò che essa fa come foresta. Chi segue quel sentiero presuppone queste conoscenze parziali e non li esclude a priori, entra però in esse in maniera diversa. Vive un itinerario nella foresta che pur non mettendo in dubbio la sua caratteristica esterna la oltrepassa e coglie la sua unicità totale in tutte le esperienze che percorrendo quel sentiero gli occorre di fare, nessuna esclusa. Queste esperienze non hanno posto nella storia della foresta perché sono momenti di un camminamento al suo interno e non possono nemmeno essere sottoposte a qualche interpretazione perché la parola che le documenta le rammemora, non le interpreta o le racconta. Queste esperienze sono una serie di punti di riferimento impressi nella foresta, segni o tracce per individuare quell’unicità totale che solo nell’oltrepassamento escono fuori dalla superficiale considerazione della foresta come storia e come teoria.
Nel mio procedere su questo territorio perennemente sconosciuto, rimango anche nelle condizioni dell’immediatezza? Non è possibile questa domanda in quanto prevede un atteggiamento temporale che la diversità qualitativa esclude, e ciò anche se il rinvenimento delle segnature nella foresta non è ancora esperienza diversa nel vero senso più intimo, però rimane in ogni caso una condizione che non può essere paragonata al permanere, incerto e dubitativo, che spesso passeggia nei margini della foresta e si interroga sul da farsi. Intuisco che le tracce man mano rinvenute mi dicono qualcosa, anche a livello di semplice percezione, ma il criterio selettivo che mi aiutava nella logica dell’a poco a poco qui non vale. Sarà nel momento dell’oltrepassamento che la cognizione immediata scomparirà del tutto. Del Bakunin dei miei studi mi resta allora ben poco, forse nulla. Mi trovo io da solo di fronte al mio personale coinvolgimento, temporalmente immutabile. Ogni volta la segnatura mi ripropone una lettura non ripetibile della vita e delle teorie di Bakunin, ogni volta è un individuo diverso che mi confronta, e sono diverso anch’io che confronto me stesso con l’esperienza della rivoluzoone fatta da Bakunin ai suoi tempi e nei suoi luoghi di permanenza. La valutazione della miseria quotidiana in cui vivo e la critica negativa che ne traggo fuori, con cui affronto la mia inquietudine, sono sempre differenti da quelle che potrei fare limitandomi ad una lettura, diciamo così, storiografica o filosofica dei testi di Bakunin, o a una qualche riflessione più o meno sapiente sulle vicende della sua vita, sulla quale si sono esercitate le penne spuntate di tanti agiografi. Fuori da queste angustie il mio oltrepassamento non cade nel vuoto, è qui, accanto a me, insieme frughiamo nella segnatura e non cerchiamo di armonizzare le differenze che emergono da dati di fatto o comportamenti vari, andiamo oltre, rammemoriamo il significato recondito dell’azione – la mia e quella di Bakunin – correndo anche il rischio di restare impantanati nella semplice modificazione, versione che non vede al di là del proprio naso. Eppure, questo fallimento, se possibile, non è scontato. Posso andare nella solitudine e nella desolazione dell’azione ancora una volta e puntualmente ritrovare i medesimi segni lasciati come traccia, punti di riferimento per ogni uomo degno di questo nome.
Come tutti gli itinerari individuali questo mio sentiero nella foresta ha per oggetto esperienze, cioè situazioni e documenti individualmente considerati, ne consegue una considerevole base di aleatorietà, di volta in volta innestata nel mio stesso coinvolgimento. Gli accadimenti di quest’ultimo vengono così rinvenuti nel corso dell’itinerario nel sentiero che si inoltra nella foresta e indicati con opportuna attenzione qualificante, cioè contrassegnati. Su questi riferimenti il discorso non sarà più un commento ma una scoperta, via via rinnovata di particolari rivissuti nell’unicità totale del coinvolgimento. Singolarmente presi questi particolari hanno la stessa significanza, o potrebbero averla, di quando giacevano come reperti all’interno di un racconto storico, ma qui sono rivissuti alla luce della loro possibile qualità, cioè del ruolo che hanno svolto e continuano a svolgere nel coinvolgimento mio e in ogni ulteriore possibile coinvolgimento, senza che si possa più separare ciò che fu l’esperienza di Bakunin e quella che è stata la mia esperienza o quella di altri che si sono accinti o si accingeranno a percorrere lo stesso sentiero. Queste esperienze – contrariamente a quanto può sembrare – non sono detriti o rifiuti storici, al contrario, sono quell’unicità totale di cui si discute qua sopra. Esse eccedono la dimensione semiotica strettamente considerata ma per sostituirla con un contenuto corale che non è un nuovo concetto o un allargamento di un vecchio concetto ma un assolutamente altro. Quello che sto cercando di far vedere non è un Bakunin diverso inserito in una diversa metodologia di ricerca, ma semplicemente Bakunin nel suo agire come rivoluzionario anarchico. C’è qui la pretesa – quanto fondata essa sia resta da vedere – di consentire una visione di questo agire. Agire è faccenda che attiene all’essere, non lo si coglie nell’apparire, qui, come sappiamo, alberga soltanto il fare. È pertanto su questa distinzione che bisogna insistere. Così Heinrich Rickert: «Trattandosi di ciò che si chiama “l’essere” del mondo, più precisamente, si vuole rispondere alla domanda: che cos’è il mondo nella sua totalità? Ontologicamente, il baricentro va individuato nella parola “è”, e il concetto a essa collegato compare, nella formulazione del problema, come predicato. Ciò dobbiamo tener presente, e stabilire che la parola “essere”, in questo caso, può avere solo il significato di un predicato. Quando parliamo dell’“essere” del mondo, noi intendiamo un predicato che si aggiunge al mondo. Di conseguenza possiamo chiamare il mondo ciò che è o l’“essente”. Così intendiamo anche il temine “Ontologia”. Questa è la dottrina di ciò che predichiamo come essente. Come si presenta l’ulteriore formulazione dei problemi del mondo? Pensiamo, per rendercene conto, a ciò che significhi la conoscenza di una parte del mondo, per esempio di un modo semplice. Anche di questo si può affermare che “è”, e ciò, in questo caso, vuol dire che gli spetta, se lo si percepisce, la realtà sensibile come modo d’essere. Questo predicato si presuppone valido in ogni ulteriore conoscenza di altre modalità. Ma come stanno le cose, quando cerchiamo di conoscere “l’essere” del mondo? Allora emerge subito una differenza. Il modo d’essere, che nel conoscere di un modo sensibilmente percepito è tanto “ovvio” che di regola non occorre menzionarlo esplicitamente, in questo caso diviene un problema. Che cosa significa che il mondo “è”? Ciò vogliamo ancora conoscere attraverso l’ontologia. Quindi non dobbiamo presupporlo in nessun modo; piuttosto, la questione relativa al modo d’essere che spetti alla totalità del mondo come predicato, sta al centro dell’indagine dell’ontologia. Pertanto dobbiamo procedere innanzitutto in modo diverso rispetto ai casi in cui si tratta della conoscenza di parti del mondo il cui modo d’essere non è problematico. Ma non è l’unica differenza, relativa alla conoscenza di cui dobbiamo tener conto nell’ontologia. Non dobbiamo neppure presupporre che l’essere del mondo, nel suo modo, sia sempre lo stesso. Vi è piuttosto la possibilità di supporre più modi d’essere diversi, che nel loro insieme costituiscono il tutto del mondo, per far giustizia al suo essere complessivo, in modo universale, e filosofico. Spesso il problema ontologico è posto in modo diverso. Si cerca di comprendere “l’essere” del mondo come “unico” nel senso che vi può essere solo un “vero” essere. Dobbiamo badare che la parola “essere” è annoverata tra le espressioni più plurivoche che si usano nella lingua della vita pratica e di conseguenza (purtroppo) anche in Filosofia. Occorre anche tener presente che usiamo la parola “essere”, a volte, con un significato che si distingue da quello di ogni essere del mondo. Nelle nostre proposizioni, assegniamo con le parole perfino un “essere” a oggetti dei quali siamo convinti che non siano “nel mondo”. Un tale essere che compare, per esempio, in una proposizione come “il centauro è un cavallo a busto umano” dobbiamo escluderlo del tutto nel nostro contesto ontologico. In altre parole, dobbiamo guardarci da ogni presupposizione “monistica”, nell’impostazione del problema ontologico. Per contro resta possibile un ampio pluralismo ontologico. Per il raggiungimento di questo fine non vi è altra via se non quella di fissare, per prima cosa, la nostra considerazione su di un qualsiasi modo particolare dell’essere del mondo che ci si impone, e di chiederci fin dove incontriamo un altro modo diverso di essere nel mondo. Con tale concetto dobbiamo poi ripetere lo stesso tentativo e continuare fino a quando la ricerca non incontra più alcun modo sconosciuto dell’essere. Solo con un tale procedimento “empirico” giungiamo a una risposta sui possibili significati da collegare con la parola “essere”, se questi nel loro insieme devono essere idonei a caratterizzare il tutto del mondo, nella sua varietà ontologicamente completa». (\emph{Grundprobleme der Philosophie}. \emph{Methodologie} – \emph{Ontologie} – \emph{Anthropologie}, ns. tr., Tübingen 1934, pp. 54-55). Il testo di Rickert non è certo dei più confortanti. Non è questa la strada – quella di una pretesa ontologia – per dire l’essere ma, al contrario, quella di ammettere chiaramente la sua indicibilità e, nello stesso tempo, cercare di aggirarla grazie alla rammemorazione. Restando nel nostro tema è naturale che io non posso fare rivivere Bakunin né la sua azione rivoluzionaria, ma posso con tutti questi limiti, e non mettendoli da parte, allontanarmi dalla mummia che la storia pretende impormi.
Il modo di concepire la storia e la filosofia si è adeguato sempre più alle condizioni imposte dal fare coatto irrigidendosi in una semplice capacità mimetica. Lo storico si adagia sui documenti e il filosofo si adegua ai testi, quello che questa gente cerca è una somiglianza tra un modello ipotetico di influenze reciproche fra le forze agenti nel mondo in un dato momento temporale e gli accadimenti, i testi, i reperti di ogni genere, che hanno raccolto e tengono prigionieri delle loro analisi. Questi parallelismi sono sterili se non si associano a una ricerca della qualità, e questa ricerca è impossibile se a priori si cerca di isolare solo quello che attiene al governo della quantità. La parola, avvolta nel sudario quantitativo, è muta e non sa interrogare né i testi né gli accadimenti, tende soltanto a salvarsi reificandosi. Sfuggendo a questa logica e interrogando l’avventura qualitativa, viene fuori un corredo inesausto di corrispondenze che formano una sorta di dottrina delle significanze particolari, tutte afferenti all’unità di cui abbiamo parlato. Più che un accumulo o un archivio, qui siamo di fronte a un inesausto ribollire di rapporti tra il documento e l’intendere qualitativo, cioè la scoperta di intenzioni che il testo, nella sua arida limitatezza, non riesce a volte a tirare fuori. Qui si colloca quel sottile rapporto che c’è sempre tra manifesto e immanifesto, tra il fare e l’agire, tra la quantità e la qualità. Quello che il testo riesce così a fare pervenire al fruitore attraverso la rammemorazione qualitativa posta in atto da quest’ultimo è nella parola ma solo in parte, per il resto è nel lettore, così come era in Bakunin, evidentemente nello stesso modo ma con esisti sempre differenti. Perché questi esiti vengano alla luce occorrono i portatori di qualità, cioè gli oltrepassatori, gli avventurieri dell’impensabile, altrimenti si tratta di uno sterile rimescolamento. Con particolare pregnanza la riflessione di Georg Simmel: «L’esigenza della nomologicità per quell’accedere che chiamiamo storia ha finito per dissolvere il concetto specifico di storia. Noi possiamo anche isolare una certa classe di fenomeni e raccoglierla unitariamente sotto quel concetto che sia funzionale alla prassi del conoscere. Con tutto questo però rimangono sempre fenomeni che non svelano le loro forze e i loro elementi più profondi, e nel momento in cui vogliamo discendere fino a quegli elementi ultimi cercando di dedurre da essi il loro risultato visibile o complesso, ecco che la loro differenziazione fin qui giustificata viene a infrangersi, ed essi si intrecciano nel gioco di insieme delle energie cosmiche: quella sfera circoscritta della “storia” non riesce più a fornire cause o leggi sufficienti per spiegare ogni suo singolo elemento. Ciò che le considerazioni precedenti mostravano ancora possibile – ossia che le leggi storiche costituiscano approssimazioni alla conoscenza dei fattori delle connessioni – trova con ciò il proprio limite interno. L’ulteriore differenziazione e realizzazione delle leggi storiche finisce per annullare il loro carattere di leggi storiche, o almeno la possibilità di dedurre da esse soltanto, posto che siano ancora leggi, l’accadere storico. Nondimeno però la contradictio in adiecto nel concetto di legge storica è in tutto ciò soltanto relativa: il significato specifico dell’essere storico non è per così dire quantitativamente sufficiente a soddisfare l’esigenza posta dal concetto di legge. La contraddizione diventa però assoluta quando le funzioni dei due concetti vengono poste più precisamente a confronto nell’ambito di quella differenziazione in cui li pone la divisione del lavoro scientifico». (\emph{I problemi della filosofia della storia}, tr. it., Genova 1982, pp. 96-97). Anche se con obiettivi differenti da quelli qui perseguiti, Simmel mette il dito nella piaga. Ci sono leggi storiche? Opinabile. E se non ci sono che ne è della storia e dei suoi servitori? Certo, il largo contributo del fare storiografico non si dissolve nel nulla dell’esperienza qualitativa, per come posso rammemorarla anche a partire dalla segnatura di cui discutiamo qua, dove questo nulla si riferirebbe alla mancanza di senso che sono solito riscontrare nelle cose umane direttamente proiettate verso la caverna dei massacri. Se così fosse, se quegli strumenti per i quali anch’io ho lavorato tanto, una volta per tutte fossero da gettare via, allora non si avrebbe più un oltrepassamento ma un superamento nel senso hegeliano del termine, la lotta per l’essere sarebbe alfine vittoriosa e io conquisterei il mio piantandovi sopra la bandiera. Invece è la perdita che mi attende. L’esperienza che in fondo desidero, e di cui parlo qui anche a proposito del mio lavoro su Bakunin, è la sconfitta stessa, l’inafferrabile qualità che nel momento in cui diventa mia, necessariamente sfuma nell’incertezza e nel dubbio di una rammemorazione – come pretenderebbero di essere le mie parole anche in questa sede – che deve affrontare l’aleatorietà del destino. La parola, dopo avere smesso di registrare, interruzione che ne sottolinea la profonda tragità, riprende il proprio percorso infelice dimenticando ogni volta i propri limiti. La foresta mi aveva accettato ma la sua condizione era desolata e incontrollabile, un non ancora perenne contro il quale non potevo avere mezzi per non perdermi definitivamente oltre il punto di non ritorno. Con tutto ciò, non sono tornato indietro. Insisto sempre, pur precipitando nelle condizioni di partenza. Ma il mio arricchimento, anche specifico nei confronti del faccia a faccia col problema che Bakunin di volta in volta mi sottopone, è l’esperienza della qualità. So bene che questa esperienza non potrà mai conchiudersi, che in essa ci sarà sempre un punto di estraneità, proprio quando tutto sembrava a portata di mano, la completezza finalmente raggiunta, e tutto torna a fuggire via senza misericordia. Il meccanismo possessivo si ripresenta, insiste nel suo prevalere, altrimenti sarebbe solo la follia ad avere la meglio, e nel meccanismo bisogna un’altra volta ritrovare la strada per l’oltrepassamento.
Certo, anche la rammemorazione è parola, quindi segno, espressione semiotica, per cui soggiace alle regole e alle limitazioni che gli storici e i filosofi considerano banali mezzi di espressione. Invece qui c’è qualcosa di diverso negli stessi limiti, qualcosa che come un lampo attraversa lo sforzo che viene fatto producendo una nuova prospettiva, una nuova sollecitazione ad agire, che guizza via e può dare vita a un nuovo oltrepassamento. Se questo non avviene, come ho detto molti anni fa, di Bakunin si può anche morire.
E che non accada è possibile, anzi è l’esito più comune. Molti leggono gli scritti di Bakunin come un libro d’avventura e si esaltano alle vicende della sua vita o si immaginano di condividere le analisi che le sue teorie – quasi sempre smozzicate e interrotte a metà – suggeriscono. In questo caso, l’intervento dello specialista, sia esso storico o filosofo, è provvidenziale. Fornisce materiale revisionato, oggetti filologicamente ineccepibili e non si cura se le conseguenze sono produzioni di oggetti coatti, buoni per essere avviati ad alimentare la caverna dei massacri. Si spegne così, mestamente, l’intelligenza rivoluzionaria che sta sotto quell’ammasso di accadimenti e di testi.
Cogliere questa intelligenza rivoluzionaria e anarchica, mimetizzata e quindi inaccessibile a storici e filosofi, è stato il compito che ci siamo assunti nell’affrontare l’edizione italiana delle \emph{Opere complete} di Bakunin. Decisamente in contropelo alla scelta voluta da Lehning, curatore dell’edizione di riferimento. Anche per questo motivo le \emph{Introduzioni} di questo esimio storico non compaiono nell’edizione italiana.
Ma, tenendo conto dell’insieme del nostro lavoro, non possiamo non riconoscergli anche una base storica, quindi una storia diversa, conseguente con l’azione non da questa avulsa e remota, come faccenda freddamente oggettuale. Occorre pertanto una lettura diversa dei documenti e degli accadimenti, capace di mettere in risalto degli indici mantenuti nascosti dal destino, incapace di rispondere alle sollecitazioni temporali o ai vecchi trucchi dialettici di cui si dilettano i filosofi. Se i documenti e i testi appartengono ad una data epoca, Bakunin non appartiene solo a quell’epoca, egli parla anche a noi attraverso la sua azione anarchica e rivoluzionaria. Ora quelle testimonianze possono restare nell’epoca che le produsse – e questo vogliono gli intagliatori di monumenti, storici e filosofi – o pervenire a una leggibilità diversa in un presente in cui quelle esperienze sono adesso sincrone grazie all’oltrepassamento personale di chi li prende in considerazione. L’ora del qui e subito si riferisce a una logica diversa e a una diversa conoscibilità che per amore di concordia possiamo definire storica. Ma non è il passato che rischiara la mia azione, sono io che nella mia azione, attraverso la rammemorazione, rileggo il passato alla luce del destino. Il passato si salda all’ora grazie alla mia azione e viene così colto in un lampo, corrispondente all’esperienza nella qualità. In questo modo si inserisce l’esperienza del passato nell’azione e qui segue la logica del tutto e subito, cogliendosi a sprazzi come lampi nella notte. Il sogno degli storici che il passato possa servire da insegnamento al presente ha un fondamento conservativo che il discorso che stiamo sviluppando non possiede.
L’oggetto storico non è diverso dagli altri oggetti prodotti dal fare coatto, non ha un privilegio particolare, non si staglia nell’orizzonte interpretativo per una sua qualità che non possiede in quanto oggetto, la sua neutralità oggettuale la devo forzare attraverso il mio personale coinvolgimento, ed è la mia nuova condizione che mi permette di leggere diversamente questo oggetto individuando al suo interno le caratteristiche impresse dall’oltrepassamento realizzato o meno dal suo autore, cioè dall’uomo a cui quell’oggetto storico si riferisce. Queste tracce sono per loro natura effimere perché residui qualitativi e possono soltanto essere rammemorate con riflessioni che a petto della compostezza degli storici e dei filosofi, possono sembrare rapsodiche, comunque non neutrali.
Questa lettura introduce in Bakunin – restando nell’ambito che ci occupa – una discontinuità che ben si adatta sia al suo modo di pensare che al suo modo di agire. In lui quello che appare a tutta prima vecchio è nuovo per improvvisi dislivelli di approfondimento e può anche capitare che ciò che potrebbe sembrare nuovo è vecchio. C’è così, a volte, un essere che cangia in apparire e un apparire che diventa essere, come quando si insiste più del dovuto nella rammemorazione ricoprendola con interpretazioni non accettabili, o come quando si cerca di organizzare temporalmente accadimenti per proporli in modo lineare quando andrebbero visti in una circolarità ripetitiva priva di ogni scopo accumulativo.
Il gioco dell’esposizione temporale non può irrigidirsi in una distanza irremovibile, ogni volta, non bisogna dimenticare che è l’ora a prevalere e a collocare le sequenze in una relazione speciale con il gesto coinvolgente del fruitore che fa proprio, e fa rivivere in modo incomputabile, l’oggetto storico linearmente temporalizzato. Quello che proponiamo è una lettura paradossale che implica una certa libertà di movimenti e una non trascurabile sfasatura in cui il passato è incluso in un adesso che sta fuori del tempo storico per entrare nel tempo qualitativamente condensato dell’azione. In altri termini, non entriamo interamente nel passato e non siamo soli con le nostre azioni e con le relative rammemorazioni, ma produciamo una costellazione nuova di accadimenti e di testi che non coincide con l’originale intenzione di rispecchiamento amata dagli storici e inseguita come un ideale di verità dai filosofi.
Tutto ruota attorno all’oltrepassamento e al dire, cioè alla parola che indica, mostra, mette in luce, l’assetto qualitativo che si è prodotto, con tutti i limiti della parola chiamata a un compito contro natura. Nata come oggetto è distorta a raccontare qualcosa che come l’esperienza diversa non è più un oggetto o non lo è più del tutto. Ciò produce effetti diversi dal fare coatto, quindi difficilmente controllabili, e non dà garanzie o sicurezze. La puntualità qualitativa stessa è costantemente oscillante, scossa dalla violenza con cui l’esperienza diversa si realizza forzando significati che, addormentati nella storia, possono non volere venir fuori. Qui siamo davanti a scelte di vita vere e proprie non a scelte apparenti che sostanzialmente lasciano indifferente chi è chiamato a scegliere. Qua la violenza è reale e si paga o è stata pagata e viene rammemorata, come se si dovesse pagare ancora e ancora per sempre. Non si tratta di violenza simbolica o simulata, si tratta della vita. «Il polimorfismo della storia non nega l’universalità dell’uomo ideale, ma combatte i tentativi di restringere quell’universalità dentro formulazioni, descrizioni, definizioni che pretendano una volta per tutte di stabilire cosa sia e possa l’uomo». (P. Piovani, \emph{Conoscenza storica e coscienza morale}, Napoli 1966, p. 152). Il che lascia intendere non solo quello che la storia non deve essere ma anche quello che la storia finisce comunque con l’essere a prescindere di ogni buona volontà dello storico.
Rileggendo Bakunin alla luce di moduli qualitativamente diversi si instaura un rapporto diverso con gli accadimenti e i testi, si porta a completamento ciò che per la sua natura oggettuale doveva restare aperto e incompleto, e questa sopraggiunta completezza non è mai senza conseguenze su di noi perché siamo noi che l’abbiamo voluta mettere in moto. Il modo in cui ritorniamo su Bakunin ha ora e subito una efficacia e un significato diversi perché è un modo rivoluzionario e anarchico ed è capace di spezzare la dura scorza dell’oggetto storico, prodotto e confezionato in luoghi opportunamente asettici, e metterlo in mostra per quello che ora è, uno strumento per agire nato dall’azione e che deve ritornare all’azione. La sua efficacia non ha natura esplicativa ma attiva. È pur sempre parola, ma è parola che violentemente apre l’incompletezza dell’oggetto storico e lo consegna all’aleatoria completezza dell’azione.
Operando in questo modo, ogni riflessione porta con sé una segnatura diversa, un contrassegno inaspettato, mostra cioè la sua particolare pertinenza col fruitore che quella impressione ha inciso col proprio coinvolgimento e non con un semplice dire che aggiunge incompletezza significante alla vecchia incompletezza significata. Ciò comporta una profonda caratterizzazione dell’impatto che chiunque può ricevere leggendo gli scritti di Bakunin o una sua biografia. Questa incisione profonda non è una “lettura” rivoluzionaria, ma una maniera diversa di accostarsi al problema, non opera una scelta più sofisticata di concetti necessari all’interpretazione, ma non si pone neanche questo problema. Non colloca davanti a sé concetti guida, colloca il proprio coinvolgimento nell’azione come uomo e come rivoluzionario anarchico che fa propria quella maniera diversa di accostarsi al problema. Così, ripercorrendo le tappe del suo maestro Gentile, Eugenio Garin: «Il dire che il fatto, il documento, la lettera muta del libro, rivivono nello storico, ossia nell’atto che li risuscita e li fa parlare, non significa se non che i segni, i suoni umani, le opere, parlano agli uomini nella misura in cui una comune umanità unisce l’umanità di ogni tempo: ossia nella misura in cui l’uomo trova nella memoria degli uomini la traccia della lunga vicenda che l’ha fatto qual è oggi». (\emph{La filosofia come sapere storico}, Bari 1959, p. 129). E altrove, lo stesso autore: «Se il sapere storico è reso possibile dalla “comune umanità”, ovvero “dall’umanità di sempre” e questa certamente non è una metafisica natura dell’uomo, ma “la lunga vicenda che l’ha fatto qual è oggi”, la storia daccapo non può essere un mero succedersi di eventi, ma l’ordito di una “memoria”, ciò senza di cui una memoria non può esservi e che, a sua volta, non può darsi senza una memoria, insomma un’organizzazione di significati, un intreccio d’intenzionali aperture all’universale, una convivenza di svariate ragioni». (\emph{L’età nuova}, Napoli 1969, p. 32). L’intervento di una memoria può – se collettiva, come pare voglia intendere Garin – garantire un ideale ipotetico da preservare per meglio mantenere l’efficacia della catena che trattiene i movimenti degli schiavi, oltre all’ovvio indirizzo del prodotto finito verso la caverna dei massacri, ma non può fornire linfa vitale alla immancabile ovvietà che lega l’avvenimento alla sua semplice registrazione che ne uccide l’antica urgenza vitale e ne preserva soltanto la mummia. Il rivoluzionario oltrepassa la propria condizione priva di qualità ma non scompare del tutto nella nebbia del punto di non ritorno, almeno non gli accade questo ineluttabilmente. Proprio il suo stesso impegno lo trae indietro e lo riporta nella quantità da dove riprenderà l’eterno viaggio verso l’impossibile. Alla qualità non manca la quantità, è a quest’ultima che manca la prima, le è solo inconcepibile, come appunto alla quantità manca la qualità per quanto cerchi di personificarla in molti modi. Essendo impossibile l’abbraccio definitivo con la qualità, il risultato è un tentativo continuo che rinnova incessantemente il desiderio senza esaurirlo, perché nel mondo c’è solo una misera traccia di quello che ai più sfugge. Non c’è libertà che non abbia catene o giustizia che non bari sulla bilancia, non c’è bene che non sia ridicola imitazione e indegna farsa.
Riflettere sugli scritti di Bakunin e sulla sua vita non pone in primo piano il dilemma tra concettualità politica e concettualità rivoluzionaria e anarchica, non è questo il punto. La scelta dell’oltrepassamento indirizza l’impatto con Bakunin con un’azione qualitativamente diversa, quindi rimanda indietro i concetti politici come qualcosa di estraneo, di fittizio, appartenente al mondo del fare non dell’agire, mentre trattiene i concetti rivoluzionari e anarchici. Nella rammemorazione che ne consegue, da non confondersi con una qualsiasi oziosa riflessione storico-filosofica, si scopre che questi non sono concetti, cioè prodotti oggettualizzati del fare, prigionieri della conoscenza accumulata e servile di cui sono piene la storia e la filosofia, ma sentieri nella foresta, misteriosi camminamenti che indicano ora e subito il loro significato e non lo indicizzano temporalizzandolo, cioè fissandolo come un sudario sull’opera di Bakunin.
L’ottica rivoluzionaria e anarchica con cui adesso guardo l’opera di Bakunin agisce, dicevo, come una violenta e avventurosa penetrazione nella foresta, assolutamente sconosciuta, malgrado i tanti lavori storici e filosofici che hanno travagliato questo immane groviglio di vegetazione quasi interamente rimasto vergine. Adesso questa incisione, questa segnatura, indica un percorso del tutto nuovo e non si limita ad allargare o a vestire con abiti ammodernati i percorsi precedenti. Non c’è verso di rimuovere questa impronta che lega la mia, e la nostra, lettura da ciò che per me, e per noi, è Bakunin. Usando il plurale indico quei fruitori che come me si sono messi in cammino in questo sentiero e non si sono ritratti indietro per ignavia o per paura di compromettere la loro splendente armatura difensiva. Questa impronta, questo percorso, rivive nella rammemorazione e, per converso, l’azione mia e di altri, rivive nel testo e nella vita di Bakunin. Potranno aversi future esercitazioni ermeneutiche che, provvidenzialmente per loro, dimenticheranno questa o quella rammemorazione, e saranno povere interpretazioni cieche aggirantesi in prossimità della caverna dei massacri. “Ogni dovere – scriveva Simmel – è il risultato di tutta la nostra storia; e la nostra storia individuale è un essere molteplicemente intrecciato in una lunga serie orizzontale e verticale di generazioni”, condivisibile affermazione, con tutto quel che ne consegue. È nella vita degli uomini, nel loro continuo affaticarsi per sopravvivere uno all’altro, nello spaventoso indirizzarsi verso il massacro, che stanno inscritte le tavole del dovere, govervate dalla volontà. Da questo panorama di orrori non ci si libera se non avventurandosi nell’azione. Bakunin lo sapeva, gli storici che hanno lavorato sul suo cadavere non sono mai riusciti a impararlo.
La posta in gioco, in ultima analisi, è la lotta contro il potere. Ora, o questa emerge dagli sforzi di una qualche intenzione pulita di accostarsi a Bakunin, oppure ancora una volta saranno chiacchiere da cortile, come quelle che il Partito comunista francese, negli anni Settanta, faceva ancora circolare riciclando le favole di Bakunin agente segreto dello Zar. (Cfr. J. Duclos, \emph{Bakounine et Marx}. \emph{Ombre et Lumière}. En annexe: \emph{La Confession} \emph{de Bakounine à Nicolas I}\textsuperscript{\emph{er}}, Paris 1974).
Penso che l’importanza di uno sforzo che riconduca l’opera di Bakunin sul sentiero nella foresta, cioè nella indicazione presentata dalla segnatura rivoluzionaria e anarchica, prevalga su una qualsiasi esplicazione che cerchi di dar conto temporalizzando di accadimenti o sciogliendo intricati nodi rivoluzionari. So bene che questa pretesa potrebbe sembrare solo una ottusa insistenza su una interpretazione tra tante altre. Non è così. Quello che manca nell’oggetto Bakunin disponibile nei supermercati della storia e della filosofia è la rivoluzione anarchica ora, in atto, non allora, mummificata nel di già accaduto. E questo essere in atto, negli atti ufficiali – e lo stesso Lehning si ascrive in essi – è un vero e proprio grado zero della presenza. Cioè esiste ma ha un senso solo per quello che non dice e che non dicendo rende possibile dire nel coinvolgimento che la presenza di altri nell’azione può dire. L’accumulo del materiale caratterizzato dall’oggettualità fattiva riguardante Bakunin è immenso, ma esso testimonia la semplice assenza di un qualsiasi carattere differenziale. Si oppone semplicemente, con la sua sordità, all’urlo liberatorio di un’azione rivoluzionaria e anarchica che ora e subito riesce a leggere Bakunin e darne non indicazioni storiche o filosofiche, ma proposte attivamente adeguate all’oltrepassamento. Quello che manca in questo accumulo non può essere capito da individui mummificati nell’esercizio della difesa dei propri privilegi, quello che manca in questo accumulo è una privazione che ci fa soffrire a causa della sua stessa assenza e nei riguardi della quale qui stiamo provvedendo. L’assenza della qualità dal mondo non comporta necessariamente l’ignoranza della stessa. Pure non arrivando a comprenderla, che non lo si può essendo estranea alla conoscenza e alla logica, possiamo viverla, intuirla, sia pure per brevi attimi, impossibili da temporalizzare. Più fortunato il folle che taglia completamente il cordone ombelicale e non accetta più le condizioni della misura, o il filisteo che non si lascia cogliere di sorpresa dall’inquietudine e indurisce il suo cuore a qualunque palpito che gli suggerisca la possibilità di intuire qualcosa di diverso. Ambedue queste figure sono nella condizione pura qui ipotizzata, abbastanza rara. Anche l’imbecille ha barlumi di dubbio e anche il folle non ha soltanto fissa dimora oltre il punto di non ritorno. La condizione totale della qualità comprende tutti questi movimenti ma non ne dà segno alcuno, non è la fraternità che accomuna ma la desolazione che tace e anulla. Da questo lato non ci sono segnali possibili, non ci sono autonomie o distinzioni. Questi movimenti, così sottili e importanti nel mondo, per i quali si può dire che il mondo esiste, nella foresta, di fronte alla singola segnatura, non sono nemmeno un alito di vento.
All’interno dell’accumulo in questione, attorno a cui ruota il presente tentativo di chiarificazione attiva, si è aggrumato un agglomerato di contenuti che finisce per annullare la stessa forza rivoluzionaria della storia e della filosofia di Bakunin. Mille giustificazioni sono così sorte per renderlo inoffensivo e insignificante, un recupero giustificativo come tanti altri tentati e realizzati per molti rivoluzionari anarchici allo scopo di vestire positivamente la loro azione distruttiva e sovvertitrice. Questo eccesso di significati annega quello che di interessante può essere trovato da un libero ricercatore, anche se timido e pauroso della vita, lo annega nella parità delle scelte, nell’equivalenza delle prospettive. Con il nostro tentativo si sbarazza il campo di questi pesi inopportuni, presentanti solo il significato simbolico supplementare del recupero. Al posto della garanzia di innocuità collochiamo una spettacolare segnatura rivoluzionaria e anarchica e lasciamo che l’azione torni a circolare liberamente, senza gli ostacoli di una significazione destinata a produrre oggetti per il consumo e per il recupero.
Ecco quindi emergere da questa rilettura un evento carico di significato rivoluzionario e anarchico che apre una infinita possibilità all’interno di quel sentiero nella foresta di cui abbiamo parlato. Qui i segni impressi nell’opera di Bakunin diventano praticamente inestinguibili, ogni volta l’ora e qui ricarica di nuove potenzialità quello che la storia e la filosofia vorrebbero condensare e cristallizzare in maniera unica, mettendoci una pietra sopra.
È importante capire che ogni nuova segnatura ripercorre una traccia già esistente, ma la colloca in una prospettiva attuale nuova e agente all’interno della lotta rivoluzionaria e anarchica di oggi, non nel limbo del passato dove ogni gioco è di già stato concluso. Così ogni contenuto è continuamente differito nell’oltrepassamento e diventa un contenuto indicibile se riflesso nel passato e pregno di conseguenti decisioni cariche di trasformazioni e nuove prospettive se inserito nell’azione presente, in corso di realizzazione. All’interno della traccia che la nuova segnatura ripercorre e fa rivivere, si produce alla fine un supplemento di contenuti non solo un aumento, sia pure diversamente qualificato, di interpretazioni.
Non siamo davanti a una semplice differenza ma a una nuova realizzazione attiva, a un vero e proprio intervento rivoluzionario e anarchico. Questa eccedenza è dovuta non tanto a una nuova prospettiva che rinnova e ammoderna le precedenti, ma a qualcosa che è ora e subito azione, quindi un nuovo contesto che inserisce l’oltrepassamento nel contesto bakuninista rendendolo eccedente alla temporalizzazione che l’ha catturato e reso inattivo, oggetto di attenzione storica e filosofica soltanto. Questa eccedenza è assoluta, se non attentamente considerata potrebbe essere non compresa e scambiata per una presenza strumentale e un’assenza oggettiva vera e propria. Invece, l’eccedenza non si identifica con la nuova segnatura della traccia ma va avanti, si inoltra nel sentiero e si impadronisce della foresta. Ecco perché questo tentativo può essere ripetuto e ogni volta tornare del tutto nuovo. La rammemorazione non riesce mai a dire quello che ha da dire, la parola la tradisce sempre, per cui il fruitore può riprendere lui la traccia, in un ora e subito futuri e qui collocare la sua azione in questa eccedenza che, se non afferra mai se stessa definitivamente, rende possibile una continua ripresa dell’azione rivoluzionaria e anarchica alimentata – anche – dall’azione di Bakunin. Il contributo di Bakunin è quindi, nello stesso tempo, un contributo a Bakunin.
Quello che verrà detto in questa \emph{Introduzione} che precede i saggi qui raccolti, nella quasi totalità introduzioni ai volumi dell’edizione italiana delle \emph{Opere complete}, svilupperà le segnature lasciate aperte e continuerà il percorso accidentato del sentiero nella foresta. Sarà pertanto una continua eccedenza nei riguardi della pura e semplice significazione del lavoro di già svolto. Ogni occasione non sarà però solo un’aggiunta ma principalmente un modo nuovo di dire rammemorando, un ora e qui diverso da quello detto a suo tempo. Qui risiede l’eccedenza non solo nei riguardi di quello che hanno detto gli storici o i filosofi, ma anche di quello che io stesso ho detto. In caso contrario questa \emph{Introduzione} e le \emph{Annotazioni} sarebbero superflue e tutto si ritorcerebbe nell’oggetto di già confezionato.
Molti saranno i margini oscuri delle rammemorazioni ma è questo il destino della parola posta di fronte alla qualità. Non si tratta di un discorso che collima perfettamente tra parola e significato. Anche qui si ripercuote l’onda lunga dell’eccedenza. Non ci sono regole precise per rendere interamente intelligibili le rammemorazioni se non abbassandole a considerazioni quantitative controllate e precise. L’origine di ogni pretesa significativa rimase racchiusa nella incompletezza dell’oggetto. Qui si cerca la completezza della qualità, solo che dirla in modo completo è impossibile.
Lasciare libera la parola che rammemora significa dire la propria esperienza nell’oltrepassamento, dove la qualità brucia e non è possibile fermarsi a osservarla con tutta la calma necessaria. La meticolosità degli storici e l’arruffona arroganza dei filosofi fanno solo sorridere, per loro è accessibile l’oggetto non l’oggettività, quest’ultima la possiedono – e la difendono a denti stretti – solo sotto l’aspetto dell’oggettualità, cioè dell’incompletezza. Ecco perché le \emph{Annotazioni}, aggiunte ai singoli saggi qui pubblicati, manterranno la propria indispensabile dispersione o si fermeranno nei luoghi di quel sentiero nella foresta che possono sembrare secondari e insignificanti. Eppure quel percorso è questa carenza di senso, questa insensatezza, cosa sarebbe altrimenti? Una versione aggiornata del lavoro degli storici e dei filosofi carico di buonsenso? Ma quando saremo stufi di questa buona volontà che arride solo alla caverna dei massacri?
Cercare in ogni occasione di ricominciare daccapo, inseguendo la segnatura come se fosse un’altra indicazione perché in effetti, essendo cambiate le condizioni dell’azione, è qualitativamente un’altra indicazione. Rammemorare è parlare facendo vedere in atto l’azione, con tutte le limitazioni e gli equivoci che ne possono derivare. Tacere per paura di questi equivoci o di questi limiti è tipico di chi vuole dormire sempre nel suo letto senza correre rischi.
È proprio il rischio che si inserisce e sconvolge l’assetto storico e filosofico ordinatamente diretto al rifornimento dei massacri. Non fermarsi né agli accadimenti né alle segnature che li incidono indicando l’inizio del sentiero nella foresta, non fermarsi mai, non cercare di accontentarsi di possedere nuove prospettive vitali, magari all’oltrepassamento, all’esperienza diversa della qualità, e da qui tornare sull’accadimento per riprendere la rammemorazione, tela interrotta e mai completa nella sua stessa capacità di completezza. Questo bisogno di ricominciare non ha nulla a che vedere con l’incompletezza inquietante ma soddisfatta del possesso oggettuale. È esattamente l’opposto.
Il sentiero nella foresta procede dal segnato al non segnato, risale oltre qualsiasi rapporto residuale tra semiotico e semantico, non completa le iscrizioni, non si dà pensiero di nuove tracce da lasciare dietro di sé. Semplicemente va avanti, dove la parola si rivolge al destino e sconvolge ogni progetto temporalizzato, anche quello che sta recuperando i residui qualitativi.
Tutto questo non ha nulla a che fare con la storia, non si tratta di considerazioni empiriche ricavate da certi accadimenti, ma di un oltrepassamento di ciò che di questi accadimenti – fatti e teorie – è stato confezionato come oggetto. E questo non vale solo nel caso di accadimenti considerati in senso stretto, vale anche per le teorie che sono fatti del pensiero. Eppure solo alcuni di questi fatti e di queste teorie, insomma di questo accadere confezionato in oggetti, solo alcuni di questi oggetti, possono diventare materiali di oltrepassamento, cioè possono essere portati nell’azione. Se si tratta di opinioni o balzi di gallina, starnuti di sfaccendati e cavilli di perdigiorno, non possono neanche accostarsi al bordo della foresta, rischiano di mancare di contenuto, proprio essi che hanno come essenza loro l’apparenza di un contenuto fattivo, coattamente voluto e amministrato. Questo contenuto, che nella pianura uniforme della coazione a fare pretende spazio e significato, si accartoccia non appena viene chiamato all’appello dell’oltrepassamento. Qui non interessano le cose e gli scopi del mondo immerso nella melma della politica, per cui la storia, ora e subito, è una sequela di fatti non accaduti ma confezionati in oggetti che fanno apparire il loro essere di già accaduti come un contenuto incontrovertibile.
Ludovico Geymonat e Giulio Giorello, pur all’interno di una esperienza esclusivamente filosofica, hanno considerazioni che si prestano a interessanti domande. Ecco cosa scrivono: «Quanto poi a coloro che invocano i cosiddetti “insegnamenti” dell’esperienza per sostenere che i metodi capitalistici della produzione e della distribuzione sono i soli ad avere successo, non vi è altro da fare che rinviarli a un settore ormai ben assodato della più moderna critica epistemologica, secondo la quale l’esperienza non sarebbe mai in grado di dettarci alcuna conclusione assolutamente valida. Come è noto costoro sostengono di essere razionali perché basano le proprie tesi sulle leggi dell’economia classica e sugli insegnamenti dell’esperienza; ma a rigore il loro è un razionalismo vecchio, dogmatico, incapace di rinnovarsi. Un serio esame critico, come quello a cui ci ha condotto in altri campi l’epistemologia moderna, ha il non facile compito di stabilire una netta demarcazione fra i due sensi (retorico generale e specificamente politico) testé accennati della nozione in esame. Una volta compiuta questa demarcazione, sarà facile dissolvere i numerosi equivoci che inficiano il cosiddetto principio di libertà cui abbiamo poco sopra fatto cenno, e che pretenderebbero elevare il rispetto di tale principio a criterio assoluto per giudicare se un determinato regime politico sia o no accettabile (sia o no civile). A ben considerare le cose, tale pretesa comporta una interpretazione assai discutibile della rivoluzione francese tendente a vedere in tale importantissimo evento storico qualcosa che starebbe al di fuori della storia. È proprio questa interpretazione che un serio epistemologo non può fare a meno di mettere in dubbio. Non si tratta di misconoscere il valore delle conquiste di tale rivoluzione, ma si tratta di non farne un mito, di non farne un canone metafisico il quale ci impedirebbe di comprendere il significato concreto degli ulteriori sviluppi della storia. Il pericolo di rinchiudersi in una sola determinazione del concetto di libertà dà luogo al fatto di trascurare le altri possibili determinazioni di tale concetto, qualificandole come di secondaria importanza. Ma si tratta di una qualificazione ingiustificata, dogmatica, che al confronto con la realtà della storia si rivela insostenibile. Qui però non è il caso di discutere se la libertà dal servaggio economico o dall’imposizione di questo o quel modo di pensare sia più o meno importante della libertà politica nel senso poco sopra specificato, e nemmeno è il caso di discutere se tali libertà siano realizzabili e a quale prezzo. La cosa che qui risulta essenziale, è solo un’altra: è la consapevolezza del pericolo di dogmatismo che si annida nei soliti, retorici appelli alla libertà; è la consapevolezza che non basta parlare di libertà per essere veramente liberi dagli equivoci che ci vengono trasmessi dal patrimonio delle idee tradizionali». (\emph{Le ragioni della scienza}, Bari-Roma 1986, pp. 20-21). Queste tesi si affacciano alla finestra della critica negativa e poi la chiudono per paura del freddo. Se l’affermazione che non sono certo i miti a fornire indicazioni per agire è considerevole, da un altro punto di vista, essa viene subito messa da parte facendo appello alla Storia, genericamente intesa, come maestra di consapevolezza per rendersi conto, nell’agire, di quale capacità realizzativa è capace l’uomo. Niente di più errato. Lo storicismo rientra così dalla porta dopo essere stato buttato fuori dalla finestra, o viceversa. Limitarsi alla catalogazione storica comporta l’accettazione dell’accumulo modificativo, cioè di una progressiva progettazione del possesso da difendere. Ciò può prendere a volte l’aspetto distruttivo, senza con questo uscire fuori dalla categoria della storia, cioè del fare. Si deve tener presente che il mondo ha una forte tendenza distruttiva. Non ci riferiamo ai processi organici ma anche, e forse principalmente, a quelli culturali, ciò è una condizione che riflette le attuali relazioni e la loro realtà, non c’è nessuna assolutizzazione, quindi nessun mito simile a quelli alimentati dallo storicismo. La stessa produzione ha uno scopo distruttivo. La qualità invece non ha queste caratteristiche perché non partecipa alla costruzione se non in maniera indiretta. Il possesso è sempre l’effetto e la causa di una lotta conservativa, la qualità mai. Ma una lotta che non sa sperimetare la qualità, attraverso chi la realizza, non merita di essere combattuta. Sopportare gli imbecilli che lottano come galline senza testa, solo perché non possono costruirsi una base fattiva per andare verso la qualità, è veramente triste.
Nella foresta dove mi inoltro gli accadimenti di Bakunin, la sua vita e le sue teorie, sono ora e qui, davanti a me, non dietro di me, anche volendo, il mio non può essere uno sforzo storico, essendo quegli accadimenti mai accaduti così come sono confezionati nel fare coatto. Ma io sono nel pieno della foresta, dove ho con me solo residui e materiali conoscitivi, non fatti e teorie per sempre conclusi nella sclerotizzazione permessa dalla storia e dalla filosofia. Di come, e in che ordine, Bakunin abbia agito vivendo, ho una cognizione simile a quella che potrei avere visitando la sua tomba. Poco più di niente. Agire è una profonda trasformazione della realtà che mi circonda, e se agisco trasformo anche questi residui e quei materiali che per altri sono Bakunin, solo loro e nient’altro, in uno sconvolgimento radicale che non può essere capito né comunicato per via empirica o per mezzo di un apparato concettuale per quanto sofisticato. Quello che mi accingo a costruire inoltrandomi nel sentiero sopra indicato è una specie particolare di esperienza vissuta, qui e ora, a partire dall’opera di Bakunin ma non limitandomi a essa, cioè non cercando di ripercorrere ciò che è avvenuto in un tempo più o meno lontano per metterlo in un ordine cronologico magari diverso, ma ciò che sta accadendo nella mia azione, o in questa e da questa è stato rammemorato per completare la parzialità dell’oggetto quantitativo e arrivare alla completezza di un’oggettiva qualità. Dove comincia a consolidarsi questa interpretazione – che tale potrebbe apparire – non è facile dirlo. Forse nel punto esatto in cui la rammemorazione conclude il suo compito? Non è detto. Altri sentieri e altri oltrepassamenti potrebbero aprirsi, altrettanto incapaci di interrogare sulla propria origine ma in grado di produrre ulteriori azioni e rammemorazioni. Si ha quindi, torno a sottolineare, il paradosso di una completezza che per definizione è considerata, nel mondo degli oggetti, qualcosa di incompleto. Riflettendo bene si vede che questo paradosso è tale fino a un certo punto. Ciò che per il fare è completo – l’oggetto – è privo di qualità, cioè è incompleto. Quando arriva la rammemorazione che coinvolge l’oggetto in una sconvolgente prospettiva diversa, la vecchia mentalità fattiva non può vederlo che come il massimo livello di disordine e di incompletezza. Così Thomas Samuel Kuhn: «Nessuna teoria risolve mai tutti i rompicapo cui essa viene a trovarsi di fronte a un dato momento: e spesso, le soluzioni già raggiunte non sono perfette. Al contrario, è proprio l’incompletezza e l’imperfezione dell’accordo esistente tra dati e teoria che, in un dato momento, definisce molti dei rompicapo che caratterizzano la scienza normale. Se qualsiasi insuccesso nello stabilire quell’accordo dovesse essere una ragione sufficiente per abbandonare una teoria, tutte le teorie dovrebbero venire abbandonate ad ogni momento. D’altra parte, se soltanto un insuccesso clamoroso nello stabilire quell’accordo dovesse giustificare l’abbandono di una teoria, allora i popperiani esigerebbero qualche criterio di “improbabilità” o di “grado di falsificazione”. Nell’elaborare un criterio del genere, essi incontrerebbero quasi certamente lo stesso complesso di difficoltà che ha perseguitato i sostenitori delle varie teorie probabilistiche di verificazione. Molte delle difficoltà precedenti potrebbero essere evitate riconoscendo che l’errore di entrambe le opposte concezioni che oggi prevalgono circa la logica che sta alla base dell’indagine scientifica, è quello di voler comprimere due processi ben distinti fra loro in uno solo. L’esperienza anomala di Popper è importante per la scienza, perché suscita teorie che competono con il paradigma esistente. Ma la falsificazione, sebbene certamente abbia luogo, non accompagna né semplicemente è prodotta per la comparsa di un’anomalia o di un caso falsificante. Essa è invece un processo successivo e separato, che si può egualmente bene chiamare verificazione, poiché consiste nel trionfo di un nuovo paradigma su quello vecchio. Inoltre è in questo congiunto processo di verificazione e di falsificazione che il confronto probabilistico tra varie teorie svolge un ruolo centrale. Una simile formulazione a due stadi ha – penso – la virtù di essere molto verosimile, e può anche metterci in grado di cominciare a spiegare il ruolo che l’accordo (o il disaccordo) tra i fatti e la teoria svolge nel processo di verificazione. Almeno per lo storico, ha poco senso suggerire che la verificazione consiste nello stabilire l’accordo tra fatti e teoria. Tutte le teorie storicamente significative si sono accordate coi fatti, ma soltanto più o meno. Non esiste una risposta precisa alla questione se o in quale misura una particolare teoria si adatta ai fatti. Però, quando le teorie vengono considerate collettivamente, o anche a due a due, questioni del genere acquistano un senso. È infatti legittimo chiedersi quale di due teorie determinate e in competizione tra loro si adatta meglio ai fatti. Sebbene né la teoria di Priestley né quella di Lavoisier, a esempio, si accordassero esattamente con le osservazioni esistenti, pochi contemporanei esitarono per più di dieci anni prima di concludere che la teoria di Lavoisier presentava un accordo maggiore. Una simile formulazione, però, fa sembrare più facile e più familiare di quanto non sia in realtà il compito di scegliere tra paradigmi diversi. Se vi fosse un solo gruppo di problemi scientifici, un unico mondo entro cui operare su di essi e un solo tipo di criteri per risolverli, la competizione fra i paradigmi potrebbe essere risolta facendo ricorso a qualche semplice processo convenzionale, come quello di contare il numero di problemi risolti da ciascuno di essi. Ma, di fatto, non ci si trova mai di fronte a situazioni di questo genere. I sostenitori di paradigmi in competizione hanno sempre propositi e orientamenti almeno leggermente divergenti. Nessuna delle due diverse scuole riconoscerà come validi tutti i presupposti empirici di cui l’altra ha bisogno per sostenere la propria tesi. Come nel caso della disputa tra Proust e Berthollet a proposito della composizione dei composti chimici, esse sono destinate in parte a non comprendersi. Sebbene possa sperare di convincere l’altro al suo modo di considerare la scienza e i suoi problemi, nessuno dei due può sperare di dimostrare la propria tesi. La competizione tra paradigmi diversi non è una battaglia il cui esito possa essere deciso sulla base delle dimostrazioni. Abbiamo già visto parecchie ragioni per cui i sostenitori di paradigmi in contrasto sono condannati a fallire nei loro tentativi di comprendere fino in fondo il punto di vista dell’avversario. Queste ragioni sono state globalmente descritte come incommensurabilità fra la tradizione prerivoluzionaria e quella postrivoluzionaria della scienza normale». (\emph{La struttura delle rivoluzioni scientifiche}, tr. it., Torino 1969, pp. 177-180). Pensare che si possa ragionare diversamente per l’ambito cosiddetto scientifico e quello storico è un errore piuttosto comune. Kuhn fa vedere che il passaggio tra questi due settori, supposti separati, è molto semplice. L’incompletezza regge le regole di codificazione degli accadimenti allo stesso modo, per la scienza e per la storia. Quello di cui ci occupiamo qui è in fondo un problema di sconfitta. Questa, almeno per come la si dovrebbe intendere per accostarsi all’azione, è il riconoscimento dell’incompletezza della vita. Non richiede che una semplice constatazione, né cinismo né disperazione. È la vittoria che genera inquietudine, l’ansia di come usare quello di cui si è venuto in possesso e di come garantirlo dalle depredazioni.
La fonte qualitativa è nella foresta, quindi non è attingibile con i mezzi normali della conoscenza. Qualunque sentiero che si inoltra verso questa fonte è privo di origine, comincia con il salto qualitativo – non nel senso di Hegel – cioè con l’oltrepassamento. La materia di questo cercare non sta alle spalle ma sta davanti, non è nello zaino del ricercatore ma nella foresta, essa coincide con la qualità e qua brucia se stessa e lo sforzo di ricerca, brucia ogni segnatura che aveva aiutato nel percorrere il sentiero, e brucia quello che di Bakunin è ormai vecchio e consolidato nella triste, compatta atmosfera della storia.
Il patrimonio che Bakunin ci ha lasciato – lotte e idee – è gettato nel fuoco dell’azione, non è tesaurizzato perché qualcuno, nel chiuso di una stanza, possa sentirsi soddisfatto di ciò che è accaduto in un remoto passato e con questo metta il suo cuore in pace per limitarsi a fare come qualsiasi spettatore, un cenno di acconsentimento tra un sonnellino e l’altro. Da questa riflessione viene fuori che quello che Bakunin ha fatto e detto non si è ancora né concluso né capito. I libri di storia può darsi che parlino di un Bakunin in cui per primo Bakunin stesso non si riconoscerebbe, cioè forse si limitano a parlare del suo cadavere, ma come poteva Bakunin riconoscersi nel suo cadavere? Ho letto le testimonianze delle ultime ore di Bakunin, riportate in un’antologia curata da A. Lehning (Cfr. \emph{Bakunin e gli altri}. \emph{Ritratti contemporanei di un rivoluzionario}, tr. it., Milano 2002), e ho rabbrividito. Quello che conta, parlando di Bakunin, è dire ciò che fino a quelle testimonianze era accaduto, il suo vero patrimonio di lotte e riflessioni rivoluzionarie e anarchiche è dopo, per attingerlo, non essendo cosa di già avvenuta, quindi consegnabile ai fabbricanti di ninnoli e souvenir, occorre inoltrarsi in quel sentiero nella foresta che a molti potrebbe sembrare, banalmente, qualcosa che viene dopo.
Questo lavoro nasce quindi dalle rovine di qualsiasi lavoro precedente su Bakunin, non si tratta di un presunto superamento, impossibile e velleitario, ma di un oltrepassamento, cioè di qualcosa che va oltre la coscienza immediata che conosce e cataloga, che discute e scende a patti. Non ho appreso un metodo diverso di leggere Bakunin – o qualsiasi altro autore – e qui lo applico, sono io ad essere diverso come diverso era Bakunin, e tra me e lui non c’è nessuna comunanza o identificazione – che sarebbe ridicola pretesa – ma c’è questa diversità che lavora in profondo e mi sostiene nella penetrazione che realizzo nella foresta.
Cogliere occasioni è il mio mestiere ma non mi lascio cogliere da esse, sono io che le colgo, facciamo bene attenzione. E così mi ritrovo a percorrere questo sentiero che è impervio e non facile, presenta tracce e segnature, solchi e incisioni, reperti archeologici e motivazioni filosofiche, rovine. La mia è una ricerca di nuove occasioni tra vecchie rovine, quindi non può presentarsi come un metodo empiricamente riscontrabile in processi e momenti, in successioni e cronologie. Metto insieme queste occasioni con il mio coinvolgimento ed esse entrano a far parte della mia coscienza diversa. Sono qua, insieme a me, in questo carcere greco dove stendo questa \emph{Introduzione} e le \emph{Annotazioni}, ma sono anche in tutta la mia vita e la loro rammemorazione, partendo come presenza della qualità, si allarga al destino, mio e di queste stesse occasioni irrimediabilmente adesso tratte dalle rovine.
Quello in cui inciampo nel sentiero nella foresta, siano essi segnature o reperti oggettuali – in fondo la differenza è sottile e solo in fase rammemorativa avrà il suo peso –, insomma le occasioni di cui sopra, sono ciò che avrebbero potuto essere e non sono state, per cui sono rimaste allo stato potenziale di rovine, stato a cui potrebbero tornare se qualche altro oltrepassamento dovrebbe inciampare in esse o nei residui qualitativi che la rammemorazione dovrebbe produrre se non proprio in quella profonda trasformazione che è il mio obiettivo rivoluzionario e anarchico. La nuova completezza copre la vecchia parzialità e risorge in nuova incompletezza aperta alle indicazioni del destino. L’oltrepassamento è anche, e forse prima di ogni altra cosa, azzeramento di tutte le possibili cronologie.
Che questo lavoro abbia qualcosa a che vedere con Bakunin e che il suo titolo, \emph{Michail Bakunin. Contro la storia}, abbia una sua qualche legittimità, può essere messo in dubbio in un mondo in cui oggetti simili – non uguali – o sono storici o sono filosofici. Solo che questa apparenza, come tutte le apparenze, è ingannatrice. In realtà qui c’è un lavoro diverso nel cui interno Bakunin è l’occasione. Il lavoro è l’apertura del sentiero nella foresta. Per questo motivo non sono né uno storico né un filosofo ma un uomo che agisce, un rivoluzionario anarchico. Per questo motivo scrivo queste righe in un carcere greco alla non tenera età di settantatre anni. E per questo motivo eccoci all’interno dell’unico lavoro possibile riguardante Bakunin, ogni altro approccio finisce ed è finito per attraccare lontano dal suo approdo, non raggiungendo che un obiettivo apparente. E, ancora per lo stesso motivo, questo lavoro non si pone nessun obiettivo, nemmeno quello di accostare Bakunin.
Dichiaro pertanto che non ci sarà nessuna nuova “verità” su Bakunin, ma ci sarà un oltrepassamento dell’oggetto Bakunin, così come è stato confezionato, ma questo movimento sarà mio non di Bakunin, anche se coinvolgerà la serie di occasioni che riuscirò a reperire nel sentiero in cui mi accingo a penetrare, occasioni o segnature, incontri e corrispondenze dove è sempre possibile cogliere la presenza di Bakunin, sia pure deformata dalla storia e dalla filosofia. Non un lavoro di raddrizzamento ma un riferimento trovato nel corso dell’opera, un prodotto del coinvolgimento e dell’azione rivoluzionaria e anarchica. Su questo dubbio, ecco una interessante riflessione di Hans-Georg Gadamer: «Evidentemente la formula che ho usato talvolta, quando ho detto che ci si deve riallacciare alla tradizione, ha favorito il sorgere di malintesi. Questa mia formula non comporta affatto un privilegiamento del tradizionale, a cui ci si dovrebbe assoggettare ciecamente. La formula “riallacciarsi alla tradizione”, piuttosto, vuol dire soltanto che la tradizione non si risolve in quello che riconosciamo come nostra origine e di cui siamo consapevoli, e che per questo la tradizione non può trovare adeguato superamento nella coscienza storica. La trasformazione di ciò che sussiste è un modo di riallacciarsi alla tradizione non meno della sua difesa. La tradizione stessa c’è soltanto nel suo costante trasformarsi. “Riallacciarsi ad essa” è pertanto una formula imposta dall’esperienza del fatto che i nostri piani e i nostri desideri precorrono sempre la realtà, per così dire, mancano di collegamento con la realtà. L’importante è dunque mediare tra le anticipazioni del desiderabile e le possibilità del fattibile, tra il semplice desiderare e il volere realmente, e cioè calare le anticipazioni nel materiale della realtà. Questo, certo, non avviene senza distinguere criticamente. Anzi vorrei dire che vera critica è soltanto quella che “decide” in tale rapporto alla prassi. Una critica che si limita a rinfacciare genericamente agli altri o ai pregiudizi socialmente dominanti il loro carattere di costrizione e, d’altra parte, pretende di risolvere tale accecamento sistematico mediante la comunicazione, si trova in una situazione precaria. Una tale critica deve trascurare delle distinzioni fondamentali. Nel caso della psicoanalisi si ha nella sofferenza e nel desiderio di guarigione del paziente un fondamento portante per l’azione terapeutica del medico che mette in opera la sua autorità e, non senza costrizione, cerca di chiarire le motivazioni rimosse. In tal caso la subordinazione volontaria dell’uno all’altro è la base portante. Nella vita sociale, al contrario, il presupposto comune è la resistenza dell’avversario e la resistenza contro l’avversario. D’altra parte quando Habermas parla di “ermeneutica del profondo” devo dichiarare il mio consenso nella misura in cui la riduzione dell’ermeneutica alla “tradizione culturale” e all’ideale di trasparenza di senso che deve valere in questo campo, mi sembra attenuarla idealisticamente. Ciò che caratterizza la mia posizione è la tesi che la comprensione di senso non può essere limitata alla mens auctoris e che neppure la mens auctoris deve essere limitata. Certo questo non significa che la comprensione culmini nel chiarimento di motivi inconsci, ma piuttosto che la comprensione deve dappertutto tracciare linee di senso che vanno al di là degli orizzonti limitati del singolo, in modo che la tradizione storica diventi eloquente. La dimensione ermeneutica di senso si riferisce all’infinito dialogo di una comunità ideale di interpretazione. La prassi ermeneutica e il suo sviluppo regolato si distingue dalla semplice possibilità di imparare una tecnica, sia essa chiamata tecnica sociale o metodo critico, perché in essa vi è sempre un fattore storico-effettuale che contribuisce a determinare la coscienza di colui che comprende. Ma questo implica anche il rovescio, nel senso che ciò che viene compreso sviluppa sempre una certa forza di convinzione che coopera alla formazione di nuove convinzioni. Non nego affatto che sia giustificato lo sforzo di astrarre, nel comprendere, dalle proprie opinioni. Chi vuole comprendere non è tenuto a sostenere ciò che comprende. Tuttavia credo che l’esperienza ermeneutica ci insegni che l’efficacia di questa astrazione è sempre limitata». (Aa. Vv, \emph{Hermeneutik und Ideologiekritik}, ns. tr., Frankfurt a. M. 1971, pp. 307-308). Anche in questo caso, siamo davanti ad un accostamento correttivo che potrebbe essere visto come una interessante apertura al coinvolgimento. Non è esattamente così. Quello che appare, anche limitandoci a questa singola citazione, è che le perplessità correnti sulla storia sono soltanto quelli della sua possibile chiarificazione, raggiungibile in ogni caso attraverso il superamento dei limiti di documentazione e di chiarificazione dei contenuti. Non ci sono passaggi tra portato della tradizione, come impalcatura tecnica del fare coatto e coscienza collettiva, quindi storicamente rintracciabile. Non solo mancano i passaggi, ma è proprio di un’assenza vera e propria di quest’ultimo tipo di coscienza che si può parlare. Se rimango nel terreno dei fatti, quindi della storia che in ogni caso li registra – più o meno bene e consapevolmente – ostacolo il mio accesso alla qualità, mi estraneo dalla qualità, e ciò non solo per la mia insipienza nel coinvolgermi ma anche per la mancata collaborazione della qualità stessa che intende essere vissuta e che non concede la propria esperienza diversa a sognatori imbambolati ma solo a operatori attivi. Non basta l’individuazione di un malefico oppositore intermedio, personificato a sufficienza, contro cui combattere, occorre qualcosa di più, l’abbandono di ogni velleità di custodire e difendere il di già accaduto come luogo di possibile comprensione individuale e, poi con i dovuti modi, collettiva. Chi coglie questa possibilità di oltrepassamento nel proprio destino, e si dà, sulle prime, con la stessa volontà, l’obiettivo di raggiungere la qualità, è proprio il più lontano dall’obiettivo in questione, deve imparare, a poco a poco, che il tutto e subito è strada diversa, la cui intuizione si prolunga come un’ombra oltre l’apertura, ma non è di già, comodamente, traghettata solo per un gesto definitivo della volontà di abbandonare l’immediatezza. Questo esempio prelude ineluttabilmente a una caduta, alla sconfitta cosmica della vita di fronte all’assenza, ecco perché attira tanto e perché tanti scheletri circondano i segni del suo inizio. Io posseggo l’orgoglio di questa caduta, e l’unico possesso che mi resta, se mi guardo indietro – e alla mia età è facile cadere in questa gigioneria – non vedo altro di più desiderabile. Lo stesso accadeva a Bakunin, è proprio questo accenno che intride di sé ogni segnatura.
Ogni rinvenimento di segnatura, se vogliamo fermarci a questo ultimo termine che produce un forte impatto immaginario, comunque apparente, è irrimediabilmente discontinuo perché l’incisione è quanto sopravvive di non voluto nella fissazione storica e nella cristallizzazione filosofica. Quello che mi si presenta nel sentiero che si inoltra nella foresta è fornito di uno scarto costitutivo tra l’oggetto fortemente fattualizzato e la materia che è stata violentemente ridotta allo stato oggettuale, materia riottosa a questa operazione di ordinaria amministrazione, Bakunin per l’appunto. L’oggetto è là, bello e fatto – poniamo la biografia di Edward H. Carr (\emph{Bakunin}, tr. it., Milano 1977) – non si scappa e Bakunin non poteva spaccare la testa allo storico con una delle sue mani da orso perché morto e i morti non spaccano teste. Ma questo oggetto non si trova nel mio sentiero, qui si trovano segnature spurie, tracce parziali e occasionali, strani segni originati da frasi che singolarmente prese non significano niente, anzi fanno ostacolo a una comprensione corretta di lavori storici e filosofici bene organizzati e meglio fabbricati come tanti loculi mortuari.
Io sono l’uomo di queste spezzettature, di queste frammentazioni metastoriche che non hanno neanche un ricettacolo filosofico dove adunarsi. E sono anche l’uomo che cancella ad uno ad uno i significati ideologici e politici con cui si è soliti caricare queste mummificazioni cimiteriali. Vado oltre, quindi non vedo e non colgo le definitive e ordinate teleologie che giustificano i nessi con la gloria dei fini. Sono l’uomo che rinnega le riletture ed evita di inciampare in ripensamenti che cercano di fare andare le cose nel senso giusto. Sono l’uomo che non ha origini precise né le cerca nel sentiero in cui si è introdotto. La mia mancanza di modestia mi fa forse ingigantire il fatto che alla mia età sono in una lurida cella di un lurido carcere, invece di essere alla guida di una grande industria, com’era, o come sembrava che fosse, il mio destino, ma è questo l’unico possesso che ho.
Ecco allora che il mio interesse si sposta su ciò che è successo, instabile, provvisorio, accidentale, sempre restando nel campo delle occasioni proposte dall’opera di Bakunin, non la certezza di qualcosa di attentamente verificato che sta immobile, custodito da qualche parte. Ciò che è anteriore al mio momento attivo, al mio ingresso nella foresta è un ciò stesso che lascio rimanga l’oggetto che è, perfettamente adeguato a confortare gli spiriti deboli. Le avventure del sentiero sono nel sentiero non prima dell’inoltrarmi in esso, prima sono solo minacce e indicazioni di pericolo avanzate per tenermi buono, astuzie e travestimenti che la storia e la filosofia presentano come ciò che è, come l’essere, quando si tratta di mera apparenza oggettuale. L’essere è nella lotta che scateno, ora e qui, nello smascheramento del nemico, nella denuncia della sua incapacità a fermarmi se non uccidendomi. Questa concezione dell’essere non è certo comune ma penso si avvicini parecchio al pensiero più intimo di Bakunin, anche se molte volte, nello sviluppo delle sue teorie, per come è possibile oggi leggerle nei libri che le contengono, non è possibile una ricostruzione di questo pensiero. Perché meravigliarsene? Quando mai è stata possibile una ricostruzione del genere? Questa affermazione vale per tutti, per Bakunin, e per tutti i rivoluzionari anarchici, l’inestricabile coacervo di teoria e azione non fa altro che rendere ancora più difficile una cosa del genere.
Certo, il cammino è lungo e le segnature copiose – esattamente quanto l’opera di Bakunin – ma il mio inizio nel percorso non corrisponde all’inizio di queste tracce, esso è mio e non è altro che un salto qualitativo non una identità, stabilita una volta per tutte, da cui prendere le mosse preservandola da ogni possibile contaminazione. Ogni traccia è origine a se stessa, può dare vita a un coinvolgimento che rende accessibile territori dell’esperienza rivoluzionaria e anarchica rimasti inaccessibili all’analisi storica e filosofica. Ecco perché, pur essendo un movimento qualitativo che completa la materia quantitativa disponibile, non può essere esaurito fino in fondo, per quanto meticolosa possa essere la rammemorazione e chiara l’inconcludenza di ogni prigione cronologica.
La traccia evoca l’esperienza di Bakunin, il percorso verso la qualità la sconvolge nel suo assetto preteso definitivo della storia e della filosofia. C’è quindi un movimento diretto a richiamare in vita e uno contrario diretto ad espellere una superflua zavorra. I due movimenti ne formano uno solo corrispondente a quell’apporto conoscitivo necessario ma non sufficiente all’oltrepassamento. Qui si colloca la messa a frutto della segnatura, il punto di forza da cui ripartire per la nuova esperienza qualitativa diversa, e quindi la conseguente rammemorazione. Da qualunque lato si osservi il fenomeno storicista, oggettivo o soggettivo, per come viene spesso presentato ai sostenitori di ogni tipo, il risultato è sempre lo stesso. Credenti e non credenti, tutti insieme, chinano il capo alla fede nella Storia. Utili le considerazioni, per altro di parte, dovute a Michele Federico Sciacca: «L’essere intuito è l’essenza dell’essere; come tale, per natura, è oggettivo, è l’oggettività; perciò è l’oggetto essenziale dell’intelligenza, anzi del soggetto umano in tutte le forme della sua attività. Così inteso, è l’intelligibilità, anche delle cose, non in quanto sono queste o quelle, ma in quanto sono; dunque, è contemporaneamente – e, in questo senso, lo si può dire – “forma” originaria dell’intelligenza, è forma universale del reale, non di questo o quel reale, ma del reale in quanto reale; perciò è “forma della forma reale dell’essere”. Come tale, l’idea è il primo atto da cui il reale dipende e senza del quale non sarebbe. D’altra parte, il soggetto è intelligente per la presenza dell’essere, ma non nel senso che l’essere oggettivo sia la causa e l’intelligenza l’effetto, bensì nell’altro che, senza quella presenza, che la costituisce ontologicamente, l’intelligenza cesserebbe: vi sarebbe ancora un soggetto, avente magari fattezze umane, ma non sarebbe intelligente. Però, all’idea è essenziale l’esser presente a una mente; dunque questa presenzialità è un carattere costitutivo dell’essenza dell’essere, per cui l’oggettività dell’idea è un costitutivo essenziale della soggettività dell’esistente e questa lo è di quella. E allora, da un lato, l’intelligenza non è senza l’essere intuìto e cesserebbe se cessasse l’intuito; dall’altro, l’idea non sarebbe se non fosse presente all’intelligenza, che, d’altra parte, non è la causa dell’idea. Ma “essere presente” all’intelligenza significa intuizione dell’idea, che è l’atto del soggetto intuente; dunque, se all’idea è essenziale la presenzialità all’intelligenza, cioè le è essenziale l’atto che l’intuisce, consegue che vi è una dialettica interiore all’atto primo ontologico. Questa: l’essere è atto per essenza, ma, in quanto idea, è atto che non può non essere presente all’intelligenza che lo intuisce, atto d’intùito, questo che gli è essenziale anche se distinto dall’essere intuìto, che è oggetto per se stesso e non nell’atto che è intuìto; d’altra parte, senza l’idea, cesserebbe l’intelligenza e ogni suo atto. Dunque, l’atto primo ontologico originario dell’essere è un atto unitario costituito dall’essenza dell’essere e dal soggetto intuente, in cui l’essere come atto primo di ogni reale e di ogni esistente – dunque anche del soggetto – e come atto per essenza, è atto di quell’atto che lo intuisce, che è insieme suo costituito e suo costituente, come quello che è atto per l’essenza dell’essere, ma della quale, nello stesso tempo, è atto necessario, in quanto, a sua volta, ne è costitutivo. Il primo atto dell’intelligenza si inscrive nell’essere come idea in tutta la sua estensione infinita, ma proprio questo primo atto costituisce il soggetto intelligente come tale; per conseguenza, il soggetto, costituzionalmente ed intrinsecamente, è costituito nell’essere intuìto nella sua infinità: l’atto primo, radice e fondamento di ogni altro, è l’intuizione non di questo o quel reale, ma dell’infinito dell’idea. L’eccedenza dello spirito sulla natura non è un’esigenza, ma una condizione ontologica, originaria, essenziale, tanto è vero che lo spirito cesserebbe di essere tale senza l’intùito fondamentale dell’idea. D’altra parte, l’idea permane distinta dall’atto primo d’intuizione, che è un di un soggetto finito; non nell’idea perché cesserebbe di essere soggetto, esistente: non risoluzione né esclusione, ma implicanza e compresenza dinamica dei due termini. Pertanto, l’atto primo intuitivo implica la presenza dell’idea senza che questa vi si risolva e l’idea, come oggetto di una mente, implica la presenza dell’atto che la intuisce, senza che questo si risolva in essa. Ma questa dialettica ne implica un’altra: l’idea implicata come presenza essenziale nell’atto primo dell’intuizione non si risolve nell’atto che la intuisce e perciò eccede, lo trascende, come eccede tutti gli altri posteriori, compreso quello dell’autocoscienza; per conseguenza, l’intùito originario dell’essere è l’atto primo dello spirito che ha in se stesso una presenza che lo trascende e trascende ogni atto; dunque, attuale in ogni atto dello spirito, esso ha un’attualità inesauribile, in quanto non vi è atto del soggetto che possa attualizzare l’infinità dell’idea. Né ciò comporta che il soggetto finito si risolva e si assorba nell’idea infinita suo oggetto interiore: da un lato, come esistente, è una specificazione dell’idea e, dall’altro, l’eccedenza dell’idea stessa su ogni suo atto stimola il dinamismo della sua attività inesauribile, cioè lo sviluppo di “personalizzazione” del soggetto, che è processo di esistenziazione dell’essere e di essenziazione dell’esistente, cioè di se stesso». (\emph{Atto ed essere}, Milano 1963, pp. 48-49). Con tutto il suo fraseggio da specialista, il credente qui rincorre il miscredente, la fede acquisisce l’azione nel fare e la inchiavarda gelosamente nella storia dove potrà godersi i rinfrescanti soggiorni di qualsiasi prigione a sua scelta, quella della conoscenza in primo luogo. Non c’è modo di sfuggire a queste considerazioni. L’ontologia è il territorio del Dio nascosto che viene percorso a tentoni dal ricercatore, preventivamente accecato dalla visione nel roveto ardente. La leggi sono così scritte una volta per tutte, ogni filosofo le riscopre sapientemente edulcorandole allo scopo di nascondere il doloroso percorso verso la caverna dei massacri. Ma queste leggi, cosiddette naturali – la logica ne denuncia continuamente la carenza ma anche ne ordina immediatamente il recupero e il ripristino in modo da renderle perfettamente funzionanti dalla produzione – queste leggi, dicevo, non reggono fino in fondo, ecco perché tanti pensano a una forza sconosciuta che le tiene in piedi quando vacillano. Il povero Cartesio, da matematico, non la pensava diversamente, anzi. A me, che non credo né alle leggi in questione né alla forza esterna che le garantisce, non resta che me stesso, la mia personale avventura nel fare e nell’agire. Il resto, eccolo che l’osservo come fosse una pellicola cinematografica male sviluppata e peggio realizzata. L’ingiustizia di questo giudizio non mi impedisce di sognare e di considerarmi, come ho fatto tante volte, portatore di giustizia, della giustizia giusta. Non so bene esattamente cosa sia questa giustizia giusta, ma è quello che credo possibile. Dopo tutto i sogni non possono essere fotografati per osservarne i dettagli, perderebbero la parte migliore, il fondamento incongruo che spinge a crederli reali, una parte della vita con mille dettagli e determinazioni.
Proseguire nel sentiero ormai individuato significa sbarazzarsi via via di tutte le segnature rintracciate dando vita a un movimento complesso di rielaborazione e contestualizzazione qualitativamente diverso. Bakunin adesso è nella realtà, qui e ora, non in una qualsiasi trama storica o filosofica. La rammemorazione potrà anche parlare di altre cose, indirizzando il suo discorso al destino, ma è di una diversa costituzione della saggezza che essa in fondo continuerà a parlare e della saggezza, prima di tutto, fa parte la ribellione contro ogni forma di potere, contro gli ambiti fortificati dell’oggetto coattamente prodotto.
Ora, di Bakunin si può parlare liberamente, non è più un oggetto mortale, ne è stata eliminata la costituzione oggettuale, l’accerchiamento è stato rotto e c’è un accesso libero alla qualità del suo apporto rivoluzionario e anarchico. Ma sarà comprensibile questo apporto immesso in una rammemorazione che ai più tornerà estranea? Lo sarà solo a condizione di coinvolgersi personalmente risalendo al di là del punto dove le cristallizzazioni sono avvenute e il flusso vitale si è interrotto, annegando nella necessità storica e filosofica di spiegare ogni cosa con una causa e con un effetto. Quando romperemo questa catena circolare?
Il fruitore dovrà mettersi in gioco e nel suo punto di insorgenza scoprirà un senso suo nella rammemorazione, altrimenti questa le sembrerà o una elaborazione di provenienza senza dubbio bakuninista o una farneticazione. Perfino gli storici e i filosofi potrebbero ammettere la fondatezza teorica di questa affermazione e ritrarsene spaventati. Le segnature, dopo tutto, il segnale che rimandano è, per questa gente, affievolito e quasi impercettibile, trovandosi loro fuori della foresta. La condizione cronologica non può spiegare tutto se prima tutto non è ridotto a oggetto quantitativamente coatto. Ecco il limite di ogni ricerca storica e di ogni riflessione filosofica. Kant lo ha visto benissimo: «Il mezzo di cui la natura si serve per attuare lo sviluppo di tutte le sue disposizioni è il loro antagonismo nella società, in quanto però tale antagonismo sia da ultimo la causa di un ordinamento civile della società stessa. L’uomo ha un’inclinazione ad associarsi, poiché egli nello stato di società si sente maggiormente uomo, cioè sente di poter meglio sviluppare le sue naturali disposizioni. Ma egli ha anche una forte tendenza a dissociarsi, poiché egli ha del pari in sé la qualità antisociale di voler tutto rivolgere solo al proprio interesse, per cui si aspetta resistenza da ogni parte e sa ch’egli deve da parte sua tendere a resistere contro altri». (\emph{Idea di una storia universale dal punto di vista cosmopolitico}, in \emph{Scritti politici e di filosofia della storia e del diritto}, tr. it., Torino 1965, pp. 127-128). Da questa ambivalenza non si esce perché viene mantenuta tutta intera nell’ambito del fare produttivo, non presuppone una scissione irriconciliabile, che poi sarebbe quello che stiamo facendo.
Quello che proponiamo ha una rilevanza maggiore di ogni storia e di ogni filosofia perché porta con sé la qualità, anche se solo un particolare sforzo può intenderla all’interno delle considerazioni rammemorative. In ogni caso nel tentativo di penetrare nella foresta c’è una maggiore densità. Gli stessi contenuti sono risvegliati a vita diversa dal coinvolgimento e propongono al loro interno insospettate insorgenze. È la vita che preme con le sue condizioni inammissibili per la morte. La storia è della morte che parla e la filosofia mima la vita come se questa fosse una cosa morta. La frantumazione cronologica è il segno principale di questa cancrena. Non ci sono preoccupazioni omogenee o garanzie difensive che possono restare in piedi nell’oltrepassamento. Qui tutto è rovesciato. L’insorgenza qualitativa coglie l’occasione quantitativa disseminata come segnatura nel sentiero che si inoltra nella foresta e la porta con sé. Quello che accade non ha più attinenza né con l’incompletezza oggettiva del fare né con l’apparente completezza oggettuale.
Gli sforzi cronologici con cui si cerca di incasellare un accadimento perché possa essere correlato con le corrispondenze contestuali risultano essere la somma dei tentativi degli storici di munire del loro senso e del loro modo di vedere la vita la realtà che prendono in considerazione. Così Bakunin è uscito, di volta in volta, oggettualizzato in molti modi, tutti con sicumera di completezza e oggettività. Nulla di più artificioso e, in ultima analisi, di banale. E che ne è dei documenti e dei testi? Non dovrebbero avere un certo grado di affidabilità? Tutto questo non esiste come verità e prodotto di rispecchiamento, è materia opinabile dietro cui giacciono le paure e la personalità dello storico e del filosofo. L’eterogeneità sostanziale è acquattata dietro ogni fissazione ordinativa. Il risultato è un impoverimento del senso, una riduzione del dubbio, uno svilimento della capacità di porre domande senza ottenere risposte. Quest’ordine di problemi, a modo suo e nelle angustie tecniche del suo pensiero, si poneva Giovanni Gentile: «Non solo la natura quando non si guardi dall’esterno e in astratto, ma la stessa storia confluisce tutta e sbocca nell’attualità del pensiero pensante. Anche la storia è autoconcetto. Essa non è coscienza che l’uomo abbia dell’operare di spiriti diversi da quello che egli attua nella sua coscienza storica, o delle azioni di uomini che più non esistono, o del passato, che è mera idealità onde il pensiero distingue il presente che esiste, e che solo è reale, e conta, ed è eterno, da ciò che non esiste e non conta e perciò non è presente, ed è espulso dal mondo dell’eterno (dov’è tutto ciò che conta dal punto di vista dello spirito). La storia è, come ogni pensiero, coscienza di sé. E perciò ogni storia è stato detto essere storia contemporanea, poiché riflette attraverso la rappresentazione di eventi e passioni passate i problemi, gl’interessi e la mentalità dello storico e del suo tempo. I così detti avanzi e documenti del passato sono elementi della cultura e cioè della vita intellettuale presente; e si ravvivano per l’interesse che li fa cercare, criticare, interpretare; e parlano e si fanno valere mediante il lavoro storiografico, che è un pensiero attuale, che non si spiega se non acquistando sempre più acuta e cauta coscienza di sé. I morti sarebbero ben morti e verrebbero cancellati dal quadro della realtà, che è la divina realtà, se non ci fossero i vivi, che ne parlano rievocandoli nel loro cuore e risuscitandoli nel vivo aere del loro stesso spirito». (\emph{Introduzione alla filosofia}, Firenze 1952, p. 32). Non dell’atto gentiliano qui parliamo, la cosa dovrebbe essere ormai chiara per tutti, ma di un agire rivoluzionario che non può comprendere in sé il fare se non come elemento separato da cui è stato allontanato grazie all’orientamento che mi consente di vivere nel mondo che continuo quotidianamente a fare. Ma non è questo il punto. L’aspetto da sottolineare è la scontrosità dei documenti, la riottosa indifferenza degli accadimenti se non incasellati – oggetti prodotti e opportunamente oggettualizzati – dal fare coatto amministrato. Spezzando questa dimensione dei documenti, essi mi sbalordiscono e sono portato a riconsiderarli, se non tutti almeno in parte, in altro modo. Ed è questo il problema della segnatura, per come è stato qui posto in campo.
Raramente qualcuno mi dice che ha capito un mio libro, ne tesse le lodi, mi cita alcuni punti salienti. Ciò mi rende malinconico, anche se so che quello che è stato capito, o immaginato, è tutt’altro di quello che volevo dire io. Ciò mi accredita o di una considerevole ottusità superba o di una nobiltà d’animo, non ho mai capito quali di queste caratteristiche mi suggerisce comportamenti frigidi come quello descritto. Per contro, nella spiegazione pacata, presente in non pochi dei miei tanti scritti, si nasconde un animo esagitato, a volte persino furibondo, che non mi permette di arrivare a conclusioni provviste di quel buonsenso che tanti considerano prova di fondatezza di ciò che si sta dicendo. Altre volte, sono totalmente fuori di me, per cui nemmeno il tono di quello che dico può essere salvato dai buoni lettori di faccende produttive. Tante anime pie si sono lasciate affascinare da questo tono, ma del dire e di quello che sto dicendo la loro pietosa condizione mentale faceva oscuro velo. Occorrerebbe una disposizione d’animo fanciullesca, il senso del gioco e del dono, la meraviglia della scoperta, il profumo perduto della primavera, per capire un millesimo di quello che dico. Stare ad ascoltare dietro la porta, segnando sulla lavagna dei buoni e dei cattivi i miei vari pensieri, per vedere se alla fine i conti tornano, tutto ciò mi fa ridere. Io vivo come se fosse l’ultimo giorno della mia vita.
Anche nel sentiero di cui discutiamo e nelle segnature che possiamo cogliere c’è un velo di impenetrabilità, ma non ho alcuna intenzione di sollevarlo. Non è quello che sta sotto che mi interessa ma quello che il nostro coinvolgimento riesce a leggere attraverso quel velo grazie alla qualità, indiscussamente l’unico strumento non suscettibile di appannamenti. Quel velo era il segno del passato che si deposita su tutte le cose e che a causa del provvedimento storico di tutela si ispessisce. Per me, nell’insorgenza della segnatura, non c’è nessun velo, e se c’è non è qualcosa che può resistere all’avanzata sconvolgente della qualità.
In ogni occasione colta sono io a intervenire e il limite fissato dalla storia o l’interpretazione voluta dalla filosofia arretrano, vengono ulteriormente spostati a ogni tentativo di oltrepassamento finché nella rammemorazione scompaiono del tutto nel qui e ora. La storia e la filosofia rimangono sullo sfondo, elementi di conoscenza privi di qualità, dediti solo al confezionamento di oggetti. Osservando l’accaduto non può che venire in mente la differenza che passa tra la vita e la morte, tra la pulsazione vitale di un organismo che ama e teme e sogna e spera e, per contro, il mesto ricordo di tutto ciò, un amare, un temere, un sognare, uno sperare, come momenti di una irrecuperabile decadenza.
Il senso rivoluzionario e anarchico dell’opera di Bakunin non può così che rimanere sotto il velo con cui la storia e la filosofia l’hanno collocato, ma le occasioni di cui parliamo non tengono conto di questo velo e producono un’efficacia rivoluzionaria e anarchica, qui e ora, che non vede nemmeno quel velo e forse nemmeno quello che sta sotto se non come materiale conoscitivo da oltrepassare. L’unità di tutto quello che su Bakunin è stato detto – quindi velato – con la sua opera e la sua vita è un’apparenza, un qualsiasi oggetto prodotto dai centri culturali che riforniscono la caverna dei massacri. Nell’oltrepassamento, a partire dalle occasioni offerte dalle segnature, tutto questo esiste condensato in un singolo momento, un particolare forse trascurabile, un residuo, una traccia. Ed è da questo relitto che partiamo, nella dispersione, per andare verso l’avventura qualitativa.
L’opera e l’occasione sono estremamente lontani tra loro. La prima dovrebbe contenere la seconda e giustificarla ma la seconda è una segnatura, cioè è stata incisa su un percorso che l’opera nel suo insieme non conosce né può mai accadergli di conoscere. “D’altronde – scriveva Goethe – detesto tutto ciò che m’istruisce soltanto, senza ampliare ed accrescere immediatamente la mia attività”, frase da meditare anche se il patriarca non sapeva bene, forse, quello che stava affermando, come spesso gli accadeva. L’effettualità qualitativa dell’opera resta comunque incognita mentre c’è rammemorazione di ciò che accade alla segnatura. Certo, quest’ultima è povera cosa, una traccia, un lieve movimento dispersivo, ma nessuno ha mai sostenuto il contrario. È l’oltrepassamento che fa rivivere l’opera di Bakunin nel suo insieme, come effettualità rivoluzionaria e anarchica e quindi anche la segnatura, con tutti i suoi elementi frammentari, ognuno dei quali apre un discorso che non può mai essere considerato chiuso arbitrariamente proprio perché in sé completo. Così Nietzsche: «L’uomo è un cavo teso tra la bestia e il superuomo, – un cavo al di sopra di un abisso. Un passaggio periglioso, un periglioso essere in cammino, un periglioso guardarsi indietro e un periglioso rabbrividire e fermarsi. La grandezza dell’uomo è di essere un ponte e non uno scopo: nell’uomo si può amare che egli sia una transizione e un tramonto. Io amo coloro che non sanno vivere se non tramontando, poiché essi sono una transizione. Io amo gli uomini del grande disprezzo, perché essi sono anche gli uomini della grande venerazione e frecce che anelano all’altra riva. Io amo coloro che non aspettano di trovare una ragione dietro le stelle per tramontare e offrirsi in sacrificio: bensì si sacrificano alla terra, perché un giorno la terra sia del superuomo. Io amo colui che vive per la conoscenza e vuole conoscere, affinché un giorno viva il superuomo. E così egli vuole il proprio tramonto». (\emph{Così parlò Zarathustra}, I, 4). Il concetto di perdita, non si poteva illustrare meglio.
Quello che vive, ora e qui, di Bakunin è pertanto questo sentiero nella foresta, dove i percorsi e le occasioni non sono solo mie faccende personali, qui avanzate come ipotesi di lavoro, ma di tutti coloro che senza paura si accosteranno alla foresta e si inoltreranno nel sentiero che la penetra mettendo in risalto segnature che magari a me erano sfuggite. Questo è il tempo della qualità, l’attimo che coglie la vita nel suo eterno dialogo col destino e l’inserisce nella rammemorazione. Non una ulteriore riflessione sull’opera di Bakunin per stabilire ciò che di essa è rimasto in vita, ma un cogliere la vita, qui e ora, a partire dalla traccia che Bakunin ha lasciato e che è sfuggita all’opera di recupero e salvaguardia di storici e filosofi.
Mutano le condizioni perfino temporali in cui questo tentativo si realizza, ma il progetto resta sempre lo stesso. Certo, le segnature, mutando le condizioni del mondo nel suo insieme, possono sbiadire e risultare non più comprensibili, questo è il destino di tutte le cose, in particolare dell’eterogeneità irriducibile delle tracce nel sentiero della foresta. Ma il qui e ora resta lo stesso. Attraverso quei segni si può forse, dopo che sono scomparsi o affievoliti del tutto, non cogliere bene ciò che Bakunin è stato, ma il progetto qualitativo rimane valido e la rammemorazione parlerà ancora della mia e delle altre avventure nella qualità mentre, forse, Bakunin resterà sullo sfondo come una remota figura mitica. Per contro il logico è un semplice funzionario della mente, e mi sono lasciato affascinare per anni dai logici. Ora, quietamente, ne sorrido e cerco di sabotare, quando ne ho l’occasione, i miei vecchi sillogismi. Però è meglio che non mi fermi molto a indagare sulle loro ramificazioni, mi si sollevano contro, uno dopo l’altro, pensieri da brivido, ricordi malinconici e progetti sovvervisi andati a male. Nel mare di queste intuizioni trovo sempre la risposta all’oltrepassamento, non esiste la possibilità altervativa di dare vita a una giustificazione, a un salvataggio, l’odio che alimento è odio distruttivo, ecco perché balbetto e mi immalinconisco, perché improvvisamente mi sento barbaramente estraneo a quanto logicamente continua a farsi strada nella mia testa e attorno a me. L’unica strada è questo lasciare che la strada già percorsa si sgretoli da sola, facendo vedere quello che c’è sotto, la rete di coordinazione che afferisce alla caverna dei massacri. Ancora Nietzsche: «Dopo il canto del viandante e ombra, la caverna si riempì d’improvviso di clamori e risate; e poiché gli ospiti riuniti parlavano tutti insieme, e anche l’asino, così incoraggiato, non rimaneva zitto, Zarathustra fu colto da un piccolo disgusto e da ironia verso i suoi invitati\dots{}». (\emph{Ib}., IV, 1).
Cautele speciali potrebbero tutelare una sorta di tradizione delle segnature, incastonandole nel culto del ricordo. Alla fine sarebbe una storia per frammenti ma sempre una storia. Quello che voglio realizzare è invece il contrario, un esaurimento delle segnature fin dove sarà possibile, fino a quando avrà un senso condurle con noi nell’oltrepassamento. Ogni cautela sarebbe un residuo negativo, ciò che insiste ancora nella mentalità risparmiosa del fare coatto. Certo, una luce critica è necessaria riguardo le segnature, come per tutto quello che concerne la conoscenza e gli strumenti oggettuali da cui partire per l’avventura dell’oltrepassamento, ma tutto ciò non può costituire una storia né una filosofia, tanto meno dare corpo a una tradizione.
Chi accede alla qualità, oltre al coraggio di cui a lungo si è detto, deve avere un bagaglio conoscitivo, indispensabile nella fase di accostamento, di peso dopo. L’esperienza diversa, nella rammemorazione, riprende possesso di quel bagaglio e lo trasforma in uno con la segnatura da dove, nel caso che ci occupa, era partito l’oltrepassamento. Qui non c’è un momento preliminare staccato e un momento, temporalmente successivo, in cui il bagaglio è messo da parte. Questa è una riflessione quantitativa che vale poco nell’esperienza diversa direttamente vissuta. Nella rammemorazione non saranno più reperibili queste scansioni di tempo.
La tutela della storia e della filosofia tende a tramandare un oggetto inaccessibile, mummificato per sempre e quindi fruibile solo a certe condizioni oggettuali. Questa coltre non è sollevabile, essa confina con l’ovvietà e rende inaccessibile Bakunin come qualsiasi altro oggetto del suo interesse. Non è questione di autenticità interpretativa, la provenienza più o meno controllata non modifica questa condizione e rende vano ogni tentativo di regressione ad una ipotetica autenticità. Criticare questa realtà non è il nostro compito. Noi ci indirizziamo agli scarti, ai prodotti sparsi e secondari, a frammenti e tracce di cui rinveniamo le segnature nel sentiero nella foresta. Poiché il mestiere del fare non ci appartiene siamo uomini dell’agire, e come punto di partenza, volendo partire proprio da Bakunin e non dalla sua mummia, ci inoltriamo nella foresta. Non regrediamo nel passato per gettarvi una luce nuova, improbabile e dubbia, ma andiamo verso il destino a cui proponiamo la parola rammemorativa, a metà discorso e a metà provocazione. Continua Nietzsche: «Improvvisamente, però, l’orecchio di Zarathustra fu spaventato: la caverna, infatti, che fino a quel momento era stata piena di clamori e risate, divenne d’un colpo silenziosa come la morte; – ma al suo naso giunse un profumato effluvio di incenso, come di pigne bruciate. “Che accade? Che stanno facendo?”, si domandò, e si avvicinò di soppiatto all’ingresso, per poter osservare, senza essere notato, i suoi ospiti! Ma, – meraviglia delle meraviglie! – che cosa gli toccò di vedere coi suoi occhi! “Sono tutti ridiventati devoti, pregano, sono pazzi!”». (\emph{Ibidem}). Il divertimento funziona meglio della frusta, non dimentichiamolo.
In che modo dalla segnatura – traccia, se vogliamo, parziale e secondaria dell’opera di Bakunin – arriviamo alla rammemorazione? Non c’è il rischio di obnubilare quella traccia, che seppure tenue, era sempre Bakunin, con la nostra esperienza diversa? Certo, il rischio c’è, e sarebbe inaccettabile sovrapposizione se tutto rimanesse nell’ambito del fare coatto. Oltrepassare nell’agire la trasformazione qualitativa che ne deriva sconvolge talmente le condizioni di partenza, cioè la stessa segnatura, che non c’è modo di fare un bilancio. Non può esserci una cautela o un controllo nell’uso delle segnature, queste avvampano nella qualità e nel progetto rivoluzionario e anarchico che ne deriva, per cui possono tornare ad avere un senso come segnature e possono non averlo più. Qui non siamo di fronte a una scienza speciale che usa strumenti di salvaguardia per non danneggiare il materiale su cui lavora, qui siamo nell’assolutamente altro. Niente garantisce la restituzione ipso facto di ciò che era punto di partenza.
Ma che cos’è questo punto di partenza, occasione o segnatura, traccia nel sentiero della foresta? Se non fosse qui, incastonato nel sentiero impervio di cui discutiamo, non sarebbe che una tenue persistenza, una ridondanza priva di significato per un salto qualitativo, sarebbe solo un frammento di una storia più grande, anche priva di significato rivoluzionario e anarchico. Non è un problema di attribuzione o di chiarificazione storica o filologica, meno che mai è un problema di ermeneutica, è un problema più profondo e attiene alla segnatura stessa a quello che essa rappresenta per me che la colgo nel sentiero e per la sua origine. Ecco, la sua origine è nella vita di Bakunin, nelle sue idee, nelle sue azioni, ma per quanta attenzione ponga in questo retrocedere non riuscirò mai a identificare un rapporto preciso tra segnatura e l’universo ormai cristallizzato nella palude storico-filosofica della sua opera. In effetti, la segnatura ha un modo nuovo di dirmi qualcosa e me la dice nel corso del mio avanzare nella foresta, non mi serve da vettovagliamento, anche se può far parte del bagaglio di conoscenze che mi permette l’oltrepassamento. Ma questo fare parte è a me che dice qualcosa e lo dice perché io sto oltrepassando il fare e mi sto avviando all’agire, in caso contrario tutti gli interrogativi filologici resterebbero muti.
Il punto di partenza è pertanto l’oltrepassamento, anche se l’occasione vi entra a fare parte creando un nuovo universo di significati, i quali, in prospettiva, saranno elementi non trascurabili della mia avventura nella qualità, non saranno però essi la mia avventura. La segnatura non è il sentiero e il sentiero non è la foresta né la foresta sono io. Questi elementi si danno violentemente convegno, il risultato non è decodificabile se non in parte nella rammemorazione.
L’insorgenza dell’occasione mi stimola all’avventura nella foresta ma non è l’origine assoluta, il motore esclusivo dell’oltrepassamento. Questo è nella mia natura di uomo che rifiuta l’apparenza e che non attende certo questa specifica insorgenza per agire. Quello che realizzo in questa occasione fa parte del mio patrimonio di attività rivoluzionaria e anarchica, non è un qualcosa “su” Bakunin, in modo di confrontarmi nuovamente con la sua storia racchiusa nella mummificazione oggettuale che mi sta davanti. Misurandomi con questa produzione cristallizzata, decostruisco i singoli momenti in cui per me essa ha potuto significare qualcosa, quindi rivivo tecniche e pratiche che non ho dimenticato o rinnegato, ma quello che conta è perché sono qua, perfino questa orrenda parentesi anchilosante la mia vita, questo carcere ateniese che mi sta soffocando, questo conta e questo entra nella mia rammemorazione.
Nell’occasione, o segnatura, o punto di partenza, insomma nella traccia che trovo nel sentiero nella foresta, c’è sempre un’alea di indecidibilità. Non so dove andrò con quella segnatura con me, so solo che la porterò nell’azione, quindi non posso prevedere gli esiti di una sua correlazione con la qualità, trattandosi di traccia quantitativa anche se in origine non era tale. Ma dell’origine posso dire poco se metto da parte il meccanismo stesso che l’ha ridotta a oggetto. Alla fine dell’insorgenza rimane solo la mia esperienza e quella di Bakunin, intrecciate insieme anche grazie a lei ma rivissute nella rammemorazione. Ha notato Alessandro Dal Lago: «Non si tratta, ovviamente, di esorcizzare la cultura della decisione, o di soffermarsi polemicamente su alcuni suoi “esiti politici”. La rivolta contro la fatalità del tempo storico, o contro il vacuo progressismo in cui tale fatalità sembra incarnarsi – come nelle correnti culturali eterogenee del positivismo, dello storicismo o del marxismo evoluzionistico – è un aspetto comune non solo ai pensatori citati, ma anche ad autori vicini alla cultura radicale o rivoluzionaria (per esempio Benjamin o alcune correnti del marxismo occidentale). Il problema della decisione non sta quindi tanto (o soltanto) nel significato politico che ha assunto nei primi decenni del nostro secolo, ma nel suo rapporto necessario con la crisi del tempo storico. Il \emph{pathos} della decisione è inseparabile dal senso di vuoto che si accompagna alla scomparsa di fini storici. In questa accezione, il problema filosofico della decisione non finisce di riguardarci». (“L’autodistruzione della storia”, in “Aut-Aut”, n. 222, 1987, p. 14). Il che potrebbe ridefinirsi come problema degli orfani, di coloro ai quali è venuta a mancare l’illusione ideologica che reggeva la sopportazione della frusta.
Bisogna comunque avere modo di constatare l’insorgenza di una segnatura, fare che non scompaia o vada perduta nell’indifferenza o nella difficoltà stessa di procedere nel sentiero di cui discutiamo. Ogni traccia è incisa più o meno profondamente e da ciò dipende non solo e non tanto la sua reperibilità, quanto le correlazioni sotterranee che è possibile cogliere, sia pure per riferimenti a volte criptici. Più si scende nella segnatura, o meglio nel suo solco, e più si arriva a una condizione di minore chiarezza epistemologica ma di maggiore intensità intuitiva. Non esiste un vero e proprio strato sottostante fisso e uniforme, ogni segnatura è un universo a se stante ma questo universo è complesso e non facilmente decodificabile. Non essendoci cause ed effetti correlati in modo diretto si scopre un universo multidirezionale che rende un servizio insostituibile inserito nell’oltrepassamento dove la qualità sconvolge e rinnova trasformandolo qualsiasi assetto. Non c’è una condizione di pre-segnatura ma c’è questo universo nascosto che spesso prende il sopravvento in maniera impensabile a seguito delle sollecitazioni rivoluzionarie e anarchiche che l’oltrepassamento rende possibili. Quello che era indistinto e solo intuibile travalica nella rammemorazione e dà vita al non ancora iniziato, cioè all’azione che il destino tiene in serbo per me e che io inserisco in quello che Bakunin adesso è diventato, un potente mezzo d’azione rivoluzionaria e anarchica.
Da parte sua, la segnatura ha caratteristiche che risalgono all’operato di Bakunin e che non sempre sono state catalogate e ridotte a oggetto. Questa traccia può essere rimasta immune nel suo emergere e differenziarsi, spesso marginale e trascurabile, per cui può avere mantenuto integro, o quasi, il suo indistinto primario, la sua indecidibilità potenziale. Ciò non è sempre vero ma può esserlo e quindi si possono intravedere nella segnatura caratteri che non sono più reperibili nell’opera ormai persa nella oggettualizzazione del fare coatto. Non molto si salva della storia e della filosofia, qualcosa sì, e questo qualcosa prende a volte la forma della segnatura. Ciò non comporta affatto una riduzione pragmatica a mere faccende fisiologiche, direi tutt’altro. Le ipotesi di William James, tanto per fare un esempio, sono del tutto fuori luogo. «Se immaginiamo una forte emozione, e poi, dalla coscienza che ne abbiamo, cerchiamo di astrarre tutte le sensazioni dei suoi sintomi fisici, troviamo che non ci resta alcun residuo, nessuna “sostanza mentale” che possa costituire l’emozione, ma ci rimane solo uno stato freddo e indifferente di percezione intellettiva. È pur vero che, quantunque molte persone interrogate dicano che la loro introspezione verifica questa affermazione, altre persistono nel negare. Molti ancora non arrivano a capire come sta la questione. Se, messi da parte e allontanati ogni sentimento di riso e ogni tendenza a ridere, li pregate di immaginare, dalla coscienza che hanno del ridicolo di un oggetto, che cosa sembra loro in quel caso il senso stesso del ridicolo, e cioè se ci sia qualcosa, oltre la percezione che l’oggetto rientra nella categoria delle cose buffe, essi continuano a dire che è loro impossibile fare ciò che viene loro richiesto e che devono ridere tutte le volte che vedono un oggetto “buffo”. Ma il compito proposto a essi non è naturalmente quello pratico di vedere un oggetto ridicolo e di annientare la loro tendenza a ridere. Esso è quello puramente speculativo di sottrarre certi elementi sensibili da uno stato emotivo che si suppone esista nella sua pienezza e di dire quali siano gli elementi superstiti. Io non posso non credere che tutti coloro che comprendono questo problema concordino nell’ammettere la proposizione enunciata sopra. Non so immaginare quale tipo di emozione o di paura resterebbe se non fosse presente la sensazione né del pulsare affrettato del cuore né del respiro superficiale né del tremito delle labbra o del piegarsi delle gambe né della pelle d’oca né dei sussulti viscerali. È possibile rappresentarsi uno stato di rabbia senza pensare il ribollire del petto, l’arrossamento del viso, il dilatarsi delle narici, lo stringere dei denti, l’impulso all’azione vigorosa, ma, invece, pensando tutti i muscoli immobili e distesi, il respiro tranquillo e il viso sereno? Chi scrive queste righe non riesce certo a farlo. Se questa teoria è vera, ogni emozione è la risultante di una somma di elementi, e ogni elemento è determinato da un processo fisiologico a noi ben noto. Tutti gli elementi sono modificazioni organiche e ognuno di essi è l’effetto riflesso dell’oggetto stimolante». (\emph{Aspetti essenziali del pragmatismo}, tr. it., Lecce 1967, pp. 63-64). Qui la questione è ridotta all’osso dell’ovvietà, ma nasconde un problema reale. Il produrre è sempre un modello costruito su qualcosa di estremamente chiaro, è la chiarezza in se stessa ad essere piena di ombre e di fantasmi, sempre abitatori della caverna dei massacri. Questo io lo so, ed è per ciò che gli strali critici, quasi sempre fantasiosi, non mi abbattono ma, al contrario, mi eccitano al combattimento. Poi, con calma, col passare degli anni, rifletto più a fondo e mi rendo conto di quanto stupidi sono gli uomini e la loro smania di conquista e di possesso. L’infamia e la calunnia sono, intrecciate insieme, la trama segreta della storia. Venendo a mancare quel meccanismo che gli storici di ogni pelo sognavano, resta l’infamia bella e buona, la calunnia nuda e cruda, e forse anche l’elogio in attesa di retribuzione, altra faccia della stessa medaglia. È degradante calunniare, ma lo è altrettanto rammaricarsene, in fondo anche la più vegognosa menzogna, non può che sfiorarmi soltanto, non riuscirà mai a entrare dentro di me. Sono corazzato contro il dubbio che è qualcosa di simile alla paura, forse una impercettibile vibrazione di sdegno. Non sempre queste riflessioni mi accompagnano, a volte vanno in vacanza e allora quelle chiacchiere cominciano a farsi strada dentro di me, a riprendere senso, ma sono momenti poco significativi che lasciano tenue traccia. In quegli attimi molti aspetti della vita bene organizzata di tanta gente mi sembrano privi di dignità, degradanti, banali, un vero miraggio. Poi mi rendo conto che è questa la vita, è questo il mondo, l’altro, l’assenza che mi porto in cuore, per molti è incomprensibile.
Certo, una lettura cosiddetta a freddo, non ricaverebbe molto da queste tracce se non un ulteriore oggetto, impoverito e ridotto nei termini del ritaglio trascurabile. Ma una lettura operata dalla rammemorazione, quindi a seguito dell’oltrepassamento, non dà la somma degli elementi presenti nelle singole segnature, ma qualcosa di diverso, non di più ma di assolutamente altro. La traccia non è più un pezzo di storia, un frammento disincagliato e peregrino, essa sta ora ferma nella parola che cerca di dire la qualità e contribuisce alla ricomposizione del progetto rivoluzionario e anarchico. Non è una ricerca nel passato, sia pure fuori delle grinfie storiche e filosofiche, ma è qui e ora che essa si apre, priva di qualsiasi cautela, negando una parentesi o una porzione in cui una lettura amorfa e oggettuale la farebbe inevitabilmente ricadere. Il punto di insorgenza tra storia e segnatura non è identico, per la prima è l’apparato amministrativo dell’oggetto, per la seconda è l’abbandono nel sentiero della foresta.
Osservando la segnatura dall’angolazione privilegiata della qualità che si può raggiungere con l’oltrepassamento, si colgono in essa i pochi dati primari residuali appartenenti all’opera di Bakunin su cui, all’in grande, si è esercitato il controllo fattivo degli storici e dei filosofi, ma l’ambito di questa osservazione è per due motivi diverso, primo perché concerne una minuscola porzione, spesso trascurata nel processo di uniformazione, secondo perché la qualità in corso di sperimentazione rende lo stesso apparentamento oggettivo qualcosa di assolutamente altro. Non è compito che mi appartiene quello di risalire dall’esperienza altra, elaborata dalla segnatura, all’esperienza oggettualizzata nella storia per misurare distanze e discordanze, il mio lavoro procede in senso inverso, divaricando la differenza, esaltando nella rammemorazione quello che nessuna segnatura lasciava legittimamente presagire.
Dalla parte non si risale all’insieme perché sono due ordini differenti, la prima è inserita in un progetto qualitativo in corso di rammemorazione, il secondo giace in un oggetto ormai racchiuso nella propria perenne incompletezza. Io non sono l’erede di questo insieme cattivo ma ho nel cuore la parte, la trascurabile segnatura che ho incontrato nella foresta. Quello che sono capace di cogliere e di proporre alla parola che fronteggia il destino è il mio collegamento, qui e ora, con l’opera rivoluzionaria e anarchica di Bakunin. Forse non è mai esistito in essa quello che colgo io ora, ma qualcosa di molto vicino sì, e comunque diretto a colpire lo stesso nemico. Gli storici e i filosofi, amanti del rispecchiamento diranno che ciò non corrisponde alle carte e agli accadimenti, e potranno dolersi di questo modo di procedere, per me è il solo che riconduce Bakunin alla contestualità presente come un compagno anarchico in lotta insieme ad altri compagni. «A Genova, verso il crepuscolo, udii giungere da una torre un lungo scampanio: non voleva finire, e risuonava come non fosse mai sazio di sé, sopra il brusio dei vicoli, nel cielo vespertino e nell’aria di mare, così pauroso e insieme così infantile, così malinconico. Allora mi ricordai delle parole di Platone, e all’improvviso le sentii in cuore: eppure \dots{}». (F. Nietzsche, \emph{Umano, troppo umano}, I, 628). A volte solo il poeta riesce a dare corpo a qualcosa di veramente profondo, e proprio là dove, prima di lui, il filosofo aveva fallito. Erostato, esecrato nei secoli, ha fornito un’indicazione unica, incendiare il tempio di Artemide a Efeso, una delle meraviglie del mondo. La motivazione era stupida, almeno così la pensavo da giovane dopo avere letto \emph{Il muro} di Sartre, ora ho dubbi diversi. Non sono certo che l’incendio Erostato l’appiccò per essere ricordato nei millenni, fatto secondario e per questo facile da realizzare, come tutto quello che si può fare, ma per attaccare la divinità. Naturalmente questo aspetto è sempre stato passato sotto silenzio lasciando sopravvivere solo l’altro.
Ecco perché abbiamo parlato di occasione riferendoci alle segnature, per le prospettive che aprono non per quello che si limitano a racchiudere, a meno di non volere ricadere in una ricerca storica del frammento, impossibile e stupida come tutti i cammei. Dalla segnatura non si torna indietro, si salta in avanti nella qualità o si fa una sequenza stucchevole di aneddoti slegati e spiacevoli per quello che avrebbero potuto significare e non hanno significato. La forza di ogni traccia sta quindi nell’indicare una connessione tra Bakunin – passato e reso remoto nella storia e nella filosofia – e il futuro destino rivoluzionario e anarchico che realizzo con l’oltrepassamento, senza con questo avere la pretesa di svelare il senso nascosto della sua opera – probabilmente da cercarsi nei nostri cuori e per altra via, liberamente – o pretendere di regolare il futuro di ogni lotta su di un modello. Ecco, la segnatura non suggerisce un modello da imitare e, da parte sua, il coinvolgimento è quanto di più remoto ci possa essere dalla imitazione. Essa viene indubbiamente dal passato ma si innesta in un presente attivo e prende parola nella rammemorazione senza che qui venga respinta indietro, un’altra volta nel passato, anzi proiettandola nel destino dell’azione anarchica e rivoluzionaria.
Partendo da queste occasioni, trovandomi nella foresta – altrove esse mi sarebbero sfuggite – lavoro al di fuori di ogni criterio storico e filosofico, lavoro sulla mia personale esperienza con la qualità. Non metto avanti criteri di oggettualità razionale né pretendo di ricavare forme oggettive da contrapporre all’incompletezza. Lavoro a una costruzione che non ha tempo né luogo, che non si perfeziona nel corso del suo svolgimento atemporale, che è completa esattamente perché appare incompleta e futile all’incompletezza che governa l’oggetto. Nel cuore dell’azione quella occasionale traccia brilla di una luce diversa e nell’abbassarsi necessario e umanamente inevitabile della rammemorazione torna parola, questa volta diversa e irriconoscibile perché rivolta al destino e solo da questo intesa fino in fondo. Ma noi, possiamo interrogare il destino? Certo che possiamo farlo, ma non dobbiamo aspettarci risposta. Jürgen Habermas si pone questo interrogativo confrontando l’amministrazione del fare secondo le tesi di Popper con l’abbraccio della storia e, ovviamente, finisce per accettare quest’ultimo non sapendosi decidere per altre soluzioni. Eccolo: «Il postulato della cosiddetta avalutatività si basa sulla tesi, che, seguendo Popper, può essere formulata come dualismo di fatti e decisioni. Il dualismo tra dati di fatto e decisioni impone la riduzione della conoscenza attendibile a quella delle scienze empiriche rigorose e quindi l’eliminazione delle questioni della vita pratica dall’orizzonte della scienza in generale. Però il confine tra conoscere e valutare, purificato positivisticamente, denota più un problema che un risultato. Una volta che il positivismo ha accolto la ragione soltanto nella sua figura particolarizzata (come una capacità di maneggiare correttamente regole logico-formali e metodologiche), non può proclamare la rilevanza del conoscere per una prassi razionale altro che con una “fede nella ragione”. E il problema non consiste “nella scelta tra sapere e credere, bensì soltanto nella scelta tra due tipi di credenza”. (Popper). Se la conoscenza scientifica è priva di ogni riferimento di senso alla prassi e viceversa ogni contenuto normativo è indipendente da cognizioni relative al contesto della vita reale – come viene presupposto non dialetticamente – si deve ammettere il dilemma: non posso costringere nessuno a basare sempre su argomenti e esperienze i suoi assunti, e con l’aiuto di tali argomenti e esperienze non posso dimostrare a nessuno che io stesso devo comportarmi così; “cioè, prima di tutto devo assumere una disposizione razionalistica (con una decisione) e solo allora argomenti o esperienze troveranno ascolto; ne consegue che quella disposizione stessa non può essere fondata su argomenti e esperienze”. (Popper). Questo atteggiamento razionalistico ha conseguenze per la prassi nella misura in cui esso determina l’agire morale e politico dei singoli ed infine della società nel suo complesso. Esso ci vincola in primo luogo a un comportamento corretto dal punto di vista socio-tecnico. Nella vita sociale – come nella natura – si scoprono uniformità empiriche che possono venir formulate come leggi scientifiche. Si agisce razionalmente nella misura in cui si stabiliscono norme e istituzioni sociali sulla base della conoscenza di queste leggi naturali e si prendono le misure necessarie secondo le raccomandazioni tecniche che ne derivano. Appunto la divisione problematica tra leggi naturali e norme, il dualismo tra dati di fatto e decisioni insieme all’assunto che la storia può avere un senso tanto poco quanto lo ha la natura, appare quindi come il presupposto della efficacia pratica di un razionalismo accettato con impegno e cioè del fatto che noi con la tecnica sociale realizziamo nella dimensione dei fatti storici un senso di per sé estraneo alla storia in forza di una decisione e grazie alla nostra conoscenza teorica di leggi naturali fattuali. Il tentativo di Popper di difendere il razionalismo della logica scientifica dalle conseguenze irrazionali della sua fondazione necessariamente decisionistica, la dichiarazione di fede razionalistica di Popper in una prassi politica guidata dalla scienza deriva però dal presupposto problematico, che egli ha in comune con la “ricerca della certezza” di Dewey e il pragmatismo in genere: cioè che gli uomini possano dirigere razionalmente il loro destino quanto più s’impiegano tecniche sociali. Il problema è di sapere se un’amministrazione razionale del mondo coincida con la soluzione delle questioni pratiche poste storicamente». (\emph{Teoria e prassi nella società tecnologica}, tr. it., Bari 1969, pp. 118-120). Come si vede la risposta alla domanda iniziale è evasiva. Non c’è modo di possedere la certezza del controllo se non esercitando un controllo ancora più alto. Questa strada non ha sbocchi, occorre interromperla. Habermas non vede il significato di questo impossibile sbocco, la sua cultura dogmatica – anche se di un dogmatismo diverso da quello scientificamente ottuso di Popper – glielo impedisce. Ho passato la vita a costruire sconfitte, sono queste che, a loro volta, mi hanno costruito, senza le delusioni che normalmente le accompagnano non avrei mai avuto la forza di considerarle per quello che per me sono, occasioni per essere quello che sono. Certo, al di sotto delle sconfitte ci sono le vittorie, ma queste sono solo la base su cui salire per arrivare, puntando i piedi, alle sconfitte. La conclusione è che se hai qualcosa da dire vieni isolato, si tratta di un movimento non diritto o evidente, non è un vero e proprio complotto, ma anche io stesso vi partecipo. L’isolamento e la base essenziale della sconfitta, ma questo non li piomba addosso senza che non ci metta anch’io un poco di mio. Fatto questo, devo ancora cominciare la mia strada.
Quindi, domande, ancora domande. Domande dirette a capire la formazione del progetto rivoluzionario e anarchico, domande brucianti e cruciali. Le risposte non possono essere all’altezza di queste domande contenute nella rammemorazione, esse vivono nell’attesa del prossimo fare che andrà ancora una volta oltrepassato nel prossimo agire. Le risposte non ci diranno mai che cosa è accaduto dell’opera di Bakunin nell’esperienza qualitativa dove è stata coinvolta, né come quest’ultima è stata resa possibile con l’oltrepassamento. Le risposte cercheranno di fare spazio all’ordine fattivo dove si producono gli oggetti, anche le riflessioni a freddo sulle esperienze rivoluzionarie e anarchiche e dove si gettano le basi delle future storie e delle future filosofie. Le risposte sono, come si è capito, la parte meno interessante a cui dedicheremo meno spazio, e poi ognuno può darsele da sé.
Il fatto che la segnatura abbia un’origine storica non significa che la mantenga anche nel qui e ora dell’esperienza diversa. Nella qualità il suo contributo è una donazione originaria, un portato che proviene da lontano e va lontano ma attraverso due territori del tutto contrastanti e incomunicabili, il manifesto e l’immanifesto. Al suo interno c’è una base epistemologica ma essa, pur essendo stata incisa come traccia nel sentiero nella foresta, non è molto diversa della conoscenza strumentale necessaria all’oltrepassamento. Pertanto, quello che conta della segnatura è la sua semplice esistenza, la sua penetrazione contrassegnante nel sentiero, non il suo inserimento in un contesto storico pietrificato. Essa è quindi un qualcosa che viene dopo la storia, un qualcosa di dimenticato che affiora parzialmente dall’incisione profonda nel sentiero nella foresta, ma è anche qualcosa che viene prima, che si è salvato dal naufragio storico e mantiene custodita in sé l’occasione che sboccia a contatto con la qualità. Niente di preciso una volta per tutte. In questo senso William James: «Per il monismo, invece, ogni cosa, la comprendiamo o no, trascina seco tutto l’universo senza lasciarsi sfuggire nulla. Così, la differenza fra i due sistemi, dal punto di vista pragmatico, è nettissima. Se \emph{a} è per un solo momento invisibile per \emph{b}, oppure se cessa di essere in contatto con esso, o infine se in un modo o nell’altro è esterno a esso, – e, secondo il monismo, sarà sempre così – \emph{a} e \emph{b} non potranno mai incontrarsi. Il pluralismo, invece, ammette che si potrà offrire un’altra occasione in cui questi medesimi oggetti agiranno concordemente o saranno messi in relazione l’uno con l’altro in un modo qualunque. Il monismo non ammette che ci siano, nella realtà, queste “altre occasioni”. La differenza che mi sforzo di precisare si riconduce, lo vedete, alla differenza che c’è fra ciò che tante volte ho chiamato la forma ciascuno (each-form) e la forma tutto (all-form) della realtà. Il pluralismo permette alle cose di esistere individualmente o di avere ciascuna la sua forma particolare. Il monismo pensa che la forma tutto non ammette che relazioni si stabiliscano o scompaiano, poiché, nel tutto, le parti sono essenzialmente ed estremamente complicate. L’esistenza sotto forma individuale, invece, rende possibile per una cosa di essere connessa dalle cose intermedie a un’altra con la quale non ha rapporti immediati o essenziali. Così, fra le cose, sono sempre possibili rapporti numerosi, che non sono necessariamente realizzati in un momento dato. La loro realizzazione dipende dal passaggio che possono effettivamente aprirsi in quel momento per assolvere la loro funzione mediatrice\dots{} Così, mentre parlo, posso guardare innanzi a me o guardare a destra, o guardare a sinistra; e, in ogni caso, lo spazio, l’aria, l’etere, agendo come intermediari, mi permettono di vedere i volti di una parte diversa dei miei uditori: la mia persona è tuttavia ben qui, indipendente da ciascuno di questi tre gruppi». (\emph{Aspetti essenziali del pragmatismo}, \emph{op. cit}., pp. 226-227). Non c’è scampo, la riflessione citata sembrava indirizzarsi verso un’importante indicazione, poi svolta in un deserto qualunque, dove ogni cosa inaridisce nel fare della pragmatica prigione quotidiana. Niente di male, si potrebbe dire, lo si sapeva. Sì, ma ogni volta occorre ribadirlo, altrimenti molte affermazioni di un preteso possibilismo pluralista possono essere prese per sollecitazioni al coinvolgimento, cosa che è da escludersi in maniera assoluta. Lo storicismo deve molto al pragmatismo, ma non lo ammetterebbe mai, preferisce impiccarsi al pennone più alto della nave razionalista.
Eppure la segnatura è qualcosa di più di una traccia, essa è la condizione stessa per cui si possa avviare un processo di sperimentazione qualitativa specificatamente riguardo a ciò che la stessa segnatura sta a indicare con la sua incidenza nel sentiero nella foresta. Non è una comunanza di interessi o una qualsiasi correlazione di affinità, è la forma in cui si modella l’oltrepassamento, almeno se non proprio la forma completa ne è la condizione primaria che coinvolge nell’abbandono del terreno amministrato del fare coatto. Che poi la rammemorazione si allarghi a una parola indirizzata al destino e quindi finisca altrove dal solco scavato inizialmente dalla segnatura, questo è un altro discorso. Non c’è una corrispondenza esatta tra segnatura e rammemorazione e, a volte, non c’è neanche una rassomiglianza approssimativa. La prima resta figlia del quantitativo, la seconda deriva da una parola che cerca di parlare la qualità. Non c’è omogeneità tra questi due movimenti, eppure c’è una relazione, un inveramento tra quello che la traccia ha lasciato di sé nel sentiero nella foresta, che appartiene come solco e come contenuto a Bakunin, e la rammemorazione che appartiene, ora e qui, alla rivoluzione anarchica.
Chi guardasse alla segnatura con occhio quantitativo non vedrebbe che un pezzo trascurabile e trascurato dell’opera di Bakunin, un reperto storico di poca importanza che solo un collezionista di antichità potrebbe degnare di attenzione. Così la segnatura non sarebbe tale perché non si potrebbe cogliere nel sentiero nella foresta, ma in qualunque pagina dimenticata di un libro di storia o di filosofia. Se la si guarda per quello che veramente è, una segnatura, allora siamo fuori della storia e della filosofia, siamo nel cammino accidentato dell’azione rivoluzionaria, e allora essa non contiene niente del passato, non è inclusa nell’oggetto storico coattamente amministrato, ne è completamente fuori, essa è contemporanea all’agire che la coglie nell’oltrepassamento.
In questo modo, la segnatura sfugge, e continua a sfuggire, all’occhio miope degli storici e dei filosofi che guardano indietro avendo paura di guardare avanti. La coscienza immediata non può coglierla e seguita a considerare conclusa l’avventura terrena di Bakunin, consegnandola al ricordo che non può tornare presente se non per essere incasellato in un passato che non torna e che tale deve rimanere. Così Karl Jaspers: «Il ripetersi dell’esserci, come puro e semplice esserci, è cosa che all’uomo fa orrore; il rinascere senza fine genera uno sgomento a cui l’uomo vorrebbe sottrarsi. Che ogni esserci, come manifestazione dell’esistenza, sia nello stesso tempo eterno è invece evidente, per cui l’eterno ritorno diventa il pensiero che esprime il senso dell’essere autentico. Siccome la volontà d’esserci, come semplice impulso alla vita, è cieca, essa si attacca avidamente al pensiero del rinascere, in cui vede la realizzazione di una immortalità sensibile, mentre la chiara volontà d’essere della libertà ammette l’eterno ritorno solo come una cifra simbolica nell’ambito della rappresentazione temporale, come l’espressione della sua incomprensibile atemporalità. I pensieri speculativi, che dal punto di vista oggettivo sono identici, possono significare cose opposte. Nell’esserci che ci viene assegnato la ripetizione nel tempo è tanto meccanizzazione, abitudine, monotonia, quanto incremento storico del contenuto esistenziale; è tanto da rifiutare quanto da ricercare come conferma dell’autenticità del se-stesso. La ripetizione si traduce allora nella durata come manifestazione della storicità dell’essere. Come essere pensato, l’essere diventa qualcosa d’universale e di totale; quando invece è colto nella coscienza della storicità non è mai universale, ma nemmeno il suo contrario; pur essendo l’universale un suo contenuto, questa coscienza sa di poterlo trascendere. Nella coscienza della storicità l’essere non è mai la totalità, ma nemmeno il suo contrario; è infatti un essere che, nella sua totalità, si relaziona ad altre totalità e particolarità. Se non è una totalità onnicomprensiva dell’universalità e della totalità, non è neppure qualcosa che si possa enunciare negando l’universalità e la totalità. La storicità rispetto all’irrazionalità e all’individualità. La coscienza della storicità si affida all’universalità solo di passaggio. Se l’universale fosse verità assoluta, allora si potrebbe conoscere la verità, al se-stesso non resterebbe che aggregarsi, e la sua presenza sarebbe casuale e interscambiabile, perché sarebbe l’universale a dominare in ogni dove. Il se-stesso giunge così ad esser-vero senza poterlo sapere. Dal se-stesso, infatti, apprendo la mia situazione, che prima non conosco perché la sperimento solo nel momento in cui l’apprendo; nei confronti del se-stesso ogni conoscenza universale è solo un presupposto che offre delle possibilità e serve per verificare il particolare. È impossibile vivere nell’universale come se fosse l’assoluto senza perdere la propria identità. Si sente però dire che se la storicità dell’esistenza non è universale, allora è irrazionale. Questa posizione, se non è del tutto inesatta, induce comunque in errore. L’irrazionale, infatti, è solo qualcosa di negativo, è la materia rispetto alla forma universale, è l’arbitrarietà rispetto alla condotta legalitaria, la casualità rispetto alla necessità. Nella sua negatività l’irrazionale é, di volta in volta, il residuo opaco e impenetrabile o il residuo da rifiutare e respingere. Il pensiero si sforza, giustamente, di ridurre al minimo questo residuo; per esso, infatti, le irrazionalità non sono in se stesse qualcosa, ma, nella loro negatività, sono il limite o l’arbitraria materia dell’universale. Nella sua positività, invece, la storicità assoluta sostiene la coscienza dell’esistenza, ne è la sorgente e non il limite, l’origine e non il residuo. Essa rappresenta un criterio unico e insostituibile, rappresenta quella verità autentica che riduce la semplice universalità a mera esattezza e l’idealità ad un gradino appena più elevato. Ignorarla significa solamente non poterla tradurre né in qualcosa di universale né nella negazione dell’universale, mentre conoscerla significa essere responsabili in prima persona del processo di chiarificazione dell’esistenza possibile che si attua attraverso la propria realizzazione. In questo processo l’universalità e la non universalità sono solo dei mezzi per esprimere e manifestare la storicità». (\emph{Filosofia}, tr. it., Torino 1978, pp. 601-602). Il pericolo tenuto presente qui è lo smarrimento della possibilità storica di realizzare il proprio essere presente. Ma questo non è un pericolo, è una certezza. Non c’è abitabilità possibile nell’essere né passeggiate ricreative. Jaspers non lo dice a causa dell’inevitabile confusione tra apparenza e realtà, da qui la duplicazione insostenibile tra particolare e universale. Il luogo degli equivoci non poteva essere meglio delineato. In fondo, anche qui, in queste pretese pagine “contro qualcosa”, che poi sia la storia questo qualcosa, e che esse, nella loro rudezza, siano capaci di attingerla, questo è un altro discorso, c’è una certa dose di ingenuità, il rapporto col lettore – come in ogni rammemorazione che sia tale – non è certo diretto, ma trasversale, attraverso il grande mare dell’esperienza diversa. L’ipotesi che sta alla base di questo mio lavoro è troppo tagliata fuori per essere accettabile da un uomo ragionevole, questa mia ingenuità, a volte, confina con la più disarmata innocenza. E siccome nessuno è innocente, devo concludere per una sorta di inadeguatezza mia a farmi capire, oppure per una volontà di non farlo? Chi lo sa? Da giovanissimo scrivevo molto, grandi quantitativi di fogli ormai quasi del tutto perduti. Mio padre li faceva leggere a molti amici suoi che, giustamente, di quei fogli si liberavano nel migliore dei modi, stracciandoli. Solo un esempio, delle centinaia di pagine dei miei studi su Casanova non è rimasto un rigo. La prolissità non mi faceva paura, affrontavo un aspetto, un singolo aspetto, e lo penetravo fino a stancarmi, e non c’era nulla che potesse stancarmi. Ero quindi noioso e pretenzioso, ma non lo sapevo, e non mi curavo di farlo sapere a qualcuno, tranne che a mio padre, il quale leggeva tutto. Lo stile era impregnato degli esperimenti portati avanti dalla critica ermetica, le pagine superstiti, a leggerle oggi, mi danno ai nervi. La rivista di Caldarelli e quella di Luigi Russo erano gli altri referenti.
Collocando la segnatura nel luogo in cui l’azione può coglierla, metaforicamente identificato come foresta, e proponendosi un itinerario non preciso ma identificato a sufficienza come sentiero nella foresta, essa è presente, non come un reperto storico, ma come parte del coinvolgimento che permette l’azione qualitativamente diversa. E questa non sarà una presenza virtuale, come sarebbe stata in una comunanza di interessi realizzata all’interno di una lettura storica o filosofica, ma concreta e vitale, quindi non parallela all’azione ma azione essa stessa, immanente all’oltrepassamento. Cogliendo la segnatura, e inserendola nell’azione, non si retrocede verso Bakunin, immedesimandosi nei problemi suoi e della sua epoca, ma ci si immerge nell’oggi e nei problemi che l’oggi caratterizzano, problemi rivoluzionari dove Bakunin si trova perfettamente a suo agio.
Lavorando a ogni singola occasione – come vedremo – inseguiremo un qualcosa di precedente che è qui con noi presente nell’azione, senza bisogno di penetrare nella segnatura per individuare nella sua profondità ciò che è più lontano e originario da ciò che si accosta di più all’attuale considerazione delle cose. Non ci sarà un prima e un dopo, ma una parte da strappare alla storia e alla filosofia e una parte libera dalla storia e dalla filosofia, una persistenza e una distruzione, oppure un superamento, termine che in questo caso segnalerebbe proprio il nostro fallimento o, se si preferisce, un modesto successo ermeneutico. Il punto cruciale in cui insorge la segnatura è totalmente nel repertorio dell’oltrepassamento, fa parte degli strumenti di bordo, poi alla fine anch’essi rigettati o malinconicamente resi come tracce residuali alla rammemorazione. La mia azione e la segnatura di Bakunin sono presenti insieme, sono contemporanee e non possono essere considerate un contributo, sia pure eterogeneo, alla storia e alla filosofia.
Osservando bene la rammemorazione – come avremo occasione di fare – si vedrà che in essa sono contenute tanto la segnatura quanto la mia diretta esperienza della qualità, come momenti non più separabili in un “pre” e in un “post”. Quello che nel sentiero nella foresta avevo rinvenuto non era quindi una segnatura del passato se non per chi nel passato vive e vi è rimasto impantanato, non per me che sono immerso, qui e ora, in questo catastrofico presente costituito da una prigione greca, dove scrivo queste righe in un magico pomeriggio di aprile. Quel rinvenimento era un segno del presente da individuare, un’occasione da cogliere e da coinvolgere nell’oltrepassamento. Questa azione anarchica e rivoluzionaria fa della segnatura – materiale storico marginale e occasionale – un contributo e una restituzione attiva alla sua origine bakuninista, cioè la reintegra in un originario processo anarchico e rivoluzionario che è anche, e principalmente, un presente, una parola indirizzata al destino.
Non è quindi una spiegazione della segnatura, e indirettamente dell’opera di Bakunin, che si realizza nella rammemorazione, non è una lettura di ordine superiore, sia pure ammantata della migliore visione che l’attuale ha nei confronti del passato. Niente di tutto questo. Non posseggo un potere esplicativo da applicare alla segnatura come residuo storico e oggettuale. Il problema dell’origine della segnatura stessa mi è indifferente. Mi interessa la sua profondità, il suo collocamento nella foresta, la rete di implicazioni che posso sviluppare a partire da essa. E questo processo non è, a sua volta, un qualcosa che viene prima del coinvolgimento, esso e il cogliere stesso dell’occasione in quanto momenti contestuali alla mia azione di oltrepassamento, cioè immanenti alla mia attività anarchica e rivoluzionaria.
La rammemorazione non è un processo metalinguistico ma un uso concreto e preciso delle parole per dire quello che la parola non può dire se non in termini di fare. Essa ha certo una forma e sue regole ma non si racchiude in esse, va oltre e cerca di interrogare il destino, cosa che, se si riflette bene, faceva Bakunin con la sua attività rivoluzionaria e anarchica e con la sua intera opera. È questa immanenza che la rammemorazione sviluppa partendo dall’esperienza diversa mia nella qualità, che non ha nulla a che vedere con il passato, così come può essere disegnato dagli storici e dai filosofi. La forza del desiderio di trasformazione travolge tutto, perfino i buoni propositi di dare vita a un progetto ordinato e razionale, funzionante e funzionale alla rivoluzione anarchica. Questo aspetto ordinativo, indispensabile, arriva sempre dopo, a cose fatte, è così in ritardo sulla passione e la forza che la rammemorazione cerca di fare rivivere, passione e forza vissute nell’esperienza qualitativa. La segnatura è travolta da questa esperienza e, a volte, ma non sempre, può partecipare in maniera costruttiva al progetto rivoluzionario e anarchico. Più spesso è nell’avventura nella qualità che essa trova il suo luogo privilegiato sviluppando al massimo la traccia indistruttibile del desiderio che l’aveva generata. Scrive Sartre, con insolita concisione: «Dio, valore e scopo supremo della trascendenza, rappresenta il limite permanente a partire dal quale l’uomo si fa annunciare ciò che è. Essere uomo è tendere ad essere Dio o, se si vuole, l’uomo è fondamentalmente desiderio di essere Dio». (\emph{L’être et le nèant}, ns. tr., Paris 1950, pp. 653-654). Ho riflettuto a lungo su queste poche righe quando ero giovane e mi sono convinto che il punto essenziale del discorso, non di Sartre ma mio, è legato all’“essere” e non all’“essere uomo”. Alla fine, tra queste due modalità dell’esistere c’è l’abisso esatto che passa tra concretezza e apparenza. È in silenzio che occorrerebbe riflettere su questo aspetto assai controverso, non con le parole. L’aspetto concreto del silenzio è molto difficile da considerare, le parole fanno velo e hanno un peso che il silenzio non può sopportare. Se penso all’abbandono necessario per cogliere il senso profondo di ogni singola segnatura, non provo nessuna volontà giustificativa, né sento il bisogno di ricorrere a parole che mi aiutino a precisarlo. Intuisco quello che colgo abbandonandomi alla segnatura lasciata da Bakunin, ma non posso descriverlo, se mi sforzassi a farlo mi accecherei, non vedrei altro, l’assenza non ha parole che la possano riempire. Eppure intestardisco all’interno della parola. So che è una dispersione ma ci resto dentro. Questa dispersione parte dal fare ma si perde per strada, sfocia in un’apertura che non è fare ma negazione critica del fare. L’esperienza della qualità non ha parola se non quando si è conchiusa, nel suo essere esperienza e basta è solo desolazione, con niente che ostacoli l’intuizione dilagante. La libertà assoluta può durare l’attimo fuori del tempo, ma può anche essere follia conclusiva. Quest’ultima eventualità è ancora meno disponibile a essere espressa a parole, i suoi occhi, quasi sempre, sono azzerati dalla chimica.
Certo, dire questa partecipazione e delimitarla è impossibile, essa entra nello sforzo di dire l’indicibile in cui la rammemorazione si impegna. Queste esperienze – come vedremo – attestano l’impotenza dell’uomo di spezzare le catene del fare coatto, ma fanno pure vedere che queste catene possono essere oltrepassate, anche se poi per rammemorare questo grandioso accadimento, si è costretti ad usare la parola, strumento principale e più efficace per costruire oggetti e catene non certo per farne a meno. Sono costi che bisogna pagare se non si vuole ammutolire per sempre nella follia del punto di non ritorno.
Pagato questo scotto – salato e sconfortante – si ha la gioia di non nascondere nulla dei limiti e delle possibilità di una esperienza diversa, insomma si dà un senso allo sforzo con cui ci si è inoltrati nella foresta. Non è una regressione che ripercorre ciò che è più attingibile, ma un andare avanti con altri mezzi nel mondo ostile e nemico del fare, sforzando e violando gli ostacoli della significatività in primo luogo. Il fatto di lavorare sulla segnatura non è, per l’appunto, un fatto ma un atto, non cerca la risorgenza del vecchio, non si limita a una soddisfazione basata sul rimpinzamento, ma fa sparire l’oggetto arcaicamente prodotto nella fucina dell’agire, dove riappare nella sua sostanza qualitativa sotto la forma di rammemorazione.
Bisogna che il passato bruci alla fiamma della qualità perché possa sorgere dall’oltrepassamento una nuova azione anarchica e rivoluzionaria, nuova vita che non ripercorre le vicende passate in accadimenti simili attuali, ma in qualcosa di assolutamente altro. La cattura cronologica è sconvolta non essendoci scansione temporale nella qualità, gli eventi adesso sono non più quelli vissuti da Bakunin – ma quali sono questi eventi se la storia li ha uccisi e la filosofia santificati? – bensì quelli che vivono e vengono rammemoranti nell’oltrepassamento e in ciò che accade dopo. La riflessione interpretativa può lavorare quanto vuole sul materiale oggettualizzato – quindi anche sulla segnatura – senza andare incontro a trasformazioni reali, effettive, producendo ulteriori apparenze, altre ombre sulla parete impenetrabile della caverna dei massacri. L’esperienza della qualità scende invece nella traccia e fa sbocciare il segno profondo che la segnatura ha in sé evitando ogni insorgenza fuori luogo, tempestivamente rimossa dalle cautele storiche.
Dentro la segnatura la qualità opera trasformazioni che vengono lette, evitando ogni regressione, alla luce del progetto, qui e ora, anarchico e rivoluzionario. Ogni deformazione patologica realizzata in senso recuperativo dalla storia e dalla filosofia è svuotata di contenuto, anzi proprio nella nebbiosa procedura rammemorativa, che di certo si preoccupa poco di bacchettare storici e filosofi se non di passata, si rivela il contenuto della segnatura e il suo apporto di cui è questione proprio centrale in questo libro. La segnatura parla adesso un linguaggio diverso, cioè quello della rammemorazione e questa forza la parola per indirizzarla al destino, discorso che azzera ogni prudente considerazione che cerca di allontanare il vecchio dal nuovo, o comunque di collocarli in due sfere distanti cronologicamente e dotate di contenuti differenti.
L’esperienza nella qualità non ci riporta a un Bakunin “originale”, alle sue vere condizioni di rivoluzionario e anarchico, non sconfigge le ingiuste incastellature storiografiche o le fantasiose immaginazioni filosofiche, essa lo inserisce nel presente. La qualità non può produrre nulla che non sia esperienza vissuta tutta e subito, qui e ora, e quindi, seppure ne possediamo un riferimento filtrato dalla rammemorazione, siamo certi che non si tratta di un movimento regressivo diretto a mettere ordine e chiarezza. Al contrario, da questo ristretto punto di vista, essa è assolutamente sconvolgente. Il contenuto della segnatura è bruciato nell’azione non è ricondotto a ciò che deve essere ricordato perché la storia suggerisce di non dimenticarlo essendo importante e la filosofia lo sigilla nei suoi angosciosi ghirigori. Questo è esattamente l’opposto del movimento che ci si aspetta dalla nostra cultura, un risalire la corrente sarebbe stato molto ben accetto, invece noi vogliamo abbandonarci alla corrente e portare con noi la segnatura con tutte le conseguenze imprevedibili che ne derivano.
Le opposizioni logiche dell’a poco a poco non ci convincono, non siamo mai stati per una modesta aggiunta né conosciamo l’arte di contare le gocce fino a quando il contenuto del vaso finisce per traboccare. Non vogliamo riportare alla coscienza immediata il marginale ritaglio che è stato rimosso, in modo da scagliarli contro i segugi della storia e gli svagati professori di filosofia. Non ci interessa che qualcosa di segnato profondamente – ma dove? nella foresta, cioè in luogo occulto, non dimentichiamolo – venga alla superficie, riaffiori sotto forma di sintomo in grado magari di fornire uno spunto valido per una reinterpretazione. E non vogliamo neppure riscrivere a uso dei sedentari una storia e una filosofia della rivoluzione anarchica come si è potuta esprimere in passato e come – in maniera microscopica – può balenare nella segnatura. Tutto ciò è un compito idiota e stucchevole che lasciamo volentieri agli idioti di nostra conoscenza, che vediamo chini da decenni sulle loro poco sudate carte. Chiarisce bene Gottlob Frege: «Il problema, per qual motivo e con qual diritto noi riconosciamo una legge logica, può venir risolto dalla logica solo riconducendo questa legge ad altre leggi logiche. Dove ciò non sia possibile, la logica rimane debitrice di una risposta. Oltrepassando i confini della logica, si potrà allora dire: noi siamo costretti dalla nostra natura e dalle circostanze esterne a giudicare, e, se giudichiamo, non possiamo rifiutare la legge anzidetta (per esempio il principio di identità); siamo costretti a riconoscerla se non vogliamo sconvolgere il nostro pensiero e rinunciare a qualsiasi giudizio. Io non voglio né combattere né sottoscrivere questa opinione; ma soltanto osservare che qui non ci troviamo di fronte a un ragionamento di logica. Esso non ci spiega perché quella legge sia vera, ma perché noi la riteniamo vera. E inoltre: questa impossibilità in cui noi ci troviamo di rifiutare quella legge, non ci impedisce a rigore di ammettere l’esistenza di esseri che la rifiutino, ma di ammettere che, ciò facendo, essi abbiano ragione; essa ci impedisce di avere anche un solo dubbio se noi o loro abbiano ragione. Questo almeno vale per me. Se altri invece tentano di riconoscere una legge, e contemporaneamente dubitare di essa, mi sembra che questo loro sforzo sia analogo al tentativo di uscire dalla propria pelle. Innanzi a esso io non posso far altro che raccomandare vivamente di stare bene in guardia. Se una volta si è riconosciuta una legge dell’“esser vero”, si è proprio riconosciuta con ciò una legge la quale prescrive come si debba giudicare, dovunque, in qualsiasi istante, e da chiunque si giudichi\dots{} Io scorgo un segno sicuro di errore, quando la logica deve ricorrere alla metafisica ed alla psicologia, scienze che hanno a loro volta bisogno dei princìpi logici. E infatti: Dove si troverà allora l’ultima base, su cui si appoggia il tutto? O accadrà come per il barone di Münchhausen, che si trasse fuori dalla palude tirandosi per i propri capelli? Io nutro molti dubbi circa questa possibilità». (\emph{I princìpi dell’aritmetica}, \emph{Premessa}, in \emph{Logica e aritmetica}, tr. it., Torino 1965, pp. 492-493). Prudente e ironico, ma le cose, nell’ambito del fare – che poi è quello del mondo della nostra quotidianità – stanno propriamente così. Le regole sono i confini in cui continuo ad aggirarmi, le mura di cinta del carcere dove scrivo queste parole, non riesco a liberarmi da questa oppressione, per anni ho contributo io stesso a rafforzare queste regole, queste mura, ho educato me stesso ad accettare le regole, a farmene, come si dice, una ragione. Fino al punto che esse, regole e mura, hanno preso possesso di me. Certo, mi sono ribellato, con le mie ossessioni sono andato in giro per il mondo, elevandole a idee o degradandole a ideologie, concretizzandole in azioni, trasformazioni, ma abbandonandole solo per poco, troppo poco, ho avuto paura della desolazione. Qualche puntata per bruciarmi la punta delle dita, e poi la rammemorazione. Avrei dovuto puntare tutto su un solo numero, concentrarmi tutto su un solo punto, ossessionarmi, non restare freddo e calcolatore, sia pure in parte, vedendo passare sotto i miei occhi la negligenza e la dispersione. Forse in qualche punto esatto mi è mancato il coraggio, forse in altre occasioni sono andato troppo oltre, la ferocia non è mai buona consigliera. La buonafede è una dote per monache e frati, non per rivoluzionari. Avrei dovuto sposare il rigore e la delicatezza, ascoltare il silenzio dentro di me, mentre a volte, come tanti, ho accampato solo giustificazioni.
Il lavoro che intendo condurre – di già in corso d’opera da più di trent’anni – non è una procedura di razionalizzazione ma il suo esatto contrario. Lo scavo è nella qualità che viene condotto, quindi non cerca di regredire all’origine ma scalza dalle fondamenta, divelle, confonde, avoca a sé in uno sconvolgimento senza epoche e senza tempo. Mettere ordine è il movimento inverso, quello che ritorna sull’oggetto e ne controlla il catenaccio e la chiusura ermetica. Il destino non ha riguardi per la storia e ancora meno per la filosofia, ed è al destino che esprimo la segnatura trovata nella foresta. La rammemorazione cerca di dare conto di questo ribollire dionisiaco di cui l’espressione logica più aderente è quella del tutto e subito. In questo modo il passato lo ritrovo qui e ora sulle tracce della prossima rivoluzione anarchica.
Di fronte al problema del tempo, la rivoluzione deve potere sovvertire anche la considerazione statica che noi abbiamo del passato, in caso contrario non c’è più lo scatto qualitativo che caratterizza il meraviglioso sbocciare della trasformazione rivoluzionaria, c’è soltanto il concetto surrogato di progresso che accetta modificazioni e aggiunte alla triste condizione del fare coatto. La rammemorazione non può parlare al destino se non da un’angolazione che non ha più nulla di cronologicamente controllabile. Solo così il passato è nel futuro e non resta prigioniero nelle pagine morte della storia e della filosofia. La segnatura nulla sa di questo suo inserimento in un nuovo processo rivoluzionario e anarchico, Bakunin non poteva né voleva – non era Marx e non credeva nei deterministici procedimenti storici – prevedere il futuro sviluppo della rivoluzione anarchica, essa viene pertanto inserita in un oltrepassamento che la travolge storcendola a nuova vita non interpretandola in una pretesa maniera più consona o più aggiornata. «Nell’economia politica l’accumulazione originaria fa all’incirca la stessa parte del peccato originale nella teologia, Adamo dette un morso alla mela e con ciò il peccato colpì il genere umano. Se ne spiega l’origine raccontandola come aneddoto del passato. C’era una volta, in una età da lungo tempo trascorsa, da una parte una èlite diligente, intelligente e soprattutto risparmiatrice, e dall’altra c’erano degli sciagurati oziosi che sperperavano tutto il proprio e anche più. Però la leggenda del peccato originale teologico ci racconta come l’uomo sia stato condannato a mangiare il suo pane nel sudore della fronte; invece la storia del peccato originale economico ci rivela come mai vi sia della gente che non ha affatto bisogno di faticare. Fa lo stesso. E da questo peccato originale deriva la povertà della gran massa che, ancora sempre, non ha altro da vendere fuorché se stessa, nonostante tutto il suo lavoro, e la ricchezza dei pochi che cresce continuamente, benché da molto tempo essi abbiano cessato di lavorare». (K. Marx, \emph{Il capitale}. \emph{Critica dell’economia politica}, Libro I, tr. it., Roma 1974, pp. 777-779). Sottoscrivibile, a parte la ristrettezza di visione. Il problema è molto più complesso, non tanto per quel che riguarda le origini della presente divisione – peraltro ben differente da quella ipotizzata da Marx – ma per ciò che si può fare per abbatterla con la rivoluzione anarchica, non con una sostituzione di un qualche potere “provvisorio” a quello attualmente in carica. Il fatto è che la pressione del fare quotidiano coatto rende, quasi sempre, difficile allontanarsi a distanza vitale, rivolgersi lontano, sognare un pensiero diverso, sigillato in poche parole male accozzate, e consegnarlo ai futuri poco probabili lettori garantito da una ceralacca di scarsa comprensibilità nei riferimenti. Quello che sta accadendo anche in questa \emph{Introduzione}. Ho messo insieme grumi molteplici di felicità e di infelicità, momenti che solo raffreddandosi hanno finito per prendere forma, lontani da ogni perfezione, questo è ovvio, e perfino da ogni finitura blasfema. Niente deve apparire del lavoro di fondo, quello che è ormai sangue e carne e non abbisogna di morsetti da laboratorio o di trapani impietosi. L’intuizione di un attimo resta attaccata al fare, dove cerco di cucirla e ricucirla nel lento procedere rammemorativo, mentre immagino e vedo la mia mano nell’atto irreparabile che da sempre scuote l’umanità e la rivolta come un guanto. Assedi, agguati, campi minati, contrappeso allo zaino pieno di libri che parlano di libertà, giganteschi contrasti e precipitose riparazioni.
Quello che accadrà alla segnatura nel qui e ora non è possibile prevedere perché si avvia verso qualcosa che essa non conosce né prevede. Questo qualcosa è il presente, a sua volta sovvertito dall’afflusso della qualità. Balena per un istante nell’azione e poi trova luogo nella rammemorazione, luogo straordinariamente prolifico e imprevedibile, dove il tempo futuro, il destino l’ascolta e lo comprende nel suo misterioso accadere.
Bisognerebbe dare conto storiografico e filosofico della segnatura prima di questo sconvolgimento. Non lo abbiamo fatto negli ultimi trent’anni né lo faremo adesso. Che vale rappresentarci il prima di una catastrofe? A questa domanda, di pertinenza degli storici, sono i filosofi che dovrebbero rispondere, e difatti lo fanno, non noi. Il nuovo statuto della segnatura cancella ogni traccia precedente e brucia perfino il segno del sentiero percorso nella foresta. Rimane solo la foresta che si richiude, intatta, nella sua impenetrabile verginità, alle spalle di chi agisce. Della condizione originaria forse nemmeno gli storici, a questo punto, potranno con successo rovistare fra le ceneri. Con tutti i suoi limiti, a questo problema si avvicina Guido Calogero: «La scelta tra egoismo e altruismo non è contingente, ma onnipresente. Significa che, in ogni istante della vita, noi scegliamo fra quei due termini, cioè accentuiamo più o meno l’uno o l’altro di quei due aspetti dell’esperienza, che dal punto di vista di tale quadro delle sue possibilità non riusciremmo mai a pensare diversa. Né dobbiamo chiederci, qui, per qual motivo tra quei due termini io debba scegliere piuttosto l’uno che l’altro. Qui non si tratta di giustificare l’imperativo categorico della decisione altruistica. Qui basta riconoscere che è categorica l’alternativa, cioè che non si può non esservi dentro, mentre nell’altro caso il dilemma è evitabile, e ci si incappa solo se ci si vuole incappare. Basta ciò per concludere che questa alternativa inevitabile ha una struttura più urgente di quell’alternativa evitabile, e non può, di conseguenza, trarre la sua forza logica da quest’ultima. In realtà, le cose stanno proprio al contrario. La regola del non contraddire è una specificazione dell’imperativo etico, e non già l’imperativo etico una conseguenza del principio di non-contraddizione. Non la logica genera la morale, ma la morale la logica. Vuol dire, ciò, che l’etica, non sorretta dalla logica nella sua origine e costituzione, è qualcosa di illogico e di irrazionale? Questo è un discorso più lungo, e se dovessimo seguirne gli sviluppi più remoti, noi trascureremmo ora di concentrare l’attenzione su ciò che più immediatamente ci interessa. L’obiezione che stiamo discutendo è la seguente: – L’asserita indiscutibilità del “principio del dialogo” non è che una conseguenza del “principio del logo”, cioè del principio di non-contraddizione. – Possiamo ora vedere che le cose non stanno così. Il divieto di contraddizione riguarda la mia dizione: se alla dizione io rinuncio, quel divieto è sospeso nel suo valore. Solo se c’è un passato nel mio linguaggio, esso ne governa il futuro: e questo futuro può contraddire il mio passato, può smentirlo e svergognarlo. Quando invece osservo che, se mi apro all’intendimento altrui, non posso nello stesso tempo accettare alcuna sua richiesta di chiudermi, allora è proprio l’impossibilità di due comportamenti insieme contemporanei ed opposti, che mi si presenta evidente. Non si tratta più di un “contra-dire”, ma di un “contra-fare”, se così volessimo esprimerci. E, quel che più conta, non si tratta di qualcosa alla cui alternativa possiamo sottrarci. Dal dilemma non ci è dato uscire, e una volta che abbiamo scelto il polo della comprensione, la volontà dell’intendimento altrui, non possiamo nello stesso tempo accettare la chiusura dell’intendimento stesso. Qui, per la prima volta, c’è davvero quell’impossibilità di fare nello stesso tempo due cose opposte, che parrebbe richiamata anche dal principio di non-contraddizione, mentre questo si limita, in realtà, a procurare l’accordo del prima col poi, di quel che si è detto con quello che si dirà. Qui è l’impossibilità radicale di chiudersi nello stesso atto in cui ci si apre, la quale soverchia di gran lunga, come cogenza trascendentale, la semplice sconsigliabilità semantica del dir dopo quel che non si è detto prima. In questo senso, dunque, il “principio del dialogo” appare come più cogente, ed originario, del “principio del logo”». (\emph{Filosofia del dialogo}, Milano 1962, pp. 46-47). Sospendendo il giudizio sui termini specifici della posizione filosofica di Calogero: egoismo, dialogo, ecc., il ragionamento è importante per capire, in maniera semplice, l’universo che mi avvolge nel “logos” e di cui ho solo una banale chiave d’ingresso attraverso la parola, nessuna spiegazione vera , nessuna possibi-
lità di comprensione degna di questo nome. Se devo aspirare alla sconfitta – e non a un banale e circoscritto possesso da custodire contro la cupidigia altrui – devo prima essere in pace con ne stesso, solo allora gli altri mi appariranno o come fantasmi e ombre, oppure come momenti difficili di un incontro nel territorio dell’azione. Se devo ancora conquistare qualcosa, se sono attirato da un possesso, non sono ancora pronto, vacillerò sulla soglia. Essere me stesso non è possibile ma lo posso diventare, e per ottenere questo occorre non tradire mai paura o presunzione. Vivere al di sotto di me stesso è un perenne senso di vergogna.
L’azione, nel corso del suo svolgimento privo di tempo e intuibile solo come condizione della coscienza diversa, è uno stato completo, quindi felice, realizzato come essere che è, finalmente fuori e al di là dei limiti dell’oggetto coatto. La consapevolezza di sé, posseduta dalla coscienza diversa nell’azione non “conosce” la segnatura, come la marea montante non conosce il singolo granellino di sabbia che porta via con sé. Non c’è quindi nell’agire una rimozione di ciò che la segnatura ricorda del passato, dell’opera di Bakunin, c’è un portare con sé, una perfetta padronanza di sé. Questo stato di pienezza non può durare, quindi precipita nella rammemorazione dove torna la consapevolezza dei limiti del fare e la coscienza immediata ricca, questa volta, dei residui qualitativi che la sua vita nella foresta gli ha fatto piovere addosso, beneficamente, come dono, non come conquista da possedere e custodire.
La ricostruzione rammemorante non può che indicare un parlante esterno ed estremo alle ombre dell’apparenza che si agitano sull’impenetrabile parete della caverna dei massacri. Questa esterna esistenza dell’essere che è, remota alla stessa rammemorazione – voce nel deserto non dimostrazione logica inconfutabile – non verrà vista dall’apparenza che come una ulteriore rappresentazione oggettuale, fino a quando non dovesse verificarsi un nuovo punto d’insorgenza capace di dare sollecitazioni ad un altro oltrepassamento. Eppure questi ripieghi non sono la semplice ripetizione dell’accumulo oggettuale. Nel caso che ci occupa sono strumento e realizzazione in corso della rivoluzione anarchica.
Nel presente affidato alla produzione coatta – storia e filosofia nel caso che ci occupa, la segnatura è non esperibile direttamente, la si può presumere come una derivata, un truciolo e un dettaglio dimenticato o da dimenticare. Forse, a parte pochi casi, si può trattare anche di un trauma o di una vera e propria rimozione effettuata dallo storico o dal filosofo, in quanto contenuti non accettabili all’interno degli equilibri della loro concezione cronologica e logica. Ecco perché si può trovare nel sentiero nella foresta, dove giace allo stato latente, ma il sentiero è mio e la foresta è estranea o comunque marginale alla produzione oggettuale coatta. Sull’esistenza di queste tre cose c’è da avanzare dubbi considerevoli dal punto di vista oggettuale. La segnatura giace immota e insignificata, il sentiero è ancora da aprire e la foresta ha contenuti onirici che disturbano ogni corretto funzionamento produttivo, minacciandone l’esistenza sia pure in maniera remota, qualcosa che dice più o meno, hic sunt leones.
Il ripristino di questi tre movimenti è contemporaneo, difatti essi interagiscono fra loro, la foresta col sentiero e la segnatura col sentiero e con la foresta. Subito, nell’impatto ancora oggettuale e fattivo possono non dire nulla alla coscienza immediata, possono giacere non compresi fino al momento in cui mi coinvolgo nell’oltrepassamento, determinando un aumento anche sensibile dell’inquietudine. A un certo punto, irrompono nell’azione e determinano conseguenze impensabili a priori che solo la rammemorazione potrà cercare di chiarire, risalendo non all’indietro, non retrocedendo ma andando avanti verso il destino che potrà fornire una direzione sia alla singola segnatura, sia al sentiero, sia all’intera foresta. Non è quindi solo la segnatura a possedere una traccia di Bakunin e della sua opera, ma la segnatura nel sentiero nella foresta. Ciò è esattamente il contrario di quanto sostengono i confermatori della cautela e del possesso da tutelare, costi quel che costi. Un solo esempio valga per tutti, quello di Nicola Abbagnano: «Rimaner fedeli alla sostanza del proprio essere, significa possedere un destino. Il destino è l’impegno per l’avvenire, è l’anticipazione di ciò che sarà. L’uomo che possiede un destino sa che, qualsiasi cosa accada, l’avvenire somiglierà al passato, avrà col passato una continuità ed una connessione vitale. E questo suo sapere non è un pensiero od una constatazione obiettiva, ma una decisione impegnativa della quale fa parte integrante la considerazione del rischio e la propria responsabilità di fronte al rischio. Per me, che l’ho riconosciuto e deciso, il destino significa che, se anche tutto muterà, nulla muterà, perché io rimarrò fedele a me stesso e alla sostanza del mio essere. Il destino dà un significato permanente ed eterno alla dispersione ed al nulla del tempo». (\emph{Introduzione all’esistenzialismo}, Torino 1957, p. 66). Quello che stiamo dicendo in questo libro, e non solo qui, è esattamente il contrario. Siamo noi a parlare al destino e non viceversa, ma per farlo dobbiamo avere la parola giusta. È inutile pretesa cercare la strada attraverso il mondo del fare. La coscienza immediata lavora con tanta forza ed energia perché pensa di arrivare alla completezza, vuole essere in grado di costruire essa stessa il proprio destino, la propria totalità, cerca in altri termini una vita interiore alla modificazione, ma la vuole forte e determinata nella spartizione come nell’unificazione. Non ammette la sconfitta se non come conclusione negativa. Nella determinazione stessa, povera e circoscritta, eleva l’alto delirio del sogno concludente, intrascendibile a ogni specificazione. La piccola e trascurabile modificazione ha la stessa complessa composizione della trasformazione. Qui comincia un genere di follia che non ammette giustificazioni logiche, pur restando nel campo della logica sa che la qualità la feconda dall’interno, quindi non è quella roccaforte che semplicemente è e basta. Se la qualità fecondasse l’assenza sarebbe niente, vuoto assoluto, ma è segno e corrisponde alla voce che ascolto nella rammemorazione, che mi indica di insistere, di tornare ad abbandonarmi, di non avere paura, di non portarmi dietro bagagli e giustificazioni, tanto non mi serviranno. Mentre lotto per la conoscenza, per la vita in mezzo alle ombre e ai disavanzi di bilancio, c’è latente in me la speranza di un andare oltre.
La latenza è quindi un’esperienza più ampia della segnatura e quest’ultima può essere riconsegnata al suo significato originario di segno, contromarca, impressione a caldo fatta con ferro rovente, insomma qualche cosa che alla superficie serve a marcare quello che sta sotto, e questo universo sottostante non è chiuso in un avello funebre ma è in comunicazione col sentiero nella foresta e attraverso questo sentiero con l’intera foresta. Facendola venire alla superficie nel luogo a essa predestinato mi dispongo a indirizzarmi verso l’azione, in caso contrario la latenza permane immobile e la segnatura svolge il medesimo ruolo di una lapide su di una tomba, indica quello che c’è sotto e nello stesso tempo lo sigilla e lo racchiude. Se la mia azione risveglia la latenza e scatena l’oltrepassamento, è la latenza precedente che porto con me nell’esperienza diversa della qualità. Qui non si può dire che riesca a cogliere nel modo ordinato secondo l’acume logico e storiografico questa latenza, anzi, al contrario, nell’azione colgo la sua profonda estraneità di strumento e la sua disponibilità a portare nell’ora e qui l’opera di Bakunin senza titubanze o spiegazioni interpretative, tutta intera, come intera fu la sua vita vissuta nel segno della rivoluzione anarchica. Nell’azione, la segnatura è colta nella sua latenza, percepita e intuita nelle sue implicazioni più recondite nel sentiero nella foresta e con l’intera foresta, ma è anche, nello stesso istante, non cronologicamente percepibile, dimenticata come segnatura e rivissuta come esperienza diretta dell’opera di Bakunin.
Nell’azione predomina la mia vita, qualitativamente completata per un attimo nell’estrinsecarsi violento e travolgente della coscienza diversa. In questa ondata gigantesca che ne è della segnatura? Ogni pienezza ha in sé sfumature di maggiore o minore intensità, gradi di qualità che si distribuiscono così come fa la luce con i colori, non c’è una sola, bruciante, fiammata, la quale, se così fosse, non darebbe nulla alla rammemorazione. Nel punto di massima intensità del vissuto ci può essere ancora un non vissuto che verrà vissuto in un altro oltrepassamento. Ma questo non può essere che intuito, non può essere detto, la rammemorazione non può dirlo.
L’estremo carattere traumatico dell’esperienza diversa non consente una maniera ordinata di esperire fino in fondo il contenuto della segnatura. Siamo troppo debitori del fare per resistere impavidi alle illuminazioni folgoranti della qualità. Scalfiamo la sensazione di pienezza e di completamento, la sogniamo nel mentre l’istante qualitativo ci stringe nella sua morsa tremenda e ci trascina con sé, ma l’eccessiva prossimità con l’essere, la profonda sensazione di caos e di immanifesto che improvvisamente si manifesta ci sconvolgono. C’è pertanto una condizione che esperisce da sé la segnatura, siamo noi a metterla in atto ma non siamo noi a portarla a completamento. Nel venire completati dalla qualità non è certo la nostra capacità di controllo che emerge per assicurarsi della chiusura del cerchio. Noi non abbiamo nella qualità nessuna capacità di controllo, siamo un fuscello in balia del vento del deserto.
\begin{verse}
“Da mille anni e più la dolorosa Ofelia \\{}
Passa, fantasma bianco, sul lungo fiume nero; \\{}
Da mille anni e più la sua dolce follia \\{}
Mormora una romanza al vento della sera. \\{}
La brezza le bacia il seno e discende a corolla \\{}
Gli ampi veli, dolcemente cullati dalle acque; \\{}
Le piange sull’omero il brivido dei salici, \\{}
S’inclinano sulla fronte sognante le giuncaie”.
\end{verse}
Che intendeva Rimbaud con questi versi? Stringere a sé una improbabile realtà. Cosa impossibile. Se spoglio l’azione della sua assoluta estraneità alle mie miserie la carico di una volontà di esistere che potrei sollecitare fino all’annientamento, ma sarebbe ridurre la qualità alle condizioni di un povero mondo, fatto solo delle mie povere cose. Che potrei inserire nella qualità per farla mia definitivamente? Niente. Solo abbandonando la frontiera dell’accumulo vado avanti, oltrepasso i miei stessi limiti, mi faccio diverso a me stesso per essere, alla fine, soltanto me stesso, ed è così che ricavo l’intenzione dell’assenza. Se l’assenza è qui con me, è questa assenza che potrei portare nel mio sforzo verso la qualità, e quindi anche quella parte di me che rinuncia al possesso, scarnificandosi nella desolazione, privandosi del proprio fondamento modificativo, rendendosi indifferente, abbandonandosi. L’azione ha bisogno di un contraltare coraggioso, di una sconfitta radicale proveniente da tante vittorie, di uno spoglio di tutto, capace di prendere di sorpresa la propria volontà.
Non viviamo che in minima parte la segnatura e questo non viverla è il modo più comprensibile di portarla con noi nell’oltrepassamento. Ne deriva che a fornire di significato questo libro non è tanto il vissuto nella qualità ma proprio il non vissuto, quello che non si è potuto cogliere bene, e fino in fondo, e di cui la rammemorazione dà, di conseguenza, un tracciato fortemente fuorviante. Ma è questa la parte più originale del mio lavoro, l’avere dato forma a un irrompere di Bakunin nel qui e ora, parzialmente colto a partire da un dettaglio quale può essere contenuto in una o più segnature. La consistenza del discorso sarà pertanto diafana, cioè come un velo trasparente ma non troppo, desideri e pulsioni saranno presenti al posto di contenuti oggettuali e teorie trasposte sotto forma di oggetto, urgentemente emergeranno alla coscienza diversa che agisce e non aspetta segnali o conferme, sollecitazioni indirette, ma, più di tutto, domande prive di risposte. L’insegnamento più profondo che ne ricavo è che la completezza qualitativa è la vera incompletezza, incompletezza che vive e che trasforma il mio essere tristemente incompleto quando si trova immerso nella melma del fare coatto.
Accostarmi a Bakunin in questo modo permette di accedere a un passato che torna a essere presente, pure rimanendo storicamente passato. Nel modo ambiguo e paradigmatico della rammemorazione, la presenza, questa strana e straordinaria presenza qualitativa, è discussa di fronte alle possibilità rivoluzionarie e anarchiche di cui il destino ci indica lo sviluppo. Questa sollecitazione segue lo svolgimento attivo del pensiero e dell’azione, non si adagia su cumuli di detriti e riferimenti dotti. Non apre una porta segreta di accesso al passato, parla all’ora e qui, al punto esatto in cui l’oltrepassamento ha interrotto il ritmo coatto del fare. Insorge allora, fra le parole, la presenza anarchica e rivoluzionaria di Bakunin. È un problema di non comunicazione diretta, accessibilità facile e comune, quello che qui si presenta. L’antico problema delle monadi? Non proprio. Scrive Renato Cristin: «Forse il problema che la monadologia pone al pensiero contemporaneo può essere compreso nell’orizzonte fenomenologico. La monade realizza le proprie possibilità nel soggetto intenzionale e, senza contraddizione, nell’esserci fattuale. Come ente che si colloca nel mondo, essa solleva il problema del mondo come rete di relazioni: in questo caso i concetti di \emph{In-der-Welt}\emph{sein} e di \emph{Lebenswelt} sembrano esprimere fino in fondo la solitudine e la reciprocità delle monadi. In essi il mondo viene tematizzato per la prima volta nella sua struttura intenzionale e nella sua irreversibilità esistentiva. Ma, pur sottolineando il chiarimento che la fenomenologia, Heidegger incluso, può portare nella storiografia leibniziana, è importante evidenziare come in questa triangolazione Husserl e Heidegger possono trovare alcune zone di prossimità: la metafisica della monade ha posto in primo piano il problema dell’uomo nel suo mondo, ma per comprendere l’implicazione nascosta tra sostanza e fenomeno “era necessario lo sforzo di una filosofia intesa oggi in crescita, per liberare nuovamente al pensiero contemporaneo la vista del fenomeno del mondo”». (“La monade, l’eco, l’arcobaleno. Heidegger, Husserl e il concetto leibniziano di sostanza”, in “Aut aut”, nn. 223-224, 1981, p. 231). L’altro, introvabile e indifferente, l’altra monade, se vogliamo, diventa per me, improvvisamente, quello che mi resta nelle mani quando perdo, nel momento della sconfitta. La possibilità che il destino mi suggerisce è l’essere, proprio la qualità nella sua maestosa assenza, quello che sento dentro di me come pace alfine raggiunta, compimento dell’azione, segno dell’abbandono come lontano sapore di un frutto gustoso. Per l’attimo della perdita, quando il mondo mi guarda attonito chiedendosi che ci faccio lì, remoto al mio ruolo, l’assenza mi fa compagnia. La solitudine che sento è la stessa che ho sperimentato nell’azione e la mia condizione, prima di riprendere il fare, è altrettanto desolata. Capisco mano a mano sempre di più la qualità e così ne perdo la compartecipazione intuitiva, più la capisco e più si allontana, ma è così che si muove il mondo, il mio mondo, che torna ai suoi tormenti e alle sue meschinerie quotidiane. Di regola la qualità è estranea a questa mia esperienza, ma per un attimo la sua estraneità e la sua indifferenza si sono aperte al mio abbandono e la loro potenza non è stata sufficiente a cacciarmi fuori, sono state costrette a prendere atto del mio agire, a riconoscere che la trasformazione è parte della loro forma indifferente e che la loro libertà, libertà assoluta, la libertà dell’essere, condannata all’esterna indifferenza, si può aprire alla mia aspirazione – senza cedere o diminuire la sua assolutezza, perché io non porto nulla con me non potendo sussistere possesso alcuno nelle condizioni dell’esperienza diversa. La suprema potenza è quindi uguale alla perdita perché priva di contenuto. Rammemorando questa condizione straordinaria, le mie parole sono poveri segni che non penetrano nella realtà dell’essere, rappresentando soltanto un sogno, una riflessione sulla fonte della realtà e un discorso fatto di parole che cerca di contrapporsi a un discorso reale pregno di azioni.
Ma com’è possibile parlare di un’esperienza assolutamente altra che – in un modo dichiaratamente parziale – sta seguendo una segnatura solo fra le tante altre sensazioni che la qualità nel suo turbinoso avvicendarsi riesce a mettere in atto? Cioè, la domanda è questa, com’è possibile fare parlare una segnatura che si coglie solo in parte e che per il resto – ma quale è questo resto? – rimane non vissuta? La rammemorazione non fornisce risposte accomodanti, produce nuovi problemi, com’è nella sua natura di improbabile strumento con cui si possono scalzare le ombre della inscalfibile parete della caverna dei massacri. Essa si limita a dire che lo spartiacque tra vissuto e non vissuto non ha cittadinanza nell’esperienza diversa, le due condizioni conoscitive vengono colte allo stesso modo, cioè aprendosi a loro e facendosi da loro cogliere.
Si ha così che io vengo colto nell’oltrepassamento sia dal vissuto che dal non vissuto della segnatura, anche se poi nella rammemorazione forse – non sicuramente o integralmente – riuscirò a dar conto solo del vissuto mentre il non vissuto mi scivolerà fra le parole attingendo il destino prima e meglio del vissuto. Ma non sono queste le condizioni della stupida ripetitività oggettuale? Qui l’indistruttibile desiderio di andare oltre, nell’assolutamente altro, produce uno sconvolgimento che rende irripetibile sia il vissuto che il non vissuto. E la traccia più identificabile di questa irripetibilità è la presenza attiva di Bakunin anarchico e rivoluzionario nell’esperienza diversa e nella sua, sia pure contorta, rammemorazione.
La segnatura trascinata nell’esperienza assolutamente altra è così sconvolta nel suo stesso radicarsi nel sentiero nella foresta, è decostruita in vissuto – percepito e colto nell’oltrepassamento – e non vissuto – dimenticato? – erosa fino al dettaglio e fatta riemergere dall’alveolo tradizionale che ne custodiva gelosamente le origini, evocata e chiamata a dire se stessa, insomma erosa in profondità. Ciò comporta la perdita del suo significato simbolico, del processo di radicamento che l’aveva marchiata? No. Queste caratteristiche possono partecipare a un altro oltrepassamento o giacere per sempre nell’oblio di un dettaglio trascurato.
L’oltrepassamento frantuma la segnatura non ripercorre un itinerario contrario diretto a ripristinare il rapporto con l’opera di cui essa è frammento abbandonato ma non privo di importanza. Questa frantumazione elude il contenuto e lo sposta per interrogare le condizioni della qualità dove quel contenuto annega e risale senza potere imporsi all’attenzione della coscienza diversa occupata in altre considerazioni.
Per alcuni aspetti questa sconvolgente esperienza è di natura circolare, centrifuga la segnatura non la conduce in un andirivieni cronologico che sarebbe l’esatto duplicato dell’itinerario storiografico, però in una condizione baluginata e quasi incomprensibile. Scaraventata nell’oltrepassamento la segnatura è lasciata a se stessa, accede a livelli di significato imprevisti oppure resta muta, non è possibile prevedere cosa accadrà.
Così, senza sforzarlo, il passato, anche nella sua parte non vissuta, denuncia la propria contestualità al presente e diventa accessibile non come segno di un itinerario storico o filosofico ma come esperienza qualitativa diversa del mero oggetto quantitativo. Nella nuova vicenda altra, assolutamente diversa, dove la qualità trascina via il senso e lo svuota come un vecchio pupazzo pieno di stoppa, la segnatura non solo riconnette Bakunin e la sua rivoluzione anarchica al qui e ora, ma rivela anche gli aspetti contraddittori e irrealizzati di quel sogno passato, di quei desideri, inserendoli in contesti che possono anche essere contrari e capaci di individuare limiti che la storia e la filosofia si erano prefissati di mettere tra parentesi. La fiamma onirica dell’avventura puntuale qualitativa non risparmia niente che possa avere un significato contrario a una tesi prestabilita per il semplice motivo che non ha tesi prestabilite da difendere. In altri termini, quello che entra nel divampante incendio qualitativo è la segnatura, trascinata via, ma anche la parte che – come si è visto – può restare negletta, gioca un ruolo indiretto facendo in modo che quell’incendio non si spenga del tutto nella rammemorazione. Qui infatti non c’è parte della segnatura che possa definitivamente essere abbandonata al suo destino antico, quello storiografico e filosofico. Il gioco si intreccia tra funzione semantica e formazione morfologica del contesto segnico, la portata di questi rapporti è praticamente inesauribile ed alimenta ulteriori oltrepassamenti anche senza tenere conto dei risultati, a volte contraddittori, della rammemorazione. Continua significativamente Cristin: «Modellando l’intersoggettività, Husserl accenna a ripristinare un’idea di comunicazione delle coscienze che risale a Cusano, per fermarci agli albori della filosofia moderna, viene ampliata da Leibniz e ripresa dallo spiritualismo di Lotze. Per Husserl la sostanza fondamentale è la coscienza, che deve avere relazioni: autoriflessione e proiezione verso l’alterità delineano un ambito armonico dove riconoscimento reciproco dei soggetti e convergenza tra singolarità e pluralità trovano un fondamento stabile. Osservato nella sua globalità, il progetto metafisico husserliano possiede un’articolazione di grande respiro: “metafisica: primo grado; ritorno all’assoluto primo, quello della fenomenologia e delle scienze ridotte in senso fenomenologico: la coscienza e le sue suddivisioni in \emph{henadi.} Secondo grado: l’unità delle molteplici \emph{henadi} o monadi per mezzo della teleologia, dell’armonia”. In questa cospirazione tra i soggetti non ricompare tanto la visione cusaniana dell’unità infinita dell’essere – anche se temi cusaniani quali il ritratto, il ripiegamento dell’individuo su se stesso, la \emph{contractio}\emph{,} sono identificabili in vari momenti della fenomenologia –, quanto la metamorfosi razionalistica che la metafisica medievale subisce con Leibniz\dots{} [\dots{}] Nessuna mistica: metafisica è “l’interpretazione definitiva, da prodursi per mezzo della gnoseologia, del mondo dato. Leibniz ha riconosciuto l’ultimo principio della metafisica non dogmatica, della conoscenza scientifica: il senso profondo della filosofia razionalistica”. Husserl rinnova dunque le figure leibniziane, sottoponendole al tempo stesso alla distruzione fenomenologica che si abbatte sulle categorie tradizionali: ricomincia da zero, ma non può annullare totalmente i propri debiti. Come non può, né forse vuole, farlo Heidegger, il quale dopo aver assorbito e riplasmato la fenomenologia si avventura per sentieri che Husserl non aveva quasi mai frequentato. Forse qualcosa dell’antico legame resta: certo non va perduto l’insegnamento delle \emph{Ricerche logiche}, già conosciamo la stima di Heidegger nei loro confronti. Non sembra inoltre ricusato il potenziale di trascendenza dell’intenzionalità, né il senso dell’esercizio di ascolto delle modificazioni temporali e percettive della soggettività. Inoltre, alcuni tessuti contigui sono ritrovabili sul piano cosmologico, in particolare in una figura: \emph{lo specchio}\emph{.} Nel \emph{Geviert,} “terra e cielo, i divini e i mortali sono reciprocamente connessi, di per se stessi uniti. [\dots{}] Ognuno dei quattro rispecchia a suo modo l’essenza degli altri”. Pur nell’ermetismo quasi poetico, sentiamo riemergere il motivo leibniziano e husserliano dell’armonia. Il rispecchiare di cui si parla è infatti analogo al rispecchiamento dell’universo in ciascuna monade. Proprio perché non è “la presentazione di un’immagine”, ma qualcosa di più intimo e connesso alla struttura essenziale dei quattro, qualcosa che “libera ciascuno dei quattro per ciò che gli è proprio, ma lega i quattro così liberati nella semplicità del loro essenziale appartenersi reciproco”, questo “gioco di specchi” [\dots{}] noi lo chiamiamo il mondo». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 251-252). Come parlare di questo abisso che separa le monadi o, per tornare alla nostra terminologia, la segnatura dal contesto storiografico che pure insiste ad ospitarla? Non ne posso parlare nell’ambito dei segni ai quali poveramente sono costretto a fare ricorso se una traccia non fosse qui, accanto a me, come assenza, una traccia dell’indifferenza dell’essere che è e non può altrimenti. Per riflesso, parlando di questa traccia, parlo della qualità. Se la mia parola si inceppa nell’assenza, è segno che qui c’è una separazione, la presenza remota è presenza qui come non presente, le due modalità logiche, e nel mondo non potrebbe essere diversamente, si convertono una nell’altra e si reggono reciprocamente. L’indifferenza dell’essere è uguale all’incomprensibilità dell’assenza in un mondo in cui tutto è comprensibile. Parlando dell’assenza, la porto nel mondo che così la conosce come mancanza e come modello della perdita. Certo, le tolgo in questo modo il suo vero fondamento, che è la qualità, ma non taglio niente di significativo, stante che non potevo comunque parlarne. Porto via il fondamento dell’assenza e riduco l’assenza a un fatto che non conquista ma perde, viene sconfitto. Il significato nuovo del fare è che può anche fallire nel proprio scopo.
L’avventura qualitativa spesso sembra tralasciare la quasi totalità di una segnatura solo se si considera la parte simbolica di quest’ultima, la contromarca, ma coglie e trascina con sé il contenuto, la parte sommersa e scavata nel sentiero nella foresta. Il discorso sottostante ha il sopravvento perché è quello più remoto ai condizionamenti storici e filosofici, quello che porta i segni della vita non le interpretazioni che di quest’ultima sono state fatte. La non realizzazione è quanto di più lontano ci sia dall’oggetto coatto e di più facile a cogliere nell’oltrepassamento. I confini ben delimitati sono invece refrattari ad aprirsi all’oltrepassamento e aspettano sempre un poco convincente completamento che non arriverà mai da parte del fare coatto.
Se la segnatura è la traccia – non il radicamento storiografico e filosofico completo di Bakunin – essa segnala, come prima cosa, l’assenza, non solo cronologica ma sostanziale, di contenuti. Ma con questo non vuol dire che l’assenza in questione sia identica a quella che si verifica nella storia e nella filosofia, è solo immanifesta, incapsulata nel segno che la contromarca, essa è reale presenza contrassegnata come assenza. Sono io irreale se cerco di inserirla nel mausoleo storico e filosofico. Se voglio invece che questa assenza non sia anche irrealtà, e insieme ad essa io stesso non sia irreale, devo inserirla nell’oltrepassamento, condurla nel mondo diverso del qualitativo dove sconvolge gli assetti mummificati del fare, considerati come l’unico mondo reale. In questo condurre con me, nella mia avventura, la segnatura di Bakunin, risalgo le strade del passato e riporto nel presente ciò che poteva anche rimanere sommerso e insignificante per sempre. Nel cancellare quella più che possibile insignificanza, cancello il mondo coatto che voleva a tutti i costi rendere me stesso insignificante.
Non ricostituisce una condizione precedente alla mia azione ma la sconvolge trascinandola nell’oltrepassamento, non c’è più nulla del passato, nulla di arcaico nella fucina della qualità, non reggono né storia né filosofia, tutto è travolto e la piccola segnatura segue questo comune destino. Presenza ed esistenza nella qualità coincidono perché la completezza li salda insieme. Che poi – nella rammemorazione – questa saldatura appaia anch’essa parziale, questo è un limite della parola non della qualità, oppure che l’osservazione sghignazzante del fare ritorni criticamente e stupidamente a sottolineare questo limite, quello che sistematicamente avviene, ciò è un altro discorso che qui interessa ancora meno. La segnatura è stata colta – travolta interamente, forse parzialmente, questo non è possibile dirlo – ma non è rimasta al suo posto, inchiavardata al sentiero nella foresta, e il suo contributo è stato presente insorgendo nella qualità, cioè è stato ciò che esso era, più e meglio di come avrebbe potuto essere a seguito dell’indagine poliziesca della storia e della filosofia. In questa condizione esperita in modo totalmente qualitativo il dato di fatto, oggettualmente giacente nel corpo storiografico ma relegato nella segnatura, quindi collocato ai margini e in maniera particolarmente infima, passa a una condizione di esistenza attiva, risorge alla vita e indica, da per se stesso, il proprio fondamento anarchico e rivoluzionario.
Non è un’apparenza che la segnatura trova nella qualità ma la propria esistenza reale, la propria vita di vera traccia lasciata dalla vita di Bakunin. L’apparenza di fantasma l’aveva nell’essere considerata oggetto dove il proprio libero movimento era azzerato dalla modulazione imposta dal fare coatto che l’avvolgeva immobilizzandola nel proprio alveo. L’importanza dell’oltrepassamento consiste quindi nell’atto di distruggere questa realtà coatta e di renderne possibile una diversa, diversamente nuova, interna alla rammemorazione che riprende l’esplosione distruttiva dell’agire qualitativo e lo dice. Qui la potenza dell’immaginazione sopperisce alla carenza delle parole. Se il dire vuole imparare a parlare della qualità di fronte al destino, in un presente caotico ancora ma di già quasi preda del recupero fattivo, deve imparare a fare un uso diverso dell’immaginazione, riaprire la strada verso l’incredibile potenza del desiderio e del sogno, non cercare di consolidarsi attorno a un assurdo nocciolo di verità che può essere spazzata via in qualunque momento. È qui, con gli strumenti se vogliamo modesti della rammemorazione, che si costituisce la nuova vicenda progettuale anarchica e rivoluzionaria di Bakunin.
Con quella precisione tagliente accreditabile solo ai poeti:
\begin{verse}
“Io temo tanto la parola degli uomini. \\{}
Dicono sempre tutto così chiaro: \\{}
questo si chiama cane e quello casa, \\{}
e qui è l’inizio e là è la fine! \\{}
E mi spaura il modo, lo schernire per gioco, \\{}
che sappian tutto ciò che fu e che sarà; \\{}
non c’è montagna che li meravigli; \\{}
le loro terre e giardini confinano con Dio! \\{}
Vorrei ammonirli, fermarli; state lontani! \\{}
A Me piace sentire le cose cantare! \\{}
Voi le toccate diventano rigide e mute! \\{}
Voi mi uccidete le cose!”
\end{verse}
La mano ferrata dell’assassino è troppo pesante per la perdita, per l’accesso all’azione, essa padroneggia solo il fare che costruisce veicoli diretti velocemente alla caverna dei massacri. Col venire meno del fare, con l’esperienza negativa dei suoi limiti, che mai scompaiono del tutto all’orizzonte, e nella contemporanea incompletezza che tutto permea, la certezza della vita, della fondatezza logica della vita, viene meno, si rattrappisce in un’abissale noncuranza che finisce per diventare disprezzo e neghittosità. Eppure nel coinvolgimento qualcosa di questa miserabile vicenda punta i piedi e opera un passaggio, un tentativo, se non proprio un gesto assurdo di libertà. Nel terreno della quantità nasce un’aspirazione alla qualità che implicitamente indica una svalutazione del punto di partenza. Questa aspirazione si salda con la diversità, fa nascere una coscienza diversa, un viaggio nell’azione. Nel dare vita al mondo del fare non ho potuto far nascere la completezza, questa mancanza è contrassegnata dall’assenza, quindi dall’essere che è, anche lui davanti a me, nell’azione, per il momento solo un’immagine nella mia mente, magari con una corrispondenza reale tutta da vivere nell’oltrepassamento. La qualità resta dov’è, immobile e indifferente, non sono io che le dò vita, ma se la sperimento come diversità, la possibilità che il destino mi mette a disposizione è certo una mia avventura, quindi anche della concretezza qualitativa, sia pure indirettamente. So bene che questa conclusione potrebbe prestare il fianco agli stessi strali che colpiscono l’idealismo assoluto, ma qui il problema in gioco è diverso. L’abbandono nega la possibilità di continuare a conoscere, quindi la realtà dell’essere – in questo caso la traccia fornita dalla segnatura nella foresta, quindi di Bakunin – può venire soltanto intuita, e questo accade anche quando ne parlo, negazione temporale e posizionale dell’intuizione. Il sapere distingue e chiude la qualità in una definizione, immagine povera di una realtà ricca, posso capovolgere il ragionamento, ma allora la possibile conoscenza fugge via dalla segnatura e mi torna come riflessione storiografica, accumulo di fatti e accadimenti, teorie e riflessioni. Fermando l’abbandono, mettendo da parte la segnatura, il sapere storico manifesta tutta la sua forza bruta, un anelito di conquista che affascina e che non posso arrestare se non si ferma da solo di fronte alla propria medesima condanna all’incompiutezza. Invece l’abbandono all’intuizione della segnatura non interroga, non cerca di oggettualizzare, è esso stesso oggettivato dalla realtà, portato alla radice precedente all’orientamento, cioè alla qualità e qui posto anche in condizione di perdersi all’infinito o di interrogare. La domanda fa ripiombare l’esperienza attiva nel fare e nell’immediatamente necessario, dove soltanto la rammemorazione è possibile. Ed è quest’ultima ricaduta che qui viene perseguita interrogando la singola segnatura. Il punto culminante della coscienza diversa mi permette di cogliere la qualità, e fare scorrere davanti ai miei occhi il momento focale del senso rivoluzionario e anarchico del lavoro di Bakunin, poi tutto torna nel buio di prima, quello che l’improntitudine chiama luce della conoscenza o forza del sapere.
La segnatura, da tutto quello che abbiamo detto, comprende un contenuto – marginale rispetto alla storia e alla filosofia – ma anche un punto in cui il contenuto stesso diventa leggibile, cioè si presenta come un frammento del passato capace di insorgere contro la sua stessa categoria di appartenenza, morta nell’oggettualità del fare. Questa insorgenza è ciò che viene sensibilizzato nell’esperienza diversa della qualità, o almeno è la parte che di certo nella qualità non viene trascurata diventando presente e portando con sé, trascinando e coinvolgendo anche il resto, la parte incisa nel sentiero nella foresta. Da passato essa diventa presente, non più come segnatura ma sotto forma rammemorativa.
Non si tratta di un modo particolarmente sofisticato di leggere un frammento storico messo sotto un microscopio provvisto di lente filosofica. Non è neppure un ritorno su decisioni prese in sede storiografica e messe da parte perché al momento non utilizzabili neanche nell’ottica filosofica. Non è neppure un tentativo arrischiato e caotico di dare completamento diverso a qualcosa che, come oggetto, si riconosce incompleto, lasciandolo però sempre nel suo contesto passato, e lasciando che operi, in quel contesto, un qualche rinnovamento delle corrispondenze e degli equilibri storiografici e filosofici. Si tratta invece di cancellare l’oblio del passato sostituendolo, a partire dalla segnatura, con una presenzialità sconosciuta che scaraventa una impossibilità oggettuale di già seppellita in una prospettiva di possibilità dinamica, qualitativamente diversa, dove esplode una contestualità del tutto nuova, con nuove e impensabili possibilità, nella rammemorazione. Ciò che era finito ricomincia a nuova vita attraverso un varco che è violentemente traumatico, sia nei riguardi di un passato codificato che nei riguardi di un futuro che prende l’aspetto del destino.
Il momento traumatico del coinvolgimento che trascina con sé la segnatura non è nello sconvolgimento del passato, che viene così colpito nel suo assetto deterministicamente fissato come oggetto prodotto coattamente, ma nella rammemorazione spezza il vincolo cronologico che si ritiene insuperabile e si rivolge al destino, presentando così un discorso forgiato nella qualità, quindi diverso dalla continuità e dalla logicità storica e filosofica, che il tempo e le sue scansioni sono abituati a prendere in considerazione. Questo discorso, anche per semplici accenni, sia pure come traccia, non era presente nel passato, qui era e rimane sconosciuto, qui, nelle categorie fisse e imperscrutabili del determinismo storiografico e del logicismo filosofico, esso è un segreto inviolabile che nessuna lettura più o meno attenta di questo libro potrà correggere. Lo sconvolgimento della segnatura nell’avventura qualitativa anticipa, nel resoconto rammemorante, il nuovo progetto rivoluzionario e anarchico, qui e ora, che porta ancora inciso, sia pure in maniera non sempre evidente, il nome di Bakunin.
Di questo progetto che sarà, ogni segnatura porta in sé una parte sotto forma di traccia, da risvegliare dal passato con la dura esperienza dell’oltrepassamento. Il passato attraversa così il muro invalicabile del tempo e precipita in un presente che è di già, nel momento della verità qualitativamente completante, il suo stesso destino rivoluzionario e anarchico.
Sarebbe questo straordinario accadimento un contributo di nuovo conio alla conoscenza storica e filosofica? Non lo so e non lo credo possibile. In ogni caso, è domanda di poco interesse. Di certo non si tratta di una banale noterella a margine. La segnatura viene sottratta così a una forza regressiva – quella meramente cronologica – che pur avendola espulsa continua a tenerla inchiavardata quando io la scopro nel sentiero nella foresta. Non posso staccarla semplicemente e sommarla all’accumulo che l’ha voluto dimenticare o comunque espellere, non posso ricondurla a un’origine che più non le appartiene, la posso invece condurre nell’azzardo, nel trauma inconcepibile della qualità, dove è pensabile – o meglio ripensabile – una nuova “storia”, non più prigioniera ma libera, non più serva sciocca della filosofia ma progetto a se stante, contributo a un sogno più grande, quello della rivoluzione anarchica.
Alla fine, è possibile leggere l’opera di Bakunin con l’ottica tradizionale, e affidarsi anche all’edizione che ho curato negli ultimi trent’anni, seguendo l’immane fatica di Lehning, ma si può mettere in atto qualcosa di assolutamente altro. Questo libro cerca di agire in questa direzione, esso non è un rimedio per meglio capire la storia e la filosofia di Bakunin, è soltanto uno sforzo attivo per realizzare, partendo da Bakunin, il sogno anarchico e rivoluzionario che contraddistingueva la sua vita e liberarlo dalla tirannia dei conservatori di cadaveri.
\bigskip
Finito nel carcere di Korydallos (Atene) l’8 aprile 2010
\begin{flushright}
Alfredo M. Bonanno
\end{flushright}
\chapter{La polemica con Mazzini}
L’edizione italiana delle \emph{Opere complete} di Bakunin viene a colmare una non trascurabile lacuna nella documentazione storica disponibile per il movimento anarchico italiano in particolare e per il movimento operaio in generale.
Qualcosa era gia uscito in Italia, in primo luogo le traduzioni di alcune opere di Bakunin fatte da P. C. Masini e la traduzione di \emph{Stato e Anarchia} fatta dai coniugi Corradini. Se a questo si aggiunge qualche opuscolo e qualche piccola antologia, il panorama si chiude subito.
Forse esistono motivi non solo editoriali o scientifici che hanno determinato questa “censura a priori” dell’opera di Bakunin in Italia, e noi non li conosciamo, comunque ci pare indispensabile che si ponga fine a questa situazione facendo uno sforzo per spingere i compagni alla lettura diretta dell’opera del grande rivoluzionario anarchico.
Il nostro lavoro, oggi, è enormemente facilitato dall’edizione degli \emph{Archives Bakounine} in corso di pubblicazione, a cura di Arthur Lehning, per conto dell’Internationaal Instituut voor Sociale Geschiedenis di Amsterdam. Questa edizione, che possiamo considerare definitiva, ha il pregio notevole, tra l’altro, di non iniziare la pubblicazione degli scritti di Bakunin in ordine cronologico, la qual cosa avrebbe significato che gli inediti più importanti, quelli degli ultimi anni della vita del rivoluzionario russo, sarebbero rimasti chissà per quanto tempo ancora non pubblicati. Esistono diversi tentativi di editare le opere complete di Bakunin ma, per un motivo o per l’altro, non sono mai arrivati a completamento. Speriamo che questa volta si faccia eccezione e che si arrivi a terminare il lavoro, comunque, a prescindere da quello che si pubblicherà, resta il fatto notevole che fin da questo primo volume degli inediti importanti e ragguardevoli vedono la luce.
La presente nota introduttiva si pone come semplice guida per il lettore, illustrando brevemente il significato politico e la collocazione storica di ogni scritto presentato. Molti motivi, in primo luogo tecnici, ci hanno impedito di riprodurre le fondamentali introduzioni di Lehning, preposte ad ogni volume dell’edizione di base, quella di Amsterdam. Comunque, interessandoci sollecitare nel lettore italiano una presa di coscienza immediatamente politica dei contributi bakuniniani, cercheremo di suggerire, in questa sede, una fruizione quanto più possibile libera da vincolanti dibattiti di collocazione storica, riducendo alto stretto indispensabile l’informazione in questo senso.
Le analisi teoriche di Bakunin hanno un valore storico fondamentale, ponendosi come luminosa alternativa a certe costruzioni di potere legate a strutture contingenti di tipo riformista o a visioni autoritarie di tipo rivoluzionario, ma, oltre questa validità immediata, nella cui prospettiva sono state altrove ampiamente esaminate, e in cui finirebbero per annegare nel baratro immane delle giustapposizioni e delle correzioni, per risalire alla superficie definitivamente “santificate” e inutilizzabili, oltre questa validità, dicevamo, è possibile ritrovare l’insegnamento rivoluzionario fondamentale: la lotta di un uomo contro il potere, anche quello più difficile a distinguere, quello che si nasconde sotto la bardatura delle tronfie parole dell’insurrezione e della rivolta, sollecitate per conto di una minoranza indirizzata alla conquista del potere.
Bakunin è scrittore ricchissimo e scarsamente sistematico. Le fatiche che affrontò nel corso della sua lunga militanza non gli consentirono di trasformare organicamente il turbine di pensieri, di problemi, di analisi, di prospettive risolutive che gli si affacciava alla mente e che spesso finiva per essere sommerso da un turbine successivo, non meno ricco sebbene mai contraddittorio. Tutto ciò non può non essere tenuto presente nella lettura di un’opera che nella battaglia quotidiana non perde mai di vista i punti fondamentali, essenziali, in cui bisogna colpire il nemico. A testimoniare la serietà e l’impegno di lavoro di Bakunin sono i frammenti: una grande quantità di scritti messi da parte, elaborati per fornire un’analisi definitiva spesso, anch’essa lasciata incompleta in vista di una probabile continuazione mai realizzata. L’accavallarsi degli impegni rivoluzionari, il modificarsi delle situazioni, l’affievolirsi o l’acutizzarsi di un conflitto o di un altro, guidano la mano di Bakunin facendogli continuare o sospendere il lavoro. Ma, al di sopra dell’apparente gratuità, una linea d’impegno costante e precisa: l’analisi dei problemi rivoluzionari di fondo, mai attacchi personali finalizzati a se stessi, mai polemiche senza un più ampio sbocco politico, anche quando l’ingiuria e la menzogna, il sopruso e la calunnia si fanno pressanti contro di lui, questo grande lottatore non si lascia travolgere dall’astio personale e riesce ad assumere quella giusta distanza che consente una valutazione sociale dello scontro e che, anche oggi, ne rende utile e fruttifera la lettura.
Dopo la sconfitta dell’insurrezione polacca, Bakunin decide di trasferirsi in Italia, dove arriva nel gennaio del 1864 fermandosi dapprima a Torino, passando poi da Genova e facendo una puntata a Caprera per vedere Garibaldi. Alla fine del mese di gennaio arriva a Firenze con una presentazione del generale preceduta per altro da una lettera di Mazzini ai suoi amici fiorentini. Qui presenta alla locale Loggia massonica un progetto di riforma che riassume le proprie idee federaliste, atee e socialiste. Alla fine dell’anno lascia Firenze partendo per la Svezia.
L’estate dell’anno successivo lo ritrova a Sorrento, con lettere di presentazione anche questa volta di Garibaldi e degli amici massoni di Firenze. Tra le prime conoscenze importanti quella di Fanelli, compagno di Pisacane, e di Friscia. Le idee di questo periodo sono riassunte ne “La Situazione italiana” pubblicata a Napoli nell’ottobre 1866, redatta da Alberto Tucci ma sostanzialmente rivista e modificata dallo stesso Bakunin.
Nella primavera 1867 Bakunin redige una nuova “Situazione” in cui attacca in modo radicale la politica di Mazzini e Garibaldi. A settembre parte per Ginevra per prendere parte al Congresso della Pace e della Libertà e tentare di propagandare le sue idee ma senza risultato. L’anno successivo, nel secondo Congresso, malgrado la presenza di Fanelli, Tucci, Gambuzzi e Friscia, si accentua il distacco con i borghesi promotori della Lega. Nel settembre del 1869 partecipa al Congresso di Basilea portandosi poi a Locarno. L’anno successivo si reca a Ginevra e poi Lione. Dopo l’insurrezione del 28 settembre parte per Marsiglia prevedendo un’altra rivolta. Ad ottobre ritorna in Italia passando per Genova. Il giorno della proclamazione della Comune di Parigi parte per Firenze.
Dopo poche settimane dall’inizio della Comune, Mazzini pubblica le sue critiche sull’insurrezione proletaria di Parigi. Engels scrive a Cafiero una lettera (Cfr. A. Romano, \emph{Storia del Movimento Socialista in Italia}, vol. II, Milano-Roma, pp. 315-321), nella quale trascrive un rendiconto delle discussioni al Consiglio generale dell’Internazionalc suggerendone la pubblicazione in Italia per attaccare le tesi di Mazzini. Nel luglio 1871, Bakunin legge le critiche di Mazzini su “La Roma del Popolo” e si mette anche lui al lavoro. “II Gazzettino Rosa” pubblica in opuscolo la “Risposta di un Internazionale a Giuseppe Mazzini”. Il testo di Bakunin era seguito da un articolo anonimo: “L’Internazionale e Mazzini” la cui attribuzione è controversa. Alla fine del 1871 la tipografia di Guillaume figlio pubblica a Neuchatel \emph{La Teologia politica di Mazzini e l’Internazionale}.
Negli scritti di questo periodo Bakunin ha una visione matura dell’anarchismo, delle premesse filosofiche che lo rendono possibile e degli sbocchi concreti che deve cercare per uscire dall’inutilità delle formulazioni astratte. Il punto di partenza è la lotta contro l’idealismo e la formulazione razionale del materialismo.
L’idealista viene ravvicinato al teologo – punto di massima condanna per il pensiero razionale – identificandoli nel culto dell’assurdo, dell’autorità e della disciplina. Dall’idealismo emerge il “culto di se stesso da parte dell’individuo che si adora nell’assoluto o in Dio”. Così scrive nello scritto principale contro Mazzini: «Ecco ciò che Mazzini si rifiuta di comprendere, e che, nella sua doppia natura d’idealista credente e d’uomo di Stato sedicente rivoluzionario, probabilmente non riuscirà mai a comprendere.
«Come idealista, egli non può che negare lo sviluppo spontaneo del mondo reale e ciò che noi chiamiamo la forza propria, la logica o la ragione delle cose. E dal momento che egli crede in Dio, deve forzatamente credere che non soltanto le idee ma la vita e il movimento del mondo materiale provengono da Dio; a più forte ragione le evoluzioni religiose, politiche e sociali, intellettuali e morali dell’umanità.
«Come uomo di Stato, egli deve avere in dispregio le masse. Spinto dal suo cuore generoso e con la pretesa di far loro il più gran bene possibile egli deve considerarle assolutamente incapaci di dirigersi, di governarsi, di produrre il minimo bene per se stesse.
«E, in effetti, sappiamo e lo costateremo più tardi, che Mazzini, uomo religioso per eccellenza e fondatore o rivelatore di una nuova religione, che egli stesso chiama la Religione dell’Associazione e del Progresso, afferma la permanente e progressiva rivelazione di Dio nell’umanità, tramite uomini di genio coronati di virtù e i popoli più avanzati nella realizzazione della legge della vita. Egli è profondamente convinto che oggi spetta nuovamente all’Italia l’alta missione d’interprete e di apostolo di questa legge divina nel mondo; ma che per assolvere degnamente questa missione, il popolo italiano deve impregnarsi anzitutto dello spirito mazziniano e a mezzo di una Costituente tutta composta di deputati mazziniani, darsi un Governo mazziniano. A questo prezzo, e soltanto a questo prezzo, egli le promette per la terza volta nella sua storia, l’egemonia (soltanto morale, e non cattolica questa volta, ma mazziniana), lo scettro del mondo.
«Dal momento che l’iniziativa del nuovo progresso deve partire dall’Italia, e quel che più conta dall’Italia esclusivamente mazziniana, cioè da una ridottissima minoranza che, non so per qual miracolo, deve rappresentare l’intera nazione, è chiaro che l’Internazionale, che è sorta fuori d’Italia e completamente fuori del partito e dei principi mazziniani, deve essere dichiarata nulla e come non avvenuta per Mazzini.
«Sappiamo anche che Mazzini, uomo politico per eccellenza e partigiano ad ogni costo dello Stato unitario e onnipotente, proclama che solo allo Stato spetta il dovere e il diritto di somministrare all’intera nazione una educazione uniforme e strettamente conforme ai dogmi della nuova religione che la prossima Costituente riunita a Roma, restaurata capitale del mondo, e senza dubbio divinamente ispirata (la Costituente non Roma, ma forse anche Roma?), avrà proclamato come l’unica religione nazionale, affinché la nazione divenga una nel pensiero, come lo sarà negli atti». (\emph{L’internazionale e Mazzini}, in \emph{Opere complete}, vol. I, tr. it., Catania 1976, pp. 46-47).
E altrove: «E la libertà, qualsiasi cosa ne dica Mazzini e con lui tutti gli idealisti – che, naturalmente, non comprendono nulla di questa parola e che, quando la cosa si presenta a loro, detestano la libertà, per la sua stessa natura, non può essere soltanto individuale – una libertà simile si chiama privilegio – la libertà vera, umana, completa, di un solo uomo implica l’emancipazione di tutti, perciò grazie a questa legge di solidarietà che è la base naturale della società non posso essere realmente libero, sentirmi e sapermi libero, se non sono circondato di uomini ugualmente liberi, e la schiavitù dell’ultimo tra essi è la mia schiavitù.
«Da ciò risulta che Mazzini, idealista e autoritario credente, opera da supremo egoista quando si sforza di fare trionfare le sue idee politiche e religiose che tendono evidentemente a imporre al mondo un ordine nuovo, a profitto di qualche nuova classe e della più grande gloria del suo Dio; mentre il Comunismo ateo e l’Internazionale materialista, provocando, senza imporla a nessuno, l’organizzazione spontanea delle masse operaie, in vista dell’emancipazione di tutti, fa opera di solidarietà e umanità.
«D’altronde, affermando che il male non risiede nella materia, o nel corpo dell’uomo, ma unicamente nella sua anima, Mazzini si mette in contraddizione aperta con se stesso. Se la materia è così innocente perché disprezzare e detestare gli interessi materiali al punto da non poter mai parlare senza calunniare qualcuno in loro nome: sia la Comune che i generosi operai di Parigi che si sono sacrificati a decine di migliaia senza nemmeno sperare queste ricompense celesti che Mazzini promette ai suoi fedeli, sia infine l’Internazionale». (\emph{Frammento Q}, in \emph{Ib}., p. 195).
Come si vede la critica filosofica di partenza non si affida ad una elaborazione astratta che avrebbe significato un banale capovolgimento dell’ipotesi teologica mazziniana. Bakunin, fondando la propria azione sulla prassi rivoluzionaria, lega, fin dall’inizio la visione filosofica dell’idealismo e del teologismo sua ovvia derivazione, con le necessità dell’autorità statale che appunto in queste rarefazioni filosofiche trovano la propria giustificazione pseudorazionale. L’apertura critica ci offre quindi l’occasione per fissare le distanze con quell’individualismo borghese, figlio dell’Io che fissa se stesso nel vuoto della storia intesa come campo di realizzazione dello spirito assoluto, che non va confuso con l’individualismo storicizzato, indispensabile piattaforma per la costruzione comunista e collettivista della società. Il collettivismo di Bakunin non attaccherà se non l’aspetto borghese dell’individualismo, vedendovi, giustamente, le radici della dominazione e della disciplina.
Più chiaramente in un altro passo de \emph{L’Internazionale e Mazzini}: «Anche noi malediciamo l’egoismo; ma l’egoismo consiste secondo noi non nella rivolta dell’individuo umano contro Dio; questa rivolta, abbiamo detto, è la suprema condizione di ogni emancipazione e di conseguenza di ogni umana virtù, perché non può esservi virtù laddove vige il servaggio; esso consiste nella rivolta contro quella legge di solidarietà che è la base naturale e fondamentale di ogni società umana, in quella tendenza tanto degli individui che delle classi privilegiate ad isolarsi in un mondo ideale, sia religioso, sia metafisico, sia politico e sociale, lontano dalle masse popolari: isolamento che non ha mai altro scopo né altro reale risultato che il dominio sulle masse ed il loro sfruttamento a profitto e di questi individui e di queste classi. Poiché la legge di solidarietà è una legge naturale, nessun individuo per quanta forte può sottrarvisi. Nessuno può vivere umanamente al di fuori dell’umano consorzio: buono o cattivo, colpito da idiozia o dotato del più grande genio, tutto ciò che ha, tutto ciò che può, tutto ciò che è, egli lo deve alla collettività, ad essa sola. Dunque gli è impossibile di separarsene; ma egli può quando questa naturale e fatale collettività che chiamiamo società è così stupidamente pecorile da sopportarlo, egli può opprimerla e sfruttarla a suo esclusivo profitto e a danno di tutti: ed il miglior mezzo per farlo è di dare all’egoismo la forma di un pensiero e di una ispirazione religiosa». (\emph{Ib}., p. 65).
In contrapposizione all’idealismo, la sua visione del materialismo, non è meramente meccanicistica, frutto di una visione imperfetta della storia e influenzata da un certo sviluppo del dominio borghese, ma coscientemente storicistica, derivante da una visione del progresso storico come possibilità di trasformazione della realtà ad opera dell’uomo. La base è la materia, il “materiale”, la scala completa degli enti reali, dei corpi inorganici e di quelli organici, dei fatti, dei pensieri, dei sentimenti. «Non dobbiamo disprezzare gli animali, essi sono i nostri fratelli minori: o piuttosto, essi sono i nostri fratelli maggiori riguardo la loro apparizione sulla terra, e i nostri cadetti soltanto per la loro intelligenza. E per quanto poco vogliamo riconoscere seriamente le prime basi del mondo umano, dobbiamo sempre cercarle nel mondo animale che contiene in effetti tutti i germi dell’umanità.
«Ritroviamo anche nell’animale i due istinti fondamentali, inseparabili, per quanto in apparenza sempre opposti, e che costituiscono ugualmente la base di tutti gli sviluppi umani: l’istinto di conservazione di se stesso, l’egoismo, e l’istinto di conservazione della specie, il sacrificio, la devozione, l’amore, la solidarietà.
«Non c’è che una sola differenza, ma una differenza enorme tra tutti gli animali delle specie inferiori e l’animale-uomo, e questa differenza consiste specialmente nel fatto che l’uomo, armato d’una forza di astrazione che gli altri animali non hanno mai posseduta, penetra col suo pensiero che riflette, abbraccia a poco a poco con la sua intelligenza sempre più sviluppata, tutti i rapporti naturali e li trasforma, li umanizza in qualche modo, facendone oggetti della sua costante riflessione. In questo modo, quello che nella vita degli animali di tutte le altre specie non è che una manifestazione senza dubbio necessaria ma più o meno passeggera, periodica, si rinnova e si sviluppa a poco a poco, fissata dal pensiero umano e dalla parola, che costituiscono un corpo talmente inseparabile che non si potrebbe dire chi viene prima e chi viene dopo, in quanto tutti e due possono nascere e svilupparsi nello stesso tempo, – diventa l’oggetto costante delle preoccupazioni umane. È in questo modo che nascono nell’uomo le prime rappresentazioni fisse, le cosiddette idee innate, che presume ritrovare in se stesso e che non sono altro che le prime constatazioni riflesse dei suoi rapporti naturali e delle sue esperienze giornaliere. In questo modo si sono formate le nostre prime teorie, dapprima religiose, poi metafisiche.
«È così che i due istinti fondamentali di ogni esistenza animale, l’egoismo e la solidarietà, naturalmente di già più sviluppate nell’uomo a causa della superiorità incontestabile del suo organismo animale, diventando gli oggetti della sua costante riflessione, dapprima immaginativa più tardi astratta, costituiranno le due basi principali di tutte le sue teorie tanto religiose che metafisiche. L’uomo le spiritualizza, divinizzandone l’uno e satanizzandone l’altro. Come e perché lo fa? Perché non può fare diversamente. Mi spiego.
«Soltanto molto tardi, e possiamo anche dire, soltanto in questo nostro secolo, lo spirito umano è arrivato alla perfetta conoscenza dei suoi processi, grazie a due grandi filosofi tedeschi: dapprima, Kant e Hegel, che la maggior parte dei pensatori romandi disdegna per ignoranza, e poi grazie alla scuola dei pensatori materialisti, che hanno recentemente stabilito e dimostrato l’origine corporea e per conseguenza anche la natura assolutamente materiale del nostro pensiero. Fin qui, i più grandi geni avevano maneggiato questo strumento naturale magnifico di cui erano magnificamente dotati più degli altri, senza potere rendersi conto della sua natura, e a causa di questa stessa ignoranza, finivano sempre per considerare come un essere indipendente e superiore anche al loro spirito, Dio, questa astrazione creata dal loro stesso arbitrio.
«Per convincerci dobbiamo solo richiamarci all’argomentazione di Descartes che fu senza dubbio il più grande demolitore filosofico del XVII secolo. Egli fece tavola rasa di ogni dottrina scolastica, e rinnegando arditamente la certezza di tutto ciò che non fosse puro pensiero, tacendo astrazione di tutto ciò che lo circondava e anche del suo stesso corpo, per provare a se stesso la propria esistenza, disse: Penso, dunque sono. Poi, cercando nella propria coscienza, vi trovò l’idea dell’infinito. Da dove viene? si domandò. Io non ho potuto produrla, poiché sono un essere finito. Dunque essa ha potuto essere prodotta solo dalla riflessione di un Essere infinito nella mia coscienza. L’idea dell’infinito è quindi la prova immediata dell’Essere infinito, di Dio.
«È possibile che, senza rendersene conto, Descartes si avvicinasse alla conclusione in questo modo, spinto da un istinto di prudenza. Concludere con l’ateismo in pieno XVII secolo, diavolo, non era per niente comodo. Si trattava di affrontare pericoli molto più seri di quelli che oggi ci minacciano le encicliche ugualmente impotenti del Papa e di Mazzini. Galileo, il grande e nobile vecchio, non è incappato nei tormenti della santissima Inquisizione, per dei peccatucci di genio e di scienza che non erano che semplici giochi di bambini di fronte alla negazione orribile di Dio?
«Quale che sia stata per altro la ragione della erronea conclusione di Descartes, se invece di limitarsi ad avvicinarsi ad essa, avesse osato spingere l’applicazione della stessa critica impietosa di cui egli si era servita tanto ottimamente, per abbattere tutti gli altri pregiudizi rispettabili all’analisi dell’idea di Infinito, che aveva trovato in se stesso, – l’avrebbe scoperta priva di ogni determinazione, e l’avrebbe indicata col suo nome il vuoto o il niente assoluto. L’unica determinazione di questa idea era quella di essere in effetti la negazione di tutto ciò che esiste realmente, di ogni essere determinato e finito. E come si produsse in lui questa negazione? Attraverso la propria operazione negativa del suo spirito, che facendo successivamente astrazione di tutte le cose reali, supposte sensibili, le più lontane come le più vicine, e anche del suo stesso corpo non avendo più nulla da negare, s’era trovato davanti a se stesso, in questo deserto che aveva fatto intorno a se stesso, e non come facoltà o con forza astratta, in quanto non restava più nulla da negare, ma come astrazione inerte, senza movimento, senza oggetto e vuota di ogni contenuto l’infinito, l’assoluto, il niente. Ecco il Dio di Descartes». (\emph{Frammento B}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 126-127).
La posizione storica diventa più chiara in un altro \emph{Frammento} dello stesso periodo: «C’è ancora una legge constatata dalla scienza positiva e che mi impegno ugualmente a sviluppare e dimostrare nei miei articoli successivi: Tutti gli uomini, senza fare eccezione per i più grandi geni e i più forti caratteri, sono i prodotti del loro ambiente, sono dominati dalla loro situazione sociale; di modo che ogni uomo, quale che sia l’elevazione del suo spirito e l’energia generale della sua volontà, non potrà salvare l’integrità dell’uno e dell’altro, se subisce per qualche tempo le influenze irresistibili, fatali, di una posizione falsa». (\emph{Frammento M}, in \emph{Ib}., p. 178). Nessuna azione sovrastrutturale potrà quindi modificare in assoluto la realtà storica dell’uomo se non intervengono quelle modificazioni “ambientali”, quei sostanziali fatti nuovi che, modificando il rapporto di fondo, rendono possibile l’azione di superficie. Bakunin nel \emph{Frammento G} riconosce esplicitamente il debito contratto verso Marx per quanto riguarda la sua posizione storico-materialista. «Regola generale dimostrata dalla storia di tutte le religioni: Nessuna religione nuova ha mai potuto interrompere lo sviluppo naturale e fatale dei fatti sociali, e nemmeno stornarlo dalla strada tracciata dalla natura stessa di questi fatti. Spesso le credenze religiose sono servite da simbolo, dando una forma di estrinsecazione molto imperfetta a delle forze nascenti, nel momento stesso in cui queste forze compivano fatti nuovi; ma esse sono state sempre i sintomi, mai le cause reali dei fatti. Quanto a queste cause bisogna cercarle nello sviluppo dei bisogni economici e delle forze attive, non ideali ma reali della società, l’ideale non essendo altro che l’espressione più o meno fedele e l’ultima risultante della realtà.
«Questa regola o questa idea, enunciata e sviluppata, circa 24 anni fa da Karl Marx, uno dei principali fondatori dell’Internazionale, è necessariamente combattuta da Mazzini che, idealista conseguente, s’immagina che, nella storia dell’umanità, come pure nello sviluppo del mondo propriamente materiale, le idee, cause prime e manifestazioni successive l’Essere divino precedono e creano i fatti\dots{}
«Mazzini è tanto idealista che non si accorge nemmeno che come esempio la religione dell’India, prova tutto il contrario di quello che vorrebbe provare, a meno che non voglia ammettere la risposta assurda dell’asservimento volontario di una immensa maggioranza sotto il giogo di una minoranza. Poiché egli attribuisce lo stabilimento delle caste nell’India principalmente e anche unicamente al Bramanesimo, bisogna concludere che prima della rivelazione di questa dottrina e lo stabilimento di questo culto religioso, tutti gli uomini nell’India erano politicamente e socialmente uguali. Ma come, una immensa quantità di uomini uguali e liberi hanno consentito, senza altra ragione che una nuova rivelazione religiosa, a diventare schiavi, paria! Ecco ciò che Mazzini si guarda bene di spiegare». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 144-145).
Per quanto ci riguarda non riteniamo che Marx possa considerarsi il “padre” del materialismo storico, ben vivo e sviluppato prima del lavoro, per altro fondamentale, del pensatore tedesco. Evidentemente Bakunin intendeva riferirsi alla fonte più vicina, accessibile e conosciuta, per evitare di risalire a fonti più nebulose e lontane, tra l’altro, voleva dare un colpo favorevole in vista della polemica che in passato aveva visto in primo piano le calunnie di Marx e compagni. Comunque, a prescindere dalle questioni di paternità, la posizione materialista di Bakunin è chiara, essa non è legata affatto al determinismo positivista: l’azione, l’intervento nella prassi quotidiana, l’urgenza della trasformazione rivoluzionaria della società, tengono a freno le forze presupposte intrinseche al processo di sviluppo storico, forze che avrebbero giocato come elementi negativi nella visione generale del pensiero di Kropotkin.
Molto chiaro il rapporto con la religione. «È evidente che l’idea Dio è assurda. E incontestabile anche che è dannosa: causa intellettuale della nostra attuale schiavitù, essa ha prodotto immense disgrazie in passato. Ma bisogna non di meno riconoscere che quest’idea è stata storicamente inevitabile e che se non lo si tiene conto non si comprende assolutamente nulla dello sviluppo progressivo dell’umanità». (\emph{Frammento I}, in \emph{Ib}., p. 152). E poco più avanti: «Come volontà intendo questa facoltà di reazione nervosa che, come tutte le sensazioni, i sentimenti, il pensiero, ha la propria sede nel cervello, è un funzionamento del cervello che, parallelamente alla forza muscolare, dipende dapprima dalla più o meno buona costituzione dell’organismo, e poi può essere sviluppata da una continua ginnastica, è in una parola educabile, per servirci dell’espressione di Mazzini». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 152-153). Così scrive nel \emph{Frammento J}, riprendendo un passo del \emph{Frammento G} in cui indica nei bisogni economici e reali della società e non in quelli dell’idea la causa delle religioni. «Consideriamo adesso la vita umana. Come tutti gli animali, l’uomo deve assolutamente mangiare; egli fa l’amore, alleva la prole, e obbligatoriamente, non per suo libero arbitrio, né sulla base di un contratto concluso liberamente, ma in conseguenza della legge inerente alla propria natura, egli fa parte di un’associazione. Ho detto che egli è al più alto grado, collettivista e individualista, socialista e egoista nello stesso tempo. Ora, aggiungerei che questa individualità non può svilupparsi che nella società e che con il concorso collettivo di tutti i membri presenti e passati della società; che al di fuori della società, privo di pensiero e di parole, egli sarebbe il più debole tra tutte le bestie che popolano la terra, il più stupido e il più miserabile. Da un altro lato, osserverei che nessun animale della nostra specie è potuto arrivare ad un sì alto grado di sviluppo individuale, di libertà individuale, e sfortunatamente anche di egoismo riflesso, dannoso e mostruoso, come ha fatto l’uomo.
«Trovo quindi nella natura umana due elementi essenziali, due poli nello stesso tempo inseparabili e, almeno in apparenza, diametralmente opposti: l’individualità e la socialità, l’egoismo e la solidarietà\dots{}
«La legge unica, suprema, di cui tutte le altre leggi morali sono semplici applicazioni, è il rispetto umano. Dal punto di vista negativo, è la giustizia, la bilancia uguale per ciascuno e per tutti; dal punto di vista positivo, è la libertà, la dignità, il pieno sviluppo individuale di ciascuno nella solidarietà e attraverso la solidarietà universale; è il riflesso dell’esistenza umana di ciascuno nell’esistenza umana di tutti; è la coscienza che non posso essere veramente libero, umano, che quando tutti intorno a me sono liberi, umani. Rispettare la libertà e la dignità umane di ciascuno come le condizioni essenziali della mia libertà e dignità, cioè del mio diritto, ecco i1 mio dovere. Provocare e servire l’emancipazione umana di tutti attorno a me, ecco la virtù. Amare la libertà degli uomini, la loro indipendenza di fronte a me stesso, ecco il trionfo della grazia, non divina ma umana, ecco l’amore. Sentirsi e sapersi infine un anello, per quanto passeggero e infimo, ma nello stesso tempo necessario di questa immensa solidarietà umana, alla quale ciascuno è legato da tutte le condizioni della sua esistenza individuale, dal suo pensiero, azione, amore, e che si sviluppa maestosamente, attraverso i secoli, legando il passato al presente e all’avvenire, ecco l’immortalità». (\emph{Ib}., p. 154).
L’ipotesi atea diventa, in questo modo, l’elemento essenziale per l’analisi corretta dell’oppressione sociale. Non un vano dialogare rovesciato con i gestori della menzogna teologica, ma un razionale utilizzo della dimensione storica e materiale della vicenda umana. Così scrive nella \emph{Risposta}: «La dispersione dei fantasmi divini, condizione necessaria del trionfo finale dell’umanità, sarà una delle inevitabili conseguenze l’emancipazione del proletariato». (\emph{Risposta d’un internazionale a Giuseppe Mazzini}, in \emph{Ib}., p. 28). Per Bakunin l’ateismo è la chiara affermazione che l’umanità è maggiorenne, che non ha bisogno di tutela che può e deve fare da sé. Non credendo in Dio non crede nell’esistenza di un Uomo assoluto, di un uomo fuori della società. In questo senso scrive altrove: «Noi non crediamo anzitutto all’esistenza di una qualsiasi Divinità, se non a quella che è stata creata dalla fantasia storica degli uomini. Di conseguenza per noi non può esserci rivelazione divina dall’alto, poiché tutte le religioni non sono state che rivelazioni dello spirito collettivo degli uomini, nella misura in cui esso si sviluppava nella storia, attraverso questo falso prisma divino. Non credendo in Dio, noi non possiamo nemmeno credere all’esistenza intellettuale e morale degli uomini al di fuori della società». (\emph{L’Internazionale} \emph{e Mazzini,} in \emph{Ib}., p. 71).
Quindi lo sviluppo dell’umanità dell’uomo deve avvenire nella storia anche se questa è teatro continuo della lotta animale per la vita. Ma accanto all’istinto fondamentale dell’egoismo esiste quello, altrettanto fondamentale, della solidarietà.
Su questa base concreta è costruito l’attacco contro la speculazione mazziniana, contro le calunnie dirette a distruggere la credibilità dell’Internazionale, a colpire d’infamia il glorioso sacrificio della Comune, a screditare il socialismo, a deformare la Storia e innalzare il concetto di dovere-sacrificio come fondamento dello Stato-Chiesa mazziniano.
Mazzini si era macchiato di colpe gravissime, derivanti dalla particolare ottusità della sua posizione teorica. Partito da una critica vacua e nello stesso tempo superficiale contro Moleschott e Schiff, il cui insegnamento materialista tanta influenza aveva in quel torno di tempo tra i giovani intellettuali italiani, il profeta in esilio aveva poi fornito una interpretazione della storia del tutto inutilizzabile in una prospettiva politica rivoluzionaria. “Nessuno sa falsificare la storia come lui”, scrive Bakunin, ed ha ragione. In sostanza lo scopo di Mazzini era quello di elaborare il concetto di dovere-sacrificio, per fondare il proprio Stato-Chiesa.
Nel \emph{Frammento N} Bakunin scrive: «Mazzini segue un metodo del tutto diverso. Nelle sue speculazioni filosofiche e scientifiche, non si è mai dato tutte queste preoccupazioni. Non cerca di risolvere una contraddizione, l’ignora. È molto più facile. Vi dice col più grande sangue freddo e con una perfetta buona fede la più contraddittoria affermazione, la più impossibile, e bisogna che l’accettiate, perché? perché lui stesso non vede questa contraddizione, e perché egli è profeta. Guai a voi se, dopo di ciò, continuerete a dubitare. Vi maledirà citandovi la testimonianza di tutti i grandi pensatori; da Prometeo, Socrate e Platone, fino a Humboldt (!), da Fidia fino a Michelangelo, da Eschilo fino a Byron. Dopo di che non vi rimarrà che abbassare la testa, in quanto che cosa potete obiettare contro l’esistenza storica di Prometeo, contro l’ortodossia teologica di un Humboldt (che sarebbe molto sorpreso di trovarsi classificato tra i credenti) o contro la scienza positiva di Byron.
«Ecco di che tipo sono le dimostrazioni filosofiche di Mazzini. Da parte di un uomo così serio e profondamente convinto, si tratta di una leggerezza di argomentazione e una assenza di critica incredibili!\dots{}
«Poveri scolastici! Poveri grandi metafisici moderni! Quante inutili pene vi siete dati, rompendovi la testa e sudando sangue e acqua, per provare l’esistenza di Dio, mentre Mazzini l’ha fatto con un poco di retorica e senza alcuno sforzo! E il privilegio dei Profeti. Io credo e voi dovete credere, perché io credo. Dio è grande e Mazzini è il suo profeta!\dots{}
«A quelli che, come la maggior parte degli operai ad esempio, sono incapaci, sia per mancanza di tempo e di libri sia per mancanza di istruzione, d’interrogare direttamente la coscienza dell’umanità, Mazzini consiglia di ricorrere ai buoni uffici di qualche fratello che ha visto molti paesi (come gli emigrati mazziniani per esempio) e che diventa per essi un apostolo della verità, trasmettendo tutto ciò che sa sulle tradizioni dell’umanità». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 186-187).
La condanna del socialismo da parte di Mazzini viene riportata da Bakunin all’originaria negazione della legge fondamentale della solidarietà e del rispetto umano. Così scrive nella \emph{Risposta}: «Mazzini maledice il socialismo. Come prete o come delegato del maestro divino doveva maledirlo; poiché considerato dal punto di vista morale, il socialismo è la piena realizzazione del rispetto umano che lui sostituisce alla volontaria e gratuita degradazione inseparabile dal volto divino. Considerato poi dal punto di vista scientifico e pratico, esso è la proclamazione di quel gran principio che, entrato oramai nella coscienza dei popoli, è divenuto l’unico punto di partenza, tanto per le ricerche e per gli sviluppi della scienza positiva, quanto per i moti rivoluzionari del proletariato. Questo principio riassunto in tutta la sua semplicità, eccolo: Siccome nel mondo fisico, la materia, chiamata inorganica, cioè, determinata meccanicamente, fisicamente e chimicamente, è la base della materia organica, vegetale ed animale da prima, ed in ultimo, della materia intelligente, principalmente se non esclusivamente umana (gli animali delle specie inferiori, non essendo affatto privi d’intelligenza, come è noto); così nel mondo sociale, che del resto deve essere considerato siccome l’ultimo grado del mondo naturale, lo sviluppo delle questioni materiali ed economiche fu sempre e continuerà ad essere la base determinante d’ogni sviluppo religioso, filosofico, politico e sociale.
«Si vede che questo principio porta seco nientemeno che il più audace sovvertimento di tutte le teorie tanto scientifiche che morali, di tutte le idee religiose, metafisiche, politiche e giuridiche dell’idealismo antico e moderno. È una rivoluzione intellettuale e morale, mille volte più formidabile di quella che, partendo dall’epoca del Rinascimento al XVI e XVII secolo, aveva rovesciato le teorie scolastiche diventate dottrine della Chiesa, della nobiltà feudale e dello Stato divino, per sostituir loro quelle della ragione critica, pura, ma tuttavia sempre ideale, necessariamente dottrinaria, ed in conseguenza sempre favorevole alla dominazione d’una classe privilegiata e specialmente della borghesia.
«Se il rovescio della barbarie scolastica fu al suo tempo causa di sì terribile commozione, si capisce quale scompiglio deve ai giorni nostri cagionare quello dell’idealismo dottrinario che è l’ultimo rifugio di tutti gli sfruttatori ed oppressori privilegiati della società umana.
«Gli sfruttatori delle credenze ideali sentonsi minacciati nei loro più cari interessi, ed i partigiani disinteressati, fanatici e sinceri del morente idealismo, come Mazzini, vedono distrutta d’un sol colpo tutta la religione, tutta l’illusione della loro vita». (\emph{Risposta d’un internazionale a Giuseppe Mazzini}, in \emph{Ib}., p. 30).
Non è molto importante stabilire, come hanno fatto Togliatti e Romano, se dietro l’attacco a Mazzini si nasconda invece un attacco diretto contro Marx. L’ipotesi potrebbe essere interessante ma non ha fondamenti certi. Sono privi di base le ragioni di Romano che, ciecamente favorevole a Mazzini, disconosce quel minimo di obiettività che ci pare indispensabile per qualsiasi analisi storica. E che dire delle tirate di Togliatti, valide solo sul piano dell’immediata polemica politica. Allo stesso modo non ci convince chi, come Masini, intende impostare l’importanza degli scritti di Bakunin in questo periodo, partendo dalla loro influenza sulle giovani generazioni educate alla cospirazione mazziniana ma sostanzialmente lontane dallo spirito teologico del grande mistico. A nostro avviso, una lettura attenta dei testi, consente di individuare una precisa polemica di Bakunin contro il fanatismo teologico di Mazzini, riconducibile a quella base di giacobinismo che resta incancellabile nel blanquismo e che costituisce, in ultima analisi, con tutte le sue prerogative borghesi, la base stessa del marxismo rivoluzionario. Questa direzione di lettura andrebbe almeno approfondita. Non si tratta della scelta di un oggetto polemico, debole e superato dal tempo (Mazzini), scelta fatta con il preciso scopo di non impegnarsi subito contro il “grande” Marx in una lotta “all’interno” dell’Internazionale, ma si tratta di una battaglia contro una metodologia autoritaria che, partendo da una ristretta minoranza di potere, autodefinitasi portatrice della verità, conduce alla costituzione di uno Stato a fondamento religioso. E non c’è chi non veda quanto irrazionalismo mistico si celi dietro la fede nel “deperimento” delle strutture statali dopo lo stabilirsi della dittatura del proletariato. Il seguente passo potrebbe essere letto in chiave di critica marxista con un’opportuna correzione dei termini: «Il Dio di Mazzini non è quello delle implacabili vendette e degli eterni castighi. Non ispirando che perdono ed amore – si era detta del resto la stessa cosa del Dio dei cristiani – egli ripudia l’inferno, non ammettendo tutt’al più che il purgatorio, che consiste d’altronde, nella teologia mazziniana, solo in un ritardo più o meno prolungato dello sviluppo progressivo dei colpevoli, individui o nazioni, come conseguenza naturale delle loro colpe. In generale, ciò che distingue il Dio di Mazzini dal Dio ebraico e cristiano, è la sua tendenza visibile ma sempre vana di conciliarsi con la ragione umana e di sembrare conforme tanto alla natura delle cose quanto alle fondamentali aspirazioni della società moderna; e per meglio raggiungere questo scopo, egli spinge perfino la sua condiscendenza tutta moderna fino a rinunciare alla propria libertà!\dots{}
«È evidente in tutti i casi che il Dio di Mazzini è un Dio passabilmente costituzionale, poiché meglio di tutti i re finora conosciuti, osserva la Carta che gli è piaciuto concedere al mondo e all’umanità, almeno a quanto ce ne dice Mazzini, il quale, come ultimo profeta, deve saperlo meglio di tutti.
«Ma questa condiscendenza, eccessiva da parte di un Dio, raggiunge il suo scopo? Assolutamente no. E come potrebbe conciliare la sua esistenza con quella del mondo, quando il solo titolo di Dio, e per sopramercato quello di creatore, di legislatore e di educatore del mondo naturale ed umano, lo rendono assolutamente incompatibile con lo sviluppo dell’uno e dell’altro!». (\emph{L’Internazionale e Mazzini}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 60-61).
Resta da dire che il passo precedente così oscuro ad una prima lettura, si trova, nello scritto di Bakunin, a qualche rigo di distanza da un altro passo in cui, incidentalmente egli parla delle calunnie messe in circolazione da Marx, concludendo: «Amo Mazzini e lo venero oggi come nove anni fa e peraltro devo combatterlo. Devo mettermi dalla parte di Marx contro di lui. È una fatalità a cui tutte le mie convinzioni, la mia religione non meno profonda e sincera della sua, non mi permettono di sottrarmi.
«Mazzini, ho gia detto, non opprime nessuno; è vero. Ma egli stesso e oppresso dal suo Dio e a questa oppressione di cui è la prima vittima, fa partecipare più o meno i suoi amici, il suo partito. Questa è la causa principale, secondo me, dell’attuale isolamento di questo partito in seno alla nazione italiana, della sua sterilità e della sua sempre più evidente impotenza». (\emph{Ib}., p. 58).
L’inverso della visione teologica della guida carismatica, della delega del potere ad una minoranza ristretta, del partito e dello Stato, è la rivolta. Per Bakunin, la rivolta è l’inverso del principio divino, è il principio satanico, “la nobile rivolta che, sorgendo dalla vita animale ed unita alla scienza è sola madre di tutte le emancipazioni e di tutti i progressi umani”. Nel maggiore scritto contro Mazzini egli si richiama alla rivolta dei Fraticelli boemi del XIV secolo, vedendo in quella lontana ribellione il germe della rivolta socialista di oggi. Nel \emph{Frammento G} scrive: «Il riflesso d’un riflesso! l’incarnazione di un’ombra! Sì, perché questo ideale, queste idee preconcette che gli idealisti dicono ispirate o innate, che cosa sono se non creazioni del cervello umano? E come le crea quest’ultimo? Riproducendo idealmente il mondo reale, sia naturale che sociale, che lo circonda.
«Con quali mezzi lo riproduce? La facoltà sensitiva o ricettiva dei suoi nervi gli apporta le impressioni sia esteriori del mondo che lo circonda, che interiori del proprio corpo individuale; la memoria, altra facoltà del cervello, le conserva, e fondata su questa memoria, l’immaginazione, facoltà di già attiva ma solo formale, gli apporta l’immagine, dapprima quasi sempre esagerata e falsa, delle cose reali. – Questa immagine, o piuttosto questa quantità indefinita d’immagini diverse, costituisce il fondo reale dei pensieri umani. Con quali mezzi questi pensieri si formano? A mezzo di due facoltà parimenti attive e formali del cervello, la comparazione e l’astrazione. Dunque tutte le idee umane sono dei riflessi del mondo reale, dapprima passivamente accettati, poi attivamente riprodotti dal cervello umano.
«Il cervello umano costituisce in qualche modo un laboratorio dove si elaborano le idee. Vi sono cervelli meglio costruiti degli altri. Questi si avvantaggiano sugli altri. Formulano le prime idee, necessariamente imperfette e che riproducono tanto più male il mondo reale quanto sono solitarie, isolate, e sfuggono quindi alla critica, al controllo di tutti. Ignorando il processo naturale attraverso cui vi sono arrivati, i primi inventori o formulatori di queste idee, s’immaginano in perfetta buona fede che esse sono venute da una sorgente misteriosa, che sono state ispirate da Dio. La loro fede trascina quella degli altri e, propagato dalla parola, conservato e trasmesso dalla tradizione, il sistema delle idee religiose si stabilisce come despota del mondo.
«Ogni generazione trova nella propria culla un sistema qualsiasi di idee dominanti e dispoticamente stabilite non solo nel pensiero di tutti, o almeno della grande maggioranza degli uomini, ma incarnate nei costumi, nella morale, nei sentimenti, negli istinti, e nei più piccoli dettagli della vita sociale, sia individuale che collettiva. E ciò che si chiama lo spirito collettivo della società in generale, la natura intellettuale e morale di una nazione e di un secolo. Ogni bambino si trova, dal primo giorno della nascita, esposto alla incessante azione di queste idee; azione tanto più potente in quanto ripercossa in mille modi non solo da tutti gli uomini, ma da tutti i rapporti degli uomini e da tutte le cose che lo circondano; queste idee avviluppano il bambino da tutte le parti, lo penetrano, lo formano, e gli imprimono il loro marchio particolare, durante tutta l’infanzia, l’adolescenza, fino all’età della virilità, fin quando il suo cervello agguerrito e formato dall’esperienza e dallo studio, diventa capace di sottometterle alla critica e al controllo del proprio funzionamento intellettuale\dots{}
«La rivolta, la negazione appassionata, teologicamente personificata nella grande e nobile figura di Satana, ecco il vero emancipatore pratico del genere umano. In ogni epoca storica, Dio è il risultato di tutti i lavori umani dei secoli passati, incarnato nell’insieme delle istituzioni religiose, politiche, giuridiche, economiche e sociali che formano l’ordine ufficialmente stabilito, e si riassume attraverso una sintesi teologica e metafisica, la cui pretesa è sempre di imporsi alle generazioni viventi come un ideale assoluto. E Satana è la Rivolta della vita sociale, sin collettiva che individuale e che diventa tanto più potente, più larga quanto più si sviluppa subito contro l’insolente pietrificazione di questo ideale, e contro la ristrettezza di questo ordine». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 136-137).
II primo attacco è quindi diretto contro la tradizione, contro il sistema delle idee dominanti, incarnate nei costumi, nella morale, nei sentimenti, negli istinti e in tutti i più minuti dettagli della vita sociale (individuale e collettiva). Ma la tradizione non è solo un qualcosa da abbattere, è di più, è il lavoro sociale dei secoli passati, idea che Bakunin rileva da Proudhon, idea in base alla quale ogni nuova generazione può usufruire di un capitale collettivo che però al novantanove per cento è pieno di errori e di iniquità. Ma questa visione della rivolta non è astratta o illuminista. Per Bakunin non è l’Uomo in assoluto che deve ribellarsi se vuole essere tale, ma una classe precisa in una precisa condizione storica che deve ribellarsi, a partire dagli individui che la costituiscono, se vuole emancipare se stessa e, concludendo lo scontro di classe, emancipare tutti gli uomini.
In questo senso la sua valutazione della borghesia e del ruolo storico di questa classe è molto esatta. La borghesia è vista come la classe del “materialismo pratico” capace di lottare contro l’idealismo ipocrita della chiesa e della nobiltà feudale, due dei punti di maggiore sfruttamento. In questa lotta la borghesia ha assunto in passato un ruolo rivoluzionario. Se la Chiesa rappresentava la ricchezza accumulata con la frode, la nobiltà rappresentava la ricchezza strappata con la forza bruta. Al contrario la borghesia venne a significare la ricchezza creata dal lavoro e tutelata con la rivolta contro i tentativi di spoliazione della Chiesa e della nobiltà feudale. Nel \emph{Frammento T} Bakunin scrive: «La borghesia era nata dal lavoro, come si è potuta separare dal proletariato? Il fatto è che fin dal primo giorno della sua nascita storica, essa porta in tutta la propria organizzazione sociale e quindi anche nella propria coscienza collettiva, un principio che doveva necessariamente trasformarla in una fannullona sfruttatrice del proletariato. Questo principio è l’individualismo di cui siamo nemici appassionati».
«Un fatto ormai constatato dalla storia dell’economia sociale è diventato un assioma nella convinzione di tutti, è che le ricchezze sociali sono il prodotto di un lavoro collettivo: dalle piramide egizie costruite con il lavoro forzato delle popolazioni arabe ed ebree asservite, fino ai prodotti dell’industria moderna confezionati col lavoro salariato, tutto è stato creato, tutto continua ad essere creato dal lavoro collettivo. Non è necessario ripetere quello che è stato detto e ridetto mille volte sugli effetti meravigliosi della divisione del lavoro. I vantaggi di questa divisione e della collettività che ne è la base e la condizione indispensabile furono chiari nei tempi più antichi della storia, e non c’è dubbio che a partire dalla formazione dei primi grandi Stati nel mondo, lo scopo di tutte le conquiste non fu tanto quello di appropriarsi dei beni e delle ricchezze prodotte dagli altri, quanto di asservire questa collettività umana così meravigliosamente produttiva, fonte di tutte le ricchezze future, per la fare lavorare esclusivamente a profitto dei [conquistatori].
«I primi comuni del medioevo, essendosi formati non con la conquista ma con la rivolta e con una specie di associazione per la difesa reciproca contro i signori feudali, come dettero vita lo stesso all’ineguaglianza sociale e a rapporti tra sfruttatori e sfruttati?
«Escludiamo i germi di ineguaglianza, di sfruttamento e di dispotismo che la tradizione, il costume aveva deposti in tutte le famiglie, particolarmente nei privilegi quasi assoluti del marito e del padre, supponiamo, come fanno di regola gli economisti borghesi nelle loro deduzioni sempre molto esclusive ed astratte, supponiamo, dicevo, che all’origine nei comuni, tutti i cittadini erano uguali, non dal punto di vista naturale ma da quello della posizione sociale, cioè che tutti erano ugualmente lavoratori.
«Se avessero lavorato isolatamente, ognuno per sé soltanto, tutti sarebbero rimasti ugualmente poveri, in quanto il lavoro degli individui separati è sterile, appena capace di nutrire una piccola orda di selvaggi. Sappiamo anche che i cittadini dei comuni si erano organizzati per il lavoro in corporazioni solidali, in compagnie di arti e mestieri. Ecco il lavoro collettivo stabilito. Ora, come bisogna organizzarlo? Come devono distribuire tra i membri uniti, i prodotti o piuttosto i profitti del lavoro comune?». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 223-224).
Il processo di nascita del proletariato è studiato in modo approfondito nello stesso frammento. Punto di partenza l’ineguaglianza naturale degli individui che, in una precisa realtà storica, con precise istituzioni di sfruttamento, anziché affievolirsi si accentua diventando ineguaglianza economica e sociale delle classi. E più avanti: «Una volta che i capitali, creati dal lavoro collettivo delle generazioni passate, si sono concentrati esclusivamente nelle mani delle classi privilegiate, questi capitali costituiscono una condizione assolutamente necessaria per la fecondazione del lavoro collettivo presente, e questo lavoro, essendo l’unico mezzo d’esistenza delle masse, è naturale, è necessario che queste, che sono obbligate a lavorare per non morire di fame, restino asservite, in un modo o nell’altro, ai detentori dei capitali che hanno bisogno del lavoro delle masse solo per aumentare la propria ricchezza, il proprio conforto, il proprio lusso, la propria scienza e la propria libertà. È così che la Civiltà delle classi privilegiate, il cui cammino progressivo costituisce propriamente tutta la storia, fin qui, si è sviluppata lentamente, appoggiata e nutrita da questa servitù produttiva, da questo lavoro forzato delle moltitudini popolari sempre tradite e sempre sacrificate, e che si chiamavano nell’antichità schiavi, nel medioevo, servi e oggi, salariati.
«Ho dimostrato che la grande preda storica, l’oggetto di ogni santa e profana concupiscenza, di ogni lotta religiosa, politica e guerriera, di ogni conquista, di ogni guerra fratricida e crudele, che ha insanguinato la terra e che riempie le pagine della nostra povera storia, è stato unicamente e sempre, l’asservimento di questo gigante mutilato, torturato, ma possente creatore nel mezzo stesso della propria schiavitù, che si chiama lavoro collettivo delle masse popolari». (\emph{Ib}., p. 239).
Le riflessioni di Bakunin sul problema delle classi lo portano ad profondire il rapporto tra lavoro intellettuale e lavoro manuale da lui precedentemente trattato a lungo nelle sue collaborazioni all’“Égalité”. Questa volta l’occasione è offerta dalle dichiarazioni dell’Internazionale sulla necessità che il lavoro intellettuale vada integrato con quello manuale e viceversa, senza distinzione di nascita né privilegi sociali. Ma perché un lavoro venga considerato tale, deve essere produttivo: anche i capitalisti, i proprietari, gli imprenditori, lavorano ma il loro non è lavoro produttivo, si impegnano solo per meglio sfruttare il lavoro produttivo degli altri. Ovviamente, come con chiarezza dimostra Bakunin, questo lavoro non può essere considerato produttivo, pur essendo lavoro reale a tutti gli effetti. Ora, il proletariato, se vuole liberarsi, deve sgombrare il campo da tutte queste classi parassite: clero, burocrazia, plutocrazia, nobiltà, borghesia, ecc., e “prendere la direzione dei propri affari nelle sue mani”. Ma non deve “tendere all’instaurazione di un nuovo dominio o di una nuova classe, ma all’abolizione definitiva di ogni classe, attraverso l’organizzazione della giustizia, della libertà e dell’eguaglianza per tutti gli esseri umani, senza distinzioni di razza, di colore, di nazione o di credenza, dovendo tutti adempiere pienamente agli stessi doveri e godere gli stessi diritti”.
Bakunin svolge un’analisi precisa, e molto attuale, quando illustra gli elementi che contrappongono il proletariato alla borghesia, quando sottolinea i motivi profondi della impossibilità di ogni forma di collaborazione di classe. Nello stesso \emph{Frammento T} scrive: «Quando un operaio vede un Signore avvicinarsi a lui, con un’aria simpatica, la parola fratello sulla bocca, si domanda, molto ingiustamente qualche volta in rapporto a chi l’avvicina, ma con molta fondatezza in rapporto ai Signori presi in generale: “Che vuole da me? Quale nuovo servizio, quale nuova servitù si aspetta da me?”. Il suo istinto socialista che vale mille volte di più della scienza idealista di Mazzini, gli dice che non è naturale che un uomo nato ed elevato nel mondo dei suoi oppressori e dei suoi sfruttatori e che è legato a questo mondo con mille legami di abitudine, di pregiudizio, pensieri, sentimenti, interessi, ambizioni e vanità, possa venire sinceramente, seriamente a fraternizzare con lui. Il fratello degli oppressori può diventare quello degli oppressi? Come Gesù Cristo, che, se bisogna credere ai Vangeli, era molto più socialista di Mazzini, l’operaio, guidato sempre da questo istinto profondo della realtà, si dice: “È più facile che una corda (o un cammello) passi nel buco di un ago, che un ricco le porte del paradiso” – cioè, che è molto difficile ad un figlio della borghesia volere sinceramente tutte le condizioni e tutte le conseguenze della giustizia e dell’uguaglianza. E come Gesù Cristo diceva ai farisei che si vantavano di avere osservato tutti i comandamenti della legge: “Tu vuoi esser dei nostri? Ebbene, va, vendi i tuoi beni, distribuisci tutto il ricavato ai poveri, e quando l’avrai fatto, vieni con noi, seguimi” – allo stesso modo l’operaio si sente spinto a dire al figlio del borghese che viene a fraternizzare con lui: “Vuoi essere dei nostri, ebbene, comincia a rompere tutti i tuoi rapporti d’abitudini quotidiane, sentimenti, pensieri, vanità, ambizioni ed interessi che ti legano al mondo borghese, al mondo dei nostri oppressori, gira le spalle a questo mondo, e, diventando povero e lavoratore come noi, sii nostro fratello!”». (\emph{Ib}., p. 221).
L’analisi diventa ancora più pertinente quando s’indirizza, sempre nel \emph{Frammento T}, al proletariato, sia delle campagne che delle città, in Italia, quando considera i quindici milioni di contadini non proprietari che lavorano come schiavi su una terra ricca e fertile per ricavarne un nutrimento adatto solo a non morire di fame, quando considera i cinque milioni di proletari delle industrie che vengono sempre di più rovinati dall’accentramento produttivo. Questo proletariato italiano “si è conservato intatto nel mezzo della corruzione e dell’abbrutimento generale, grazie all’intelligenza e alla moralità concrete che sono inerenti al lavoro\dots{} anche perché non ha ancora abusato e nemmeno usato della vita, e che per conseguenza conserva oggi l’energia della vita e la fede nella vita\dots{} e rappresenta la gioventù reale nello sviluppo storico delle classi, gioventù che non si perderà mai, perché volendo emanciparsi e non dominare non diventerà mai una classe”. (\emph{Ib}., p. 223).
La conclusione chiara di Bakunin è che la vittoria del proletariato sarà la realizzazione definitiva e liberalizzata di quel patrimonio complessivo che costituisce il lavoro sociale, cioè il lavoro collettivo. Ecco perché egli suggerisce il principio della proprietà collettiva.
Su due altri problemi occorre fermare l’attenzione: il problema delle assemblee rappresentative e quello dell’attività e degli errori della Comune di Parigi. Ambedue questi problemi trovano larga trattazione nei frammenti pubblicati nel presente volume, per cui, essendo questi inediti, riteniamo importante fermare l’attenzione su di essi. L’analisi della rappresentanza popolare parte della contrapposizione a Mazzini, slargandosi immediatamente ad una considerazione più ampia del fatto della delega e delle conseguenze. L’ipotesi più interessante è che Bakunin ammette – per assurdo – che all’assemblea vengano inviati dei rappresentanti rivoluzionari, in grado di portare avanti in modo efficiente le necessarie richieste del popolo. Ebbene, anche in questo caso limite, impossibile nella pratica, la condanna dello strumento legislativo è inevitabile. «Ammettiamo che nell’ispirazione della rivoluzione suprema, il popolo invii in una Assemblea costituente dei rivoluzionari convinti e sinceri. Come li invierà? Muniti di un mandato imperativo su tutte le questioni un poco importanti che questa Assemblea andrà a trattare; oppure lasciando loro una libertà di decidere secondo la propria coscienza e scienza? Nel primo caso ogni discussione dell’Assemblea sarà inutile e anche impossibile. Ogni deputato non rappresenterà che la maggioranza, non l’unanimità dei suoi elettori, e dovrà votare su ogni questione come gli è stato ordinato, senza permettere alla discussione di cambiare o soltanto di modificare la sua opinione personale, conforme all’opinione della maggioranza dei suoi elettori. L’Assemblea allora non avrà più niente da fare che votare, e se la maggioranza dei voti, supponendo che ce ne sia una, fa la legge, ne risulterà che soltanto la maggioranza del paese sarà realmente rappresentata, non in tutti i problemi ma solo in questo o quel problema nell’Assemblea. Per ogni questione si potrà avere una maggioranza differente, di modo che ogni porzione di popolo sarà rappresentata e non rappresentata, soddisfatta e non soddisfatta nello stesso tempo; la minoranza del paese sarà sempre obbligata a subire dei princìpi e delle leggi che le sono contrari. Può anche accadere, se tutti i collegi elettorali non sono eguali riguardo il numero degli elettori, ciò che è quasi sempre il caso, che siano le minoranze del paese che trascinino l’Assemblea nazionale. Ma ciò che accadrà assolutamente più spesso, è che i mandati imperativi imposti ad ogni deputato saranno talmente discordanti, in tutte le questioni, che l’Assemblea non potrà raggiungere una maggioranza su niente e dovrà sciogliersi senza avere risolto nulla.
«Concludo dunque che la teoria del mandato imperativo, per quanto evidentemente sorta dal desiderio di dare una rappresentanza reale al popolo, è di impossibile applicazione e non può arrivare alla realizzazione di questo scopo.
«Ma, se il mandato imperativo è impraticabile, il sistema opposto, quello della facoltà lasciata a ciascun deputato di risolvere tutti i problemi in piena libertà e non ispirandosi [che] alla propria coscienza, sotto la pressione diretta dello spirito colletivo che necessariamente si forma in ciascuna Assemblea, è un sistema che deve necessariamente sboccare nell’affermazione di un’aristocrazia legislativa e governativa. Precisamente questo spirito in ciascuna Assemblea, anche nelle più democratiche, è da un lato così potente, e dall’altro, per la sua stessa natura, così perfettamente estraneo, per non dire opposto alle palpitazioni viventi dell’anima popolare, così differente dallo spirito che anima le masse, che per restare fedele al suo mandato imposto dagli elettori liberamente accettato dal deputato sincero e onesto, per quest’ultimo non c’è che un solo sistema: lasciare l’Assemblea il più presto possibile. Se non lo fa, per quanto considerevole sia la sua onestà, il suo carattere, il suo spirito, egli è perduto; perduto nel senso che necessariamente tradirà la fiducia dei suoi elettori, sempre conformemente a questa legge sociale, che in un ambiente malsano e in una situazione falsa, le più nobili, le più potenti, le più intelligenti nature e volontà individuali, devono necessariamente soccombere.
«Che cos’è dunque questo spirito che rende tutte le Assemblee cosiddette rappresentative della volontà popolare, sempre così funeste, così contrarie agli interessi del popolo? È lo spirito del governo e della legislazione dall’alto in basso». (\emph{Frammento M}., in \emph{Ib}., pp. 178-179).
La sorte del migliore uomo del mondo, andando a fare parte di un’assemblea legislativa non può essere mai diversa. Anche se fino a ieri egli era ammiratore sincero e appassionato del popolo, oggi finisce per chiamarlo “canaglia popolare”, fino a ieri egli condivideva le aspirazioni e le sofferenze del popolo oggi si trova in un ambiente completamente diverso: le sollecitazioni concrete della vita reale, che lo colpivano quando era fra il popolo, adesso sono scomparse, sostituite delle astrazioni del cosiddetto “interesse generale”. Ma in sostanza questo “interesse generale” non è quello che sembra essere a lui, secondo le proprie idee, l’interesse generale della società, idee alle quali è fermamente legato, con maggiore forza quanto più esse sono meschine e reazionarie.
La conclusione di Bakunin è chiarissima e di grande importanza. «Il segreto di tutte queste contraddizioni e di tutte queste impossibilità risiede nel fatto che in tutte le costituzioni politiche, anche le più democraticamente organizzate, sottoposte al controllo della votazione popolare e corrette dalla cosiddetta legislazione diretta da parte del popolo, le masse popolari sono invitate, forzate a votare su delle astrazioni sia religiose o metafisiche, sia politiche, sia giuridiche, e che queste astrazioni, che certamente offrono un grandissimo interesse di speculazione teorica, di ambizione politica e di profitti economici alle classi privilegiate – rappresentando la politica religiosa principalmente gli interessi della Chiesa e dell’aristocrazia fondiaria, e la politica metafisica quelli della borghesia – non solo non rappresentano alcun interesse per il popolo, ma sono assolutamente contrarie a tutti i suoi veri interessi poiché in effetti sono altrettante consacrazioni di eterna servitù, per cui, per ben votare, il popolo dovrebbe non scegliere tra di esse, ma rigettarle tutte insieme.
«La contraddizione e l’impossibilità consistono nel fatto, che tutte queste costituzioni politiche invitano e obbligano il popolo a stabilire un potere supremo e centrale che lo governerà dall’alto in basso, e che in realtà sarà tanto più dispotico quanto più si sarà circondato di forme repubblicane democratiche, e che questo potere lo governerà con leggi che, in un momento di sorpresa, avrà votate esso stesso contro se stesso. Tutta questa libertà politica, democratica, fondata sul suffragio universale più largo e sottomesso al cosiddetto controllo popolare, non arriva per il popolo, che al diritto e al dovere di darsi un padrone, un dittatore, sia individuale sia collettivo, ma rappresentante una classe privilegiata che lo sfrutta e l’opprime, non fosse, in mancanza di altre classi, che quella dei funzionari della Chiesa o dello Stato.
«Conclusione generale. Tutte le costituzioni politiche, dalla monarchia più assoluta fino alla Repubblica più rossa, offrono interesse e garanzia solo alle diverse classi di privilegiati della società. Dal punto di vista popolare esse rappresentano tutte ugualmente lo stesso sfruttamento e lo stesso dispotismo.
E allora? ci si domanderà. Bisogna che il popolo ritorni al governo dei monarchi assoluti, dei despoti? Assolutamente no; se potesse avere l’abilita di farlo, non servirebbe i suoi interessi, ma quelli delle classi privilegiate che, evidentemente, per salvare i loro privilegi economici si rigetterebbero, quasi dappertutto oggi, sotto la bandiera protettrice di un potere militare e poliziesco senza limiti. Quanto al popolo, se vuole emanciparsi, salvarsi, deve fare una sola cosa: non riformare il Governo, la Chiesa, lo Stato, ma abolirli.
«Nessun Governo! Nessuna Chiesa! Nessuno Stato! Ma allora sarà l’anarchia assoluta, la completa disorganizzazione della società? Sì, sarà l’anarchia dal punto di vista politico o governativo; ma sarà l’organizzazione dell’ordine, della giustizia, della libertà, dell’uguaglianza, cioè dell’umana solidarietà, dal punto di vista economico e sociale». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 183-184).
Come si vede, la critica di Bakunin coglie nel segno. Non si tratta della critica metafisica spesso corrente negli scritti anarchici sull’astensionismo, ma si tratta di una precisa critica di classe, in cui sono colte le componenti negative di una eventuale rappresentanza “rivoluzionaria”, cioè una rappresentanza di funzionari che intenda portare avanti le rivendicazioni popolari attraverso la costituzione di un governo rivoluzionario: in questo caso avremmo sempre l’azione di una classe privilegiata che, in mancanza di altre classi (da notare il riferimento sottinteso all’ipotesi marxista), impone se stessa come fulcro dello sfruttamento.
L’altro problema di cui dicevamo, quello relativo alle attività e agli errori della Comune di Parigi, è affrontato in dettaglio da Bakuunin nel \emph{Frammento T}, dimostrando l’infondatezza delle accuse criminali di Mazzini contro la Comune e il movimento socialista in senso generale. L’attenzione del lettore dovrebbe fermarsi di più sull’analisi degli errori della Comune, come ad esempio, quello relativo alla mancata espropriazione della Banca di Francia, analisi che necessariamente, per motivi polemici, è quasi messa fra le righe, dovendosi dimostrare la “pulizia” morale dei difensori della Comune, ma che, in ogni caso, costituiva uno degli elementi più interessanti del fenomeno rivoluzionario, almeno per lo stesso Bakunin. Infatti, se da un lato, di fronte all’impegno polemico, costretto a sottolineare in modo positivo le titubanze davanti agli espropri e alle condanne a morte, titubanze che in sostanza ebbero conseguenze soltanto negative nello svolgimento della lotta e che sono da ricollegarsi alla non trascurabile presenza di letterati negli organismi decisionali del comitato rivoluzionario, dall’altro non manca di criticare questa condotta indecisa, aprendosi chiaramente alla condanna a proposito della difesa della Banca di Francia, lampante dimostrazione degli effetti deleteri della persistenza della morale borghese all’interno di un organismo a larga componente proletaria e, comunque, con obiettivo rivoluzionario.
La ricchezza della tematica di Bakunin, appena visibile in questo primo volume delle \emph{Opere complete}, non si esaurisce in questo nostro sommario introduttivo, solo la lettura attenta dei testi di quello che consideriamo un grande teorico dell’anarchismo moderno, potrà far comprendere la vastità degli orizzonti di ricerca e la capacità sintetica delle soluzioni prospettate. Ecco perché questo primo volume è quasi come un invito alla lettura, per noi anarchici italiani, molto importante, in quanto concerne i rapporti di Bakunin col nascente movimento operaio del nostro Paese, ma è pure importante, in generale, per lo sviluppo del pensiero anarchico in ogni senso, in quanto proprio a partire dall’impatto con i problemi italiani si chiarirono in Bakunin, in modo definitivo, le linee essenziali della sua visione matura dell’anarchismo.
Che si interrompa, quindi, in questo modo, il lungo, complice, silenzio sull’opera di Bakunin e che s’inizi un nuovo periodo di riflessione e di approfondimento non per soffocante diletto di erudizione, ma con lo sguardo rivolto al futuro, agli impegni e alle carenze del movimento attuale.
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Catania, 8 maggio 1976
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\noindent [\emph{Introduzione} a M. Bakunin, \emph{Opere complete}, vol. I, tr. it., Catania 1976, pp. 7-18]
\chapter{La polemica con Mazzini\forcelinebreak Annotazioni}
Mai attacchi personali, anche quando sarebbero stati la risposta più spontanea e immediata alle ingiurie e alle calunnie. La sequenza della vita richiede un metro diverso nello scontro o si soffoca nelle balbettanti diatribe da cortile. Se c’è da rimanere lacerati intimamente, nei propri sentimenti, che questo avvenga a viso aperto, intessendo un movimento relazionale in cui si possono inserire significati che vanno oltre la stupidità umana che sempre accompagna le ingiurie e gli intrighi.
C’è un tempo per ascoltare – anche le accuse più infamanti – e un tempo per agire. Arrivato quest’ultimo tempo il primo si accartoccia e scompare. Era un tempo esterno, scandito dagli orologi del fare coatto, quello interno, l’eterno presente della qualità che non perdona le titubanze o le mezze misure, è l’unico che lascia un segno nella coscienza diversa. Questo segno corrisponde all’essere che è e non può non essere, al cuore che batte forte e chiaro mentre attorno danzano le anime diaboliche dei dannati che giocano con l’acqua e sghignazzano in un linguaggio incomprensibile ma assordante, comunque inumano.
Lasciarsi alle spalle le beghe da eunuchi o gli intrecci contorti realizzati da poveri esseri prigionieri della loro paura, paura che li fa urlare o stentatamente chiedere aiuto, quando niente e nessuno quell’aiuto può fornire. Abbandonare il tempo di coloro che sbattono le sbarre della cella per controllare se sono state segnate, che pensano con una velocità tanto ridotta da fermarsi spesso sul colpo, con la mazza ferrata in mano a mezz’aria, come colpiti da un incantesimo. Questo è il tempo delle congiunture meschine e avvilenti, corpi nudi allineati nelle docce sporche e fredde come obitori, locali dove qualcosa si lava sotto un getto d’acqua tiepida senza pensare se non al freddo e al vento che entra cattivo dalle imposte prive di vetri. Lasciare questi ritmi temporali disomogenei e stentati ed entrare in un presente diverso, dove l’antica ingiuria non c’è più, è svanita nel sogno discontinuo e nel risveglio doloroso ma vivo, palpitante di desideri ancora confusi che tardano a scappare via.
Il tempo dei ritmi coatti è lento e prevedibile, mutuato dal fare è esso stesso fare, oggetto e frammento di oggetti, usuale e tardo, stentato nel suo continuo rincorrere l’irraggiungibile completezza. Il presente nell’oltrepassamento va in senso inverso, ha quindi una volontà diversa, quella dell’essere che è, cioè è un tempo puntuale che si separa da quello usuale ma non lo elimina, anzi lo tiene distante, come se per il momento dell’azione, il mondo non ci fosse più, o fosse riuscito a prendere una strada tanto remota da risultare irraggiungibile. Eppure questo disinteresse è lacerazione, taglio, brusco arresto, inversione di processo, non è un semplice no. Lo scontro, come appare dalla rammemorazione, è brutale in maniera atroce. Il fare aspetta, protervo e incattivito, che l’esperienza diversa sia finita, e acquattati nella sua melma mille animali immondi aspettano anche loro. Sono gli alti esecutori delle opere della calunnia, coloro per cui la parola decisiva è trama e la sua coniugazione più praticata è tradimento.
Questi animali non sono capaci di leggere quello che la rammemorazione potrebbe dire loro, rimangono con le orecchie turate, mentre la loro smania forsennata li porta solo a nuovi imbrogli e nuove trame. Li ho osservati e anche descritti (\emph{Liber asinorum}, Catania 2000), la caccia è la manifestazione che più li caratterizza e vi si impegnano a fondo. Tutto quello che è vivo, attivo, qualitativamente diverso, li attira e li impaurisce rendendoli bestie selvagge, incapaci di riflettere, sia pure nell’ambito dello stesso addomesticamento che hanno ricevuto in dono. La ferocia che non sono mai stati capaci di esercitare contro il potere la scatenano contro chi colpisce la loro fantasia povera con un dispiegamento ricco e multiforme di proposte e di azioni, in questo pèrdono quasi del tutto la loro umanità, sia pure rinsecchita dalla lunga coabitazione col fare coatto.
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Compagni di strada ce ne sono parecchi. Aspettano di solito ai crocicchi più oscuri, quando imperversa la tempesta, tenendosi opportunamente al riparo. Hanno un carattere accondiscendente e permaloso, bisogna accettare il loro aiuto ma non impensierirli troppo, altrimenti si adombrano e scappano via. Ma quello che cercano veramente, nelle loro profferte di aiuto – a volte non infondate, ma sempre caute e circoscritte – è tacitare la propria cattiva coscienza. Se li si scopre in questo loro segreto bisogno, li si denuda e allora possono diventare pericolosi. Da compagni di viaggio si tramutano in costruttori di ostacoli, più raramente in calunniatori veri e propri, quasi mai in traditori.
Restando nella mera apparenza, quello che loro interessa è l’immagine e i benefici che da questa possono trarre. Giocano a costruirsi un mondo fittizio fatto di sogni, simboli, regolamenti e coerenze, tutti elencati con maniacale attenzione. Possono, volendo, seguire la coscienza diversa che propone loro – o semplicemente fa intravedere in modo approssimativo – l’azione, cercano una veloce sostituzione di immagine, dopo tutto sovrapponendo al fittizio il fittizio le modificazioni sono minime, ma non sono disponibili ad andare oltre. Per loro l’ultima frontiera è sempre nell’ambito del fare coatto, qui sono ricchi di parole e perfino di fatti, ma non agiscono, il coinvolgimento gli è proibito dalla melma politica che li soffoca.
Così, nella sostituzione di un’immagine all’altra, diventano sempre più sofisticati, esercitando tutte le tecniche metafisiche della dialettica, ma la loro cifra rimane puerile, basta un piccolo soffio di vento per essere spazzata via. L’imbroglio può persistere solo se li si vuole utilizzare ancora, in maniera vigile beninteso – quanto mi fu rimproverato a suo tempo questo pensiero da compagni che ritenevano di avere la verità in tasca –, ma prima o poi l’imbroglio si aggiorna e ne viene fuori uno nuovo ancora più efficace e pericoloso. Occorre allora decidersi ad abbandonare questi compagni di strada.
Si può fare la rivoluzione da soli? Noi anarchici da soli? No. So che questa risposta negativa è, nello stesso tempo, fondata ed enigmatica. In effetti è una domanda senza risposta. A un enigma si sovrappone un altro enigma. Molte sono le forze in gioco. L’attacco alla frontiera, immagine ben diversa dell’oltrepassamento, è facilmente ipotizzabile anche da gente che aspira a una più o meno faticosa sostituzione della gestione del potere. Questo lo sappiamo, ma non è con la stupida coerenza da fratelli francescani che si fanno le rivoluzioni. Questo attacco si frantuma in più pezzi che prendono direzioni inusitate. C’è un attacco dal basso, in cui si muovono forze che di solito sono statiche e vengono portate in giro, a destra e a manca, ma che improvvisamente, per motivi solo in parte comprensibili, attaccano alla frontiera costruita dal dominio, e c’è un attacco dall’alto, quadri specialisti, organismi armati, clandestini e tutto il resto. Naturalmente la preferenza anarchica va alla rivoluzione dal basso, ma non può escludersi uno storno, un recupero, una diversione di quest’ultima a causa del suo incontro sfortunato con processi organizzativi di matrice autoritaria. Allora anche questo attacco alla frontiera – di per sé da privilegiarsi – risulta un banale movimento di compagni di strada. Il procedere peculiare degli anarchici è altro.
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La lotta contro le formulazioni astratte della filosofia – idealista in primo luogo – può essere condotta sul piano dell’apparenza. Uno scontro tra immagini. A una immagine se ne sostituisce un’altra. Evocata la seconda, la prima scompare. Questo gioco è inarrestabile e, alla fine, si deve ammettere che non esiste un’immagine che riesca a fissarsi al di là dell’apparenza. Nel frattempo il flusso dell’astrazione si è velocemente indirizzato verso la parete impenetrabile della caverna dei massacri, dove le ombre non si acquietano per questa nuova programmazione di fantasmi. Nel fare, tutta la conoscenza è catalogata e ricondotta ad oggetto amministrato, essa è così prodotta come immagine. Si tratta di un processo che può essere spezzato solo con l’oltrepassamento, portando la conoscenza ad uno scontro implacabile con la qualità.
La critica materialista dell’idealismo è andata molto oltre un semplice rimpallare di egoismi e altruismi. Oggi sappiamo molto di più e meglio quanto sia orribile ciò che sta sotto l’altruismo e quanto sia positivo ciò che alberga sotto l’egoismo. Imporre un ordine nuovo è branca del potere non è egoismo, la confusione produce l’effetto di non capire i sacrifici e i costi che comporta ogni conquista e ogni gestione del potere, qualunque essa sia. Nulla di più spaventoso e brutto esiste della vita di un uomo di potere. La sua miseria non è soltanto nella sua meschinità ma nel suo desiderio smisurato di prevalere e di dominare, di possedere non oggetti concreti o ricchezze – non sempre – ma solo immagini.
La rivoluzione anarchica, partendo dall’autogestione generalizzata, quindi dalla distruzione totale e irreversibile del mondo vecchio, non è altruista, è semplicemente l’assolutamente altro, l’immanifesto che si affaccia nella nuova prospettiva di un fare radicalmente trasformato. Certo, si tratta sempre di un attacco alla frontiera, che può anche andare fallito, e si tratta di un ritorno ad un fare – la produzione, anche autogestita, è un fare – ma che ha vissuto l’esperienza della qualità. Che cosa nutre di una indomabile energia questo oltrepassamento, questa esperienza qualitativa? Non lo si può spiegare con certezza. Ci sono mille motivi in gioco e fra questi non c’è l’altruismo.
La frenesia rivoluzionaria, così impostata ben al di là di una semplice verniciatura dell’eterno idealismo filosofico, ha un ritmo interno provocato, fra i tanti motivi, dalla esperienza qualitativa che il rivoluzionario anarchico porta nella realtà attraverso la rammemorazione. Qui questo dire dell’essere che è e non può non essere diventa osservazione di una coscienza diversa diretta a smantellare, distruggendola, l’ordinata coazione del fare. Si tratta di un’osservazione che non ammette tregua, che non intende quietarsi, anzi insiste nel forzare continuamente gli equilibri della coazione produttiva senza necessariamente suggerire un modello precostituito, impossibile a derivarsi dall’esperienza qualitativa radicalmente diversa. C’è pertanto, all’interno della rivoluzione anarchica, anche e principalmente nella forma dell’autogestione generalizzata, un movimento caotico che mima, nella rammemorazione, l’istigazione, insistente e senza remore, verso la distruzione.
Tutto ciò non è una critica filosofica del quietismo fattivo, fatta in nome di un astratto attivismo che non conosce l’immanifesta qualità, perché quest’ultima non può essere conosciuta dai filosofi ma solo colta vivendola da chi agisce e non riflette su tutte le possibili conseguenze della propria azione. Il punto non è quindi da collocare su di una pretesa differenziazione tra egoismo e altruismo, intesi entrambi nell’ottica deformante della filosofia, ma nell’elemento concreto della rivolta contro l’autorità. E siccome ogni autorità viene dal modello archetipo, cioè da Dio, consiste nella rivolta contro Dio. Questa rivolta passa attraverso la coscienza immediata, individuale, che si sottopone all’autosservazione, cioè riflette inquieta su se medesima e richiede il perché della coazione a fare racchiusa senza speranza nell’ambito oggettuale. Ogni osservazione, riflessa in questo modo, arriva presto all’esacerbazione. Il sospetto che il fare non sia il solo mondo possibile né tanto meno il migliore dei mondi possibili, si insinua nella rivolta contro Dio e travalica nell’abbandono della fede nel mondo. Si diventa così esperti nel trovare le tracce dell’incompletezza che affliggono l’oggetto, che siamo poi noi stessi, amministrati dal fare, e si scatena l’inquietudine che conduce alla rischiosa impresa del coinvolgimento. Il dio della salvaguardia e del perdono è messo così sotto accusa. In fondo tutti i guai dell’economia – scienza del dominio per eccellenza – iniziano dalla fede in Dio, come egregiamente ha dimostrato Proudhon. Incontrando nel fare l’ombra lunga del dio si misurano le conseguenze della coazione accettata volontariamente. Ogni incontro con questo dio causa delle ferite e ognuno di noi ne porta le cicatrici con sé per tutta la vita.
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Storicismo e determinismo, un binomio indissolubile. La soluzione dialettica è solo un espediente metafisico, più o meno elaborato. Uscire da questi fantasmi filosofici significa respirare aria pura, anche se l’atmosfera più rarefatta della qualità può causare problemi di respirazione negli spiriti deboli. L’azione è ben altra cosa di un fare determinato che, anche in questo caso, non ha leggi di causa ed effetto – immaginate da una scienza ormai attardata su schemi definitivamente scongiurati – ma processi probabilistici, non per questo meno coatti. L’azione è assolutamente altro ed è un obbligo ineludibile per contrastare i progetti controrivoluzionari desiderosi di impadronirsi del potere per operare un cambio della guardia. Agendo non sono osservato da qualcun altro, non sono sottoposto ad amministrazione controllata, sono finalmente giusto, vero, bello, ma più di tutto, e al di là di tutto, sono libero, solo nell’attimo atemporale della mia esperienza qualitativa, e nella qualità non mi osservo nemmeno da me stesso, non mi auto-osservo, agisco perché sono l’essere che è e non può non essere, sono completo nella mia incompletezza fattiva a cui dovrò pure fare ritorno. Agire mi trasforma senza che me ne renda conto, sono una coscienza diversa che agisce diversamente, ma non posso conoscere questa diversità sostituendo una teoria filosofica – poniamo idealista – con un’altra – poniamo materialista – sarebbe un baloccamento stupido e ingannatore, porterei nella caverna dei massacri altre ombre da aggiungere a quelle già in movimento nella sua impenetrabile parete.
Il progresso, e i suoi miti, si racchiudono nell’involucro storico e filosofico. Esso alimenta la caverna dei massacri allo stesso modo della reazione. La sinistra e la destra sono due modi che differiscono solo in dettagli trascurabili di conquistare e possedere, mantenendolo, il potere. Non sono il bene e il male. Entrambi autorizzano lo sfruttamento sfrenato o controllato – ma sempre feroce – che rende intollerabile la vita sotto la coazione produttiva. Ma la ferocia ancora più spietata – del progresso e della reazione – è data dal condizionamento oggettuale che ci costringe ad accettare la realtà dello sfruttamento, scientificamente corroborata, come la sola soluzione possibile per la nostra esistenza. L’apparire è messo sul trono, con la democrazia o con la dittatura, e vi regna incontrastato. Se la coscienza immediata cede a questo ricatto essa è perduta, solidifica il proprio tempo interno in scansioni che corrispondono ai ritmi produttivi dell’oggetto, viene deificata e amministrata esattamente come l’oggetto coatto. Ma c’è un modo di non fare corrispondere il tempo interno con quello esterno, ed è la contrazione puntuale del primo nell’oltrepassamento. La via d’uscita è stretta e richiede coraggio, il coinvolgimento nell’azione sconvolge l’esistenza e può anche produrre attorno a sé la desolazione e l’isolamento, conduce però all’esperienza diretta che la coscienza diversa fa della libertà. In più, questa esperienza, non è conoscibile in termini di logica dell’a poco a poco, ma è comunicabile con la logica del tutto e subito, mediante la rammemorazione. Queste annotazioni sono sprazzi e tracce di alcune rammemorazioni. L’uso delle parole qui non è cronologicamente determinato dal passato al futuro, esso si indirizza direttamente al destino e da questo si aspetta una risposta che potrà venire attraverso la fruizione e l’intendimento, per me e per altri, della stessa parola rammemorante. Questa strana e misteriosa condizione del destino, colta attraverso la rammemorazione, ha conseguenze non prevedibili. Eccomi quindi scrivere al buio, intuendo il sentiero nella foresta più che vedendolo, cogliendo le segnature di Bakunin senza essere certo di conoscerle fino in fondo, almeno fino in fondo alla loro radice storica e filosofica. Qui salto fuori dagli assassinii che corroborano la caverna dei massacri, creo una specie particolare di parola che non ha la responsabilità esatta – o presunta tale – del rispecchiamento. So che la verità è una qualità non un modo di duplicare gli oggetti. So anche che questa particolare parola non è più intelligente o più persuasiva, essa è soltanto diversa, non qualitativamente diversa, che è parola e non azione, ma è diversa nel significato modesto e circoscritto che si dà a questo termine nel fare amministrato dell’allucinazione. Essa è però indipendente e irraggiungibile, non fa parte di una serie produttiva prestabilita, non traccia un cammino, non segue le leggi del movimento linerare, ed è per questo che il destino la coglie in maniera incalcolabile.
L’inevitabile emergere di un’idea riconferma la sua necessità storica. Ciò fonda un circolo vizioso. Sorge la paura, e dalla paura la miseria sconsolata dell’uomo. Da qui lo sguardo si allarga a qualche punto vicino o lontano, qualche punto nevralgico che può dare consolazione. Dal male deriva il bene e dal bene il male. La desolazione è reciproca come l’illusione della cura o almeno del sollievo. Un equilibrio tra assassinio e salvezza, instabile, istituzionalizzato, posto fuori contesto. Mirabile costruzione del fare. Edificio e prigione, bordello e chiesa salmodiante. Nessuna consolazione. Attorno il deserto cresce e tutti alberghiamo deserti dentro di noi. Spesso chiamiamo dio questi deserti e inviamo capri espiatori con sulle corna un cartiglio di appello. Sogniamo di scrivere per scongiurare quello che questo arido luogo di morte ci manda a dire. Forse la nostra scrittura è solo un segno, una breve incisione su di un tronco d’albero nella foresta, forse scolpiamo una pietra come quella che mi ha dato occhi blu prima di partire per quest’ultima avventura e che un nano vigliacco mi ha sottratto e buttato via con parte del mio cuore. Forse saltiamo fuori dal fondo della paura, dove alberga la morte, con un mugolio indistinto, unica possibilità che ci resta prima di chiuderci a riccio in posizione fetale di difesa di fronte alla catena che minaccia di sigillare per sempre i nostri sogni in una tomba. Forse è una parola dinamica, insignificante, senza contenuto, strozzata, non composta di materia lessicale ma di umore fisico, sudore, fremito, angoscia, lacrime, un urlo, forse, di terrore derivato dalla coscienza non ancora venuta alla luce della propria perdita. Forse è solo uno sguardo, multiplo, celere, aggirante, atteso a cogliere gli ultimi barbagli di vita libera, o che tale sembra essere dall’interno della tomba dove stiamo per cadere. Forse è dio, appena più acuto come rantolo, come singulto, ulteriore sguardo che cerca di ritardare l’evento non più rinviabile. Forse è un residuo di speranza, raccattato come un piccole fiore, minuscolo e insignificante, senza avere il tempo di osservarlo bene e scoprire così che anche lui, come tutto ciò che esiste veramente, è formato da tante piccole parti, altri piccolissimi fiori disposti a corolla. Forse è una breve e nemmeno percepibile distanza che sorge quasi dal nulla, una dilazione che il carnefice astutamente consente per meglio calibrare il colpo. Non è certo un determinarci necessario ma il suo esatto contrario. Il sole sorge ancora e la notte torna a distendersi sulle stupide cose degli uomini. Neanche questo è inevitabile, considerato al di là delle misere scansioni cronologiche umane.
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Via i fantasmi divini, siamo maggiorenni e sicuri di noi stessi. Ma siamo anche feriti e doloranti. Ancora la storia e la filosofia, ancora il loro procacciare assassinii per la caverna dei massacri. E con tutto questo ci pensiamo signori del mondo. Certo, signori da operetta, questo sì. Siamo i dominatori delle ombre che si riflettono sulla parete, ma non dobbiamo guardare in basso, nel lago di sangue, dobbiamo sempre fare attenzione a distogliere gli occhi. Il processo produttivo nel suo insieme ci deve restare ignoto, lo dobbiamo adorare come un idolo maligno ma non cominciare a conoscerlo, se scopriamo i suoi meccanismi, nemmeno tanto segreti, comincia la paura. Ci sdoppiamo e anche continuiamo a sdoppiarci, ci frantumiamo in molti piccoli incubi che si riflettono nell’occhio guercio di una ingenua visione di salvezza. La mano che scende su di noi, potente e invisibile, ci porta via rimettendo in sesto la nostra distrutta unità. Non c’è nessuna mano divina o umana in grado di salvarci se non spezziamo da soli l’incantesimo della quantità che ci opprime e ci sovrasta impunemente. Si è trattato di un abbaglio che la paura ha ingigantito a dismisura, che continua a crescere parallelamente alla crescita della nostra disperazione nello smembramento complessivo che ci circonda, che continua a urlare la sua pazzia fuori misura nelle nostre orecchie. Non siamo maggiorenni, siamo forti ma piccoli, e siamo forti abbastanza solo quando acquisiamo una coscienza dell’essere che è e non può non essere, cioè una coscienza diversa, e questo lo possiamo fare solo impegnandoci, tutti in una volta, nell’oltrepassamento.
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L’umanità è la società. Ci si sente uomini solo insieme all’umanità intera. Consolazione mistificante, forse liberatoria di alcune paure marginali, ma traditrice. Una strana e misteriosa consolazione denuncia un imbroglio. Io mi sento unico e sono da solo che mi inoltro nella foresta. Mi guardo attorno e vedo una miriade di fantasmi aggirarsi ai margini del muro compatto della vegetazione, fantasmi che sognano di essere alla luce, di essere loro i portatori di luce, e invece sono in un buio sapientemente amministrato. Nelle tenebre del mio sentiero che si inoltra nella foresta ho io una luce maggiore che illumina i miei passi. Non ho scritto il mio nome sulla corteccia degli alberi né lasciato segni del mio passaggio, ritrovo invece altri segni, segnature disseminate nel sentiero, reperti originari non scritti ma impressi a fuoco giusto per me. Il sentiero è mio e vi porto dentro la mia conoscenza – che questa è comunità d’intenti, se vogliamo – ma procedendo nel percorso impervio, mentre la foresta si fa più fitta, devo abbandonare raccogliendo al suo posto le segnature che rinvengo, preistoriche e prefilosofiche, un registro inciso sui sassi e deposto nella sabbia mobile che non cerca di spiegarmi come stanno le cose, anzi tace e mi considera un intruso, un velleitario esploratore che non sa i pericoli che corre. Ma non ho bisogno di spiegazioni, so quello che mi aspetta nell’azione ed è per questo che alleggerisco il mio bagaglio di umanità. Quello che mi aspetta è un combattimento individuale con l’esperienza assolutamente altra. La mia vita è tutta in questo combattimento, ruota attorno ad esso, ma sono altro, sono qui e ora, tutto e subito, perché sono la qualità senza sfumature o attenuazioni. Tornerò, sì che tornerò. Non so quando, qui non c’è il tempo a scandire i ritmi qualitativi, ma solo il bagliore del presente, eterno, totale. Non mi sono avvicinato per gradi, acquistando coraggio dall’umanità che mi ha tenuto in seno per tanti anni, per troppi anni, queste illusioni, parallele alle indecisioni, attenevano alla coscienza immediata, quando mi aggiravo al margine della foresta e guardavo con meravigliata sorpresa i miei compagni, fantasmi e ombre, mutevoli come pagliacci e smorfiosi come reclutatori. Poi tutto è precipitato, l’oltrepassamento e la qualità. La scena aggrovigliata nella parete della caverna dei massacri è scomparsa e la pantomima non ha avuto esito alcuno. Ho voltato le spalle all’umanità e mi sono avviato. Il concorso collettivo di tutti gli uomini lo ritrovo nella rammemorazione, un ritorno per certi aspetti traumatico, come tutte le uscite dalla foresta. Nessuno di questi fantasmi, e nessuna ombra, ha udito lo sferragliamento del mio scontro, per molti di loro è stato soltanto un mio sogno maligno. La realtà potrà risvegliarli e costringerli a prendere cognizione dei miei conati rammemorativi? Non lo so. Non mi è sembrato che occhi e cuori affini mi cercassero mentre combattevo nella foresta, ma forse ero troppo preso dalla mia esperienza diversa per rendermene conto. Forse so troppo poco di loro, forse dietro le ombre e i fantasmi l’apparenza si affievolisce e l’essere si rapprende. Forse. Non ne sarei molto sicuro. Per il momento quel poco che so di una possibile comprensione mi è ingannevole. Aspetto che la rammemorazione faccia il suo lavoro.
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Nuclei minimi di libertà, di verità, di bellezza, residui che si aggirano nel mondo del fare e quasi sempre annegano nella melma politica di un mondo amministrato. Sono nuclei della futura rivoluzione anarchica? Non lo so. Partire da essi per costruire uno sviluppo progressivo? Non mi sembra possibile. E la caverna dei massacri? Non basta osservare la mia lotta attraverso l’intricato intreccio della foresta, occorre mettersi in gioco, correre il rischio della propria vita, coinvolgersi in un sapere diverso, inavvertito, non immaginabile, quindi indifendibile e non commerciabile. Occorre alzare gli occhi al di là della parete inviolabile della caverna, guardare altrove, lontano, nel deserto che sta oltre e nella foresta, oltre la misura e l’angustia, oltre la conoscenza che si fa dominatrice di un mondo vecchio e triste, oltre l’incapacità di desiderare quello che è immanifesto. E tutto ciò non è assommazione di piccoli benefici, di residui difendibili e difesi da paladini di tutti i diritti, tutto ciò ha bisogno di sguardi acuti non di occhi resi ciechi dall’abitudine coatta. Un progresso incessante si nasconde in queste tracce che si rinvengono a fatica nel mondo del fare? Non lo so, non credo. Si è ormai andati troppo in là nell’amministrazione dell’assassinio, si è perso anche il nome e il ricordo se non proprio l’origine di questi residui e molti insistono nel vederli ancora in opera ma sono ombre che scrutano ombre, fantasmi che inseguono fantasmi. Rimane solo il rumore del macchinario che produce, delle catene che costringono a produrre, dell’incompletezza che svilisce ogni sogno e ogni speranza.
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Doveri e diritti si reggono a vicenda, capovolgendosi nella priorità fissano i limiti del dominio e la sua legittimità. Quando il tempo del diritto si strappa da quello del dovere la corsa senza fine della follia legalizzata dilaga. Posso fondare la mia vita sui miei diritti? Non so. Forse posso farlo ma allora debbo aspettare che qualcuno me li ratifichi, li riconosca in un fare documentato e circoscritto. Questo qualcuno ha pertanto la possibilità, in base alla carta dei diritti che ne consegue, di usare di me ma non di abusare. La catena viene così colorata a nuovo e allungata, sogno contento la libertà. Ma la veglia, perenne sotto la sferza della schiavitù sancita dai diritti, è angustiante. La distanza dalla qualità cresce, non si accorcia. Sogno contento la libertà ma cominciano ad affacciarsi i primi incubi. Che non ci sia differenza tra diritti e doveri? Che gli uni siano l’altra faccia degli altri nella medesima medaglia? Non lo so. Può essere. E se è così gli incubi si affollano a popolare il mondo coatto che mi opprime e mi soffoca. Respiro a fatica. Come sfuggire alla loro caccia insistente? Mi circondano da ogni lato mi sollecitano a lavorare per il lago di sangue, a mettere le mie doti al servizio del massacro, in compenso riconosceranno queste mie doti e mi leggeranno una favola suadente la sera, comodamente seduti, prima di andare a letto. Sono ben disposti i donatori di riconoscimenti, mi hanno sollecitato per tutta la vita, girandomi attorno come mosconi inferociti. Ma la loro ossessione non si è impadronita di me, ed eccomi qui, in questo carcere greco, a scrivere queste righe, mentre li sento grattare, senza sapere bene per quale motivo, dietro la porta blindata. Ecco i tuoi diritti, mi urlano nelle orecchie, assordandomi. Ma la lingua che non conosco mi viene incontro e non capisco quello che dicono. Ci vuole poco per farmi morire, intuiscono, ed è la sola verità palpabile, viste le precarie condizioni fisiche in cui mi trovo. Ma in fondo è un gioco d’astuzia. Io mi ingegno di giocarli mostrandomi abbattuto dal dolore alla spalla – un tumore sta rosicchiando l’omero sinistro – e loro accettano il duello dello sfinimento. Non sono ancora morto ma nemmeno sono sicuro di riuscire a sfuggire alle loro grinfie. Non mi posseggono, di questo sono certo, mi tengono detenuto. Sono ancora forte? Ecco, questo non lo so. Dove finisce la forza e comincia la debolezza? Esiste un confine sufficientemente netto? Chi può dirlo?
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Guerra di simboli. Dio e Satana. Principio di autorità e rivolta individuale e collettiva. Fin qui siamo nell’ambito dell’apparenza. Strumenti repressivi e progetti liberatori vengono fabbricati a freddo e messi l’uno contro l’altro per disputarsi il potere in nome della libertà. Non c’è in questo un vero e proprio sommovimento che di ombre sulla parete inattaccabile della caverna dei massacri. Accanto al fuoco acceso sul caminetto, animi speranzosi dibattono sul modo migliore di farsi uccidere sulle barricate. Nei salotti, accanto a ben più ricchi caminetti, vecchi in redingote disputano anche loro su come massacrare gli insorti sulle barricate. Imprudente questa contrapposizione? Lo dite perché ne siete convinti o perché fa parte dell’oleografia rivoluzionaria? Bisognerebbe trovare la pista che porta al margine della foresta, e qui inoltrarsi nel sentiero che conduce all’oltrepassamento. La qualità non è il risultato di un utilizzo intelligente e strategico del fare quantitativo, essa è l’assolutamente altro. La rivolta accende una luce nel buio che circonda la foresta, ma mille riflettori produttivi la rendono invisibile, l’abbacinano, l’azzerano, la costringono a incrudelire nelle chiusure e negli artifici militari. Linguaggi incomprensibili cercano di alimentare quella fiaccola, di farla apparire un fare e, qualche volta, giocando sull’equivoco, ci riescono anche. Ma la rivolta è altrove, questa decodificazione artefatta la mima soltanto. I fantasmi non ne hanno paura ma è loro interesse, per reprimerla preventivamente, fingere di averne paura. Nessuno sa, in fondo, di che cosa si stia parlando e che cosa si stia facendo. Il rimescolio della produzione macina tutto sotto la medesima ruota di pietra, molino attraverso cui si accede alla caverna sotterranea dei massacri. Manca la liberazione violenta, trasmessa dall’aria, che contrassegna l’oltrepassamento, manca l’avventura nella qualità. La rivolta programmata a freddo è simile a un purgante, serve per smuovere uno stomaco pigro, è inutile per chi ha il coraggio di agire. L’azione, prima di ogni altra cosa, è rivolta, non può lasciare immobile l’aria che circonda, essa trascina con sé anche i fuscelli che giacciono acquattati nel sentiero nella foresta. Più che un vento di tempesta è un uragano.
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La tradizione non è un porto sicuro dove ormeggiare una nave che fa acqua, è un flusso che porta con sé gli spiriti deboli, gli irresoluti, coloro che aspettano un cenno dal cielo per attaccare e preferiscono subire piuttosto di prendere l’iniziativa. È il passato che può anche prendere il sopravvento e bloccare qualsiasi iniziativa lasciando che il presente si agganci a quanto l’ha preceduto senza causare troppe scosse né incidere segni particolari sulla pelle dei ribelli. La tradizione può attutire l’iniziativa e scoraggiare, può essere un peso e non un punto di forza e, alla fine, può diventare un’arma con cui distruggere i portatori della diversità. Essa è un sigillo che, impresso nei nostri cuori, ci ricorda quello che altri come noi hanno fatto e contro cui non si può lottare senza scomodare i convincimenti che quello che è stato fatto ha finito per sedimentare. Ecco la voce insinuante che suggerisce di lasciar perdere, di fare tornare tutto al suo posto, di ripetere all’infinito quello che è di già accaduto all’ombra del quale generazioni sono sorte e sono scomparse, hanno sofferto ed hanno alla fine dovuto soccombere. Se si mettono le cose in questo modo, si resta prigionieri di mille cautele che bloccano un avvicinamento diverso, e che fanno considerare la frattura necessaria dell’oltrepassamento, operata nel corpo del fare, una vera barbarie. Attenersi alla tradizione è un modo sicuro per accettare l’orribile esecuzione coatta e, alla fine, convincersi della sua ineluttabilità. Ci possono essere elementi di grande interesse conoscitivo in essa, eppure alla fine bisogna decidersi ad abbandonarla. Se attorno alla propria testa si raccolgono le nubi della tempesta e non si vede da quale parte ci si possa indirizzare per rompere i vincoli che ci stanno soffocando, se attorno a noi volano bassi i neri uccelli della conoscenza e annunciano che i tempi sono maturi per il calar del sole e che quindi bisogna chetarsi, allora è il momento di alzare la testa e di infondere coraggio alla propria azione. In caso contrario, è la notte eterna dell’accondiscendimento ad avere la meglio.
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La distinzione fra le classi è problema spinoso che l’oppressione amministrata del fare si è incaricata di modulare in modo differente sulla base delle proprie necessità produttive. Molto è cambiato negli ultimi decenni e la realtà non ha più la rigidità cadaverica di una volta. La forma bicolore si è cangiata in macchia di leopardo e questa macchia è diventata una stoffa a chiazze di colori diversi, con sfumature sempre più tenui. Ciò non toglie nulla all’esclusione e all’inclusione, alla condizione dei dominati e a quella dei dominanti, ma la coscienza di appartenenza è andata sfumando insieme al variare cangiante della suddetta colorazione. Dov’è andata la vitalità e la combattività di una volta? Non lo so. Forse non c’è mai stata, imbrigliata nell’ideologia della ripresa e della sostituzione, del cambio della guardia e della presa del Palazzo d’Inverno. Inoltrarsi nella foresta è sempre più difficile, trovare il proprio sentiero verso la rivolta e la qualità è ancora più difficile. Sembra che tutto vaghi alla deriva sulla barca della provvisorietà e dell’accostamento progressivo alla necessità che prima si conoscano tutte le sfaccettature del problema. È la barca dei morti quella che cerca in tutti i recessi, anche i più remoti, ogni possibile documentazione per accedere poi, soltanto dopo, all’azione. Il cielo è nero e coperto di nubi, non è facile trovare questa documentazione che metta in quiete la coscienza immediata, altre le tappe, altre le correnti da seguire, altri i segni da decifrare e le formule da scongiurare. Questi giochi, il fare coatto li controlla benissimo e indica egli stesso il percorso obbligato da seguire. Non ci si può perdere. E invece occorre perdersi, non aspettare soluzioni da formule prefabbricate nel castello teutonico del potere, occorre prendere la rotta sbagliata, dare un colpo inavvertito al timone, ritrovarsi in un punto sconosciuto, pieno di secche e di sabbie mobili. Occorre essere in una condizione irrimediabile, come quella in cui mi trovo, con le spalle al muro. Aspettare aiuti dalla gestione malinconica della morte è una follia. Questa malattia non può essere guarita.
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Prendere nella mani il proprio fare non vuol dire l’autogestione generalizzata, vuol dire ereditare il mondo vecchio e gestirlo per conto e nel modo del dominio, in maniera forse meno coatta ma sempre apparente. In questa balenata possibilità c’è l’ossessione del possesso se non della proprietà, l’occhiuta attenzione del cacciatore di fantasmi, fantasma egli stesso che si siede sull’orlo del lago di sangue e discute con le ombre che si profilano sull’invalicabile parete. È l’ossessione comunitaria del passaggio, del trasferimento. Non è certo una colpa cercare di migliorare la propria condizione di schiavo e consentire un allungamento della catena. Lo faccio giornalmente, qui dove mi trovo, in questo carcere greco, per avere un po’ più di spazio per respirare e non morire soffocato. Ma la questione qualitativa sta altrove. La quantità è un trabocchetto che fa cadere nello svolgimento cronologico ritmato dalla produzione coatta, chi vi cade dentro precipita senza potersi fermare, si illude così di stare andando avanti, di migliorare la propria condizione, di difendere i propri diritti e non si accorge di essere avvolto nel sudario del meccanismo. La morte è alle spalle e lui non la vede. La vecchia sorniona sta affilando la sua falce. Produrre in questo modo, anche facendosi lasciare in eredità il mondo vecchio, con una forzatura che ha la forma abusata della rivoluzione politica, è una colpa, a questo punto possiamo dire che è la colpa per eccellenza perché blocca la possibilità di rompere la catena una volta per tutte. L’inaudito passaggio verso la qualità è certo esperienza diversa, individuale, ma ha la sua dimensione collettiva nella completa distruzione del mondo vecchio con cui può cominciare l’autogestione generalizzata. La foresta annuncia questa indispensabile e lieta novità, è essa stessa un simbolo di assoluta estraneità al mondo vecchio, periferia ombrosa e appartata dove si aggirano, per sentieri ancora da scoprire, gli uomini incredibili dell’oltrepassamento. Abolire ogni dominio non può avere altro significato che quello di distruggere il mondo vecchio fondato sul dominio del fare coatto.
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Il proletariato non si è conservato intatto, se mai lo è stato, oggi più che mai è responsabile col suo contributo lavorativo dell’afflusso che il fare garantisce verso la caverna dei massacri. Non può aspettare che un passaggio di consegne, più o meno sanguinoso, gli garantisca il ripristino di una verginità perduta da tempo. Quelli che come me sono rimasti con le unghie pronte all’uso, disposti all’azione, capiscono bene di cosa sto parlando. Gli altri, purtroppo i tanti, devono fare uno sforzo e sconvolgere la propria coscienza immediata, inventarsi un mondo nuovo, nella loro testa prima di tutto, poi passare alla distruzione di quello vecchio. Non ci potrà più essere lavoro consegnato al fare coatto se non si vuole sottoscrivere la propria responsabilità riguardo i massacri in atto. Non si può gareggiare in ferocia con le zanne dei grandi predatori capitalisti, bisogna essere predatori di un altro tipo, con altri mezzi e altri progetti. I dominatori continuano a dominare salendo sulle nostre spalle, facendo fischiare la frusta, non ci perdonerebbero mai un leggero scossone, una radicale distruzione non potrebbero fronteggiarla. Bisogna quindi allargare il repertorio delle nostre azioni, non rinchiudersi in modelli appartenenti, essi stessi, al mondo vecchio, non possiamo attaccare secondo regole codificate dal nemico, dobbiamo inventarne di nuove e una semplice radicalizzazione non è sufficiente. Bisogna inoltrarsi nel sentiero nella foresta, diventare attaccanti allo stato puro, semplice e qualitativamente diverso, e per prima cosa agire contro noi stessi, contro i codici ideologici e le coperture recuperative che ci soffocano. Bisogna oltrepassare, vivere la frattura morale di cui ho parlato nell’antichità. Mettersi il coltello tra i denti significa essere impietosi, prima di tutto contro se stessi.
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La distruzione del mondo vecchio comprende anche quella della reggenza politica che lo tiene in piedi, anche se reggenza democratica. Non ci sono mezzi termini, qualsiasi assemblea schiaccia una minoranza, la quale alla fine deve insorgere per salvarsi o viene a sua volta distrutta. L’autogestione generalizzata non può essere coordinata da un’assemblea di funzionari delegati, sia pure con mandati circoscritti, gratuiti e a tempo. Non c’è verso di impedire la formazione di una cricca dirigente. Nel procedere distruttivo emergono i metodi e i progetti produttivi autogestiti e da questa emersione i contatti e gli accordi fra lotta e produzione, mille assemblee, continuamente in movimento, caotiche e contraddittorie, sono meglio di un’assemblea che diventa allevatrice dei futuri dominatori. L’ordine, fosse pure quello spacciato come appartenente alla natura delle cose, è il veleno della società nuova. Nella foresta non posso avere appreso la delega e la rappresentanza, solo il coinvolgimento totale, il rischio e il pericolo. Se persiste un dubbio, l’oltrepassamento non avviene, torno indietro, rientro nelle mie inquietudini, nelle mie colpe. Non mi apposto più in attesa della qualità che mi sconvolga il mondo che ancora rimugino nella coscienza immediata, rinuncio per paura e ripercorro di corsa in senso inverso i pochi passi fatti nel sentiero mentre le ombre della sera mi corrono dietro.
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La morale prima di tutto. Ma quale morale? Quella mutuata dalle regole costantemente infrante dai dominatori o quella di chi si dispone all’azione? A lungo ho parlato della frattura che ognuno deve superare dentro di sé per allungare la mano e infrangere i tanti tabù che ci circondano. I gesti dell’attacco non possono portarsi dietro i fantasmi dell’ordine e della prudenza, non possono lasciare sussistere il dubbio, tenace da sconfiggere. Il mondo che voglio sconfiggere trasformandolo, si protegge con uno scudo morale pluridecorato, ricco dei colori dell’apparenza virtuosa, regolarmente infranta e ricostituita dal meccanismo produttivo stesso. Il rifornimento della caverna dei massacri non deve interrompersi, deve fluire indisturbato. Questa è la moralità dominante, assassinare impunemente, giustificare e proteggere l’assassinio come strumento per perpetuare il dominio. Se voglio rompere questa connivenza, disgustato da tanto tartufismo e da tanto sangue versato, devo rompere con questa moralità da gesuiti. Come alzo la mano per colpire il tabù, ecco che l’arma mi viene puntata contro, vengo messo in grado di non nuocere. Ma posso andare oltre lo stesso, correndo i rischi necessari e assumendomi le responsabilità che mi concernono. Non devo farmi ingannare dalle figure magnificamente dipinte sulla parete dei massacri, figure che si mescolano alle ombre per rendere più appetibile la produzione oggettuale che si fonda sulla coazione amministrata. Questa storia, fatta dai fantasmi per essere goduta da fantasmi, è avvincente, incongrua e casuale, ma affascinante. La letteratura dei grandi geni si è impegnata molto in questa confezione. Non è facile purgarsi la mente dalla poesia, seconda soltanto alla musica. È storia che viene da lontano e si perde nella notte dei tempi, ma anche un trascurabile segmento è sufficiente per bloccare la mia ricerca della qualità, se non mando tutto all’aria, se non getto il mio cuore oltre l’ostacolo. I comunardi e la difesa della Banca di Francia. Troppe cose erano successe, molte di esse costituiscono ancora un esempio per tutti noi. La banca no. Non doveva essere toccata. Il tabù è stato più forte di ogni spinta rivoluzionaria. L’eccesso si registra dappertutto ma non sfiora il dio del capitale, il denaro. Per allungare la mano occorre superare la frattura morale. Nei pressi del lago di sangue una voce sconosciuta continua a giustificare il massacro, naturale conseguenza di come vanno le cose nel mondo e, nello stesso tempo, a condannare ogni gesto diretto a intaccare la sacralità proprietaria. E questa voce accenna a delle segrete connessioni, a corrispondenze perturbate, che bisogna assolutamente salvaguardare. Basta parlare, bisogna agire. Le antiche storie sono tutte favorevoli al massacro, i libri ne sono pieni, liberatevi da questi ostacoli se volete indirizzarvi verso l’oltrepassamento. L’afasia deriva da un eccesso di chiacchiere, da un disgusto di chiacchiere. L’azione è silenziosa pulizia, almeno questo è un passo avanti nel sentiero nella foresta.
\chapter{La Prima Internazionale in Italia e il conflitto con Marx}
La lettura dei testi di Bakunin raccolti in questo secondo volume delle \emph{Opere complete}, apre la strada ad una serie d’importanti considerazioni sul rapporto tra marxismo e anarchismo o, se si vuole, in forma più ampia, sul rapporto tra il modo autoritario d’intendere la lotta rivoluzionaria ed il modo libertario. Solo che, al termine della lettura, quando la vasta raccolta messa insieme dalla costanza e dall’erudizione storiografica di Lehning, si è dispiegata sotto i nostri occhi, ci accorgiamo che il segno tradizionale di questo scontro è leggermente diverso, appare con chiarezza, dapprima lentamente – come un senso di disagio – e poi, a poco a poco, con maggiore sostenutezza, la copertura ideologica che ha camuffato fino ad oggi lo scontro, la deformazione di parte che ne ha travisato la chiave interpretativa, l’ossequio alla scuola che ne ha reso inefficace il messaggio di fondo, quello più importante.
Un primo simbolo, che ci appare inutilizzabile, e quello dello scontro Marx-Bakunin, lo scontro di due colossi, isolati, in un mare montante di pigmei, sommergente gli stimoli effettivi di liberazione della base e lo stesso significato rivoluzionario della Prima Internazionale. Simbolo inutilizzabile, buono per le anguste mire idolatre del marxismo e per le necessità di essenzializzazione propagandistica di un certo anarchismo che, per una sua quale carenza interna di temi e problematiche, finiva per accettare acriticamente, sul piano del riferimento storico necessitato, quello che al contrario, per definizione, andava sottoposto ad accurata indagine critica. Ecco il Marx della mitologia marxista, in questa linea interpretativa, scontrarsi col Bakunin della mitologia anarchica, improduttivamente: a seconda dei punti di vista, ora puro e incontaminato l’uno, ora altrettanto puro e incontaminato l’altro.
Un secondo simbolo, altrettanto inutilizzabile, ci viene dall’inserimento dell’analisi economicistica nell’insieme dell’analisi storica del conflitto all’interno dell’organizzazione internazionale. La lotta del gruppo dottrinario-autoritario viene vista come necessità ineluttabile – donde si giustificano anche i mezzi impiegati e i ripieghi morali cui si fece ricorso – in quanto bisognava superare l’istanza del gruppo libertario, inadeguato allo stadio di sviluppo del capitale in quel momento, stadio di sviluppo che richiedeva un passaggio dall’organizzazione internazionale sotto forma di mutuo soccorso e reciproco scambio d’informazioni, in organizzazione nazionale di singoli partiti socialisti. In questa prospettiva viene sottolineata “l’inconsistenza” della componente materialistico-economicistica nell’analisi del gruppo libertario e, se ne conclude, bellamente, per la sua inevitabile eliminazione. L’assolutizzarsi del meccanismo deterministico fa chiudere gli occhi, ancora una volta, davanti alla realtà dello scontro che allora come oggi è molto più varia e molto più ricca.
Un terzo simbolo, elencato con accuratezza dai vari servitori dei partiti socialisti (e derivati storici), simbolo che ha avuto non poche trasformazioni nel corso di questi ultimi cento anni ma che, grosso modo, è rimasto fedele alle sue motivazioni d’origine, a quelle della fedeltà alla linea del gruppo-partito cui si fa parte. Nulla deve consentire il discostarsi da questa linea. Ciò vale per ambedue i lati della moneta. I marxisti, più agguerriti, armati fino ai denti della loro duttile dialettica, hanno affrontato il compito con larghezza di mezzi e agilità di funamboli, gli anarchici, sprovvisti di tanto bene, vi hanno sopperito come potevano, tacendo quelle cose che potevano mettere in cattiva luce la tendenza libertaria, sottolineando – spesso come gioielli isolati – quelle cose che potevano essere utilizzate. In sostanza, in questo modo, i soli ad avere una giustificazione logica sono proprio i marxisti. Per loro il gruppo-partito è il “tutto”, la sublimazione di se stessi che ogni cosa giustifica, anche la mistificazione storica. Lo stesso non può dirsi per gli anarchici. Quando oggi Jacques Duclos scrive: «Il bakuninismo, per la maggiore semplicità delle sue concezioni, e per la stessa linearità della sua tattica, si impose organizzativamente in alcuni paesi e regioni sottosviluppati, dimostrando di essere non soltanto l’espressione propria dell’arretratezza economica e dell’avventurismo politico di una piccola borghesia senza prospettive, di cui rifletteva le collere, le impazienze e le vacillazioni, ma anche la manifestazione di una condizione storica determinata» (J. Duclos, \emph{Anarchistes d’hier et d’aujourd’hui. Comment le gauchisme fait le jeu de la réaction}, Paris 1968, p. 18), non prova altro che la propria isteria (e quella del suo partito) di fronte al maggio francese. Non gli interessa minimamente comprendere la portata storica e sociale di quello scontro che si riflette oggi e che non può commisurarsi al semplice livello quantitativo delle componenti “ufficiali” dei partiti cosiddetti di sinistra e del movimento anarchico.
Per il motivo inverso, ci sembrano superficiali i giudizi come quelli di Gino Cerrito: «Per Marx quindi, la rivoluzione si sarebbe compiuta attraverso lo Stato, cioè dall’alto in basso; mente Bakunin sosteneva che essa si sarebbe realizzata soltanto dal basso verso l’alto, partendo cioè dall’individuo come essere sociale e dalla collettività\dots{}» (\emph{Il ruolo dell’organizzazione anarchica}, Catania 1973, p. 33), con cui si cristallizza una contrapposizione che, con tale nettezza, esiste solo nei libri degli storici di mestiere. Chiarificatore di questo modo di interpretare la realtà è un altro passo dello stesso libro di Cerrito, in cui si fa riferimento al fatto che fu Bakunin in persona a insistere (e a redigere) per l’attribuzione di più ampi poteri al Consiglio Generale, concludendo: «Le conseguenze dell’errore compiuto convinsero Bakunin a non più transigere sui principi libertari\dots{}». (\emph{Ib}. p. 34). Posizione che corrisponde all’esatto capovolgimento di quanto affermano i marxisti di ogni pelo quando dicono che Bakunin, in quell’occasione, accentuò i poteri del Consiglio Generale perché prevedeva di poterlo fare trasportare da Londra a Ginevra e quindi tenerlo totalmente nelle proprie mani. Simbolismi, null’altro.
Un quarto simbolo è l’utilizzazione di alcune affermazioni di Marx e di Bakunin, prese come punto di appoggio per giustificare l’anarchismo di Marx e il marxismo di Bakunin. Scrive Maximilien Rubel: «Con Marx, l’anarchismo utopista si arricchì di una nuova dimensione, quella della comprensione dialettica del movimento operaio concepito come autoliberazione etica inglobante l’umanità intera. Era inevitabile che la tensione intellettuale provocata dall’elemento dialettico in una teoria con pretese scientifiche, cioè naturalistiche, fosse all’origine di un’ambiguità fondamentale di cui l’insegnamento e l’attività di Marx restarono indelebilmente marcati. Militante e teorico, Marx non ha sempre cercato nella sua attività politica di armonizzare i fini e i mezzi del comunismo anarchico. Ma pur avendo qualche volta errato come militante, Marx non cessa per questo di essere il teorico dell’anarchismo». (\emph{Marx} \emph{critique du marxisme}, ns. tr., Paris 1974, p. 50).
Dal punto di vista opposto, François Munoz: «Marx-Giove ha decretato nei suoi giorni di collera che Bakunin era un asino; noi, rispettosi ribelli, rimettiamo tutto in questione, ma non questa asineria: diciamo, Bakunin era un asino che ha combattuto Marx, un asino antimarxista. Com’è allora che quando Engels, nel 1893, scrivendo a Rappoport, parlando di Bakunin diceva “Bisogna rispettarlo: ha compreso Hegel!”. È solo un dettaglio, dicono i nostri coraggiosi ribelli, passiamo avanti. Naturalmente che è solo un dettaglio, e non voglio mancare di rispetto a Engels, cercando di mitigarlo. Ma vi sono altri dettagli. Quello, per esempio, che Bakunin è marxista». (\emph{Introduzione} a \emph{Bakounine}. \emph{La liberté}. \emph{Choix de textes}, ns. tr., Paris 1965, p. 10).
Indispensabile il superamento di tutta questa simbolistica parassitaria se si vuole usufruire in modo concreto dei testi che presentiamo. Dalla lettura diretta emergerà una conclusione che più che costituire una dogmatica affermazione di principio intende porsi come programma di lavoro riguardo un approfondimento del problema rivoluzionario, contro ogni schematismo, da qualsiasi parte provenga.
Ma, prima, occorre dare un preliminare abbozzo sulla oggettiva situazione di lavoro di Bakunin, sulla metodologia impiegata in questo periodo, sullo sforzo organizzativo diretto a riannodare in Italia tutti i contatti degli anni precedenti e, nell’altro campo, sulla situazione di lavoro di Marx e compagni, sulle loro prospettive e illusioni, sulle piccole ambizioni dei personaggi minori che, in tutta la faccenda, finiscono per giocare un ruolo non trascurabile.
Bakunin è ormai vecchio, e fiaccato dalla fatica. Una vita vagabonda e sregolata sta per avere ragione della robusta fibra di un gigante. Gli anni della fortezza di Pietroburgo, passati alla catena, hanno segnato questa macchina-uomo che sembrava finalizzata a un solo scopo: insorgere. Ma il vecchio rivoluzionario continua a lavorare, mantiene contatti con decine di persone, scrive circolari, progetta programmi, sventa tranelli, elabora ingenui codici segreti, attira con il proprio fascino personale decine di giovani che vedono finalmente tramontato lo sterile sogno di Mazzini. Ma la sua prospettiva resta internazionale, le faccende d’Italia lo interessano in funzione delle faccende europee, non ritiene possibile una transizione che permanga staticamente legata alla visione del partito nazionale. La rivoluzione sociale è esplosione di forza, di gioventù, prima, poi è, anche, conseguenza di precisi fatti economici. In questo senso il suo lavoro è diretto a mettere in contatto le forze giovani e audaci; lui, vecchio, non ha paura del ridicolo parlando ai giovani della forza irrompente della gioventù, perché in fondo, si sente giovane, perché, in fondo, non gliene importa nulla di quello che di lui vanno dicendo, del suo non sapersi amministrare come uomo e come rivoluzionario, tutto gli sembra travolgibile, nella definitiva tensione rivoluzionaria, momento in cui i tiepidi e gli intriganti verranno automaticamente smascherati.
E accanto, più abbacinati che convinti, (come il caso di Fanelli che parte, in Spagna, con idee non del tutto chiare, riuscendo lo stesso, per necessità di cose, a fare un buon lavoro) i suoi compagni, poi, via via, col passare dei mesi, sotto l’incalzare delle stringenti dimostrazioni, sotto il sollecito delle lettere e delle circolari, sempre più vivamente compresi nel grande compito costruttivo.
Dall’altro lato della barricata, il gruppo di Londra, la grande figura di Marx, un uomo contraddittorio ma coerentemente rivoluzionario. All’aureola romantica che circonda la figura di Bakunin, aureola cresciuta e consolidata in tutta l’Europa e che non si riuscì ad intaccare nemmeno con le calunnie (vecchie e nuove), corrisponde, in Marx, un’aureola meno appariscente ma altrettanto dura a conquistarsi, quella della lotta quotidiana, costante, terribile, contro la miseria e la fame, lotta, ci sembra, non meno rivoluzionaria di quella di Bakunin e, non meno di quella, necessitante di una grande forza d’animo e di una grande convinzione di idee. E quest’uomo è convinto di alcune cose: di avere ragione (non tanto come organizzatore politico, quanto come pensatore) e di essere attaccato solo da persone che non hanno compreso quello che vuole dire, in quanto, in caso contrario, avendo egli ragione, non l’avrebbero attaccato. Da questo, a considerare ogni attacco come attacco personale, il passo è breve. Da qui un utilizzo feroce dell’arma dello scrivere. La tecnica giornalistica di Marx, Engels e del gruppo tedesco agente a Londra e in Germania non nasce all’epoca della Prima Internazionale, nasce e si concretizza negli anni precedenti al 1844, ed è fatto non trascurabile del nuovo liberalismo, strumento di penetrazione critica che non resta a livello banalmente strumentale, ma che consente il veicolare di contenuti che, nella burbanzosa tecnica linguistica tedesca precedente, sarebbero stati addirittura impensabili. L’uso, in questa fase polemica, si acuisce, l’ironia raggiunge punte insuperabili, il buon Bakunin non ha strumenti linguistici per lottare da pari a pari, o, per lo meno, non li ha altrettanto velenosi, per cui, quando gli scoppia la bile, finisce per dire cose che lo fanno sembrare quello che non è (come nel caso delle tirate contro gli Ebrei, tirate prese per buone dall’ingenuo Guillaume, e inghiottite in tutta fretta). E le trame si moltiplicano. Le “comunicazioni confidenziali” si infittiscono, gli emissari privati vanno in giro per riannodare contatti e per avvertire contro la corrente bakuninista che, nella fantasia dei “londinesi”, finisce per ingrandirsi oltre le sue concrete dimensioni.
Ponendo il confronto a questo livello, emergono due cose. Primo, Bakunin è costretto a impiegare lingue diverse dalla propria, lingue che padroneggia benissimo, ma che, certo, non gli danno quel vocabolario ironico e sprezzante che il tedesco garantisce appieno e di cui si giovano le lettere “miste” (cioè scritte in due-tre lingue diverse) di Marx e compagni. Secondo, è intimamente convinto che sul piano teorico Marx abbia dato un contributo considerevole alla rivoluzione e che quindi, sotto questo punto di vista, non solo vada lasciato in pace ma che gli vada riconosciuto quanto dovuto.
Ciò produce nel lettore una duplice impressione. La prosa di Marx gli appare forse pesante, un poco troppo a volte, ma, in ultima analisi, l’effetto che ne esce è di farsi un’idea di Bakunin che non è lontana dal “vuoto pancione, perduto dietro una bella polacca”. L’arte dei Tedeschi, in questo genere di cose, è veramente magistrale. II secondo effetto è che gli attacchi di Bakunin gli sembrano prodotti da un fatto personale. Infatti, immancabilmente, egli inizia con una lode del lavoro teorico di Marx per poi attaccarlo per il suo carattere che, nella foga, finisce per generalizzare con quello degli Ebrei-Tedeschi. Ma un lettore attento deve evitare di cadere in questi equivoci. La realtà è ben diversa.
Ambedue gli antagonisti elaborano due sistemi teorici ben definiti anche se Bakunin, preso nella sua attività di agitatore, non diede mai per inteso di rendersene conto. “Io non sono né un sapiente né un filosofo, neppure uno scrittore di professione – afferma Bakunin ne \emph{La Comune di Parigi e la nozione di Stato} – ho scritto molto poco nella mia vita e non l’ho mai fatto, per così dire che a malincuore, e soltanto quando un’appassionata convinzione mi forzava a vincere la mia ripugnanza istintiva verso qualsiasi esibizione del mio io in pubblico”. Ma, in realtà, la grande quantità di manoscritti e di spunti per elaborazioni teoriche, documentano non la “ripugnanza per lo scrivere”, ma la ripugnanza per l’architettura della grande opera, armonicamente realizzata, come nel caso di Marx. In Bakunin, non diversamente di quanto accade in Marx, si forma lentamente un sistema teorico organico, forse non realizzato in opere di grande impegno (a parte \emph{Stato e Anarchia}) ma sicuramente rintracciabile. Il riferimento dichiarato all’accettazione di alcuni fondamenti teorici marxisti, il più delle volte è accorgimento polemico, altre volte è sincera convinzione, che lo svolgimento della propria tesi potesse realizzarsi, in forma incontaminata anche partendo da premesse teoriche elaborate da Marx e compagni, come il determinismo economicistico, come il materialismo storico, ecc. La prova chiara di questo, in Bakunin, ci viene data dal fatto che continuamente ripete il grande valore dei “considerando” di Marx, come fondamento dell’Internazionale, dando l’impressione di ritenerli come il più grande contributo teorico di Marx alla rivoluzione, mentre non potevano essergli sfuggiti il senso di superficialità che li permeava, l’ambiguità di certe affermazioni, l’incongruenza di alcune deduzioni, la tecnica mistificatoria e comiziante delle conclusioni. Per contro, le proprie elaborazioni teoriche – come la lunga, interessantissima, nota sull’uso del concetto di classe – intende metterle da parte, non volendo condurre la battaglia a livello teorico, chiaramente improduttiva, ma volendo lasciarla a livello organizzativo. Gli era chiara, infatti, l’incredibile confusione che sarebbe venuta fuori, da una polemica teorica con Marx trasferita nella situazione dello sviluppo intellettuale del movimento in Italia o in Spagna.
Ambedue i gruppi che agiscono, più o meno a diretto contatto con Marx e Bakunin, conducono una lotta di potere. È questo il secondo punto “scandaloso” che bisogna affrontare, se si vuole uscire dalle secche mitologiche. La lotta per il potere condotta da Marx non può racchiudersi nella stretta polemica – cui era necessitato Bakunin – del fatto che la bile di Marx lo induceva ad accentrare nelle sue mani tutto il potere possibile. Questo fu un fatto chiarissimo, ma non andò al di là di qualche decina di proseliti, più o meno fedeli, più o meno amorosamente abbacinati, più o meno velenosamente incapaci di mettere insieme una ipotesi teorica davanti al “mostro di cultura” che doveva loro sembrare questo grande ingegnere della metafisica tedesca. L’altra lotta per il potere, Marx la condusse in nome di un’avanguardia, di cui, evidentemente anche lui, in quanto persona, si sentiva parte, ma che è ingiusto pensare facesse coincidere con il proprio mondo fisico. E quest’avanguardia prendeva, via via sempre di più, dopo il 1871, la forma del partito a tendenza socialdemocratica a organizzazione nazionale, mentre, al contrario, specie dopo la defezione degli Inglesi, impauriti dalla Comune di Parigi, sfumavano le sue speranze nei confronti dell’organizzazione a carattere sindacale che era la Prima Internazionale. Più goffo, spesso più pesante, più autoritario, anche nelle lettere, meno propenso ad accettare l’opinione degli altri, più tirannico nelle riunioni del Consiglio, più incline ai giochi sotterranei di corridoio, più politico nel senso degenere del termine, ma non per questo tanto ottuso da pensare di identificare se stesso con l’avanguardia che voleva costruire, perché impadronendosi dello Stato l’utilizzi per la definitiva liberazione dell’uomo. Errori di prospettiva, nell’umanista Marx, ma indiscussa buona fede.
E Bakunin? Gli si può fare credito, a titolo personale, dell’idea libertaria che la distruzione immediata dello Stato è la sola garanzia per la liberazione dell’uomo? Senza dubbio. Ma ciò non significa che il suo discorso organizzativo non tenga conto del compito preciso dell’avanguardia e dei limiti della sua azione. Non solo, ma nell’attuazione stessa dello scontro, nel pieno del conflitto, la creazione dell’avanguardia è vista da Bakunin come momento essenziale, primigenio perché possa realizzarsi la rivoluzione sociale. Quindi, sebbene con prospettive diverse e, quindi, con risultati molto diversi, la sua è “ancora” una lotta per il potere. Certo la persona era molto diversa. Meno legata alle piccole beghe di chi ha passato buona parte della vita sui libri, alle piccole velenosità da corridoio e da cameriere. I suoi bisogni smisurati non lo rendevano, per questo, schiavo d’un programma o d’una cautela qualsiasi. Questa enorme macchina viveva alla giornata, senza alcuna considerazione di problemi ben precisi, come il denaro o i bisogni essenziali dell’indomani. Nessuna ombra, quindi, di desiderio personale di prevalere. Quando gli accadeva di porsi al centro dell’attenzione – come nei Congressi o nelle pubbliche riunioni – questo accadeva per fatto naturale, per la stessa sua prestanza fisica, per la fama del suo nome. Allo stesso modo per cui i ragazzini gli andavano dietro per le strade di Berna. Bakunin non cercava il potere personale, che invece il “triste” Marx, pessimo parlatore, e taciturno spettatore di Congressi, doveva costruirsi attraverso la stragrande differenza di preparazione culturale e capacità analitica. Ma ciò non toglie che ambedue, nei confronti l’avanguardia che intendevano costruire, ciascuno a suo modo, e ciascuno secondo proprie teorie ben definite, abbiano agito all’interno di una logica di potere che, noi, oggi, dobbiamo mettere in discussione per le conseguenze che può avere nell’attività di tutti i giorni. Ma le conclusioni su questo punto potremo fornirle solo quando avremo esaminato gli spunti teorici che gli scritti di Bakunin ci forniscono, una specie di strada a ritroso per ricostruire, contro la volontà dello stesso Bakunin quell’edificio teorico che lui stesso credeva di non poter realizzare.
Sgombriamo il campo della questione antisemita. In due passi Bakunin riporta più o meno lo stesso testo, nella \emph{Lettera agli internazionalisti di Bologna} e nei \emph{Rapporti personali con Marx}. Citiamo da questo secondo pezzo: «Marx è un uomo di grande intelligenza e in più un dotto nel senso più esteso e più serio della parola. È un economista profondo al paragone del quale Mazzini, le cui conoscenze economiche sono eccessivamente superficiali, può essere appena considerato uno scolaro. E poi Marx è appassionatamente devoto alla causa del proletariato. Nessuno ha il diritto di dubitarne, poiché la serve da trent’anni con una perseveranza e una fedeltà che non sono state mai smentite. Egli ha dato tutta la sua vita per questa causa.
«Mazzini, la cui attuale impotenza cerca una triste consolazione nel veleno delle invettive, nelle favole inventate a piacere e nella calunnia, pretende che Marx non sia ispirato che dall’odio e non dall’amore. Intendiamoci bene: l’amore umano profondo, serio e appassionato è sempre accompagnato dall’odio. Non si può amare la giustizia senza detestare l’ingiustizia, né la liberta senza detestare l’autorità, né l’umanità senza detestare la sorgente intellettuale e morale di ogni dispotismo, la finzione immorale del Despota celeste, il buon Dio. Non si possono amare gli oppressi senza detestare gli oppressori, né per conseguenza amare il proletariato senza odiare la borghesia. Marx ama il proletariato dunque detesta i borghesi. Non si può servire appassionatamente per trent’anni di seguito una causa senza amarla e bisogna avere il cattivo partito preso della calunnia per osare negare l’amore di Marx per la causa del proletariato.
«Aggiungiamo infine a tutti questi grandi e incontestabili meriti, quello di essere stato l’iniziatore e l’ispiratore principale della fondazione dell’Internazionale.
«Questi i suoi servigi. Ora, ogni medaglia ha il suo rovescio, ogni luce la sua ombra e ogni essere umano i suoi difetti. E poiché non bisogna mai affidare il potere né alla grande collettività popolare, né a qualche “uomo di genio coronato da virtù”, né ad una minoranza, per quanto intelligente e benpensante, in quanto in virtù di una legge inerente al potere stesso, ogni potere porta necessariamente con sé l’abuso di potere, e ogni governo, fosse anche nominato dal suffragio universale, tende fatalmente al dispotismo.
«Marx ha dunque anche i suoi difetti. Eccoli:
«Come prima cosa egli ha quello di tutti i sapienti di professione, è dottrinario. Crede assolutamente in tutte le sue teorie e, dall’alto di esse, disdegna tutti. Sapiente e intelligente, ha necessariamente i suoi accoliti, un nucleo di amici ciecamente devoti che non giurano che sulla sua parola, che non pensano che attraverso il suo pensiero, che non vogliono che per sua volontà, in poche parole che lo deificano e l’adorano e che, per mezzo di questa adorazione lo corrompono e l’hanno già considerevolmente corrotto. Egli è arrivato a considerarsi, molto seriamente, il papa del socialismo, o piuttosto del comunismo, in quanto egli è, per tutta la sua teoria, un comunista autoritario, volendo, come Mazzini, anche se con altre idee e in maniera molto più reale e più terrena, l’emancipazione del proletariato attraverso la potenza centralizzata dello Stato.
«A questa adorazione di se stesso nelle sue teorie assolute e assolutiste, si è aggiunta in Marx, come una conseguenza naturale, l’odio, non più solo contro i borghesi, ma contro tutti coloro, anche i socialisti rivoluzionari, che osano contraddirlo e seguire un ordine di idee differente dalle sue teorie.
«Marx, cosa singolare in un uomo così intelligente e così seriamente devoto, cosa che non può spiegarsi che per la sua educazione di sapiente e di letterato tedesco e soprattutto per la sua natura nervosa di ebreo, è eccessivamente vanitoso, ma vanitoso fino allo schifo e fino alla follia. Quando qualcuno ha avuto la disgrazia di urtare il più innocentemente possibile questa vanità, sempre suscettibile e sempre irritata, ne diviene nemico irriconciliabile, allora egli si crede permessi tutti i mezzi e li usa nel modo più vergognoso e più illecito per perderlo agli occhi dell’opinione pubblica. Mente, inventa, si sforza di mettere in giro le calunnie più sporche contro di esso. Sotto questo profilo, Mazzini ha dunque avuto ragione quando ha parlato del suo carattere detestabile. Malgrado la grandezza naturale del suo animo, spinto fatalmente dalla sua crescente impotenza, ha fatto ricorso, in queste ultime polemiche contro i suoi avversari, più o meno a questo procedimento.
«Il fatto è che Mazzini e Marx, così differenti sotto tutti gli altri rapporti – e questa differenza non è sempre a svantaggio di Marx – sono spinti da una stessa passione: l’ambizione politica, religiosa per l’uno, scientifica e dottrinaria per l’altro, il bisogno di governare, di educare e di organizzare le masse alla loro idea. In Mazzini, il cui alto disinteresse personale, la purezza e l’elevatezza d’animo sono conosciuti, c’è il bisogno di veder trionfare le sue idee, il suo partito, i suoi apostoli, in Marx, i cui istinti sono molto meno disinteressati di quelli di Mazzini, c’è il desiderio appassionato di vedere trionfare le sue idee, il proletariato, e col proletariato, se stesso. L’ambizione è dunque più alta e soprattutto più disinteressata nell’uno e più personale nell’altro, ma nell’uno, come nell’altro porta agli stessi intrighi.
«Il male sta nella ricerca del potere, nell’amore del governo, nella sete di autorità. E Marx è profondamente colpito da questo male.
«La sua teoria vi si presta molto. Capo e ispiratore, se non principale organizzatore del Partito dei comunisti tedeschi – in generale egli è poco organizzatore avendo piuttosto il talento per la divisione ottenuta tramite l’intrigo che quello dell’organizzazione – egli è un comunista autoritario e partigiano dell’emancipazione e della nuova organizzazione del proletariato tramite lo Stato, per conseguenza dall’alto in basso e per mezzo dell’intelligenza e scienza di una minoranza illuminata, che, naturalmente, professa delle opinioni socialiste ed esercita, per il bene stesso delle masse stupide e ignoranti, una legittima autorità su di esse. È più o meno lo stesso sistema politico di Mazzini solamente con dei programmi differenti. Ciò spiega in parte il loro grande odio reciproco e la loro stessa incapacità di rendersi giustizia l’un l’altro. Essi non sono separati solamente dalle loro idee, dai loro programmi: sono nello stesso tempo dei competitori per lo stesso potere. In quanto tutti e due, l’uno per le sue idee e per i suoi apostoli, l’altro per le sue idee e per se stesso, non si accontentano dell’idea di governare un giorno il proprio paese ma sognano il potere universale, lo Stato universale: Mazzini a mezzo dell’Italia, organizzata all’inizio secondo le sue idee e che in seguito diviene la regina del mondo, Marx a mezzo della Germania, della razza tedesca che, secondo lui, dovrebbe rigenerare il mondo. Mazzini è italianista e Marx pangermanista fino al midollo delle ossa.
«Vi è fra loro una differenza che è tutta a favore di Mazzini. Mazzini ama i suoi fedeli amici, i suoi apostoli, più che se stesso, è molto indulgente, qualche volta anche troppo con essi ed è tanto generoso da perdonare le ingiustizie, le offese e i torti dei suoi amici contro di lui in quanto persona. Ciò che non perdona a l’infedeltà alla sua religione e alle sue idee divine\dots{}
«Marx ama se stesso molto più di quanto non ami i suoi amici e i suoi apostoli, non vi è amicizia che tenga contro una ferita, anche la più leggera, fatta alla sua vanità. Perdonerà molto più volentieri un’infedeltà al suo sistema filosofico e socialista: la considererà come una prova della stupidità o almeno dell’inferiorità del suo amico. E ciò gli farà piacere poiché non vedendo più in lui un rivale capace di eguagliarlo può essere addirittura che l’amerà di più. Ma non perdonerà mai a nessuno una mancanza personale: bisogna adorarlo, idolatrarlo, per essere amati da lui; egli ama circondarsi di leccapiedi, di servi, di adulatori. Nondimeno vi sono alcune distinte persone nel suo entourage intimo.
«Comunque bisogna dire che vi è pochissima sincerità fraterna nella cerchia intima di Marx. Per contro, bisogna dire che vi sono molti pensieri segreti e molta diplomazia. È una sorta di sorda lotta e di compromessi inauditi fra i differenti amor propri. E là, dove è in gioco la vanità, non trova posto la fraternità. Ognuno si tiene in guardia perché ognuno crede di vedersi sacrificato e schiacciato a suo turno». (\emph{Rapporti personali con Marx}. \emph{Documenti giustificativi n. 2}, in \emph{Opere complete}, vol. II, tr. it., Catania 1976, pp. 143-146).
Naturalmente i servitori a pagamento si sono lanciati su passi come questo “denudando” il razzismo di Bakunin e del suo seguace Guillaume. Riguardo quest’ultimo bisogna dire che l’invettiva di Bakunin viene da lui raccolta e portata avanti senza grande convincimento, come cosa naturale: evidentemente non aveva capito il senso della tematica del grande rivoluzionario. (In un passo della \emph{Memoire jurassien} fa un altro piccolo elenco di ebrei russi e di ebrei tedeschi). Invece, il testo di Bakunin va letto con attenzione. Ci si accorge, in questo modo, che al di là dell’invettiva e della polemica, c’è un tentativo di attaccare la “cricca” marxista, attraverso il filone ebraico che l’attraversava, con gli interessi di una minoranza di servitori del sistema, anch’essa attraversata da un filone ebraico di pari intensità, minoranza ben precisata, quando il razzismo colpisce la “razza” ebraica nel suo complesso e non opera una distinzione tra minoranza dominante e maggioranza sfruttata. Ultimo punto – non trascurabile – questo rapporto tra Marx e questa “massoneria” rivoluzionaria viene visto nella giusta prospettiva della costruzione di un potere che, essendo statale, non può fare a meno della gestione finanziaria delle ricchezze, quindi non può non interessare la minoranza mondiale dei capitalisti, anch’essa attraversata da una non trascurabile corrente ebraica. L’invettiva, se volete eccessiva, da collocarsi all’interno di una polemica e del non mai dimenticato episodio dell’accusa messa in circolazione dal giornale di Marx, di essere Bakunin un agente al servizio dello Zar, resta legata ad una precisa valutazione di classe e non scade nel razzismo che, per altro, sarebbe stata una ben strana conclusione giustapposta alle tesi internazionaliste che Bakunin sviluppa negli stessi scritti. Solo la pochezza d’animo di critici prezzolati dai vari interessi di potere, poteva arrivare ad affermare categoricamente un possibile razzismo nelle tesi di Bakunin.
Ma vediamo di andare avanti nella strada che ci siamo programmata.
La lotta, dapprima circoscritta a Mazzini, si apre, adesso, al conflitto aperto con Marx. «Povera Internazionale! Non vi ha artificio, di lingua né d’argomenti al quale Mazzini non siasi appigliato per subissarla nella opinione degli operai italiani.
«Si crederebbe? Egli, il vecchio cospiratore, che per quarant’anni non ha fatto mai altro che fondare in Italia società segrete sovra società segrete, accusa ora l’Internazionale di essere appunto una società segreta. E come tale la denunzia al Governo italiano, e fregandosi le mani, come chi ha la coscienza di aver fatto una buona azione e che è contento di se stesso, egli dice poi a se medesimo ed agli operai che l’ascoltano: “Non parliamo più dell’Internazionale: perseguitata da tutti i governi e da me, l’ho ridotta a nascondersi; non è più che una società segreta, dunque non può più nulla, è perduta”.
«Sig. Mazzini, dite voi lo stesso ai vostri cospiratori? Ed anche a supporlo, direste il vero? Ma voi non potete ignorare che ciò che dite è un mendacio, o meglio l’espressione di una vostra speranza, di un vostro desiderio e non di una realtà. Vi fu bene un momento nel quale i Governi credettero, come voi, che l’Internazionale potesse spegnersi; ma ora non credono più; e se siete rimasto voi solo fra i vostri nuovi amici di reazione a crederlo, tanto peggio per la vostra perspicacia. Non solo l’Internazionale non è stata spenta, ma dopo la disfatta della Comune di Parigi si è sviluppata in Europa ed in America più solida, più vasta, più potente che mai. Essa esiste, si agita e si propaga pubblicamente in America, in Inghilterra, nel Belgio, nella Svizzera, nella Spagna, in Germania, in Austria, in Italia, in Danimarca, in Isvezia e nei Paesi Bassi. Solo in Francia è oggi ridotta ad operar segretamente, in grazia dei repubblicani vostri amici e nemici della Comune. Ma non v’immaginate per questo ch’essa sia divenuta meno potente. Ricordatevi ciò voi, quando eravate voi stesso perseguitato e non ancora divenuto un persecutore, avete ripetuto le mille volte ai vostri amici e discepoli: “La persecuzione centuplica la passione e per conseguenza la possanza dei perseguitati”. E, siatene certi, lo stesso avverrà in Italia quando il Governo, cedendo alla sua paura ed alle vostre suggestioni, si metterà, come già sta facendo, a seguir l’esempio del Governo francese». (\emph{Il socialismo e Mazzini}. \emph{Lettera agli amici d’Italia}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 46-47).
Tanto lontani e pur tanto vicini, Mazzini e Marx vengono accomunati nella polemica contro l’autoritarismo, che pretende imporre non un padrone individuale, ma un padrone collettivo, ancora più duro e tirannico. Così altrove: «Non la propaganda del libero pensiero, ma la rivoluzione sociale potrà solamente uccidere la religione nel popolo. La propaganda del libero pensiero è certamente molto utile; essa è indispensabile, come mezzo eccellente, per convertire gli individui già progrediti; ma non farà breccia nel popolo, non essendo la religione solamente una aberrazione, un fuorviamento del pensiero, ma ancora e specialmente una protesta della natura, vivente, potente delle masse contro le strettezze e la miseria della vita reale. Il popolo va in chiesa, come va in cantina, per istordirsi, per obliare la sua miseria, per immaginarsi, almeno per pochi istanti, eguale, libero e felice al par di tutti gli altri. Dategli una esistenza umana, e non andrà più né alla cantina né alla chiesa. Ebbene, questa esistenza umana potrà e dovrà dargli solo la rivoluzione sociale.
«Il contadino, nella più gran parte d’Italia, è miserabile, più miserabile ancora dell’operaio di città. Non è proprietario come in Francia, e ciò è gran ventura certamente dal punto di vista rivoluzionario; né gode di una esistenza sopportabile, in mezzadria, che in poche regioni. Dunque la massa dei contadini italiani costituisce già un esercito immenso e onnipotente per la vostra rivoluzione sociale. Diretto dal proletariato delle città, ed organizzato dalla gioventù socialista rivoluzionaria, questo esercito sarà invincibile.
«Per conseguenza, cari amici, quello che voi dovete studiare, contemporaneamente all’organizzazione degli operai di città, sono i mezzi da impiegare per rompere il ghiaccio che separa il proletariato delle città dal popolo delle campagne, per unire ed ordinare questi due popoli in uno solo. Sta in questo la salvezza d’Italia. Tutte le altre classi devono sparire dal suo suolo, non come individui, ma come classi. Il socialismo non è feroce; è mille volte più umano del giacobinismo, cioè della rivoluzione politica. Esso non l’ha mica colle persone, siano pure le più scellerate, sapendo benissimo che tutti gli individui, buoni o cattivi, non sono che il prodotto fatale della posizione sociale che la storia e la società han loro creata. I socialisti non potranno certamente impedire che nel suo primo slancio di furore, il popolo non faccia sparire qualche centinaio di individui dei più odiosi, più perfidi e più pericolosi; ma passato quest’uragano, s’opporranno con tutta l’energia alla carneficina ipocrita, politica e giuridica organizzata a sangue freddo.
«Il socialismo farà guerra spietata alle “posizioni sociali” non agli uomini; ed una volta distrutte e spazzate queste posizioni, disarmati e privati di tutti i mezzi d’azione, gli uomini che le avranno occupate diverranno inoffensivi e molto meno potenti, ve ne assicuro, del più ignorante operaio; poiché la loro potenza attuale non risiede nel loro valore intrinseco, in loro stessi, ma nella loro ricchezza e nell’appoggio dello Stato.
«La rivoluzione sociale dunque non solo li risparmierà, ma dopo averli abbattuti e privati delle loro armi, li rialzerà e dirà loro: “Ed ora, cari compagni, che siete divenuti nostri eguali, mettetevi bravamente a lavorare come noi. Nel lavoro, come in tutto, il primo passo è difficile, e noi vi aiuteremo fraternamente a superarlo”. Coloro poi che validi e forti non vorranno guadagnarsi la vita col lavoro, avranno il diritto di morire di fame, quando non vorranno vivere umilmente e miserevolmente della carità pubblica, che certo non rifiuterà loro lo strettamente necessario.
«In quanto ai loro figli, non è menomamente a dubitare che non divengano valenti lavoratori e uomini eguali e liberi. Nella Società vi sarà certamente meno lusso, ma incontestabilmente molto maggiore ricchezza; e per soprassello, vi sarà il lusso ora ignoto a tutti, il lusso dell’umanità, la felicità del pieno sviluppo e della piena libertà di ciascuno nell’eguaglianza di tutti.
«Questo è il nostro ideale.
«Dunque tutte le classi che ho enumerato dovranno sparire nella rivoluzione sociale, meno le due masse, il proletariato delle città e quello delle campagne, divenuti proprietari, probabilmente collettivi – sotto forme ed a condizioni per altro differenti, che saranno determinate in ciascun paese, in ciascuna regione, ed in ciascuna Comune dal grado di civiltà e dalla volontà delle popolazioni – l’uno dei capitali e degl’istrumenti di lavoro; l’altro della terra che coltiverà colle proprie braccia; e che si organizzeranno equilibrandosi mutualmente, naturalmente, necessariamente, spinti dai loro bisogni ed interessi simultanei, in modo omogeneo e perfettamente libero allo stesso tempo». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 64-65).
L’opposizione è evidente. Scrive Engels a Theodor Cuno: «Bakunin ha una teoria tutta particolare, uno zibaldone di proudhonismo e di comunismo, in cui prima di tutto l’essenziale è che egli non considera come male principale da eliminarsi il capitale, e quindi il contrasto di classe tra capitalisti e operai salariati sorto dall’evoluzione della società, ma lo Stato. Mentre la massa degli operai socialdemocratici è, insieme con noi, dell’opinione che il potere statale non è altro che l’organizzazione che le classi dominanti – proprietari fondiari e capitalisti – si sono dati per difendere i loro privilegi sociali, Bakunin afferma che lo Stato ha creato il capitale, che il capitalista ha il suo capitale solo grazie allo Stato. Poiché dunque lo Stato è il male principale, si deve prima di tutto sopprimere lo Stato, e allora il capitale se ne andrà al diavolo da solo. Noi invece diciamo il contrario: distruggete il capitale, l’appropriazione di tutti i mezzi di produzione da parte di pochi, e lo Stato cadrà da sé. La differenza è essenziale. [\dots{}] Ma, poiché per Bakunin il male fondamentale è lo Stato, non si deve far nulla che possa mantenere in vita lo Stato, e cioè uno Stato qualsiasi, repubblica, monarchia o quale altro si voglia. Perciò, dunque, completa astensione da ogni politica. Compiere un atto politico, ma specialmente partecipare ad un’elezione, sarebbe un tradimento dei princìpi. [\dots{}] Predicare agli operai l’astensione dalla politica in ogni circostanza significa spingerli nelle mani dei preti o dei repubblicani borghesi. [\dots{}] Secondo Bakunin [\dots{}] [nella] società futura [\dots{}] non esiste nessuna autorità, perché autorità = Stato = male assoluto, (come faranno costoro a far marciare una fabbrica e le ferrovie, a comandare un bastimento, senza una volontà che decida in ultima istanza, senza direzione unitaria, questo, naturalmente, non ce lo dicono). Anche l’autorità della maggioranza sulla minoranza cessa di esistere. Ogni singolo ed ogni comunità sono autonomi; Bakunin però dimentica ancora una volta di dirci come sia possibile una comunità anche solo di due uomini, senza che nessuno di essi rinunci a qualcosa della sua autonomia». (\emph{Lettera a Cuno} del 24 gennaio 1872). Quindi, conseguente accusa di metastoricismo nei confronti di Bakunin. Le tesi di quest’ultimo vengono ridotte in chiave idealista e considerate merce di second’ordine dagli idealisti riverniciati in senso dialettico e storico.
II fatto è che a prestare man forte a questa tesi di vago idealismo e di non chiare premesse metodologiche, contribuisce lo stesso Bakunin con non poche affermazioni di comodo che, sebbene spesso a sfondo ironico – dirette a rendere possibili quelle che Marx chiamava “entrate sentimentali” – costituiscono tanti ostacoli ad una retta interpretazione della posizione teorica di Bakunin.
Diverse affermazioni del genere riguardano l’Internazionale e sono prodotte dalla necessità della propaganda. «Ora volete voi sapere qual sia la causa principale della potenza ognor crescente dell’Internazionale? Vi spiegherò e vi mostrerò tal segreto; poiché la vostra intelligenza, magnifica senza dubbio, ma accecata da un sistema di assurdi, che voi chiamate “vostra fede”, è divenuta incapace ad indovinarlo. L’Internazionale è potente perché non impone al popolo nessun dogma assoluto, alcuna dottrina infallibile; perché il suo programma altro non formola che gli istinti proprii, le aspirazioni reali del popolo. È potente perché non cerca affatto, come voi avete sempre fatto, di formare una potenza infallibile al di fuori del popolo; e non fa altro che organizzare la potenza del popolo. E può farlo; poiché non avendo la pretensione d’imporre al popolo un programma ricevuto dall’alto, e per ciò stesso estraneo e contrario agli istinti popolari, nulla può temere dall’ordinamento di questa potenza spontanea della forza numerica delle masse. Voi per l’opposta ragione non potete e non dovete farlo, sapendo bene che la prima manifestazione di questa forza sarà la distruzione di tutto il vostro sistema». (\emph{Il socialismo e Mazzini}. \emph{Lettera agli amici d’Italia}, in \emph{Ib}., p. 47).
Certo non poteva nascondersi fino al punto di non vedere quanto di approssimativo ci fosse dietro questa affermazione.
Altre riguardano il determinismo marxista, nella versione legata all’elemento economicistico. «II tempo delle grandi individualità politiche è passato. Finché trattavasi di fare rivoluzioni politiche, esse erano al loro posto. La politica ha per oggetto la fondazione e conservazione degli Stati; ma chi dice “Stato”, dice dominazione da un lato, soggezione dall’altro. Le grandi individualità dominanti sono dunque assolutamente necessarie nella rivoluzione politica; nella rivoluzione sociale non solo sono inutili, ma sono positivamente nocive, e incompatibili collo scopo stesso, che la rivoluzione si propone, l’emancipazione cioè delle masse. Oggi nell’azione rivoluzionaria, come nel lavoro, le collettività devono sostituire le individualità.
«Comprendete che organizzandovi sarete più forti di tutt’i Mazzini, di tutt’i Garibaldi del mondo; e che ispirandovi mutualmente, ed attingendo tutti i vostri pensieri per una parte dalla scienza positiva, dall’osservazione reale e senza Dio, e per l’altra dalle profondità della vita popolare, della quale altro non farete, che formulare gl’istinti, voi avrete più spirito, e più genio di questi due grandi uomini passati d’Italia. Voi penserete, vivrete, agirete collettivamente, ciò che per altro non impedirà affatto il pieno sviluppo delle facoltà intellettuali e morali di ciascuno. Ognun di voi vi apporterà il suo tesoro, ed unendovi, centuplicherete il vostro valore. Questa è la legge dell’azione collettiva. Di due sole cose sarà fra voi interdetto assolutamente lo sviluppo: della “vanità” e dell’“ambizione personale”, e per conseguenza dell’intrigo, che ne è sempre l’inevitabile risultato. Primieramente dandovi la mano per questa azione comune, in nome del vostro programma e dello scopo che vi proponete, vi prometterete una mutua fratellanza; il che sarà da principio un impegno, una specie di libero contratto tra uomini serii, egualmente devoti, egualmente convinti. Procedendo in seguito collettivamente all’azione comincerete necessariamente ad esercitare questa fratellanza tra voi, e dopo alcuni mesi di esercizio incessante, questa fratellanza, che da prima non era che una promessa, un contratto, diverrà una realtà, la vostra natura collettiva, ed allora la vostra unione sarà realmente indissolubile.
«Divisi per gruppi regionali, voi comincerete per mezzo delle organizzazioni regionali e locali a stendere sempre più vastamente le vostre file nel popolo. V’imbatterete nei vostri nemici, negli agenti dei Prefetti, nei preti, nei mazziniani; ma sapendovi uniti, sapendo che i vostri compagni sparsi non solo in Italia, ma in tutta Europa fanno la stessa cosa che voi fate, che vi guardano, vi applaudono, vi appoggiano, vi amano, voi troverete in voi stessi forze, che non avreste nemmeno immaginate, se ciascun di voi avesse agito individualmente di sua testa, e non in seguito ad una risoluzione unanime, anticipatamente discussa ed accettata. E credete a me, voi trionferete tanto più facilmente di tutti i vostri avversari, quanto più porterete al popolo, non parole dettate dall’alto sia da una rivelazione, sia da una politica dottrinaria, ma idee, le quali non esprimeranno altro, che i proprii istinti, le proprie aspirazioni, i proprii bisogni». (\emph{Ib}., p. 73).
E in una nota all’\emph{Articolo francese}: «Si tratta di una delle più grandi e feconde idee enunciate ai nostri giorni, e l’onore di avere enunciato questo principio, di averlo scientificamente stabilito e sviluppato per primo, appartiene incontestabilmente a Karl Marx: mi piace riconoscerlo, poco propenso a seguire l’esempio dei miei calunniatori mazziniani e marxisti che fondano la loro polemica sulla menzogna e l’ingiuria, e sforzandomi di restituire ad ognuno dei miei avversari tutta la giustizia cui hanno diritto, voglio elevare la mia polemica al di sopra delle miserie di un dibattito personale. È quindi a Karl Marx che appartiene l’onore di avere stabilito questa idea: che tutte le evoluzioni, anche quelle più ideali dell’umanità nella storia, hanno avuto per cause prime, sempre e dappertutto, le trasformazioni successive e fatali dell’organizzazione economica delle società umane.
«È assolutamente l’opposto del pensiero di Mazzini, il quale, da idealista e teologo, s’immagina che nello sviluppo storico della specie umana, le idee o le cosiddette verità religiose sono dapprima rivelate da un Dio, creatore del mondo, Padre e Educatore dell’umanità, a “uomini di genio coronati di virtù”, i quali con uno sforzo sublime dello spirito e del cuore, con uno slancio supremo di una grande intelligenza purificata dal sacrificio, in uno di quei rari momenti di divinazione e d’intuizione profetica, arrivano a scostare i veli innumerevoli che nascondono agli occhi della folla la divina verità, la legge di Dio, “la legge della vita, origine di tutti i doveri”; da cui risulterebbe che le verità così rivelate – propagandate nella folla dagli apostoli del profeta rivelatore, e in seguito accettate, e messe in pratica dalla folla che per il fatto stesso di questa accettazione, e solo in conseguenza di questo fatto, si trasforma in nazione, in popolo – precederanno sempre nella storia i fatti politici, giuridici, economici e sociali. Questo pensiero, falso al massimo grado e che ha dovuto essere necessariamente rivelato a Mazzini, l’ha spinto alle valutazioni più strane, più arbitrarie, più mostruose, e infine, l’ha condotto a proclamare come verità assolute e come ultimo risultato della filosofia e della scienza moderna, le assurde ingenuità della nuova teologia». (\emph{Articolo francese}, in \emph{Ib}., p. 293, nota 19).
E in questo stesso articolo: «L’umanità è fatta così. Non avanza che quando una necessità imperiosa, la forza delle cose, lo stimolo della miseria e dei bisogni, la spingono in avanti. Le idee, in quanto concezioni teoriche, religiose o metafisiche, e più ancora scientifiche, non hanno presa che sugli individui. Le masse restano indifferenti e non si confondono con i loro istinti, col movimento fatale che imprime ad esse la loro situazione economica». (\emph{Ib}., p. 300).
Ancora in un altro passo, accenna all’importanza del passaggio dall’organizzazione internazionale ai partiti politici: «I partiti politici, i quali si ispirano a pensieri necessariamente sempre ambiziosi – e chi dice ambizione, dice implicitamente cupidigia – questi partiti, per guadagnare le masse alla loro politica, sono più o meno obbligati, nei riguardi di queste masse, a farsi avvocati delle loro aspirazioni e dei loro interessi. Così che un sintomo del pensiero popolare riesce a penetrare, presto o tardi, nel santuario stesso del mondo privilegiato e ufficiale dello Stato. Questo pensiero che non è mai stato altro se non quello di una liberazione assoluta e reale, essendo per sua natura incompatibile con l’esistenza stessa dello Stato, entra nella vita politica dello Stato, non per moralizzarlo ma per sopprimerlo, minarlo, distruggerlo. Un veleno, all’inizio molto lento è vero, ma corrosivo, mortale, che lo Stato è costretto ad inghiottire, non tanto ancora dalla violenza popolare, quanto dallo sviluppo degli interessi privilegiati degli individui e dai differenti partiti politici nel suo seno.
«Comincia così una doppia demoralizzazione: quella dello Stato e quella del popolo.
«La demoralizzazione dello Stato consiste in questo: che abbandonando il suo principio puro, che a quello della forza trionfante, dominante, schiacciante e sancita dalla volontà divina, entra nella strada delle transazioni e delle inevitabili concessioni alle masse, fino a quel momento assolutamente e inesorabilmente asservite. Lascia entrare nella sua organizzazione, fondata all’inizio in vista di un assoggettamento assoluto, delle istituzioni che garantiscano, più o meno, certe libertà, certi diritti. Queste istituzioni, a meno di restare illusorie, sviluppandosi, devono presto o tardi distruggere lo Stato; e quando sono illusorie, finiscono per scatenare contro di esso la collera di un popolo incoraggiato dai primi successi. Lo Stato lascia penetrare nel suo diritto, che all’inizio non è altro se non il codice della brutalità trionfante, la logica di un fatto iniquo, i primi elementi della giustizia umana, popolare, armata di una logica che deve necessariamente annientare la prima. Lascia penetrare infine nella religione ufficiale, nel suo culto, che non era che un’assurdità assoluta, fondata su una brutalità e su una ingiustizia assolute, i primi barlumi di un pensiero umano che deve finire per uccidere, prima o poi, il pensiero divino». (\emph{Articolo} “\emph{Contro Mazzini}”, \emph{in Ib}., pp. 105-106).
Queste concessioni avevano in Bakunin valore meramente strumentale, servendo da introduzione al discorso proprio, del tutto diverso e, spesso, messo accanto al primo, con buona pace della logica scientifica, ma con grande efficacia polemica e sovversiva. Infatti, lo scopo di Bakunin era quello di sollevare il meno possibile obiezioni generiche, che avrebbero fatto un gran polverone senza alcun risultato, per arrivare direttamente al centro delle cose. Ma alcuni critici di oggi, spesso non proprio di parte, non impiegano un pari discernimento e arrivano a conclusioni assurde, come quelle di Munoz: Bakunin è marxista. No. Bakunin non è marxista, almeno non più di quanto Marx sia anarchico.
In Marx il residuo deterministico è non trascurabile e proviene dalla persistenza della dialettica dell’Assoluto che non riesce a scomparire del tutto. La metafisica tedesca produce qui, nel marxismo, un guaio grosso. La fede nella realizzazione della rivoluzione si trasferisce dal testo profetico all’avanguardia, impegnata in una lotta precisa, e diviene, per quest’ultima, un punto di partenza indiscusso e, nel momento della conquista del potere, un punto di giustificazione per ogni utilizzazione di quest’ultimo, anche la più aberrante.
In Bakunin il viaggio verso la concezione sociale della rivoluzione comincia subito, senza quelle ambasce metafisiche che sorprendono Marx quando meno se le aspetta. Nella più lunga delle lettere a Celso Ceretti scrive: «Amici miei, non è forse chiaro, tanto per voi come per me, che le formule magiche e mistiche di Mazzini, che hanno fin qui perduto oggi quella potenza di suggestione che avevano avuto una volta sulla gioventù italiana, sono insufficienti per sollevare non soltanto i contadini, ma anche il proletariato delle vostre città? Il popolo delle campagne e il popolo delle città hanno sete di emancipazione. Ma quella che si chiama libertà politica non emancipa in realtà che la sola borghesia; e siccome questa specie di libertà è [organizzata] in un grande Stato centralista, fosse anche questo Stato una repubblica come la vorrebbe Mazzini e come [la] vogliono ancor oggi i repubblicani; siccome la libertà costa molto cara e siccome tutte le spese dello Stato cadono in fin dei conti sul popolo lavoratore, ne consegue che questa libertà politica schiaccia sotto un nuovo peso il cammello popolare sovraccarico da non poterne più, come ha ben detto il generale Garibaldi. Questa sedicente libertà politica in nome della quale i mazziniani, malgrado le crudeli delusioni subite, non disperano ancora di sollevare le masse popolari, senza la cui potente cooperazione non si ha rivoluzione possibile, questa libertà politica non significa dunque altra cosa, per queste masse, che nuova servitù e nuova miseria.
«La reale emancipazione del popolo non potrà essere conquistata che a mezzo della rivoluzione sociale. Questa rivoluzione presenterà necessariamente, come tutte le cose viventi e attive, due facce: un lato negativo e un lato positivo. Il lato negativo consiste nella distruzione di tutto ciò che è, di tutto ciò che rovina ed opprime la vita popolare; questo sarà precisamente l’atto col quale il cammello popolare getterà per terra il fardello sempre più pesante che lo schiaccia da secoli; e questo fardello stesso ha una doppia natura: il fardello propriamente politico e fiscale, che ostacola da una parte lo sviluppo spontaneo, il libero movimento delle masse e che dall’altra le sovraccarica e le sacrifica con tasse ed imposte, cioè il fardello dello Stato. L’altra parte del fardello consiste nello sfruttamento economico del lavoro popolare da parte del capitale monopolizzato nelle mani dell’alta e ricca borghesia. In fondo queste due parti del fardello sono inseparabili, perché lo Stato necessariamente ostile, volto alle conquiste e occupato a rompere la solidarietà umana all’esterno, non ha mai avuto all’interno altra missione che quella di consacrare, legittimare e regolarizzare lo sfruttamento del lavoro popolare a profitto delle classi privilegiate.
«Il rovesciamento dello Stato e del monopolio finanziario, questo è dunque il compito negativo della rivoluzione sociale. Quale sarà il limite di questa rivoluzione? In teoria, per sua logica, essa va assai lontano. Ma la pratica resta sempre dietro la teoria, perché essa è subordinata a un complesso di condizioni sociali, la cui somma costituisce la situazione obiettiva di un paese, e che pesa necessariamente su ogni rivoluzione veramente popolare. II dovere dei capi sarà non d’imporre le proprie fantasie alle masse, ma di andare tanto lontano quanto lo consentiranno o lo imporranno l’istinto e le aspirazioni del popolo. Il compito positivo della rivoluzione sociale sarà la nuova organizzazione della società più o meno emancipata.
«Anche sotto questo rapporto l’ideale è assai chiaramente posto in sede teorica. Come organizzazione politica, è la federazione spontanea, assolutamente libera dei comuni e delle associazioni operaie; come organizzazione sociale è l’appropriazione collettiva del capitale e della terra da parte delle associazioni operaie. In pratica sarà ciò che ciascuna sezione, ciascuna provincia, ciascun comune, ciascuna associazione operaia potrà e vorrà, a condizione che a decidere sia veramente la reale volontà delle masse e non il capriccio, la fantasia o la ripugnanza dei capi». (\emph{Lettera a Celso Cerretti}, Locarno, 13-27 marzo 1872, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 262-263).
Questo concetto, ribadito in mille modi e in cento occasioni diverse, costituisce la negazione della validità della lotta politica. «II “Volksstaat” è l’organo di quella Scuola tedesca dei comunisti autoritari di cui un grande scrittore socialista, l’illustre Karl Marx, è il capo riconosciuto, e che sogna l’emancipazione del proletariato tramite lo Stato. Al contrario, voi pensate che un nuovo Stato, per quanto popolare si dica, non può portare al proletariato che delle nuove catene. Poiché Stato significa dominazione, e là dove la dominazione esiste, vi sono necessariamente dei dominati, ed in virtù di una legge economica fatale, i dominati sono e saranno sempre degli sfruttati; in conseguenza di tutto ciò, Stato significa sfruttamento e asservimento del proletariato in vista di questo sfruttamento.
«Voi non desiderate ciò a nessun costo e sotto nessun pretesto ed è perciò che avete adottato il programma, che vi ha legato con la nostra grande martire e anticipatrice, l’eroica Comune di Parigi, quello dell’abolizione dello Stato e della riorganizzazione della società dal basso in alto, per mezzo della libera federazione delle associazioni operaie e delle comuni, sulla tripla base dell’uguaglianza, del lavoro e della proprietà collettiva della terra, degli strumenti di produzione e di tutto ciò che costituisce il gran capitale della produzione agricola, industriale, commerciale, artistica e scientifica, lasciando alla proprietà individuale solo gli oggetti che servono realmente all’uso personale e che prendono in qualche modo la loro impronta.
«Nemici giurati del principio teologico, metafisico, politico e giuridico dell’autorità, voi non riconoscete altri elementi motori che i bisogni sociali, da un lato, e la più larga libertà umana dall’altro; né altri consiglieri se non la scienza sperimentale, positiva, liberamente insegnata, propagata e liberamente accettata. Per lo stabilirsi di una vera armonia fra le tendenze diverse dei gruppi nazionali, regionali e locali e di una reale unità in seno all’umana società, vi rimettete completamente a quella legge naturale di solidarietà che è la legge fondamentale dell’umanità e di cui tutta la storia ne è, per così dire, la manifestazione e la realizzazione sempre più completa. E voi siete convinti, non è vero?, che tutti gli sforzi che sono stati fatti fino ad oggi da uomini d’ingegno e potenti, ma molto male ispirati nell’imporli alla società dall’alto in basso, tramite l’autorità sia divina che umana, non hanno fatto altro che ritardarne il trionfo.
«Tutto ciò vi mette naturalmente in opposizione con i teorici del comunismo autoritario e con il “Volksstaat”, loro organo. Trovo completamente naturale che questa differenza di vedute sull’avvenire più o meno prossimo della società, si ripercuota anche nel differente modo di considerare l’organizzazione dell’Internazionale da parte dei due opposti partiti». (\emph{Articolo francese}, in \emph{Ib}., \emph{op. cit}., p. 191).
Questo motivo principale sfugge al determinismo economicistico inserendo una rottura fondamentale con lo Stato e con le sue presunte utilizzazioni rivoluzionarie, che è prodotto dell’intervento attivo dell’uomo e non mera faccenda di rapporti stabiliti tra le cose in modo costante e duraturo. Un modello del modo di procedere non determinista di Bakunin ci viene offerto nella breve analisi della rivolta del cristianesimo degli inizi. «Ai nostri occhi, il cristianesimo ha un grande merito storico. Dopo Buddha che, cinque secoli prima di Gesù Cristo l’aveva fatto, su una base con uno spirito infinitamente più umano e più grande, fu la prima religione che si indirizzò direttamente non agli oppressori ma agli oppressi, non ai felici e intelligenti privilegiati ma ai disgraziati ignoranti diseredati della società antica. Fu, sotto una forma molto mistica e molto assurda, non la causa, come pretende l’idealista Mazzini, ma l’effetto, e la prima espressione del risveglio della coscienza umana, della rivolta umana nelle masse.
«Questa rivolta, proprio perché aveva preso il carattere religioso, – e l’aveva preso perché nello stato di prostrazione e di miseria economica, sociale, intellettuale e morale in cui si erano trovate le masse, non aveva potuto prenderne un altro, – questa rivolta non è riuscita. II fatto di avere cercato la loro liberazione nella religione e con mezzi religiosi ebbe come fatale conseguenza di renderle vittime di una nuova dominazione e di una nuova oppressione che durò diciotto secoli e che fu, senza dubbio, non meno crudele e non meno sanguinosa delle prime. Ma nondimeno è altrettanto vero che, dopo questo periodo, le masse non furono più addormentate né sottomesse e che questa perpetua rivolta, a volte latente, a volte violenta, forzò poco a poco i loro capi e i tormentatori a riconoscere loro un’anima umana». (\emph{Ib}., p. 213).
In una lunga nota, molto importante, al pezzo: \emph{L’Italia e il Consiglio generale dell’Associazione Internazionale dei Lavoratori} affronta, in modo decisivo, il problema delle classi, rigettando in blocco tutto quello che aveva accettato dell’analisi marxista e che continuerà ad emergere qua e la: «Noi preferiamo dire come masse, diseredate e declassate, questa denominazione classe applicata al proletariato può dare luogo a un equivoco e, essendo contraria allo spirito stesso dei considerando dei nostri statuti generali, che pongono come scopo principale dell’agitazione e dell’organizzazione internazionale delle masse operaie di tutti paesi l’abolizione delle classi; cosa che il proletariato non potrebbe fare se avesse coscienza di costituire esso stesso una classe separata, e ogni classe è necessariamente separata dalle altre, allo stesso modo in cui ogni Stato politico suppone necessariamente l’esistenza di molti altri Stati: cioè la lotta per il dominio, per lo sfruttamento, la guerra perpetua per tutti, e per i vinti, la schiavitù. Ciò che si chiamano diritti delle diverse classi non sono diritti umani, ma privilegi politici, consacrati e protetti dallo Stato. Le classi sono possibili solo nello Stato, che non ha mai avuto e mai potrà avere altra missione che quella di legalizzare questi differenti privilegi che furono e sono le conseguenze sociali della vittoria o del successo ottenuto da una classe sull’altra, sempre a detrimento delle masse popolari che hanno pagato la sconfitta degli uni come il trionfo degli altri. Questa parola: classe, applicata al proletariato, è impiegata quasi esclusivamente e con singolare amore dai democratici socialisti, comunisti autoritari e pangermanisti della Germania. Troverete in quasi tutti i numeri dei loro giornali: “Volksstaat” e “Volkswille”, questa frase: “Bisogna risvegliare nel proletariato la coscienza di classe (das klassenbewusstsein)”. In fondo questi tedeschi sono molto logici. Essi non vogliono, come noi, l’abolizione dello Stato, sperano, al contrario, potersi servire della forza numerica del proletariato tedesco, politicamente organizzato, per fondare il loro grande Stato pangermanico e cosiddetto popolare. Per conseguenza, tendono con tutti gli sforzi a risvegliare, o piuttosto a suscitare artificialmente, presso gli operai della Germania, questa coscienza di classe che non è altro che la coscienza politica dello Stato, quella di un corpo collettivo privilegiato nello Stato. In questo modo, vediamo tutti i programmi usciti dai loro congressi porre come scopo immediato dell’agitazione operaia la conquista dei diritti politici, il suffragio universale, la legislazione diretta del popolo, e in generale tutte le libertà domandate dalla democrazia borghese, la qual cosa ha per inevitabile conseguenza di mettere il movimento popolare a rimorchio e sotto la direzione immediata di questa democrazia. È il caso di dirla chiara? Essi fanno senza saperlo e senza volerlo gli interessi di Bismarck. È evidente che con questo mezzo di agitazione esclusivamente politico, che hanno imposto al proletariato della Germania, non conquisteranno mai le libertà politiche per il popolo; ma è evidente anche che con questo stesso mezzo essi aiutano meravigliosamente il grande ministro pangermanista nella sua opera eminentemente patriottica di concentrazione interna e di estensione esterna dell’Impero. Essi sono i pionieri, i preparatori pacifici delle sue future conquiste.
«Quanto a noi, per queste stesse ragioni, poiché non vogliamo né Stato né dominio né sfruttamento, respingiamo assolutamente questa parola: classe che i democratici socialisti della Germania hanno trovato nel dizionario politico della borghesia e che in nessun modo può e deve essere applicata al proletariato. Il proletariato, dal punto di vista dello Stato, forma oggi una massa infima, disorganizzata, declassata e diseredata: un immenso gregge di montoni che le classi dello Stato, sotto la protezione dello Stato e conformemente a regole o leggi stabilite dallo Stato, tosano e divorano ciascuna in proporzione dei suoi privilegi o piuttosto della sua potenza reale nello Stato.
«Dal punto di vista economico e sociale, il proletariato porta già in se stesso tutti i germi della sua organizzazione futura nell’organizzazione naturale dei mestieri e delle diverse associazioni operaie che, prima o poi, dovranno necessariamente abbracciare tutti i lavori umani, sia manuali che intellettuali, per cui ogni uomo diventerà, secondo giustizia, un lavoratore dello spirito e delle braccia nello stesso tempo; adattandosi ognuno liberamente e nel modo più specifico al genere di lavoro che prima gli converrà. L’organizzazione, completamente libera e effettuata al di fuori di ogni protezione o permesso dello Stato, di tutte le associazioni operaie, scientifiche, artistiche, agricole e industriali; sulla base della proprietà collettiva, con una giusta retribuzione del lavoro di ciascuno; e la loro federazione, ugualmente spontanea e libera, dal basso in alto, dalle comuni, dalle regioni, dalle nazioni e dall’internazionalità intera, attraverso tutte le frontiere degli Stati e sulle rovine di tutte queste istituzioni politiche e patriottiche che, garantendo i privilegi delle classi, hanno eternizzato fin qui la schiavitù delle masse, questo è l’avvenire dell’umanità, la condizione suprema della sua liberazione. Questo è anche l’unico scopo dell’Internazionale. La scomparsa non delle differenze naturali, ma di tutte le differenze artificiali, politicamente ereditarie e sociali degli individui, la soppressione delle classi, l’abolizione dello Stato, di tutti gli Stati.
«La politica dell’Internazionale deve essere conforme a questo scopo. Essa deve avere per oggetto non la conquista del potere politico dello Stato, non lo stabilimento di un dominio nuovo a profitto del proletariato costituito come una classe differente e sfruttatrice a sua volta, la qual cosa sarebbe una iniquità e nello stesso tempo una assurdità, perciò dal momento che vi sarebbe un dominio, vi dovrà essere necessariamente una massa dominata, e questa massa dominata sarebbe il proletariato, il popolo sottoposto alla tutela di una intelligenza dottrinaria, rappresentata da dei privilegiati del pensiero rivoluzionario e della scienza sociale, e quindi l’autorità, precisamente perché si direbbe popolare e rivoluzionaria, sarebbe più pesante, più cattiva, più tirannica. La politica dell’Internazionale, diventando assolutamente estranea a tutti gli imbrogli e a tutti i tentativi cosiddetti patriottici e democratici borghesi di Stato, deve dunque avere per oggetto immediato, non dispiaccia ai nostri fratelli democratici socialisti di Germania, non la riforma in un senso cosiddetto popolare, impossibile, ma l’abolizione completa di tutti i poteri e di tutte le istituzioni sia politiche che giuridiche dello Stato». (\emph{L’Italia e il Consiglio generale dell’Associazione Internazionale dei Lavoratori}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 166-167, nota n. 8).
Ci sembra questa veramente una delle analisi migliori di Bakunin.
Non c’è dubbio che il “periodo di transizione” e l’utopia statalista che ne consegue, derivano dalla fede marxista nell’arresto del processo storico nel proletariato vincitore, dalla credenza dell’assolutizzazione del futuro senza classi, realizzato da una classe, quella finale, il proletariato. Marx scriveva: «Si vede facilmente la necessità che l’intero movimento rivoluzionario trovi la propria base tanto empirica che teoretica nel movimento della proprietà privata, per l’appunto dell’economia. Questa proprietà privata materiale, immediatamente sensibile, è l’espressione materiale e sensibile della vita umana estraniata. Il suo movimento – la produzione e il consumo – è la rivelazione sensibile del movimento di tutta la produzione sino ad oggi, cioè della realizzazione o realtà dell’uomo. La religione, la famiglia, lo Stato, il diritto, la morale, la scienza, l’arte, ecc., non sono che modi particolari della produzione e cadono sotto la sua legge universale. La soppressione positiva della proprietà privata, in quanto appropriazione della vita umana, è dunque la soppressione positiva di ogni estraniazione, e quindi il ritorno dell’uomo, dalla religione, dalla famiglia, dallo Stato, ecc., alla sua esistenza umana, cioè sociale. L’estraniazione religiosa come tale ha luogo soltanto nella sfera della coscienza, dell’interiorità umana; invece l’estraniazione economica è l’estraniazione della vita reale, onde la sua soppressione abbraccia l’uno e l’altro lato. S’intende che nei diversi popoli il primo inizio del movimento è diverso secondo che la vita vera e riconosciuta del popolo si svolga più nella coscienza che nel mondo esterno, sia più ideale che reale. Il comunismo comincia subito con l’ateismo (Owen), ma l’ateismo è ancora in principio ben lungi dall’essere comunismo: quell’ateismo è ancora più che altro un’astrazione.
«La filantropia dell’ateismo, quindi, è anzitutto soltanto una astratta filantropia filosofica; quella del comunismo è subito reale e immediatamente tesa verso il risultato effettivo.
«Abbiamo visto che, presupposta la soppressione positiva della proprietà privata, l’uomo produce l’uomo, cioè produce se stesso e l’altro uomo; abbiamo visto poi che l’oggetto, che è l’attuazione immediata della sua individualità, è ad un tempo la sua propria esistenza per l’altro uomo, l’esistenza di questo e l’esistenza di questo per lui. Ma sia il materiale del lavoro sia l’uomo come soggetto sono nella stessa misura tanto il risultato quanto il punto di partenza del movimento (e nel fatto che l’uno e l’altro debbano essere il punto di partenza, consiste per l’appunto la necessità storica della proprietà privata). Quindi il carattere sociale è il carattere universale di tutto il movimento: come la società stessa produce l’uomo in quanto uomo, così l’uomo produce la società. L’attività e il godimento sono sociali tanto per il loro contenuto quanto per la loro origine: perciò sono attività sociale e godimento sociale. L’essenza umana della natura esiste soltanto per l’uomo sociale: infatti soltanto qui la natura esiste per l’uomo come vincolo con l’uomo, come esistenza di lui per l’altro e dell’altro per lui, e così pure come elemento vitale della realtà umana, soltanto qui essa esiste come fondamento della sua propria esistenza umana. Soltanto qui l’esistenza naturale dell’uomo è diventata per l’uomo esistenza umana; la natura è diventata uomo. Dunque la società è l’unità essenziale, giunta al proprio compimento, dell’uomo con la natura, la vera risurrezione della natura, il naturalismo compiuto dell’uomo e l’umanismo compiuto della natura»\emph{.} (\emph{Proprietà privata e comunismo}, in \emph{Manoscritti economico filosofici del 1844}, tr. it., Torino 1968, pp. 112-113). Eliminazione del contrasto e realizzazione dell’uomo, il tutto assicurato da un meccanismo che solo in seconda analisi può essere regolato dall’uomo e dalla sua azione. Così ancora Marx: \emph{«}Non dobbiamo illuderci in proposito. Come la guerra d’indipendenza americana del secolo XVIII ha suonato a martello per la classe media europea, così la guerra civile americana del secolo XIX suona a martello per la classe operaia europea. In Inghilterra il processo di rivolgimento è tangibile a tutti. Quando sarà salito a un certo livello esso non potrà non avere un contraccolpo sul continente: e quivi si muoverà in forme più brutali o più umane, a seconda del grado di sviluppo della classe operaia stessa. Astrazion fatta da motivi superiori, è proprio il loro interesse più diretto e proprio, a imporre alle classi ora dominanti di sgombrare il terreno da tutti gli impedimenti legalmente controllabili che impacciano lo sviluppo della classe operaia. Questa è la ragione per la quale in questo volume ho dato un posto così esteso, fra l’altro, alla storia, al contenuto e ai risultati della legislazione inglese sulle fabbriche. Una nazione deve e può imparare da un’altra. Anche quando una società è riuscita a intravedere la legge di natura del proprio movimento – e fine ultimo al quale mira quest’opera è di svelare la legge economica del movimento della società moderna – non può né saltare né eliminare per decreto le fasi naturali dello svolgimento. Ma può abbreviare e attenuare le doglie del parto. In una parola per evitare possibili malintesi. Non dipingo affatto in luce rosea le figure del capitalista e del proprietario fondiario. Ma qui si tratta delle persone soltanto in quanto sono la personificazione di categorie economiche, incarnazione di determinati rapporti e di determinati interessi di classi. Il mio punto di vista, che concepisce lo sviluppo della formazione economica della società come processo di storia naturale, può meno che mai rendere il singolo responsabile di rapporti dei quali esso rimane socialmente creatura, per quanto soggettivamente possa elevarsi al di sopra di essi. Nel campo dell’economia politica la libera ricerca scientifica non incontra soltanto gli stessi nemici che incontra in tutti gli altri campi. La natura peculiare del materiale che tratta chiama a battaglia contro di essa le passioni più ardenti, più meschine e più odiose del cuore umano, le Furie dell’interesse privato. Per esempio, la Chiesa alta anglicana perdona piuttosto l’attacco a trentotto dei suoi trentanove articoli di fede, che l’attacco a un trentanovesimo delle sue entrate in denaro. Oggi perfino l’ateismo è culpa levis, in confronto alla critica dei rapporti tradizionali di proprietà. Tuttavia non si può misconoscere che qui c’è un progresso. Rimando, per esempio, al libro azzurro pubblicato nelle settimane passate: \emph{Correspondence with Her Majesty’s Missions board, regarding Industrial Questions and Trades’ Unions}. I rappresentanti esteri della corona inglese vi esprimono chiaro e tondo l’opinione che in Germania, in Francia, in breve, in tutti gli Stati inciviliti del continente europeo una trasformazione dei rapporti esistenti fra capitale e lavoro è altrettanto sensibile e altrettanto inevitabile che in Inghilterra. Contemporaneamente, al di là dell’Oceano Atlantico il signor Wade, vicepresidente degli Stati Uniti dell’America del Nord, ha dichiarato in pubblici meetings che, compiuta l’abolizione della schiavitù, si presenta all’ordine del giorno la trasformazione dei rapporti del capitale e della proprietà fondiaria! Questi sono segni dei tempi, che non possono essere nascosti sotto manti purpurei o sotto tonache nere. Non significano che domani accadranno miracoli. Indicano che anche nelle classi dominanti albeggia il presentimento che la società odierna non è un solido cristallo, ma un organismo capace di trasformarsi e in costante processo di trasformazione». (\emph{Il Capitale}. \emph{Prefazione alla Prima Edizione}, tr. it., Roma 1972, vol. I, pp. 18-19).
Quindi abbiamo un rigido determinismo (sostituito a volte da leggi di tendenza, ma sempre in modo non univoco) e una previsione escatologica di definitiva eliminazione delle classi, da parte di una classe portatrice del senso della storia e della filosofia. Bakunin vede la pericolosità concreta di questo progetto, ravvicinando il dibattito sul termine “classe”, altrimenti inutile sfoggio di abilità teorica, all’utilizzazione concreta che il partito socialdemocratico tedesco faceva, nel momento stesso dello svolgimento dei conflitti all’interno della Prima Internazionale, di questo termine e di tutte le relative implicanze filosofiche.
L’unione è vista sulla base degli interessi, interessi umani, quindi uguali, che, in questo caso, non servono a dividere ma ad unificare, interessi che emergono solo nella prospettiva del lavoro collettivo e non nello scontro degli interessi privilegiati che danno vita solo agli Stati, quindi alle conquiste, alle guerre e all’asservimento delle masse popolari. Ora, l’interesse comune della massa sfruttata è la liberazione dello sfruttamento, mentre l’interesse comune della classe “per sé”, sarebbe quello di ritrovarsi come classe “in sé”. A parte l’artificio metafisico, questo “ritrovamento” potrebbe benissimo prevedere un “breve” viaggio attraverso il regno del politico con tutte le conseguenze del caso, utilizzazione dello Stato, creazione dello Stato popolare, e via discorrendo.
Anche quando sembra utilizzare strumenti dialettici, Bakunin lo fa solo come forma esteriore del ragionamento, il suo punto focale è lo scontro decisivo, il salto conclusivo e qualitativo che conduce direttamente alla realizzazione dell’uomo nuovo nel crogiolo della rivoluzione. Quando scrive: «Ecco una impresa ed una prova che esigono un eroismo di ben altra tempra di quello che è necessario per battagliare sotto il vessillo di Garibaldi. Lì basta un po’ di buona tempra, un poco di coraggio fisico, e la capacità di sostenere privazioni e fatiche per alcune settimane, o per alcuni mesi tutt’al più; qui invece si prende impegno per tutta la vita, e come ha fatto or ora il nostro amico Fortunio nel suo “Gazzettino Rosa”, si giura di votarla intieramente al gran combattimento, alla lotta suprema per la emancipazione del proletariato. Un simile impegno è serissimo, poiché porta seco, come conseguenza inevitabile, la rottura definitiva e completa con tutto il passato, con tutto il mondo borghese, con tutti gli amici del passato, e l’alleanza per la vita e per la morte col proletariato.
«Avrete voi il coraggio di compiere con tutta la logica che domanda una sì grand’opera, e con tutta l’energia necessaria per menarla a termine questa rottura e quest’alleanza?
«Se interrogo la posizione che da voi stessi vi siete formata dichiarandovi materialisti, atei, partigiani della Comune e dell’Internazionale, socialisti, rivoluzionari in una parola, mi sembra che non possiate esitare sotto pena di annullarvi, voi dovete marciare avanti, e accettando, non solo in teoria, ma ancora in pratica tutte le conseguenze di questa nuova professione di fede, unirvi a noi contro Mazzini.
«Quando io interrogo la profonda sincerità delle vostre convinzioni, del vostro pensiero, e dei vostri sentimenti, mi apparisce ancor più evidente, che voi dobbiate prendere questo partito, che solo vi resta, sotto pena di condannarvi da voi stessi al disprezzo.
«Che cosa dunque potrebbe ancora farvi esitare? La modestia? Ma la modestia diviene una grande sciocchezza, una insensatezza, un delitto quando trattasi di compiere un gran dovere. Non vi resta che solo una cosa, la quale possa ancora farvi retrocedere: ed è la diffidenza che avete in voi stessi.
«Ecco il ragionamento che potete farvi: “Romperla d’un tratto col passato e con tutti i vecchi amici è cosa facile; né meno facile è l’annunziare che noi vogliamo inaugurare una nuova politica. Ma dove troveremo i mezzi e le forze per compiere tale promessa? Noi siamo poveri, poco numerosi e quasi ignoti. Il pubblico, i nostri vecchi amici, gli stessi operai pei quali noi avremo fatto questo sacrifizio, superato questo passo, tentato questo salto pericoloso, ci befferanno\dots{} Noi siamo soli, impotenti, ed incapaci di mantenere le nostre promesse, noi cadremo nel ridicolo, e il ridicolo ci ucciderà”.
«Così ragionerete voi se la vostra passione della giustizia e dell’umanità non è abbastanza forte, se non è che una passione fantastica, ideale, e non è una di quelle passioni supreme che abbracciano tutta la vita. La passione reale e seria non ragiona mai così; marcia sempre in avanti, agisce sempre, senza contare né i mezzi né gli ostacoli, creando gli uni e distruggendo gli altri, spinta da una forza invincibile, che la costituisce precisamente come passione.
«Io trovo che il ragionamento di queste due differenti passioni è parimenti esatto. La prima ha ragione di diffidare di se stessa; perocché da prima essa non è mai costante, né di lunga durata; è sterile e nulla può creare, né mezzi né amici, e cade il più delle volte innanzi al primo ostacolo. Essa è impotente, e non potrebbe, senza esser folle, aver fede in se stessa. Ma la seconda per l’opposto ha molte volte ragione di aver fede nella propria potenza, poiché crea tutti i mezzi che le bisognano per raggiungere il suo scopo, e trascina, e attira invincibilmente a sé gli amici, supponendo che là sia una passione sociale non egoista.
«Io suppongo, io devo credere che tale sia la vostra passione e partendo da questa base io ragionerò con voi. Voi dite di esser poveri, ignoti, poco numerosi, e domandate con quali mezzi potrete imprimere all’opinione pubblica del vostro paese la sola direzione che voi stimate buona e giusta.
«Per risolvere tale questione bisogna anzitutto determinare di quale opinione pubblica si tratti. Se voi intendete parlare dell’opinione pubblica borghese oh, allora sarà io il primo a dirvi: rinunciate a tale ridicola illusione: lasciatela a Mazzini, e ch’egli si diverta a convertire la borghesia. Egli è ben vero, come voi dite, ch’essa non potrà essere progressivamente convertita se non dal fatto dell’organamento progressivo, e di più in più minaccioso della potenza del proletariato, e che non potrà esserlo definitivamente se non con la rivoluzione sociale, la quale per guarirla del tutto le farà prendere bagni d’eguaglianza economica e sociale». (\emph{Il socialismo e Mazzini}. \emph{Lettera agli amici d’Italia}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 70-72).
Qui non c’è un ritmo preciso da sottolineare, lo sviluppo affermativo in alternativa a quello negativo, ma solo il diritto del nuovo e del giovane, del vitale e del forte, a prevalere nel gioco ineluttabile delle generazioni. Un motivo, come vedremo, molto importante per comprendere Bakunin.
E il fatto propagandistico, essenziale per Bakunin, forse al di là del chiarimento teorico, che, in ogni caso, non viene mai lasciato al caso o all’improvvisazione; necessita di una chiarificazione all’interno stesso dell’organizzazione internazionale. La differenza teorica di vedute, per quanto più ampia e sviluppata possa essere quella di Marx, e più approssimativa e involuta quella di Bakunin, emerge con chiarezza. Scrive Bakunin: «Gli uni, non comprendendo che l’unità possa esistere senza autorità né che possa aversi un’organizzazione reale di forze sociali senza dirigenti, vorrebbero convertire l’Internazionale in una specie di Stato mostruosamente grande e obbediente ad un pensiero ufficiale rappresentato da [un] potere reale formalmente costituito.
«Gli altri, noi, gli anarchici, crediamo al contrario che l’introduzione di una simile disciplina nell’Internazionale, lontano dall’aumentare la sua potenza, la abbrutirebbe, la appiattirebbe e immancabilmente la distruggerebbe, soffocando il pensiero libero e spontaneo del proletariato e rendendo impossibile ogni ulteriore sviluppo di questa grande Associazione che deve emancipare gli uomini.
«Noi pensiamo che l’unità, la forza reale, il pensiero dell’Internazionale, non risiedono in alto ma in basso; non in un Consiglio generale trasformato in governo, ma nell’autonomia di tutte le sezioni e nella loro libera federazione; pensiamo che esse hanno la loro univoca base nell’identità reale della situazione economica e politica, degli istinti delle attuali aspirazioni del proletariato di tutti i paesi civilizzati e che tutti i pensieri socialisti che sorgono in seno all’Internazionale sono veri e fecondi solo se ne sono la fedele espressione.
«In conseguenza, respingiamo le risoluzioni di una conferenza che, arbitrariamente convocata e arbitrariamente composta, ha tentato di trasformare il Consiglio generale in una sorta di papa collettivo, di cui ogni parola, pronunciata ex cathedra, prenderebbe il carattere di un dogma, di una Legge.
«Punti di vista così differenti devono necessariamente urtarsi. Così, dopo il Congresso di Basilea, dove queste due tendenze si incontrarono per la prima volta, scoppiò la lotta. Questa lotta fu un male? Niente affatto. La vita è una continua battaglia, solo i morti non lottano». (\emph{Articolo francese}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 191-192).
L’idea di un’elaborazione teorica all’interno della massa che, in un certo senso, risale a Proudhon, serve a Bakunin per ridimensionare il ruolo pur grande di Marx e per costringere gli avversari ad adeguarsi ad un programma iniziale che, per la sua sostanziale ambiguità, si prestava ad ogni sorta di possibilismi. Comunque, a parte il dibattito interno, resta quest’idea dell’unità reale, popolare, attivata da interessi materiali, ma sollecitata in definitiva dalla rivendicazione universale della giustizia e dell’uguaglianza economica e sociale, un meccanismo che si sviluppa dal basso in alto, tramite “il movimento anarchico delle popolazioni” (\emph{Articolo francese}). Interessante conclusione che cerca di contrapporre questa unità reale ad una unità fittizia, menzognera, oppressiva e autoritaria che «non è altro che un’ipocrita etichetta che mal copre l’anarchia degli interessi, delle bramosie e delle ambizioni, e che si compie dall’alto in basso, sempre in nome di un Dio o di qualsiasi idea dottrinaria, sia della Chiesa che dello Stato\dots{}». (\emph{Ibidem}).
Ma questo “movimento anarchico delle popolazioni” se da un lato consente di verificare il concetto di classe, dall’altro necessita di un ulteriore approfondimento teorico, cioè non può essere utilizzato come guida dell’azione libertaria, in quanto azione di una minoranza, se non valutato nel senso di un approfondimento del concetto di classe, troppo gravoso ad utilizzarsi in una prospettiva di abolizione delle classi. In questo senso, il concetto di “proletariato” viene sottoposto a una critica ben precisa, individuando all’interno di un’unità fittizia di classe una realtà disunita che ci lascia intravedere una parte dell’insieme più ampio che sopporta in pieno lo sfruttamento e una parte, avvicinatasi al privilegio, che è riuscita ad alleggerirlo: naturalmente la rivoluzione dove schierarsi dalla parte del maggiore sfruttamento. Sentiamo la sua analisi sul proletariato di Ginevra: «Bisogna sappiate che il proletariato di Ginevra si divide in due parti: gli operai propriamente ginevrini, e gli operai degli altri paesi in maggior parte francesi, savoiardi, piemontesi e tedeschi. I primi, cioè i ginevrini per una sorta di ereditarietà che si tramanda di padre in figlio, sono occupati nelle differenti branche dell’industria: orologeria, gioielleria, confezione di scatole musicali, e, infine, nella stampa. Costoro guadagnano molto di più che gli operai stranieri, occupati in tutti gli altri mestieri: sarti, calzolai e soprattutto coloro il cui insieme costituisce la corporazione degli operai edili. Fra gli operai ginevrini, ve ne sono che guadagnano da 15 a 20 franchi al giorno, la media è di 7,50 a 10 franchi, il minimo di 5 franchi al giorno. In tutti gli altri mestieri il massimo è di 5 franchi, il minimo di 3 e 2,50 franchi al giorno.
«Gli operai propriamente ginevrini si vestono come dei signori ed amano darsi le arie di signori. Sono borghesi nell’animo e soprattutto nel loro patriottismo e nella loro vanità. Sono molto rumorosi ma per niente rivoluzionari. Al contrario, essendo la loro un’industria di lusso, temono la rivoluzione sociale i cui primi colpi saranno necessariamente diretti contro tutto ciò che costituisce il lusso, e conseguentemente farà loro attraversare uno sgradevole quarto d’ora. Al loro livore reazionario si aggiunge ancora quella immaginazione tipica dei liberi cittadini di una piccola Repubblica di cui sono molto scioccamente fieri. Questa vanità repubblicana e patriottica di cui sono sempre vittime e gonzi, li spinge fra le braccia dei capi del Partito radicale borghese che se ne serve come di uno strumento comodo e necessario, non mancando mai di corteggiarli durante i periodi delle elezioni. Poiché hanno un po’ più di tempo libero, più denaro, e disponendo, come cittadini ginevrini, delle scuole della Repubblica, hanno generalmente un po’ più di istruzione che gli operai stranieri, e, naturalmente, sono molto più abituati alla vita pubblica; possiedono quindi una sorta di vernice letteraria e parlamentare che li rende generalmente ancora più insolenti e più sciocchi. Aggiungete che le loro associazioni di mestiere, perfettamente organizzate dal punto di vista dell’interesse e del patriottismo borghese, sono molto più antiche dell’Internazionale. Ve ne sono vecchie di più di 50 e di 75 anni\dots{} e poiché sono composte esclusivamente da cittadini di Ginevra, esercitano naturalmente un controllo e un’azione molto potente su ognuno dei loro membri che, anche se lasciano la loro piccola patria per alcuni anni, vi ritornano sempre; quindi queste associazioni di Ginevra sono necessariamente animate da uno spirito strettamente ginevrino.
«Gli operai degli altri mestieri e soprattutto gli edili falegnami, fabbri ferrai, conciatetti, muratori, tagliapietre, ecc. ecc. che sono i più numerosi, sono infinitamente più grossolani, ignoranti, più miserabili, e a causa di ciò, per i loro istinti e le loro aspirazioni naturali, sono infinitamente socialisti e più rivoluzionari degli operai cittadini di Ginevra. Questi non hanno niente da perdere e tutto da guadagnare con la rivoluzione sociale. Non essendo cittadini di Ginevra e non partecipando in alcun modo ai benefici della piccola Repubblica, non hanno nessun interesse a farsi strumenti dei borghesi radicali di Ginevra.
«Furono essi che, nel 1865, formarono la prima sezione dell’Internazionale a Ginevra. Le associazioni propriamente ginevrine non vi entrarono che nella primavera del 1868. Ma non appena entrate avrebbero voluto dominarla e imprimerle un carattere specificatamente e strettamente ginevrino e borghese, cioè completamente contrario allo spirito e allo scopo dell’Internazionale». (\emph{Al Rubicone}. \emph{Lettera a Lodovico Nabruzzi}, 3 gennaio 1872, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 226-228).
Queste analisi sono continuamente riprese nei diversi pezzi presentati in questo volume e hanno lo scopo di individuare i centri esatti del livello di sfruttamento più acuto. Il proletariato immediatamente legato – specie in Italia – alla produzione nelle peggiori condizioni e i contadini, sono al centro dell’attenzione di Bakunin. La molla dell’azione sarà la propaganda organizzata e la situazione di sfruttamento. Non la sola propaganda (come quella del libero pensiero) ma ambedue le cose: “La propaganda del libero pensiero è certamente molto utile; essa è indispensabile, come mezzo eccellente, per convertire gli individui più progrediti; ma non farà breccia nel popolo\dots{}”. (\emph{Il socialismo e Mazzini}).
Per realizzare la rivoluzione sociale bisogna quindi tenere conto dello stato oggettivo delle masse, individuare quella parte che è sottoposta al massimo di sfruttamento, e organizzarla di conseguenza. Abbiamo quindi l’ammissione della necessità della creazione di un’organizzazione specifica adatta allo scopo, in caso contrario tutto andrebbe a cadere nelle mani dei comunisti autoritari o degli idealisti mazziniani.
«Ma voi avete un altro pubblico immenso, che è il proletariato, il vostro popolo. Questo ha tutti gl’istinti delle vostre idee, e per conseguenza vi comprenderà e vi seguirà necessariamente. Ma il popolo, voi direte, non legge; per chi dunque scriveremo noi? Vi dirò a suo tempo per chi ora vi dirò che se il popolo non legge, bisogna andar fino a lui per leggergli i vostri articoli. Eppoi, in ogni città si trovano nel popolo uomini che sanno leggere, i quali potranno capirli e spiegarli ai loro compagni analfabeti. [\dots{}]
«Ma come arrivare a questo popolo? Nelle città voi sarete impacciati dal Governo, dalla Consorteria e dai Mazziniani. Nel contado incontrerete i preti.
«E pure, cari amici, vi ha una potenza capace a vincer tutto ciò. Essa è la Collettività. Isolati, operando ciascuno a propria testa, voi sarete certamente impotenti; uniti, organizzando le vostre forze, per quanto esse siano scarse in sul principio, in una sola azione collettiva, ispirata dal medesimo pensiero, dal medesimo scopo, dalla medesima posizione, voi sarete invincibili. [\dots{}]
«Alcune centinaia di giovani di buona volontà non bastano certamente per creare una potenza rivoluzionaria fuori del popolo. E questa ancora una illusione che bisogna lasciare a Mazzini; e Mazzini stesso sembra oggidì avvedersene, perché si rivolge direttamente alle masse operaie. Basteranno però per organizzare la potenza rivoluzionaria del popolo». (\emph{Il socialismo e Mazzini}. \emph{Lettera agli amici d’Italia}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 72-73).
La minoranza agente deve crescere quindi nel popolo, in quel movimento anarchico delle popolazioni che ci appare come il segno del grande sforzo teorico di Bakunin, al di là di cristallizzazioni monolitiche appariscenti. Se questo flusso di vita, questo flusso di gioventù, scorre all’interno del popolo, ogni organizzazione che sorge radicata dentro questo flusso, deve, per forza di cose, andare nel senso in cui la porta il popolo stesso, cioè nel senso della definitiva liberazione. Si potrebbe obiettare, a questo punto, che l’organizzazione, pur nascendo dal popolo, una volta solidificatesi, può andare “contro corrente”, finire per fare i propri interessi invece che quelli del popolo; trasformarsi cioè, in un’organizzazione di potere. È per questo che Bakunin sottolinea il fatto che è passato il tempo delle grandi individualità politiche, il tempo della beghe di potere. A questo punto, per lui, la stessa organizzazione internazionale scade d’importanza, almeno nei termini in cui intravede l’impossibilita di sottrarla alla spinta accentratrice cui era condannata e cui, involontariamente, anche lui aveva dato una mano.
È a questo punto che le strade si dividono definitivamente. Il conflitto, su cui ci siamo soffermati all’inizio, che sembrava vedere stretti insieme, se non sul piano teorico, almeno su quello della lotta per il potere, le due tendenze, cessa di avere significato effettivo. Il progetto di Marx è certamente diretto verso l’uomo, ed è anche un progetto che accetta l’utopia, altrimenti non sarebbe possibile considerarlo all’interno della dimensione umanistica, ma è un progetto che ha voluto legarsi troppo ad una pretesa “scientificità” dell’analisi di fondo, coinvolgendo i propri seguaci in una mistica rovesciata, tanto più forte quanto il dettaglio scientifico e pedante, il piglio battagliero e sicuro, allontanava l’ipotesi della conclusione utopistica. La storicizzazione assoluta dell’uomo e delle sue vicende, produce la necessaria immissione del meccanismo deterministico nel progetto di liberazione dell’uomo. Ma questo progetto non si poteva realizzare da solo, un’avanguardia dove condurlo in porto, e quest’avanguardia non poteva fare a meno di utilizzare il significato profondo del determinismo, almeno nei momenti di magra, quando tutto sembra crollare e le speranze della vittoria si affievoliscono, cioè che comunque vadano le cose la società senza sfruttamento si farà, se non altro perché le contraddizioni stesse del nemico la rendono ineluttabile, e, siccome, una parte non trascurabile di queste contraddizioni è costituita proprio dall’avanguardia in questione, si arriva sistematicamente alle conclusioni che l’avanguardia (il partito) personifica il meccanismo stesso di liberazione e va, comunque e a qualsiasi costo, salvata. Non sappiamo quanti bolscevichi fucilati da Stalin, nel recitare la propria autocritica, si siano fatti un simile aberrante ragionamento; ma si può essere certi che esso è possibile e che costituisce proprio quella mistica rovesciata di cui si diceva prima.
È nel giusto Bakunin quando accomuna marxisti e mazziniani nella loro fede nello Stato e quando approfondisce le condizioni che la rendono possibile alla luce metafisica del ragionamento precostruito. In sostanza, lo stesso processo oggettivante messo in atto dal cattolicesimo viene a riproporsi nel partito marxista, con tutte le conseguenze relative.
Si tronca, risolutamente, il rapporto con l’utopia. Cade il sostegno morale dell’analisi marxista. Tutto viene affidato alla superiorità dei meccanismi di cui ci si è impadroniti. A dare inizio al processo degenerativo è Marx in persona che si batte per la superiorità dei propri meccanismi teorici (non si può affermare che la sua volontà di dominio all’interno della Prima Internazionale possa intendersi al di là di questo limite, se si vuole, quasi legittimo, vista la coscienza ch’egli aveva del valore del proprio lavoro teorico e la rudimentalità degli approcci di chi gli stava vicino), seguono gli altri, via via sempre più indirizzati sulla strada della lotta politica, eminentemente rifiutante ogni valutazione utopistica nel suo complesso, e relegante l’utopia “uomo” alla fine delle vicende terrene dello scontro di classe.
Strappato al progetto globale, il lavoro rivoluzionario si divide e cade vittima dello stesso avvenimento che colpisce qualsiasi lavoro. A questo strano fenomeno si possono adattare – senza parafrasi – le parole di Marx: “Questo fissarsi dell’attività sociale, questo consolidarsi del nostro proprio prodotto in un potere obiettivo che ci sovrasta, che cresce fino a sfuggire al nostro controllo, che contraddice le nostre aspettative, che annienta i nostri calcoli, è stato fino ad oggi uno dei momenti principali dello sviluppo storico”. (\emph{L’ideologia tedesca}).
Per Bakunin il fatto “utopia” non è fatto finale, prospettiva escatologica da servire sottobanco quando riesce comodo. Malgrado non faccia il teorico di mestiere e forse proprio per questo – non usa mai il piglio del profeta, solo quando dà una botta al determinismo economicistico marxista, finisce per risultare improvvisamente equivoco. Ma non perde tempo a ritrovare il proprio filone, la strada maestra che percorre da anni, quella della rivoluzione come complessivo raggruppamento di tutte le forze dell’uomo nel singolo momento della gioia, come rifiuto utopico e quindi reale – dell’approssimarsi metodico e razionale dal punto A (qualcosa meno di B), al punto B (qualcosa più di A); come rifiuto del misticismo di riserva (cioè rovesciato) e quindi come rifiuto del valore assoluto (superstorico o metastorico, se si preferisce) dell’avanguardia (cioè del partito).
Questa è la grande differenziazione. Ci appare scarsamente utile l’affannarsi nei corridoi in cui si è veramente esercitato un gioco di potere preciso, con intendimenti e scopi a volte paralleli, a volte contrastanti; con metodi e mezzi non sempre puliti e non sempre edificanti. Non è questo il nostro lavoro. La grande opera di Bakunin, oltre all’immane lavoro dell’agitazione politica, resta nell’incontaminata indicazione del senso definitivo della rivoluzione: la realizzazione dell’uomo, al di la delle attese dell’uomo stesso, sebbene non necessariamente contro tutti suoi programmi.
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Catania, 5 agosto 1976
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\noindent [\emph{Introduzione} a M. Bakunin, \emph{Opere complete}, vol. II, tr. it., Catania 1976, pp. 7-22]
\chapter{La Prima Internazionale in Italia e il conflitto con Marx\forcelinebreak Annotazioni}
Lo scontro di simboli è fantasia guerresca di fantasmi. Non c’è da temere nulla dai cervelli vuoti di chi lo alimenta, si annacquano messaggi che potrebbero avere – ma non hanno più – contenuti rivoluzionari, si riempiono dibattiti e libri ad uso e consumo di esterrefatti imbecilli. In questo sovraffollamento di vicende apparentemente degne di nota non succede mai nulla di qualitativamente vero, non resta che versare altro inchiostro, controbattere punto per punto, fantasia per fantasia, mentre i massacri si accrescono nella caverna e le ombre si agitano sulla parete. Domande assurde, fondate su questi scontri fittizi, mi hanno assillato per tutta la vita, ora sono vecchio e stanco, non voglio più ascoltare storie moleste campate nell’aria apparente e leggera, dove volano le civette della conoscenza. Non mi va di acquisire nuova compagnia e aggiungerla a quella che posseggo e che spesso mi infastidisce la notte con i problemi che mi pone. Non voglio ripetere le mie teorie, che gli appassionati cacciatori di cavilli se le vadano a cercare dove si trovano, nero su bianco, e su di loro esercitino il mestiere di necrofori. Si tratta di teorie che ho sostenuto per decenni in molti luoghi del mondo vecchio che tarda a morire soffocato com’è dalla melma. I miei occhi stanchi – uno quasi cieco ormai – tornano a puntare verso la qualità, e quello che vedono non corrisponde con il ricordo, ma con l’assolutamente altro. Perché? Mi chiedono, perché? Non posso fare altro, non so fare altro. Mi preparo sempre per la prossima avventura, anche se ormai ogni avventura ha l’aria di essere l’ultima. Sento che adesso qualcuno mi punta un’arma alle costole, non tremo, la morte non può farmi paura, l’ho vista passare accanto a me mentre falciava il terreno altrui e potrebbe essere arrivato il momento di vederla falciare il mio terreno. Nessuno ama ascoltare le storie dei patimenti sofferti e io non amo raccontare quelle dei patimenti inflitti a coloro che se lo meritavano e, qualche volta, prigioniero dell’accadimento, anche a coloro che forse non se lo meritavano del tutto. Che conta darsi pensiero per rammemorare l’azione quando nessuno ti vuole ascoltare? Nessuno ascolterà fino alla fine. Eppure insisto nell’andare avanti, qui e ora, anche in questo carcere greco, perché la mia esperienza diversa non è fatta di tempo compresso, ma è puntuale e richiede la circolarità dell’eterno tornare in se stessa, dell’eterno ripetersi che nessuno potrà capire. Non ci sono titani in circolazione, né quindi racconti di titaniche lotte. Il mio corpo ha accumulato la grande conoscenza del fare, è ora di deporla da qualche parte. So bene che vuol dire accostarsi all’oltrepassamento ed essere rigettato indietro, ai margini della foresta. Non posso accettare questo gioco di forze nemiche che approfittano della mia debolezza per sopraffarmi. Le aspetto ancora al varco.
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Non c’è nessuna adeguatezza rivoluzionaria indispensabile al livello in cui il capitale realizza il suo obiettivo di sfruttamento. Anche qui sono scontri di lemuri. Movimenti di fantasmi che si immaginano di determinare l’essere e invece vengono sballottati dall’apparire. Non è agevole rendersi conto del caos qualitativo da contrapporre all’ordine quantitativo. Sembrano discussioni pacifiche ma non lo sono, non c’è un passaggio agevole. Il determinismo non è più adatto nemmeno al fare coatto, qui si sono rese necessarie regole produttive flessibili, in caso contrario l’equilibrio tra teorie produttivamente significative e massacri sarebbe stato rotto. E questo passaggio, così importante per la natura e la conformazione dell’oggetto, è andato sotto silenzio. Nessuno ne parla, non incuriosisce nessuno. Chi appartiene alla melma ha modulato bene queste modificazioni produttive, ora sembra riposare affranto. Intervengo con le mie teorie, vengo assorbito subito dalla terra che sta sulla soglia della caverna dove si allarga il lago di sangue. Devo agire, non lasciarmi più incantare dalla mia impareggiabile abilità nel dimostrare l’inconsistenza teorica del determinismo. Andare oltre, gettare in faccia al mio crudele interlocutore che mi sta storcendo il braccio malato, la mia capacità di cogliere la qualità, di viverla anche nel momento estremo del dolore fisico. Non è un espediente per sopportare la sofferenza, è la mia vita in gioco, è della mia vita che sto parlando non di una critica del determinismo. Non voglio chiarire le concessioni, parlare delle corrispondenze più o meno palesi che giustificano la realtà del fare nella sua apparente consistenza. Posso rammemorare di ciò che ho vissuto mentre mi inoltravo nel sentiero nella foresta e troverò sempre qualcuno che mi opporrà la domanda, ma che c’entra la foresta con la critica del determinismo e del materialismo dialettico? E io avrò pronta la mia risposta, no, non c’entra per chi mi pone la domanda, c’entra per gli altri, per quei pochi che mentre sto indicando la luna con il dito hanno proprio guardato la luna. A parte questi, al resto bastano gli storiografi, che se ne servano pure fino a sazietà.
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La fedeltà e la coerenza come adesione a una linea, di partito, di movimento, di gruppo. Ci sono persone che si farebbero strappare le unghie per non deflettere da un progetto che non è neanche loro, ma che hanno ciecamente fatto proprio. Restare a bocca aperta di fronte a questo genere di santificazioni non è possibile. Denunciarle mi è costata una gran fatica tutta la vita. Non voglio passare il tempo descrivendo gli scostamenti dalla coerenza, questo lo fanno gli statistici con i loro scartamenti, non mi interessa. Ho visto anime di preti camuffate da distruttori, a parole, pontificare su ciò che è giusto e ciò che è sbagliato, come se la vita fosse un dibattito di idee in un’aula universitaria. Ma la vita ride di loro, ride della coerenza che non sa come si incontrano, faccia a faccia, i fantasmi dei nemici uccisi, e come bisogna tornare a ucciderli ancora dentro di noi, ogni volta ricominciando daccapo. Descrivono linee e strategie, i distruttori saccenti e pieni della propria verità, ma che sanno? Hanno provato il terrore di fronte a un’ombra che avanza nella notte e viene decisa a uccidere voi, proprio voi, oppure decisa a impedirvi di agire secondo come avete deciso nella ricerca della qualità? Questo mi chiedo, mentre nella mia mente si inseguono, una dopo l’altra, tante storie, tutte dirette a essere rammemorate, azioni che non vogliono scomparire nel lampo che le ha fatte vivere e che cercano un orecchio capace di ascoltarle. La rigidità è sempre buona consigliera della caverna dei massacri.
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Cristallizzate dalla storia e dalla filosofia, teorie contrarie finiscono per risultare complementari. Dilettanti e avventurieri della penna esercitano il loro mestiere fornendo ibridi che perdono pezzi in contrasto tra loro, invertendone il senso e la provenienza, dando vita a nuovi mostruosi fantasmi. Nel regno delle apparenze, dove il fare dilaga, è possibile questo e altro. Ci si muove in mezzo alla melma e a ogni passo c’è un fantasma nuovo che vuole il suo spazio nella pantomima delle idiozie politiche e la sua parte di responsabilità nell’assassinio che alimenta il lago di sangue. Queste esercitazioni sono perfettamente aderenti alle condizioni produttive coatte, si presentano come oggetti e in quanto tali attestano la bontà del sistema che le ha prodotte. La loro tessitura è perfettamente aderente all’inconcludenza fattiva, una comprensione che si bilancia voltandosi e rivoltandosi grazie all’uso dello strumento principe della metafisica, quella dialettica nata apposta per ricongiungere gli opposti e appianare i contrasti. La configurazione perfetta del recupero trova difetti e ottime cose in qualsiasi teoria, nessuna esclusa. Dopo tutto, perché no? Non servono tutte lo stesso padrone? Non hanno tutte il medesimo sbocco? La cerimonialità delle duplicazioni e delle sovrapposizioni non salva l’idiozia di fondo di questi giochi intellettuali diretti a usare la conoscenza per alimentare il meccanismo produttivo. La drasticità dell’oltrepassamento taglia di netto questi ondeggiamenti, non propone mediazioni signorili ed educate, è brusca e anche spiacevole quando si presenta nelle barbariche vesti della diversità, quando fa convergere il coinvolgimento verso il mondo sconosciuto e temibile della foresta, dove questi inopportuni tentennamenti non hanno nemmeno pensato di penetrare. L’esperienza della qualità mette in fila i limiti e i delitti della quantità e li azzera, sia pure per l’attimo in cui si concretizza l’azione della coscienza diversa, poi, nella rammemorazione, si ritroveranno residui e frammenti, parole che avranno un senso in contrasto con l’assoluta mancanza di senso della qualità. Allo stesso modo in cui il senso non ha posto nell’essere dove c’è solo il caos e la sproporzione. Nella stessa rammemorazione la parola è diversa, dice qualcosa al destino, quindi non ha un tono pacato, diligente, moderatamente logico, non si sviluppa con calma, a poco a poco. Travolge con l’orrore dei fatti che ritrova e che mette in tutta la loro cattiva luce di strumenti del massacro, e questa enormità è messa in risalto dalla parola rammemorante non da giochi ontologici.
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Fuori dalla sterilità di contrapposizioni che si rivoltano come un calzino, la rivoluzione anarchica è lineare e semplice come lo scatenarsi caotico di uno sconvolgimento tellurico, colpisce alla radice la melma politica, non indugia in assurde insolenze parziali su questioni di precedenza. Dal basso si può arrivare alla medesima autorità a cui si arriva dall’alto, se non si colpiscono e si distruggono i capi e i meccanismi che i capi producono anche provenendo dal basso. Stare alla finestra porta soltanto alla conservazione della propria miseria. La rammemorazione pone molte domande all’apparenza che regge il fare coatto, ma la più drammatica è se il fare, nella sua irrimediabile apparenza, è una storia di fantasmi che produce soltanto sangue e massacri. Queste parole smuovono ogni convincimento alla radice. Non c’è modo di commisurare l’essere all’apparire. La tagliente accusa della rammemorazione è un riflesso della forza che a lei viene dall’avere abolito il contorno e la scansione cronologica, essa parla al destino, per questo sconvolge l’apparire anche se la sua parola è essa stessa apparire e dell’essere non è altro che una forza rammemorante, destinata ad affievolirsi e a negarsi, oppure a riprendere vita in un successivo oltrepassamento, mai definitivamente concluso.
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La gioventù è una prerogativa del cuore, non del muscolo che pompa il sangue, ma del sentimento che porta a giocarsi la vita in un progetto, per quanto scarso sia, nebuloso e carico di dubbi. Non è questione di età cronologica. La forza fisica, di cui la decisione dell’oltrepassamento alla fine deve pure alimentarsi, sì, questa diminuisce con la vecchiaia. Lo so per certo perché sono vecchio e vedo attorno a me, anche in questo carcere greco, tantissimi giovani, e con alcuni parlo – a fatica per via della lingua – e molti li trovo più vecchi di me, anche se ancora imberbi. Che strana cosa i fili della vita. La loro stranezza diventa ancora più grande man mano che la distanza dalla conclusione si avvicina. Dietro l’angolo, ogni mattina, quando mi avvio zoppicando al passeggio, intravedo l’ospite inatteso, pronto, con la sua falce affilata. Aspetta. Non posso fermarlo per spiegargli le tante cose che voglio realizzare, il perché del mio agire, anche adesso, in condizioni che sarebbe poco definire precarie, non mi capirebbe. Lui è il messaggero di forze immani che premono perché la vita abbia il sopravvento e gli scarti vengano eliminati. Sarebbe una tempesta astrale se le cose non andassero come sono sempre andate nel biologico dipanarsi delle cellule, nel loro caotico distribuirsi senza logica e senza scopo. Sono io che do loro uno scopo, fino a quando esse mi diranno, Monsignore, basta con le chiacchiere, è l’ora di andare. Quel giorno – che potrebbe essere domani – potrei trovare mille argomenti da contrapporre, non gioverebbe. Adesso, che proditoriamente penso lontano quel giorno conclusivo, cerco di isolare queste motivazioni e mi accingo, ancora una volta, come sempre, a intraprendere il sentiero nella foresta. Osservo le prime tracce ostili attorno a me, cercano di soffocare la gioia del mio cuore vedendomi circondato da un’ostilità crescente da parte del nemico – mille invenzioni si sono fatte venire in mente – e sento ancora di avere la mano pronta per agire anche se il corpo sembra proprio non averne la forza. Nessun sortilegio, è la coscienza diversa che cerca la sua strada.
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La rivoluzione anarchica è una trasformazione radicale del mondo vecchio o non è nulla, un semplice passaggio di consegne. La logica di cui si serve non è la cabala dell’a poco a poco ma la luminosa qualità del tutto e subito, la sua chiave di volta è la distruzione totale del mondo vecchio. Un eccesso di zelo subalterno ha portato spesso molti a ritenere possibile un ripiego più sensato, più di facile contentamento. Dopotutto non si può pensare possibile una distruzione totale, quindi ecco sorgere mille teorie fondate sull’avvicinamento progressivo che allunga la catena. Gli schiavi sono i primi a battere le mani a ogni riduzione dei colpi di frusta che ricevono. La grande teoria rivoluzionaria, dettagliata in tutte le sue parti, apporta ben poco a questa semplice realtà. Non lavorando per la distruzione e basta, ne deriva che ora – quale essa sia – lavora per la caverna dei massacri. Scandalo? No, le parole hanno questa funzione quando non provengono dallo sforzo rammemorativo, ma in questo caso non arrivano mai a costruire una teoria compiuta, esse infuriano improvvisamente e poi si spengono, il destino risponde da par suo, altre rammemorazioni sopraggiungono, altre esperienze diverse, alcune flautate, altre a voce alta. Non c’è una fruizione standardizzata perché i tentativi di produrre la grande e coesa teoria come oggetto vengono continuamente frustrati.
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Lo scontro di personalità è una delle scene più comuni dell’apparire. Vengono messe insieme parole feroci e grottesche, ci si azzuffa nel nulla perché l’effetto sulle persone è trascurabile essendo altre le leve che muovono le masse ai sommovimenti rivoluzionari. Da parte sua la ricerca della qualità ha una documentazione rammemorativa che sembra svagata e rapsodica di fronte alla storia e alla filosofia, alle loro immani costruzioni fondate sul fango politico. Sembra e, in un certo senso lo è. Non ha l’aria distaccata e fredda di una verificazione scientifica, non ha l’assetto ordinato di un interno borghese rassicurante e tiepido come la carezza paterna di chi ci vuole bene e ci protegge. L’oltrepassamento è in fondo un gioco di sfumature che si aprono alla diversità in maniera imprevedibile creando una intimità qualitativa impensabile e incomunicabile. C’è nell’esperienza qualitativa un eccesso che non cessa di travalicare in messa a rischio totale di se stessi, fino all’estremo, senza possibili mezzi termini. Nessuna vanteria autobiografica può spostare questo movimento dal suo percorso, l’atto con cui la qualità fa vivere la libertà, la bellezza, la verità, lascia un segno indelebile che niente può cancellare anche se spesso non appare nella sua giusta luce a causa della pochezza della parola che rammemora. Gli automatismi prelevati dalla quantità, quindi anche i tanti progetti rivoluzionari, non possono essere direttamente qualificati, devono seguire un contorto percorso differente. È una errata impressione pensare, come ho fatto per tanto tempo, che la conoscenza sia l’arma che fa la differenza. Ciò vale fino a un certo punto, nell’oltrepassamento e nell’esperienza diversa la stessa conoscenza è un peso da cui bisogna liberarsi, come ci si libera di un carico per andare avanti più leggeri. Lo scontro tra titani avviene interamente nell’apparenza, e questa è una constatazione che spiacerà a molti. Non posso farci niente.
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Cambiare il padrone è certo ben povera conquista per lo schiavo. Evitare il nerbo feroce del precedente per cadere sotto lo sfruttamento non meno feroce ma paternalista del successore, è miseria che si capovolge in miseria. Dovrebbe produrre una maggiore forza per contrattaccare ma, di regola, produce accontentamento e assuefazione. C’è in questo addomesticamento alla sottomissione una tacita intesa tra chi muove dal basso e chi dall’alto. Si entra e si esce dalla caverna dei massacri e i fantasmi non vengono scomodati, dormono al loro posto e si rispecchiano nelle ombre sulla parete. Non occorrono parole più circostanziate o più chiare, ci vuole l’assolutamente altro, l’indirizzo verso la qualità che spezza questa delittuosa equidistanza. L’attesa che i tempi siano maturi colloca il movimento dal basso in una messianietà cronologica che lo riporta, come un contrappeso maligno, alle intenzioni autoritarie dell’alto, anche esse radicate cronologicamente. Ciò è distinto e perfino contrapposto nella storia e nella filosofia, non lo è nella realtà produttiva oggettuale, dove tutto si accorpa nell’oggetto. La comunanza fra queste due tendenze seleziona un personale politico differente, autoritario nel caso delle decisioni minoritarie dall’alto, libertario nel movimento dal basso, ma sempre, trattandosi di personale politico, con i piedi religiosamente piantati nella motriglia. Molte anime belle, che tali intendono restare, sguazzano in questa comunanza – che se riflettessero un poco rigetterebbero sdegnosamente – e aspettano alla finestra il passaggio del cadavere del nemico. C’è una interna voluttà in questo atteggiamento attendista che pensa di avere la verità in tasca e guarda pacificato il mondo del fare, che da parte sua continua a provvisionare i massacri. Se queste anime belle, amanti della rivoluzione dal basso, fatta dagli altri, provassero a spingere fuori dalla finestra il braccio, si accorgerebbero che le cose non stanno così, che per la qualità occorre ben altro che affacciarsi per guardare se fuori fa freddo. Esse sognano di inglobare l’errore autoritario perché la verità non può mai essere più debole dell’errore, e non si rendono conto che quello che stringono nelle mani non è la verità, ma un oggetto prodotto dalla stessa macchina infernale che produce l’oggetto di cui si adorna il progetto autoritario. Questo atroce abbaglio ha conseguenze disastrose. Il demone autoritario esce dalla comunanza – fittizia, non reale – e si contrappone al movimento libertario con tutta la sua tracotanza. Non ha bisogno di chiarimenti ideologici, ricorre alla forza bruta dell’assassinio o alla banale sottigliezza della calunnia. Non ci sono reali comunanze di progetti o di scopi, solo l’illusione reciproca aveva fatto pensare che un pezzo di strada si potesse fare assieme, oppure che qualche prestito ideologico a basso tasso di interesse si potesse contrarre con la genia autoritaria. Tutte chiacchiere che hanno riempito il tempo e procurato grandi forniture alla caverna dei massacri. L’unica soluzione è l’azione distruttiva, la ricerca della qualità, il sentiero nella foresta.
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Il fantoccio del determinismo non è mai sufficientemente spogliato dalle sue pretese di giocare un ruolo nella rivoluzione anarchica. Spesso si tollera una sorta di circolazione interna al movimento degli sfruttati allo scopo di non isolare quest’ultimo nei momenti in cui la repressione è più forte o le capacità autoorganizzative più deboli. Ma si tratta di un cerchio magico fatto ruotare da fantasmi insensati. Non c’è una struttura portante che lavora al nostro posto, non c’è nulla di irrimediabilmente indirizzato al bene e al progresso. Al contrario, il fare è produttore di massacri perché considera questo assassinio perpetrato continuamente, come il solo mezzo per continuare a produrre oggetti incompleti, tacitando le inquietudini dei fruitori. Chiamarsi fuori da ogni cerchio magico è indispensabile. Agire è proprio questo, escludere che qualcuno possa decidere al nostro posto, un fantoccio automizzato e predeterminato a produrre per noi la nostra felicità. Se mi guardo attorno vedo una umanità dolorante che non sa dove sta andando e accetta imposizioni che gli schiavi rifiuterebbero. Pensare che questa umanità possa alzare gli occhi alla qualità, e farlo collettivamente, è pura illusione. L’esperienza diversa è sempre solitaria. Il sentiero nella foresta è troppo stretto per ospitare più di un singolo oltrepassatore. Vedo la mia esperienza affrontare i pericoli e vado avanti e vedo anche l’improvvisa vampata della qualità come si concretizza nell’assolutamente altro. Vedo perfino il punto di non ritorno, e so che un giorno potrei non essere più in grado di rammemorare. Per il momento però questo mi è possibile e la mia forza rinasce dalla debolezza che prende le mie ossa e fa tremare le mie membra. Tutto ciò appare mostruosamente irragionevole, ed è per questo che lo vivo e lo faccio mio. Ecco il consequenziale passaggio che mi ha portato in questo carcere greco.
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No. La bruttura politica non può, in nessun modo, veicolare all’interno dello Stato un veleno capace di intossicarlo e condurlo a morte prematura. Certo, può indebolirlo, come la divisione di uno Stato grande in tanti Stati piccoli indebolisce il primo, ma la distruzione è altro. Non bisogna cadere nell’equivoco che queste affermazioni transitorie – strategicamente giustificate all’interno delle lotte parziali – abbiano un contenuto valido in generale. Si tratta di procedimenti al chiaroscuro che indicano il piccolo cabotaggio di un pensiero ben più remoto e radicale nelle sue conseguenze ultime. La distruzione dello Stato, del mondo vecchio prigioniero della melma, per dirlo in maniera più chiara ed attuale, ha una incisività e una nettezza che sono sconosciute ai progetti intermedi, essendo questi ultimi vicende preparatorie e metodologicamente meritorie ma, sostanzialmente, marginali. La riflessione che sorge spontanea, guardando il compito dell’agire all’inizio del sentiero nella foresta, è dettata dalla sproporzione. Tutto è diverso nell’oltrepassamento, il tempo è un remoto ricordo dell’epoca in cui progetti e accordi mistificatori ronzavano inopportuni come mosconi, la quantità non regge più il mondo, è volta in caos e non sa come ripristinare l’ordine, si dibatte anche se continua nella normalità del suo produrre, solo la qualità giganteggia. La rammemorazione, con tutti i suoi limiti, chiuderà il ciclo.
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Una netta linea di demarcazione separa il fare dall’agire, il primo è assuefatto al dominio e dal dominio ricava la sua logica dell’a poco a poco, il secondo è osceno, violento, estremo e la sua logica è quella del tutto e subito. Chi ha oltrepassato questa linea, sia pure una volta, porta su di sé la traccia, le ferite, le segnature di questa avventura, vive anche lui nel fare, ovviamente, ma ha occhi diversi per vedere i fantasmi che lo circondano e parole diverse per rammemorare la qualità. Non ha più le solite precauzioni, non si cautela e non vuole tutelare ciò che riesce a stringere fra le mani. Progetta, certo, come tanti altri, ma i suoi progetti partono dalla distruzione del mondo vecchio e vanno oltre, non sono aggiustamenti meccanici del processo produttivo. Non sta comodo a casa propria, poi una bella mattina se ne parte e si ritrova nel sentiero nella foresta. Questo coinvolgimento è continuo e poco o niente lo preannuncia. Una corrente assolutamente altra trascina chi ha vissuto la qualità verso l’oltrepassamento, non un qualsiasi ragionamento o una qualsiasi ponderosa teoria. Non c’è sforzo nel lasciare la propria casa, c’è sforzo nell’andare oltre, nell’avanzare nella foresta, nel fronteggiare lo sconvolgimento che procura irrimediabilmente la qualità vissuta e non immaginata, e c’è sforzo nel non andare oltre il punto di non ritorno. Questo attira come un’amante lontana, come un sogno definitivo che non ammette spiegazioni, come attirano i flutti di un mare in tempesta che si dispiegano fino all’orizzonte e sembrano parlare di abbandono e di pace. Ma la lotta deve andare avanti, ancora più avanti, fino all’arrivo dell’ospite indesiderato, e poi continuare solo con la rammemorazione. Tutto si può osare, niente ci è precluso se non da noi stessi, dalla nostra accondiscendenza o dalla nostra paura. La qualità è un grande fuoco che brucia tutta la conoscenza in un attimo, mentre gli occhi guardano abbacinati la dissoluzione di tutte le certezze di fronte alla verità, di tutte le grazie di fronte alla bellezza, di tutte le libertà di fronte alla libertà. Un grande fuoco che illumina la foresta e la stessa rammemorazione, che fa spalancare di meraviglia la bocca dei fantasmi nella grande caverna dei massacri. Non dimentichiamo che il dominio è sostenuto dagli schiavi che lo soffrono sulle proprie spalle. Ogni servitù è prima di tutto una servitù volontaria. Tutti siamo complici di assassinio, tutti abbiamo le mani sporche di sangue. Nessuno è innocente.
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La rottura del mondo coatto che ci circonda non può essere affidata ai meccanismi stessi dello sfruttamento, queste sono chiacchiere filosofiche e puzzano di determinismo dialettico lontano un miglio. Non appena ci si rende conto di questo non si può stare più nella propria pelle, ci si sente balzare in avanti, verso l’ignoto, comunque fuori da un mondo che soffoca e rende ciechi e sordi. L’intensità della propria inquietudine cresce, la vita stessa è sommersa da un pathos allusivo e sotterraneo, qualcosa di nuovo scorre nelle vene, il sangue – anche il mio vecchio sangue diabetico – pulsa forte e chiede qualcosa che non ha mai chiesto. Che cosa è accaduto dal momento che sono venuto al mondo? Che cosa è stata la mia vita? Ho veramente vissuto, giorno e notte, compiendo tutti i fatti che ho compiuto? Oppure la mia intera esistenza, l’essere mio che è e non può non essere è tutto concentrato qui e ora, perfino in questa prigione greca dove scrivo questa pagina. Sono domande che non possono avere risposta. Dislocati nello spazio esistono rapporti anche fondamentali – rapporti che riescono a strapparmi il cuore dal petto per la mia pena e per il dolore che soffro a causa della lontananza – ma lo stesso sento dentro di me il calore del grande fuoco della qualità. La mia vita è costantemente una vita diversa, anche se sempre è in grado di contenere i rapporti che la contraddistinguono. Non appena metto l’orecchio a terra, nel sentiero nella foresta, sento il palpito segreto del grande cuore remoto della qualità. È là che voglio fissare il mio appuntamento col destino, anche se questa volta dovessi affrontare l’incontro definitivo con l’ospite indesiderato.
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Non c’è una parte della realtà in grado di trainare il resto verso la rivoluzione anarchica. Non c’è un soggetto politico privilegiato con questo destino storico sulle spalle e i piedi fuori della poltiglia. Chi vuole sostituire un dominio con un altro che reputa migliore ha simili idee, che poi si trasformano in incubi. Chi vuole abolire, distruggere dalle fondamenta il dominio non le ha, vuole via libera nel cielo caotico delle qualità. Per questo motivo molti hanno paura degli anarchici, perché pensano che sono pazzi, perché non vogliono accettare ragionamenti fondati sul progressivo aggiustamento delle cose. Molti, che ragionano così, chiedono ancora più luce, pensano che sia un problemi di lumi, malgrado i due secoli trascorsi ad almanaccare su questo punto. Pensano che il mondo in cui viviamo, e che tutti ci ospita nella sua coazione, relegandoci in prigioni diverse a seconda se inclusi o esclusi, pensano che questo mondo perfettamente sincronizzato con la propria riproduzione e con l’alimentazione dei massacri, sia malato. Ecco, essi vogliono guarirlo dalla sua malattia. Propongono palliativi e rimedi da bottega delle erbe. Non si rendono conto di quanto tormento procura questo mondo e di come lasciandolo sussistere ci si faccia complici di questo assassinio. Rifiutarsi di vedere una tale spaventosa realtà disarma ed espone al massacro, ci fa rattrappire nel nostro guscio per meglio sopportare il danno e ci fa scambiare questa condizione di sopravvivenza per la vita vera e propria. Parlando dell’oltrepassamento, la rammemorazione procura alle ombre che vogliono ascoltarla una sensazione sgradevole, loro vorrebbero continuare a giocare con le immagini apparenti che si riflettono nella parete della caverna dei massacri, non vogliono guardare verso il lago di sangue dove invece la rammemorazione spinge la loro coscienza immediata di ombre. Recalcitrano, si difendono, non ammettono che sia possibile tanto orrore. Tenaci, non vogliono capire le parole che provengono da una esperienza diversa, e si appigliano alla forma linguistica della rammemorazione, ne denunciano apertamente la nebulosità e l’approssimazione, l’incapacità affermativa e descrittiva, affermano che chi rammemora la propria esperienza diversa non sa di che cosa stia parlando. Eppure si rendono conto che qualcosa di terribile viene loro svelato, sentono, anche se ombre, la melma che le circonda e avvertono l’acro odore del sangue. Accettano il delirio che dicono di udire? Non lo so.
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La modificazione – sia pure violenta e rivoluzionaria – della composizione economica del fare coatto non può portare l’essere a sostituire l’apparire. Abolire la proprietà non sarà questo che renderà reale il fantasma dell’oggetto prodotto. L’esperienza del socialismo reale è là a provarlo. Non si può continuare a lungo con questo inganno particolarmente angusto nelle sue premesse deterministe e nelle sue conclusioni fataliste. Dappertutto emerge una controprova dolorosamente ineccepibile, uno scenario nuovo. Il futuro esiste nel tempo e sarà figlio del presente, quindi suo degno successore nell’alimentare la caverna dei massacri, se non si corre ai ripari sconvolgendo l’assetto del presente. Occorre mettere fuori gioco gli ingannatori, vedere nei loro occhi aguzzi e avidi il progetto di recupero e di controllo sotto spoglie sempre diverse. Liberiamo il futuro dallo spauracchio cronologico, contro la storia scegliamo il destino a cui possiamo parlare con la nostra rammemorazione il linguaggio della qualità, costringiamolo a guardarci negli occhi anche se tutto intorno a noi, per il momento, resta turbinoso e fosco. Saccheggiamo la speranza, non lasciamo che sia lei a saccheggiare il nostro coraggio, obbligandoci alla schiavitù in attesa di un domani leggermente migliore. Smettiamola di controllarci a vicenda rimpallandoci le fonti della nostra cultura rivoluzionaria. Non accettiamo di essere un semplice oggetto dei rapporti di produzione, cioè del fare coatto.
Liberiamoci dai commedianti politici che controllano la nostra capacità di cogliere la diversità, non restiamo in un angolo a osservare mentre la vita ci scorre fra le dita come acqua sporca. L’assassinio trionfa nel mondo del fare e noi ci dilettiamo a fare distinzioni filosofiche che collimano perfettamente con le fantasie storiche animanti le ombre della caverna dove ribolle il lago di sangue. Accettiamo lo scontro, feroce e a vita o a morte, senza mezzi termini, non sogniamo che il fare che ci soffoca possa da sé decidere di sfracellarsi sugli scogli del divenire. È una barca che sa navigare nei mari più insidiosi, dobbiamo essere noi a darle la spinta verso l’abisso della distruzione. Non restiamo ai margini della foresta, inoltriamoci nel sentiero. È qui che apprenderemo la necessità dell’esperienza qualitativa.
La negazione del mondo che ci imprigiona non ha bisogno di essere dimostrata, non è un teorema e non occorre un verdetto di condanna. In ogni uomo cosciente della propria condizione coatta di schiavo essa è chiara mentre mille piccoli fili legano tutta la realtà e mantengono in movimento la ferula. La società è l’insieme di questi rapporti ritardanti, ammorbidenti, depistanti, disgustosamente stupidi eppure efficaci per frenare l’insorgenza. Accettiamo la sproporzione che c’è tra l’apparire e l’essere come un viatico verso la qualità, essa è un compasso che aperto indica quanto siamo lontani dall’essere veramente noi stessi e quanta strada dobbiamo percorrere per diventarlo. Non esiste un palinsesto guida per l’oltrepassamento, esso è un discorso aperto con l’assolutamente altro dove l’unico testimone – muto e sordo, in ogni caso – è l’ospite inatteso. Ma la morte, pur presente nell’itinerario verso la qualità, non fa paura, almeno non quanto riesce a farla nella produzione coatta, dove l’orrore quotidiano mette continuamente sotto gli occhi il disvelamento della comune responsabilità del massacro in corso. L’orrore del mondo vecchio è grandioso – nelle sue componenti produttive – e miniaturizzato – nelle sue componenti societarie. Basta parlare ai sentimenti e riflettere in che modo li viviamo e li sentiamo, essendo ridotti, loro e noi, a oggetti amministrati coattamente. La storia registra le negazioni come accadimenti, quindi come affermazioni. Questo è il suo limite e la sua tragica responsabilità. La filosofia le tiene bordone. Negare significa distruggere e della distruzione del mondo vecchio non potrà esserci storia, così come non c’è storia dell’avventura nella qualità ma soltanto rammemorazione.
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L’ordine è mortale nello sforzo rivoluzionario. Vi si insinua con mille cautele e giustificazioni e produce con scioltezza un controllo imprevedibilmente nuovo, capace di sostituire il precedente che la stessa rivoluzione aveva eliminato. Rimanendo nell’apparenza è facile giocare con i fantasmi e, come le ombre, essi si assomigliano tutti. Il colore estremo della qualità contrassegna l’esperienza diversa del caos, e non c’è modo di ricostruire un organigramma – sia pure temporaneo – che non sia destinato a soccombere da per se stesso. Molte rivoluzioni si sono avvoltolate nella melma politica e sono così ripiombate nell’assennatezza dell’ordine costituito. Quasi sempre, un attimo prima di sparire, hanno riconosciuto il proprio errore, o meglio il proprio suicidio. Nell’oltrepassamento il rapporto rammemorativo – seppure sotto l’aspetto linguistico limitato e fallimentare – è troppo gravemente dissestato per essere utilizzato come strumento di un ritorno all’ordine. Nessuno uscirà da qui come è entrato.
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L’azione che si affaccia verso la realtà collettiva è considerata un anacronismo. Non può essere colta appieno perché quel suo affacciarsi è prodotto solo dalla rammemorazione. Il movimento anarchico delle popolazioni – terminologia antiquata ma ancora comprensibile – stenta a leggere quello che trema nel cuore di chi agisce e combatte la sua lotta contro il fare che tutto ingloba nella coazione e nell’apparenza. Non c’è una rapportazione diretta, ognuno è solo nel sentiero nella foresta e solo dopo che la sua esperienza si è conclusa può parlare. Azione e parola non convivono insieme. La qualità non può essere detta, deve essere vissuta, essa è l’essere che è e non può non essere, su ciò la parola è muta. Solo dopo vengono in mente tante cose, correlazioni e frammenti, assurdi accostamenti e improbabili deduzioni, ma gli altri sono rimasti appigliati alla loro tavoletta di salvataggio e non si sono mossi, eppure qualcosa nel rapporto tra l’esperienza qualitativa e la loro condizione staticamente afferrata all’oggetto, è cambiato. Non è la classe che risponde all’appello qualitativo, forse nemmeno gli esclusi, non c’è un nucleo sensibile. Quando questo si manifesta, si muove nell’ambito delle lotte intermedie, ma qualcosa rimane di nuovo e di sconvolgente. È imbarazzante non sapere che cosa è questo qualcosa. Ma esso è veicolato dalla rammemorazione, che come un disco rotto ripete una parte dell’esperienza qualitativa cristallizzandola nelle parole. Non è un caso che queste parole non abbiano un modulo cronologico a cui fare riferimento ma considerino il futuro come destino che può, a sua volta e a suo modo, dire qualcosa d’altro, creare le condizioni perché la produzione coatta trovi imprevisti ostacoli.
C’è un legame tra la rammemorazione e la rivoluzione anarchica, e questo legame passa attraverso il destino, cioè un futuro, sensibilizzato dall’esperienza qualitativa, capace di presentare condizioni nuove in grado di danneggiare la struttura portante dello sfruttamento. La risposta collettiva può rivolgersi a questa proposta del destino, non certo intraprendere unitariamente un massiccio oltrepassamento. Ed è sempre in questa proposta che si riflettono nuove condizioni produttive coatte messe a nudo che potrebbero portare a singole prese di coscienza diversa, quindi a tanti altri sentieri nella foresta. Bisogna lasciare che questi movimenti seguano il loro corso senza ostacolarli – questo è ovvio – ma senza nemmeno cercare di forzarli. Una forzatura, anche semplicemente costringendo la rammemorazione a dire più di quello che può dire, potrebbe seriamente danneggiarli. Sono movimenti sensibilissimi che nascono dal cuore di chi soffre più di tutti le condizioni del fare coatto, mentre la rammemorazione è troppo grossolanamente piena di parole per dire loro quello che andrebbe detto. È il destino che è più adatto, con la sua parsimonia indicativa, col suo fare trovare – improvvisamente e quasi per caso – l’imboccatura del sentiero aperta nel compatto margine della foresta. Molte volte, alcuni movimenti rimangono latenti per molto tempo, fin quando il destino, casualmente e caoticamente, non mette a disposizione l’occasione adatta. In queste situazioni non c’è un incipit preciso, tutto sfuma nel vago. Mille variazioni modulano in maniera diversa – se si tratta della mia esperienza – le mie rammemorazioni, le disperdono per le vie del mondo. I riferimenti a singoli episodi e a momenti dell’azione, sono meramente accidentali. Possono benissimo essere vissuti come una storia fantastica, come quando si legge un libro di avventure, servire perfino da panacea per dormire meglio la notte. Non c’è un parallelo, neanche sottointeso, tra rammemorazione e propaganda.
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Radicarsi nel popolo, nel movimento anarchico delle popolazioni, parlare ed essere capiti. Ecco quello che si è fatto e si sta facendo. Non basta. Le parole sono apparenza, appartengono ai fantasmi, i loro riferimenti, quasi sempre, attengono alle ombre che si agitano nella caverna dei massacri. Certo, ci possono essere sfumature diverse, mille modulazioni, ma nulla esiste che possa impedire la nascita di nuovi gruppi di potere, di nuovi recuperi e di riassestamenti della produzione coatta. Se chi parla si limita a parlare, le sue parole sono vento. Se agisce, smette di parlare e, dopo l’azione, rammemora, il che è parola povera, incerta, forse contraddittoria, e certamente non permette la formazione di nuovi centri di potere. Dire in questo modo non è recriminare la possibilità della parola piena e suadente, retoricamente alata, capace di convincere. Non è il testo inaugurale di un nuovo modo di concepire la realtà che può essere chiesto alla rammemorazione. Queste parole, convincenti e ampollose, hanno dilagato per secoli e fatto tutto il danno possibile, arricchendo col loro contributo la caverna dei massacri. Non ho con me nessuna bandiera da innalzare, come un’insegna araldica, per reclutare gente e convincerla ad agire. Nessuno è disponibile a sottomettersi in questo modo oscuro alle mie indicazioni. È per questo che la mia parola rammemorante è isolata e povera, ma non è petulante e tediosa se non per il gregge che è abituato a ricevere ordini.
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Una mistica rovesciata è la ricerca del potere. Diretta al fare, dominata dal fare, ben precisa nei suoi progetti. Il contrario non è uno svagato bighellonare negli accadimenti storici. Non c’è da una parte il deterministico storicismo assoluto e dall’altra l’irrazionalismo vitalistico. Queste contrapposizioni filosofiche non mi appartengono. Ragionando in questi termini la conoscenza si sbriciola e non fornisce più un mezzo efficace per il coinvolgimento, mezzo che poi deve essere comunque abbandonato. L’agire è come un coltello piantato nelle costole del fare, la società non l’accetta e guarderà sempre con sospetto questi maledetti pugnalatori. Non è possibile identificare a priori chi ha in mente di agire, quindi non lo si può preventivamente bloccare, non c’è da qualche parte un ritratto di gruppo che raccoglie gli oltrepassatori. Tutto sfuma nell’imprevedibile, nel sottointeso, nel non dichiarato. La lotta con la propria immediatezza è fatto personale ma è anche il cominciamento imperfetto dell’agire, un senso di intolleranza che trasuda e che fa abbassare gli occhi alla gente quando ti guarda e vorrebbe metterti paura. Non si possono storicizzare questi movimenti, essi si riflettono su specchi opachi che rimandono informazioni deformate, nessuno può decifrarli fino in fondo. Tutti sono in attesa di qualcosa che deve accadere ma solo pochi sanno di che si tratta. L’oltrepassamento non è un miraggio collettivo. Da questo sentiero nella foresta non si arriva a consolidare nessun potere.
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Il sacrificio compiuto nell’accettare pazientemente la schiavitù viene fatto per garantire la continuità produttiva. Tutto deve essere contrassegnato e deve corrispondere con i criteri amministrativi dell’oggettualità. La divinità di fondo è la forza del potere, la sua sacralizzazione danneggia in vari modo sia chi esercita lo sfruttamento che chi lo subisce. In un mondo simile non vale la pena di vivere una pantomima chiamata vita. E la ricchezza – che pure fornisce la possibilità di dominare – mentre lo sfruttamento ha soltanto dalla sua parte la ferula che fischia sulle spalle degli schiavi – è anch’essa una condanna. L’incluso non è un uomo, è solo un cadavere ricoperto d’oro. In ogni caso c’è una corresponsabilità che non può essere dimenticata per amore di bottega. La rivoluzione anarchica deve cancellare distruggendo il mondo vecchio, non può limitarsi a dei cambiamenti. La fornitura della caverna dei massacri è quindi un fatto che si realizza a seguito di una collaborazione tra inclusi e esclusi, e l’evidente maggiore sofferenza dei secondi non li assolve della loro parte di responsabilità. Gli sfruttati alimentano anch’essi il massacro, sebbene in maniera diversa di quanto fanno gli sfruttatori assistiti, questi ultimi, dall’intelligenza di storici, filosofi, scienziati e altri giustizieri della stessa risma. La sequenza con cui si fanno avanti le responsabilità è praticamente inarrestabile. Scende giù, più giù, fino alla famiglia, ai sentimenti, al sesso, alla religione. Non c’è una barriera da non valicare per restare al di qua, tutto dilaga ed è mischiato insieme. Sotto il grande ombrello metafisico del possesso si riparano tutti questi ruoli che via via giochiamo più o meno inconsciamente. Queste constatazioni sono imbarazzanti.
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Guai a trovarsi davanti a un intellettuale convinto di avere un compito storico da svolgere. È peggio di un prete. Il suo fanatismo è assistito dalla logica che sembra reggere i suoi moduli di ragionamento. Logica dell’a poco a poco, quindi direttamente funzionale al meccanismo produttivo del fare. Questi fornitori della caverna dei massacri perseguono un loro progetto con indefessa dedizione, non arretrano neanche davanti alla peggiore delle infamie. Essi non percepiscono rapporti col mondo in cui vivono in maniera diretta, ma filtrata attraverso le proprie finzioni e apparenze. Ombre essi stessi, dialogano autorevolmente con altre ombre. Maestri delle cautele e del recupero, sono sempre sul punto di muoversi al di là del regno fissato dal fare, sognano anche questo passaggio, ma rimangono assolutamente estranei all’oltrepassamento. Le loro rinunce sono sacrifici mistici e monocoli, le loro pene – pensiamo per esempio alla miserabile vita familiare di Marx – sono sopportate in nome del proprio orgoglio di essere banalissime mosche cocchiere. Vivono e intrecciano rapporti – il massimo del loro impegno si avvolge nell’abiezione politica – ma sono totalmente estranei agli aspetti umani che pure in queste relazioni devono esserci per forza. I loro fantasmi li perseguitano ed hanno sempre il sopravvento. Non rifiutano i rapporti umani, semplicemente li svuotano dall’interno. Il potere non ammette assunzioni a mezzo servizio.
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Fuori della qualità, unica via verso la completezza, la rivoluzione anarchica sfiorisce in un accomodamento col potere. Viene chiamata a fare parte della comunità, a dare il suo apporto costruttivo, a migliorare le cose, quando il suo scopo dovrebbe essere distruggerle per dare vita a un mondo nuovo. Il fatto attira il progetto per una connaturata comunità di intenti. Ambedue nascono nell’ambito del fare e se il secondo sogna l’utopia non è detto che un sogno sia sufficiente per l’onnivora anarchia che lo sollecita ad andare ancora più oltre. La risposta a queste sollecitazioni non è stata sempre negativa. La storia s’incarica di spiegare i motivi di questa commistione miserevole e la filosofia li giustifica. Qui non si fa né l’una né l’altra cosa, si tira diritto, non sono problematiche che ci riguardano, il nostro stomaco non è sufficientemente forte, e il mio in particolare. Nelle condizioni coatte in cui mi trovo, non sono dell’umore adatto per affrontare simili forniture della caverna degli orrori. La corrente dell’opportunismo realizzativo non mi ha mai affascinato. Anche se non posso penetrare nella foresta, per lo meno preferisco bivaccare ai suoi margini, preparandomi per l’azione. Questa scheggia minuscola – il mio rifiuto – ha fatto storcere il muso a tanti che mi vedevano pronto a guidare chissà quali imprese, da un lato o dall’altro della barricata. A me è bastato non farmi trascinare nella codificazione che tutti, o quasi tutti, amministra uniformando. Mi è bastato resistere alla corrente progressiva dell’aggiustamento che fa sempre in modo che ognuno, tirati i remi in barca, alla fine pensi soltanto a salvaguardare i propri interessi. Anche quando non ne ero perfettamente cosciente, il mio posto è stato sempre sulla linea che contrassegna il limite della foresta sconosciuta.
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L’utopia è realizzazione della qualità sognata, qui e subito. È nel “qui” che si pone il problema. Esso non può identificarsi nel fare, nel movimento produttivo coatto, deve invece essere collocato nell’oltrepassamento, quindi è un qui che sta altrove e che bisogna andare a trovare, non essendo possibile l’inverso. La qualità non può mai venire a patti con la quantità, l’essere non può accettare di diventare fantasma. I due universi, unificati annienterebbero il mondo, sarebbero l’assolutamente niente. Quello che porto con me, dell’esperienza qualitativa, non è la qualità, che mi ha bruciato nell’attimo fuori del tempo in cui ho vissuto la mia assoluta realtà diversa, ma la sua rammemorazione, cioè un particolare rivestimento di parole, di certo non chiacchiere inserite in manuali di produzione coatta, ma parole, non qualità. Lo sconvolgimento che procuro nel fare è forse solo la mia utopia, forse è solo un remoto riflesso della mia azione, però è questo il dono della mia vita, il mio apporto più significativo alla rivoluzione anarchica.
\chapter{La questione germano-slava.\forcelinebreak Il comunismo di Stato}
Gli scritti raccolti in questo terzo volume delle \emph{Opere complete} riguardano le lotte all’interno della Prima Internazionale e trattano, in modo esauriente, il problema del comunismo di Stato e la questione germano-slava. È un Bakunin maturo che è al lavoro, un uomo al massimo della chiarezza analitica del proprio pensiero e con una prospettiva d’azione ben delineata, conseguente alle proprie analisi. Tutto ciò appare facilmente, anche se spesso la polemica corre il rischio di prendere la mano e offuscare la nettezza dei giudizi. Ma sono momenti marginali che il lettore deve valutare nella loro scarsa importanza, il centro della riflessione è chiaro: la ricerca delle condizioni che rendono possibile la rivoluzione antiautoritaria, l’indicazione dei pericoli a cui va incontro la rivoluzione autoritaria.
E qui, in effetti, la polemica tra i due schieramenti, si allarga. I marxisti danno fondo a tutte le loro risorse, attaccando anche a livello personale Bakunin, i seguaci di quest’ultimo cercano di organizzare l’Internazionale antiautoritaria, fermando, nello stesso tempo, in modo netto ma pure con acredine, i punti essenziali della controversia. La grande organizzazione si sgretola. Nata all’insegna dell’assommazione, di fronte al bivio della direttrice autoritarismo\Slash{}antiautoritarismo, ogni apparente coesione cade, di fronte agli impegni rivoluzionari molte approssimazioni scompaiono, dal vago delle parole si scende al concreto dei fatti, e, in questo, Bakunin pone il massimo impegno, la più grande puntigliosità. Non è un dottrinario che si sforza di calare nella realtà le proprie tesi. È un uomo d’azione che agendo vede il problema e lo approfondisce teoricamente come condizione per lo sviluppo dell’azione stessa. Gli scritti di questo periodo sono quasi sempre lettere circolari, alcune tanto lunghe da sembrare opuscoli, tutte dirette a chiarire la posizione antiautoritaria di fronte al tentativo di imporre una visione rigidamente meccanica dell’evolversi storico e un’interpretazione politica dell’agire rivoluzionario.
In ultima analisi, il grande scontro si colloca con chiarezza su due punti di riferimento. L’interpretazione dello Stato, della sua funzione, della sua utilizzazione, il senso del divenire storico e del divenire degli Stati, il rapporto tra rivoluzione e processo dialettico, la funzione dell’elemento economico: tutti riferimenti nodali dell’agire politico del partito di Marx, trovanti sostegno sull’interpretazione materialista e dialettica della storia. Poi, la dimensione politica, la non chiarita separazione tra politica borghese e politica rivoluzionaria, il voler penetrare all’interno della macchina dello Stato borghese, tutti strumenti indispensabili per la realizzazione degli obiettivi sollecitati dai marxisti e consequenziali alle tesi teoriche di fondo.
Quello che rende difficile la lettura di questi testi è il fatto che per l’anarchico russo la fusione tra teoria elaborata da Marx e strategia politica dal partito socialdemocratico tedesco (e quindi – almeno secondo Bakunin – dalla cricca londinese facente appunto capo a Marx) era un fatto fuori discussione. Perciò, quando Bakunin, ad esempio, sviluppa la sua analisi sulla situazione della Polonia, della Russia e della Germania, si contrappone, e ne ha coscienza, non solo ad una analisi diversa del partito marxista, ma anche alle tesi di fondo che quell’analisi giustificavano e rendevano possibile. Ora, è proprio quest’ultimo aspetto che bisogna andare a cercare tra le righe, evitando di cadere nella trappola della dichiarata adesione alla posizione teorica di Marx. Insistiamo nel dire che questa dichiarazione ufficiale, se pare corrispondere ad una generica ammissione delle grandi doti di filosofo ed economista di Marx, non andò mai al di là di un espediente polemico riguardo la teoria marxista presa in dettaglio, che venne criticata in modo approfondito quando se ne presentò l’occasione.
Insistiamo perché ci pare opportuno sfatare la tesi di coloro che suggeriscono un preteso marxismo di fondo riguardo Bakunin. Forse tante affrettate letture andrebbero rifatte.
È nota la russofobia di Marx. Nel 1856-1857 dà alla “Free Press”, il giornale dello squallido Urquhart, uno scritto dal titolo: \emph{Rivelazioni sulla Storia Diplomatica del XVIII secolo}, che nelle intenzioni di Marx doveva essere l’introduzione a un più ampio lavoro sulla collusione diplomatica tra Inghilterra e Russia. Non si deve pensare che si tratti di uno scritto “superficiale”. A testimoniare la grande accuratezza con cui Marx si pose al lavoro e le speranze che poneva in quelle ricerche, sono, sia la corrispondenza con Engels (in particolare le lettere di febbraio-marzo 1856), sia un quaderno di 60 pagine, datato febbraio 1856 che fa parte dei “quaderni di studio di Marx” che fino al 1963 si trovavano all’Istituto di Storia sociale di Amsterdam e che sono stati studiati da Rubel.
Nelle \emph{Rivelazioni} Marx scrive: “Alla scuola terribile e abietta della schiavitù mongola che la Moscovia si è formata e ingrandita. Essa ha trovato la propria forza diventando virtuosa nell’arte del servilismo. Anche dopo la sua emancipazione, la Moscovia ha continuato a giocare il suo ruolo tradizionale di schiavo travestito da padrone. È stato per ultimo Pietro il Grande a mescolare l’arte politica dello schiavo mongolo con la fiera ambizione del padrone mongolo cui Gengis Khan ha dato in eredità la propria parola d’ordine: la conquista del mondo”.
Dopo avere accettato di diventare segretario-corrispondente al Consiglio generale dell’Internazionale, del primo gruppo di rivoluzionari russi formato a Ginevra nel 1870, Marx li sollecitò a sostenere la tesi dell’indipendenza nazionale della Polonia allo scopo di liberare l’Europa dal vicinato moscovita. Nel 1867 aveva proposto, senza successo, di tenere degli eserciti nei paesi europei per fronteggiare il pericolo cosacco.
Questo a livello istintivo e di strategia politica. Ma, al di sotto, in Marx restava un’analisi più profonda e più importante per noi, un’analisi che lo spingeva a guardare con ostilità alla Russia, l’analisi emergente dalla sua interpretazione dell’azione delle forze dinamiche dello sviluppo storico. È per questo che è bene scindere le due componenti: l’avversione viscerale, che strappa una polemica non sempre chiara in Bakunin, e la struttura logica del suo pensiero teorico che non poteva non avversare la Russia, che porta Bakunin alle conclusioni migliori e più avvedute sul significato e sulle prospettive rivoluzionarie in quel paese.
E Bakunin ha il senso del pericolo in cui poteva collocarlo la polemica quando scrive: «Che non si dica che, essendo io stesso un patriota russo, mi sforzo, a mia volta, di attirare l’attenzione dei lavoratori dell’Europa occidentale sui progetti ambiziosi e funesti del nuovo Impero, borghesemente civilizzatore, della Germania, col solo scopo di distoglierla dai pericoli molto reali, molto seri, con cui oggi la barbarie dispotica degli zar minaccia evidentemente la causa dell’emancipazione umana e di questa civiltà nascente delle masse popolari, la sola davanti alla quale si possa, ragionevolmente, inchinarsi, ma che i buoni borghesi di tutti i paesi dell’Europa, sbigottiti quanto indignati da questo improvviso risveglio della plebe loro alimentatrice, fino ad ora rassegnata e sottomessa, vogliono ben chiamare la barbarie rivoluzionaria della folla ignorante, follemente e audacemente rivoltata». (\emph{Ai compagni della Federazione delle sezioni internazionali del Giura}, in \emph{Opere complete}, \emph{op. cit}., p. 92). Rivendicando per sé la costante attività rivoluzionaria che per trent’anni l’aveva portato a «\dots{} protestare con tutta la forza dello spirito e del cuore contro la potenza russa, contro l’Impero moscovita, smascherando tutte le sue brutalità e turpitudini sia interne che esterne, rappresentandole sempre, conformemente alla verità storica, non come degli atti accidentali o arbitrari di tale o tal altro individuo, zar, ministro e altri grandi o piccoli funzionari militari, civili o ecclesiastici dello Stato, ma come delle conseguenze fatali di ogni sistema, come delle necessità naturali inerenti al principio stesso di questo Impero mostruoso. [\dots{}]
«Già allora, senza fermarmi a delle accuse sterili e sempre vane contro gli individui che rappresentavano più o meno questa potenza, mi proponevo di dimostrare soprattutto che i mali e i crimini che manifestano e che disonorano l’esistenza politica dell’Impero sono inerenti al principio stesso dello Stato, e che per emancipare i popoli, slavi o non slavi, che gemono sotto il giogo degli zar, non vi era altro mezzo che la dissoluzione dell’Impero. Aggiunsi che, finché questo Impero sarebbe esistito, i Russi, alleati forzati della politica tedesca, sarebbero stati non dei fratelli, ma fatalmente dei nemici per gli Slavi. Finché resterà in piedi, ho detto, voi lo vedrete sempre a fianco delle due grandi potenze della Germania: (l’Austria e la Prussia, sue inseparabili amiche e complici, sempre cospirando e agendo, con esse, contro la libertà dei popoli slavi o non slavi.
«Di conseguenza, consigliai agli Slavi dell’Austria di respingere, come pericolosi ingannatori o come traditori, i propagatori del panslavismo moscovita; ma di respingere anche quelli di un nuovo slavismo austriaco che era stato inventato, o almeno pubblicamente riconosciuto in quello stesso anno, dallo storico ceco, il Dr. Palacky, e che aveva per partigiani i Rieger, i Brauner, i Thun, e molti altri equilibristi politici, di cui ho già avuto occasione di dire la mia opinione precedentemente. Io consigliai loro di adottare pienamente, senza eccezione, il principio della rivoluzione popolare, democratica e sociale e, dimenticando tutti i loro rancori storici, respingendo dai loro cuori tutte le sciocche prevenzioni di razza, di tendere una mano fraterna a quei rivoluzionari della Germania e dell’Ungheria che, respingendo a loro volta ogni pensiero di dominazione, avrebbero riconosciuto francamente il diritto incontestabile degli Slavi ad un’esistenza autonoma. Infine terminai il mio opuscolo dichiarando la mia convinzione profonda che l’emancipazione dei popoli slavi, tedeschi, ungheresi, italiani, non poteva compiersi, e le loro libere federazioni non potevano fondarsi, che sulle rovine della monarchia russa, austriaca, prussiana e turca». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 92-94).
Poi, più spesso che in altre situazioni, la polemica gli prende la mano. I suoi attacchi contro gli Ebrei, sebbene motivati costantemente sul piano della lotta di classe, sebbene indirizzati contro quegli individui (Ebrei) che “regnano come padroni assoluti della banca e che da una trentina d’anni sono riusciti a formare anche una specie di monopolio nella letteratura in Germania”, non hanno per questo di meno la sostanza di una forma di sfogo altrettanto viscerale. A ogni modo, i passi in cui Bakunin cerca di approfondire il tema di un fondamento autoritario degli Ebrei, o in cui parla della loro unità di razza da collocarsi anche al di sopra delle disunità di classe, o in cui si dilunga a illustrare le caratteristiche omogenee della razza giudaica, si contrappongono e trovano sufficiente chiarificazione – fuor di polemica – nei passi in cui il problema è posto correttamente. In questo modo gli Ebrei contro cui puntare l’attacco sono gli esponenti della classe dominante. Eccolo come precisa: «La razza degli Ebrei è una razza molto interessante. Essa è, nello stesso tempo, strettamente nazionale, ed internazionale per eccellenza, ma nel senso dello sfruttamento. È questa che ha creato il commercio internazionale, e quello strumento economico così potente che si chiama il credito. Ecco, certamente, dei diritti incontestabili alla riconoscenza dell’umanità.
«Come tutte le altre nazioni della terra, con tutte le qualità ed i difetti che la distinguono, essa è il prodotto fatale della storia. Sarebbe dunque ingiusto rimproverarle questi misfatti; ma dato che costituisce oggi un’incontestabile potenza, è bene, è necessario ristudiarla bene per rendersi conto di ciò che può portarci sia di danno, sia di utile, e per sapere come dobbiamo preservarci dall’uno, ed approfittare dell’altro.
«Gli Ebrei sono sempre stati una razza molto intelligente e molto infelice, inumana, crudele, e vittima al tempo stesso, persecutrice e perseguitata. Essa adora fin dalla sua infanzia un Dio omicida, il più barbaro e al tempo stesso il più vanitosamente personale di tutti gli dèi conosciuti dalla terra, il feroce e vendicativo Jehovah, che ne aveva fatto il suo popolo eletto. Il suo primo legislatore, Mosè, le aveva ordinato di massacrare tutti i popoli, per stabilire la sua propria potenza. Questo fu il suo debutto nella storia.
«Molto fortunatamente per le altre nazioni, la potenza del popolo ebraico non eguagliò la sua crudeltà! Sempre vinto, molto prima del trionfo finale dei Romani, trapiantato di forza dai suoi conquistatori assiri, babilonesi e persiani nelle parti più lontane dell’Asia, passò dei secoli in un’emigrazione forzata. E fu nel centro di questa emigrazione che si formò ed approfondì nel cuore degli Ebrei il culto di Gerusalemme, simbolo dell’unità nazionale. Nulla unisce tanto quanto la disgrazia.
«Diffusi e sparsi in tutta l’Asia, schiavi, disprezzati, oppressi, ma sempre intelligenti, essi formarono più che mai una nazione: la nazione internazionale dell’Asia e di una parte dell’Africa. Sradicati dalla terra che Jehovah aveva dato loro e non potendo più dedicarsi all’agricoltura, essi dovettero cercare un altro sbocco per la loro attività appassionata ed inquieta. Questo sbocco non poteva essere altro che il commercio; ed è così che gli Ebrei divennero il popolo commerciante per eccellenza. In tutti i paesi, essi ritrovarono i loro compatrioti, vittime come loro dell’oppressione straniera, disprezzati, come loro perseguitati, e come loro animati da un odio naturale e profondo contro le nazioni conquistatrici. Ciò spiega come ha dovuto formarsi infine tra tutte le tribù ebraiche sparse in Africa ed in Asia, fra gli Ebrei di tutti gli Stati, una vasta associazione commerciante, di mutuo soccorso e di assistenza, e di sfruttamento in comune di tutte le nazioni straniere; un popolo di parassiti vivente del sudore e del sangue dei loro conquistatori.
«Le conquiste di Alessandro il Grande e la distruzione finale di Gerusalemme per opera di Tito, sotto il regno di suo padre, l’imperatore Vespasiano, e la deportazione di oltre un milione di schiavi ebrei in Italia, li sparpagliarono di forza in Europa, e finirono per imprimere loro di fatto quel carattere d’internazionalità sfruttatrice e strettamente nazionale che li distingue ancora oggi. Le crudeli persecuzioni di cui furono vittime, durante tutto il medioevo, ed in tutti i paesi, in nome di un Dio di giustizia e di amore, figlio unico e ben degno del loro Jehovah, finirono col determinare la loro tendenza eminentemente ostile alle popolazioni cristiane come sempre e più che mai, essi risposero ad una oppressione stupida, crudele ed iniqua con uno sfruttamento accanito.
«Con la Chiesa cattolica ed i Papi, spartirono l’onore di aver per primi intuito l’onnipotenza del denaro, e centuplicarono questa potenza creando quella del credito. Le prime lettere di cambio e i primi biglietti di banca furono, come si sa, emessi da degli Ebrei d’Italia e, grazie alle relazioni di questi con gli Ebrei di tutti gli altri paesi, questi strumenti di credito si diffusero subito in tutta l’Europa. Con la creazione del credito, gli Ebrei diedero un’anima al commercio internazionale, che iniziò a svilupparsi già a partire dal dodicesimo secolo e, fin dall’inizio, essi divennero i padroni quasi esclusivi di questa anima.
«Con il credito nacque o meglio si sviluppò, in una spaventosa proporzione l’usura, questa piaga sempre sanguinante dei proprietari nobili prima, e più tardi delle popolazioni agricole. Nell’occidente dell’Europa, vi sono ancora molti paesi in cui i contadini proprietari o non proprietari sono letteralmente divorati dagli Ebrei; ma è soprattutto nell’Europa orientale, nei paesi slavi ed ungheresi dell’Austria, nel granducato di Posen, in Prussia, in tutta la Polonia, la Lituania e la Russia Bianca qui compresa, in Moldavia e in Valacchia, che lo sfruttamento ebraico esercita i suoi saccheggi più spietati e più eccessivi. Così, in tutti questi paesi, il popolo detesta gli Ebrei. Esso li detesta al punto che tutte le rivoluzioni popolari sono accompagnate da un massacro di Ebrei: conseguenza naturale, ma che non è per niente adatta a fare degli Ebrei dei partigiani della Rivoluzione popolare e sociale.
«Così occorre dire che gli Ebrei, in tutti i nostri paesi orientali, sono essenzialmente conservatori. Poiché la civiltà, così come esiste ovunque oggi, significa lo sfruttamento sapiente del lavoro delle masse popolari a profitto delle minoranze privilegiate, gli Ebrei sono partigiani sfrenati della civiltà. E poiché i grandi Stati burocratici e centralizzati sono nello stesso tempo la conseguenza e la condizione e anche il coronamento necessario di questo sfruttamento formidabile, essi sono partigiani ad ogni costo dello Stato. Essi hanno naturalmente in orrore lo scatenamento delle masse popolari, e non sono per niente anarchici. [\dots{}]
«Ho detto che gli Ebrei dell’Europa orientale sono nemici giurati di ogni rivoluzione veramente popolare, ed io penso che si possa dire la stessa cosa degli Ebrei dell’Europa occidentale, senza alcuna ingiustizia, e con pochissime eccezioni. L’ebreo è borghese, cioè sfruttatore per eccellenza. Come abbiamo appena visto, tutta la sua storia l’ha fatto tale: sfruttatore in qualunque condizione e sotto qualsiasi forma. Nei paesi barbari, dove la borghesia indigena non esiste, e dove non vi sono che i due estremi, il nobile proprietario da un lato e il contadino lavoratore dall’altro, gli Ebrei divengono gli intermediari obbligati, sfruttando, in una maniera senza dubbio differente, l’uno e l’altro, e nei paesi più civilizzati, essi formano un ceto a parte che tende a confondersi oggi più o meno con la borghesia indigena, mai con il popolo.
«Anche questa mescolanza con la borghesia del paese nativo è piuttosto apparente che reale. In fondo, gli Ebrei di ogni paese non sono realmente amici che con gli Ebrei di tutti i paesi, indipendentemente da ogni differenza che può esistere nelle loro posizioni sociali, il grado della loro istruzione, le loro opinioni politiche ed i loro culti religiosi. Non è più il culto superstizioso di Jehovah che costituisce oggi l’ebreo; un ebreo battezzato non è con ciò meno ebreo.
«Vi sono degli Ebrei cattolici, protestanti, panteisti ed atei, degli Ebrei reazionari, liberali, e persino degli Ebrei democratici e degli Ebrei socialisti. Innanzi tutto, essi sono Ebrei, e questo fatto stabilisce fra tutti gli individui di questa razza singolare, attraverso tutte le opposizioni religiose, politiche e sociali che li separano, una unione e una solidarietà mutuali e indissolubili. È una catena potente, largamente cosmopolita e strettamente nazionale allo stesso tempo, nel senso della razza, e che lega tra loro i re della Banca, i Rothschild, o le intelligenze scientificamente superiori, con gli Ebrei ignoranti e superstiziosi della Lituania, dell’Ungheria, della Romania, dell’Africa e dell’Asia. Io non penso che oggi esista un solo Ebreo nel mondo che non sussulti di speranza e di orgoglio quando sente pronunciare il nome sacro dei Rothschild». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 22-25)
Così riguardo la situazione interna della Germania: «Ma dopo aver reso senza riserve questo omaggio teorico alla Germania, e dopo aver fatto osservare, di passaggio, che tutte queste creazioni immortali del genio tedesco sono stati i prodotti non dell’unità, ma dell’anarchia germanica; dopo aver aggiunto che l’unita politica ucciderà infallibilmente ed incomincia già a sterilizzare le sorgenti vive dello spirito creatore in Germania, noi domanderemo a nostra volta: di tutte quelle magnifiche teorie, cosa è penetrato nella vita pratica e politica, sia interiore che esteriore, della Germania? E a loro volta, i Tedeschi, se vogliono essere coscienziosi, dovranno rispondere: Niente.
«L’umanità teorica è il loro sogno; ma solo la brutalità costituisce la loro pratica, almeno quel tanto che è in rapporto alla loro vita politica nazionale sia interna che esterna. Se qualcuno mi dice che la Germania gode di tutte le libertà costituzionali e di un regime elettivo e parlamentare largamente sviluppato, io risponderei: tanto peggio per coloro che vogliono lasciarsi fuorviare da tutti questi apparati scenici ingannatori e s’immaginano di essere liberi anche restando dei miserabili schiavi. Non occorre essere molto perspicaci, veramente, per capire, attraverso tutto quel rumore artificiale che fanno i miseri rappresentanti delle sedicenti libertà germaniche, la voce brutale del padrone che comanda e che non ammette repliche. Oggi, in tutta questa impalcatura parlamentare, non vi restano più che tre istituzioni serie: la finanza, la polizia sia interna che esterna, sia temporale che spirituale, e l’esercito. Tutto il resto non è che menzogna e fumo negli occhi, una menzogna molto comoda e di cui Napoleone III aveva già intuito la grande utilità. Io non dubito minimamente che presto si venga ad introdurla in Russia, e questo paese allora, sotto il profilo politico, non avrà più niente da invidiare alla Germania.
«Lo sfondo reale di tutte le libertà costituzionali di cui godono quei beati popoli tedeschi, è il dispotismo insolente e brutale. È la negazione sistematica e sapiente della libertà e dell’umanità. E ciò che vi è di funesto, è che il borghese tedesco vi si sente a suo agio, tanto soddisfatto come il pesce nell’acqua. Si vede che la schiavitù è il suo elemento. Sì, se si dovesse giudicare la nazione tedesca dalla sua nobiltà e dalla sua borghesia, si direbbe che è un popolo nato per restare lacchè tutta la sua vita.
«Mi si mostrerà il proletariato della Germania. Davanti ad esso io m’inchino, e riconosco con tutto il cuore che, quando non è fuorviato dai suoi capi, i piccoli ebrei socialisti, letterati e corrispondenti, di cui ho già parlato più sopra, e per quanto glielo permetta una situazione eccessivamente disgraziata, malgrado la sua ignoranza, spinto unicamente da un grande istinto, esso fa tutto ciò che è possibile affinché almeno nella sua vita e nei suoi atti, la libertà, la giustizia e la fraternità umana non siano delle menzogne. Mentre tutta la Germania nobiliare, borghese, letteraria, artistica e istruita celebrava i trionfi omicidi e liberticidi del suo imperatore, esso solo ha avuto il coraggio di protestare; e mi piace riconoscere che, in quella occasione, i suoi capi, per i quali, lo si vede, io non ho che una simpatia molto mediocre, si sono comportati altrettanto nobilmente di quello. Essi hanno pagato con la loro libertà le loro rimostranze coraggiose». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 44-45).
Ed è la stessa tesi con cui risponde correttamente alle accuse di panslavismo. «La questione slava si semplifica e si restringe in una maniera singolare e, in apparenza, molto pratica. Non si tratta più di emancipazione popolare, ma molto semplicemente di sapere quale razza opprimerà l’altra. O anche, piuttosto, di sapere se, come per il passato, saranno le classi politiche privilegiate della Germania che continueranno ad opprimere e a sfruttare il proletariato slavo e tedesco, o se delle nuove classi politiche e privilegiate e di origine slava opprimeranno e sfrutteranno a loro volta il proletariato tedesco e slavo. Nel primo caso gli oppressori e gli sfruttatori parleranno tedesco; nel Nord, parleranno qualche lingua slava. Ma l’oppressione, lo sfruttamento, l’iniquità violenta e avida, resteranno le stesse. Sotto forme slave o tedesche, sarà sempre il trionfo del medesimo pensiero di dominazione, quello della civiltà germanica.
«Ebbene, francamente il gioco non vale la candela; e, se le popolazioni slave non avessero nulla di nuovo da apportare, sarebbe meglio per il mondo e per esse stesse che restassero tranquillamente rassegnate sotto il giogo storico dei Tedeschi. Perché per l’onore della razza, è mille volte meglio che esse continuino a soffrire l’oppressione delle razze straniere, piuttosto che diventino, fra le mani di oppressori e di sfruttatori indigeni, contemporaneamente lo strumento della loro schiavitù e dell’asservimento dei popoli vicini. Nel primo caso, resta almeno una speranza di emancipazione per l’avvenire; mentre per il secondo, non resta altro che la miseria, la vergogna ed il crimine di lesa-umanità, senza speranza.
«La gioventù slava, fuorviata così e cercando il compimento dei destini slavi in combinazioni politiche completamente contrarie all’interesse e agli istinti di quelle popolazioni slave che essa ama tanto; del resto troppo povera e costretta a guadagnare il suo pane in condizioni che la rendono dipendente dai governi e dalle classi di cui gli interessi sono diametralmente opposti a quelli delle masse popolari; questa gioventù, buona, piena di eccellenti disposizioni per il popolo, ma con la testa piena di idee o meglio di fantasie antiquate, diviene, senza saperlo e senza volerlo senza dubbio, uno strumento di tutti gli intrighi politici da cui solo la cupidigia e l’ambizione senza vergogna dei capi riconosciuti del movimento slavo traggono oggi profitto. Questi capi si vendono al migliore offerente, e spesso anche a molti offerenti per volta, e vendono con sé l’agitazione sincera ma cieca di una gioventù che li segue senza dubitare dove vanno.
«Ci si può immaginare l’orribile confusione che tutto ciò deve produrre nel movimento slavo, attraversato da una quantità di correnti opposte, che si scontrano e, stornate e neutralizzate le une dalle altre, riducono necessariamente a niente tutte le imprese parziali che sono state fatte finora per la liberazione di questi popoli. I primi che ne approfittano, almeno in apparenza, sono la Turchia e l’Austria. Ma il profitto più evidente, i vantaggi più solidi e più certi vanno indubbiamente alla propaganda panslavista dell’Impero di tutte le Russie. Perché per quanto grande sia la confusione causata da quella sfrenatezza politica, intellettuale e morale, resta sempre nel cuore e nel pensiero delle popolazioni slave, e si può dire anche di quasi tutti gli individui slavi, per quanto avanzata sia la loro corruzione politica, un sentimento permanente, profondo, inalterabile: l’odio per gli oppressori stranieri; l’odio per i Tedeschi, prima, e poi, a un grado molto inferiore, per gli Ungheresi e per i Turchi.
«Ma è soprattutto l’orrore che i Tedeschi ispirano loro: un sentimento che, nelle popolazioni slave, non si placa mai e che, anche in mezzo delle loro divisioni e delle loro gelosie mutuali, li unisce realmente in un tutto omogeneo. Aggiungete a questo sentimento quello della loro impotenza, sempre più dimostrata, di liberarsi con i propri sforzi isolati, e avrete il segreto dell’influenza per così dire magnetica che la propaganda russa esercita sull’immaginazione di questi popoli». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 40-41).
E continua: «Ciò che le popolazioni slave possono e devono odiare, è la Germania ufficiale e ufficiosa, nobiliare, borghese, letteraria e sapiente, cioè tutto ciò che costituisce la nazione politica. Ma esse non hanno nessuna ragione né nessun diritto di odiare il proletariato, né i contadini, né gli operai della Germania. Costoro sono delle vittime come loro stessi, vittime secolari della stessa oppressione ufficiale, nobiliare, borghese, e di conseguenza loro alleati naturali, loro amici forzati». (\emph{Ibidem}).
Per Bakunin gli Slavi sono costituzionalmente una razza contraria alle conquiste, dotata di aspirazioni istintive contro lo Stato e a favore dell’organizzazione economica e sociale al di fuori dello Stato. «Questa assenza di passioni e di idee politiche e stata indubbiamente, nel passato, una delle cause principali della loro inferiorità, e del loro asservimento sotto il giogo delle razze conquistatrici: dei Tedeschi, degli Ungheresi, dei Tartari e dei Turchi che, sulla loro schiavitù, hanno fondato i loro Stati». (\emph{Ib}., p. 39). E conclude: «Le popolazioni slave, pacifiche, agricole e socialiste per natura, non hanno mai fondato Stati, e ogni nuovo Stato che sarà fondato sulla loro testa, portasse mille volte un nome slavo, violerà i loro più intimi istinti, e per esse non sarà niente se non una nuova prigione». (\emph{Ibidem}).
Quindi Bakunin rifiuta il panslavismo per lo stesso motivo per cui lotta contro il pangermanesimo. Se Borkheim, portavoce di Marx, sostiene la formazione di una volontà europeo-americana per respingere i Russi indietro, rinchiudendoli ed obbligandoli ad occuparsi di se stessi (ripresa del discorso di Marx sulla necessità di una forza armata europea capace di fronteggiare la Russia), Bakunin sensatamente risponde che Bismarck è molto più logico e pratico dei socialdemocratici tedeschi in quanto sa che cercherebbe invano questa volontà unanime, che Borkheim e i suoi amici credono di avere nelle mani, e non si preoccupa affatto di tentare una follia che avrebbe per conseguenza immediata di riversare tutte le forze russe sulla Germania. Al contrario, è molto entusiasta, di vederle impegnate lontano dall’Europa, nell’Estremo Oriente, ciò che lo lascia, in effetti, unico padrone dei destini dell’Occidente». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 82-83).
Per cui conclude: «Pangermanesimo e panslavismo sono ai miei occhi due mostri ugualmente dannosi per la libertà, per la pace, per l’emancipazione delle masse operaie, per la civiltà umana dell’Europa. Sempre opposti, e sempre si urtano in una lotta accanita, come la Chiesa e lo Stato, come quelli essi sono inseparabili, e lontani dal potersi distruggere a vicenda, provocano, legittimano, suscitano, eternizzano l’esistenza l’uno dell’altro». (\emph{Ib}., p. 101).
E più chiaramente: «Tutta la storia della Germania è propriamente una lotta contro la razza slava, la Prussia, questa chiave di volta dell’attuale potenza della Germania, non è altro che un cimitero slavo. Tutti i Tedeschi credono istintivamente di avere la missione di civilizzare, cioè di pangermanizzare gli Slavi. Questa illusione potrebbe anche avere per essi delle conseguenze molto amare. I Tedeschi malgrado tutti gli orrori che hanno commesso contro le popolazioni slave, non sono ancora riusciti a distruggerle. Oggi non è più possibile. L’odio che i Tedeschi hanno saputo risvegliare contro di sé in tutti i cuori slavi fa la forza e l’unione delle popolazioni slave, esso ha fatto nascere il panslavismo. Perché panslavismo non è altro che il prodotto negativo del pangermanesimo. Pangermanesimo e panslavismo sono ugualmente detestabili, ma ciascuno di essi produce l’altro a sua volta, sono tanto nemici e tanto inseparabili quanto lo sono la Chiesa e lo Stato». (\emph{La Germania e il comunismo di Stato}, in \emph{Ib}., p. 143). E più avanti, nello stesso testo: «Per distruggere il panslavismo ed il pangermanesimo, non vi è che un mezzo, soffocare simultaneamente entrambi nell’umanità, con l’abolizione degli Stati.
«Ma non è soltanto la razza slava, la razza latina è ugualmente condannata dalla coscienza dei Tedeschi. Essi credono fermamente che ha fatto il suo tempo. Non hanno verso di essa quell’odio feroce che li anima contro gli Slavi – odio che è in parte nascosto per il timore istintivo che gli Slavi potrebbero essere chiamati, più tardi, ad eliminarli, a rimpiazzarli, odio di vecchi verso i più giovani. No, essi nutrono per i Latini, che considerano più civili, più educati, più antichi nell’umanità di se stessi, una specie di pietà mista al rispetto. I popoli latini sono ben vecchi e del tutto esausti, si dicono, ma essi sono così amabili, così piacevoli. Tuttavia, è bene che finiscano di morire, e noi siamo incontestabilmente i loro eredi, purché quei maledetti Slavi, quei vili schiavi che non siamo riusciti a schiacciare, non vengano presto o tardi a disputarci l’eredità!
«Chiunque abbia studiato un po’ seriamente i Tedeschi dovrà riconoscere che ho espresso il loro vero punto di vista, il sentimento più intimo dei loro cuori, sentimento che voi troverete in tutti i Tedeschi pensanti e politicizzati. E ci si sbaglierebbe molto se si pensasse che questa disposizione si trovi soltanto nella borghesia tedesca; no, essa si ritrova ugualmente in quella parte del proletariato della Germania che subisce attualmente l’influenza, secondo me molto incresciosa, perniciosa, dei letterati e politici del Partito della democrazia socialista. Tutti questi onorevoli cittadini e veramente degni di simpatia e di stima sotto molti rapporti, tutti questi capi del nuovo Partito, rappresentanti del proletariato all’interno e della razza ascendente all’esterno, nutrono nei riguardi dei fatti e degli uomini rivoluzionari della razza latina, quella specie di pietà insieme rispettosa ed indulgente che i figli ben nati, nutrono per i loro genitori che, invecchiando, sono condannati a morire. Hanno nei loro confronti ogni sorta di complimenti e di riguardi, a condizione tuttavia che non impediscano a loro di svilupparsi e di avanzare, a loro modo, e che, subendo loro stessi le condizioni di questa marcia progressiva della loro potenza ascendente, si lascino in realtà condurre da loro. A questa condizione, faranno loro tutte le possibili concessioni onorifiche e lasceranno loro tutte le apparenze d’iniziativa e di azione, purché rispettino la potenza reale. Essi sono pieni di umanità e di cortesia, per quanto i Tedeschi siano capaci di essere umani e cortesi, hanno per loro molta considerazione, perché sono convinti che loro, i Latini, devono presto morire. [\dots{}]
«Questo non è affatto il loro rapporto di fronte alla razza slava. Questa razza è vissuta poco nel passato; attualmente è oppressa dappertutto, dunque è una razza del futuro, quindi si presenta come una rivale, tanto più pericolosa in quanto oggi non esiste nel suo seno che un solo sentimento unanime, un odio profondo contro i Tedeschi, suoi eterni oppressori. E per quanto i Tedeschi riconoscano volentieri che occorre un po’ di barbarie germanica per rinnovare la civiltà decrepita dei Latini, gli Slavi sembrano loro fin troppo barbari, e la prova è che gli Slavi, abbandonati a se stessi, al loro sviluppo autonomo, non hanno mai saputo né voluto creare una borghesia nel loro seno, né costituire uno Stato. La natura slava, profondamente ostile a questi due elementi essenziali della civiltà, così come la concepiscono i Tedeschi più democratici e più socialisti, rappresenta dunque la barbarie assoluta, l’anarchia. Voi vedete da qui la conseguenza; conformemente a questa teoria, nella marcia progressiva della storia, la razza latina rappresenta l’aristocrazia, la razza slava, la canaglia popolare, e la razza tedesca, la borghesia». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 143-144).
Anche nell’\emph{Indirizzo inaugurale} Marx aveva trovato modo di contrabbandare il proprio sentimento antirusso, indicando il governo di Pietroburgo come il centro della reazione in Europa. Evidentemente le ricerche che avevano dato vita alle \emph{Rivelazioni} perduravano intatte nel loro interesse per il pensatore tedesco. E Bakunin non manca di puntualizzare la cosa: «Invece di cercare il segreto delle violenze e delle brutalità che affliggono ancora la società umana nel principio dello Stato, che è quello della dominazione e dello sfruttamento a qualsiasi costo, invece di far notare, ciò che sarebbe stato perfettamente conforme alla verità sia storica che presente, che ciò che la Russia, impero barbaro, osa fare cinicamente, tutti gli altri grandi Stati sedicenti civilizzati dell’Europa lo compiono ipocritamente, Marx ha trovato più comodo, e senza dubbio anche più vantaggioso per le vedute particolari del patriottismo tedesco, rigettare sulla Russia la colpa di tutti i crimini politici e sociali che si compiono in Europa». (\emph{Ai compagni della Federazione delle sezioni internazionali del Giura}, in \emph{Ib}., p. 75).
Ma, come abbiamo detto, sia Marx che Bakunin erano ben consci che il problema specifico della Russia aveva un senso più profondo, quello di dar corpo ad una strategia rivoluzionaria che si ponesse precisi obiettivi, in forza di una preventiva analisi teorica elaborata da Marx e non condivisa da Bakunin (anche se a livello superficiale più volte questi aveva dato ad intendere di trovarsi d’accordo). Marx parte dalle premesse metodologiche del suo sistema, un sistema a carattere unitario che intende spiegare la storia attraverso la specificità dei diversi fenomeni artistici, scientifici, economici e politici riuniti nell’unicità creata con la violenza capitalistica. Il capitale con Marx diventa lo “spirito dell’epoca”, quello stesso spirito che Hegel aveva utilizzato in senso metafisico. Se Hegel scriveva: “Bisogna ribadire che vi è solo uno spirito, solo un principio, il quale si esprime nello Stato politico, così come si manifesta nella religione, nell’arte, nell’eticità, nella sociabilità, nel commercio e nell’industria\dots{}”. (\emph{Sistema e Storia della Filosofia}), anche Marx poteva dirsi d’accordo con queste premesse del maestro. E se l’unità nello svolgimento non consente dispersioni, anche certi mostri reazionari (come la Germania e Bismarck) possono, a un certo punto, giocare un ruolo positivo nella storia. Qui occorre chiarire che per Marx questo discorso non era assolutizzante, cioè non aveva pretese di valere per tutte le situazioni in ogni momento, facendo una distinzione ben chiara (al contrario di Hegel) tra l’ordine logico immanente delle categorie, da una parte, e l’ordine storico. Il presente, per Marx, e sì il risultato dell’evoluzione storica, ma questo risultato non sempre appare indicato come la realizzazione di un piano di fondo, precedente al processo stesso. Questo punto è, a nostro avviso, molto importante, e non è sfuggito a Bakunin, straordinario conoscitore di Hegel. Marx scriveva: “La cosiddetta evoluzione storica si fonda soprattutto sul fatto che l’ultima forma considera quelle passate come gradini nei suoi propri confronti e, giacché raramente è capace di criticare se stessa, la concepisce sempre unilateralmente\dots{} Sarebbe quindi inattuabile ed errato collocare le categorie economiche nell’ordine in cui esse sono state storicamente determinanti. La loro successione è determinata piuttosto dal rapporto reciproco che esse hanno nella moderna società borghese, e che è esattamente il contrario di ciò che appare come il loro rapporto naturale o che corrisponde all’ordine dello sviluppo storico”. (\emph{Introduzione alla critica dell’economia politica}). Abbiamo così che la necessità dialettica del metodo di Marx è necessità nella prospettiva distorta del capitalismo (onde cadono quelle facili critiche di un certo anti-marxismo mai accettato da Bakunin), ma potrebbe non essere più tale in un ordine di cose diverso.
E qui s’inserisce il progetto critico di Bakunin. Se lo Stato è il male massimo, può restar tale anche al di là del progetto capitalista in senso storicamente determinato e quindi risorgere (come apparirà chiaramente in \emph{Stato e Anarchia}) con una necessità di tipo diverso dalla necessità che ne dettava le condizioni all’interno dello schema capitalista.
Nel 1849 Marx aveva scritto sulla “Neue Rheinische Zeitung”: “Tutte queste piccole nazioni impotenti e rachitiche devono, in fondo, della riconoscenza a quelle che, secondo le necessità storiche, li legano a qualche grande impero, permettendo loro, in questo modo, di partecipare ad uno sviluppo storico al quale, abbandonate a se stesse, sarebbero rimaste del tutto estranee. È chiaro che un simile risultato non può essere raggiunto senza schiacciare qualche pollice tenero. Senza violenza niente può essere portato a buon fine nella storia”. E più avanti : “I Cechi, nel numero dei quali contiamo i Moravi e gli Slovacchi, non hanno mai avuto storia. Dopo Carlo Magno, la Boemia è legata alla Germania. Per un momento, la nazione ceca si emancipa per formare l’Impero grande moravo. In seguito, Boemia e Moravia sono definitivamente legate alla Germania e le regioni slovacche restano all’Ungheria. E questa ‘nazione’ inesistente, dal punto di vista storico, esige l’indipendenza? È inammissibile dare l’indipendenza ai Cechi, perché allora l’Est della Germania avrebbe l’apparenza di una pagnotta rosicata dai topi\dots{} La conquista da parte dei Tedeschi delle regioni slave tra l’Elba e la Warthe fu una necessità geografica e strategica risultante dalla divisione dell’Impero carolingio. La causa è chiara. Il risultato non può essere messo in discussione. Questa conquista fu nell’interesse della civiltà, non ci sono dubbi”.
La necessità storica di Marx è progetto strategico all’interno della dimensione chiave segnata dalle condizioni capitaliste. Anche se il sistema capitalista è riconosciuto come transitorio, il progetto strategico, temporaneo per definizione, non ne soffre e subisce l’imposizione della necessità storica con la stessa forza cogente dell’assoluto hegeliano. L’uomo ha creato la totalità capitalista e vi si è rinchiuso dentro, egli può uscirne proprio perchè è una sua creazione ma ad una sola condizione, che rispetti le regole necessarie che si pongono all’interno della totalità, e queste regole hanno tutto l’aspetto di una necessità storica assoluta, anche se poi, ad un’analisi critica più ravvicinata, risultano del tutto accidentali.
Riguardo Bakunin fu proprio la chiara coscienza di questa duplice verità insita nel progetto marxista (al di là della brutale polemica e degli istinti viscerali), che lo spinse ad attaccare sul piano del chiarimento concreto invece di inserirsi in un’analisi filosofico-metodologica che viene costantemente ricacciata tra le righe.
Ecco quindi la critica allo Stato riportata all’interno della dimensione del contrasto di classe. Scrive Bakunin: «Pensiamo che il proletariato, di cui il principale nemico, si può anche dire l’unico, è lo sfruttamento borghese, non essendo più oggi lo Stato stesso, sotto qualunque forma sia, e con tutta la sua potenza repressiva e compressiva, altra cosa che la conseguenza e nello stesso tempo la garanzia di questo sfruttamento, – pensiamo che il proletariato deve cercare tutti gli elementi della sua forza esclusivamente in se stesso, e che li deve organizzare interamente al di fuori della borghesia, contro essa e contro lo Stato che da essa è considerato con molta ragione, come l’ultimo ed il più potente mezzo di salvezza. L’abolizione dello Stato, questo è dunque il fine politico dell’Internazionale, di cui la realizzazione è la condizione preliminare o l’accompagnamento necessario dell’emancipazione economica del proletariato». (\emph{Ai compagni della Federazione delle sezioni internazionali del Giura}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 105-106). E a conclusione della sua presa di posizione contro la strategia marxista: «Il proletariato è l’unica eccezione alla regola tedesca, cioè al vile servilismo che caratterizza tutto il resto della nazione, la Germania propriamente civilizzata. Ma vi prego anche di osservare che questo proletariato non ha mai contribuito, almeno di sua libera volontà, né con le sue simpatie patriottiche, alla fondazione dell’Impero prusso-germanico, a meno che non si voglia citare quella parte fuorviata degli operai della Prussia, che degli agenti di Bismarck, sedicenti socialisti lassalliani, erano riusciti ad aggirare per un po’ di tempo. Ma quelli erano in realtà tanto innocenti quanto i proletari ignoranti delle campagne, che hanno gridato bravo all’imperatore e a Bismarck. Senza dubitare che essi gridavano morte a se stessi. Lasciamo dunque questi innocenti e parliamo dei cooperatori coscienti ed interessati.
«I veri fondatori dell’Impero, sono la nobiltà e la borghesia, ivi compresa naturalmente l’immensa maggioranza dei letterati e dei dotti. Sono queste due classi che hanno dato all’Impero la loro anima, il loro pensiero; e, ora che si sono completamente manifestate e che infine hanno mostrato a tutti ciò che hanno portato nel loro seno per così lungo tempo, noi le possiamo giudicare attraverso l’Impero che hanno fondato».(\emph{Ib}., pp. 45-46).
Nel frattempo, anziché il consolidamento di Stati, il loro disgregamento può essere considerato un altro passo avanti verso la distruzione del principio stesso dello Stato.
«Il vecchio mondo che si dissolve da solo, è la civiltà teologica autoritaria, dottrinaria, politica prima aristocratica, poi borghese e sempre gerente, governante, opprimente, della Chiesa e dello Stato. La nuova organizzazione, è quella di milioni di lavoratori che, non riconoscendo più altre basi dal lavoro, l’uguaglianza, la libertà, la giustizia e la scienza, in una parola tutto ciò che costituisce realmente l’umanità su questa terra e che non trovando al di fuori delle loro associazioni che putridume e rottami, si sforzano di costruire sulle rovine di questo vecchio mondo che se ne va un ordine umano. Questa dissoluzione e questa formazione ugualmente necessarie, come si vede, si concatenano. La seconda è una conseguenza fatale della prima. La transazione tra esse si chiama rivoluzione.
«Dunque, l’Associazione Internazionale dei Lavoratori, che rappresenta, come azione negativa, la dissoluzione, e come azione positiva la nuova organizzazione, è essenzialmente ed involontariamente rivoluzionaria. Preparando ed organizzando gli elementi della nuova società accelera la distruzione del vecchio mondo, e spingendolo nell’abisso essa rende sempre più possibile l’opera positiva dell’organizzazione.
«Queste due tendenze dell’Internazionale, una negativa e l’altra positiva, sono dunque inseparabili. Nessuna di esse potrebbe essere trascurata o falsata senza che l’altra non ne risenti immediatamente. Dalla seconda dipende la sua potenza di distruzione e contemporaneamente il suo diritto a distruggere, e dalla prima la stessa possibilità di una organizzazione completa e definitiva». (\emph{Ib}., pp. 106-107).
Perché il principio di negazione della nazionalità? Se fosse affermato in funzione di un vero internazionalismo andrebbe bene, ma se è affermato in favore di una forza nazionale più grande che uccide le espressioni etniche più piccole, in nome di una necessità storica universale, allora no. «Tutta la stampa della democrazia borghese della Germania è oggi infettata da questo pangermanesimo vorace [\dots{}]. E sapete come presenta questa tendenza? Sotto un pretesto molto plausibile, quello della negazione del principio delle nazionalità, negazione che sarebbe stata perfettamente giusta se si facesse in favore dell’Internazionalismo, ma che diventa iniqua dal momento che la si reclama a profitto di una nazionalità». (\emph{La Germania e il comunismo di Stato}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 145-146).
Bakunin si pone criticamente di fronte al materialismo determinista che si coglie dietro l’ipotesi metodologica e le conseguenze strategiche di Marx e dei marxisti, e la sua critica raggiunge l’intimo significato della dottrina di Marx che non è un cieco determinismo ma rigetta l’ipotesi meccanica d’interpretazione del fatto storico per cogliere la necessità solo all’interno di un modo di disporsi della storia, il modo capitalista, donde emergerebbe la possibilità di una necessità diversa in modi storici diversi. Ma, afferma Bakunin, se l’ideale dell’uomo è la libertà, l’eliminazione dello sfruttamento, esso resta identificabile anche al di là del modo concreto in cui questo sfruttamento accidentalmente ha preso forma nella storia, cioè il capitalismo. «Riconosciamo la necessità, il carattere inevitabile di tutti gli avvenimenti che accadono, ma non ci inchiniamo indifferentemente davanti ad essi, e soprattutto ci guardiamo bene dal lodarli o dall’ammirarli quando, per loro natura, si mostrano in opposizione flagrante con il fine supremo della storia, con l’ideale sostanzialmente umano che si ritrova, sotto forme, più o meno manifeste, negli istinti, nelle aspirazioni popolari e sotto i simboli religiosi di tutte le epoche, perché è inerente alla razza umana, la più socievole di tutte le razze animali sulla terra. Questo ideale, oggi più compreso che mai, può riassumersi con queste parole: È il trionfo dell’umanità, è la conquista e il compimento della piena libertà e del pieno sviluppo materiale, intellettuale e morale di ciascuno, tramite l’organizzazione assolutamente spontanea e libera della solidarietà economica e sociale, tanto completa quanto possibile, fra tutti gli esseri umani viventi sulla terra.
«Ora, tutto ciò che nella storia si mostra conforme a questo fine, dal punto di vista umano, – e noi non possiamo averne altri, – è buono; tutto ciò che gli è contrario è cattivo. Sappiamo anche molto bene che, ciò che noi chiamiamo buono e ciò che noi chiamiamo cattivo, sono sempre, l’uno e l’altro, dei risultati naturali di cause naturali e che, di conseguenza, uno è inevitabile quanto l’altro. Ma come, in ciò che si chiama propriamente la natura, riconosciamo molte necessità che siamo molto poco disposti a benedire, ad esempio la necessità di morire arrabbiati quando si è stati morsi da un cane arrabbiato, così, in questa continuazione immediata della vita naturale che si chiama la storia, noi incontriamo molte necessità che troviamo molto più degne di maledizione che di benedizione, e che crediamo di dover stigmatizzare con tutta l’energia di cui siamo capaci, nell’interesse della nostra moralità, sia individuale che sociale, sebbene riconosciamo che, dal momento che sono compiuti, anche i fatti storici più detestabili, recano in sé quel carattere di inevitabilità che noi ritroviamo altrettanto in tutti i fenomeni della natura che in quelli della storia». (\emph{Scritto contro Marx}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 237-238).
Ed eccoci all’altro punto nodale del contrasto. La dimensione politica, il problema dell’utilizzazione dello Stato borghese. È chiaro che Bakunin poteva giudicare solo dalle azioni compiute dal gruppo di Marx, e la lunga attività di corridoio, conclusasi con la messa al bando di Bakunin e Guillaume e con la frattura in seno all’Internazionale, non testimoniava certo a favore delle buone intenzioni di Marx. Oggi, disponendo di una vasta scelta di manoscritti e lettere, possiamo provare almeno due cose: che la passione per il dominio in Marx era fatto più che altro intellettuale, cioè la sua lotta dietro le quinte era sopra ogni cosa diretta ad imporre l’autorità del proprio credo filosofico ed economico, che l’idea che Marx si era fatta del partito proletario non aveva quasi nulla a che vedere con le “realizzazioni” della socialdemocrazia tedesca. Certo, all’esterno le cose sembrava andassero molto diversamente. Lassalle e soci erano sostenuti dal gruppo di Londra e andava nascendo un partito “marxista”. Eppure non mancano le lettere in cui, reciprocamente, Marx ed Engels si interrogano affannosamente sulla consistenza rivoluzionaria di Lassalle, Liebknecht e sulle tendenze tedesche verso una commistione col potere bismarckiano. Anche più tardi, il vecchio Engels, in una lettera a Sorge scriveva: “D’altronde, il Congresso deve aver poca importanza. Naturalmente io non andrò; non posso continuare a rituffarmi nell’agitazione. Ma la gente vuole adesso ricominciare a giocare ai Congressi, quindi è preferibile che se lo fanno non siano diretti da Brousse e Hyndman. È tempo di mettere fine ai loro traffici”. (\emph{Lettera} dell’8 giugno 1889). Non c’è dubbio che questa posizione di Engels, sempre più compromettente a livello ufficiale, e sempre più patetica a livello intimo, deriva anche dall’essersi reso conto degli errori in cui si era incorsi fin dal tempo della polemica all’interno della Prima Internazionale e dall’aver compreso che la posizione di forza (di massa) che il gruppo di Londra sembrava possedesse ad un certo punto, era molto più debole di quanto non ci si immaginasse (vedere la defezione degli Inglesi). Comunque, tra le tesi di Engels, poniamo del 1885, e la fonte marxista non ci sono grosse differenze di fondo. Insistiamo nel riportarci a Engels perché lo consideriamo più rigido in senso autoritario, e, nei confronti dei testi sacri marxisti e della loro interpretazione carismatica, più realista del re. Eppure, questo dialettico determinista, trova il coraggio di scrivere, appunto nel 1885: “Una generazione separa quel tempo dal nostro. Allora la Germania era il paese dell’artigianato e dell’industria a domicilio basata sul lavoro manuale; ora è un grande paese industriale in cui è ancora continuo il rivolgimento industriale. Allora bisognava cercare a uno a uno gli operai che capissero la loro posizione come operai e il loro antagonismo storico-economico col capitale, perchè questo antagonismo stesso stava appena sorgendo. Oggi si deve sottoporre tutto il proletariato tedesco a leggi eccezionali, solo per allentare un po’ il processo della sua evoluzione verso la piena consapevolezza della sua situazione di classe oppressa. Allora i pochi che erano riusciti a penetrare nella comprensione della funzione storica del proletariato, dovevano riunirsi in segreto, adunarsi alla chetichella in piccole comunità di 3 fino a 20 persone. Oggi il proletariato tedesco non ha più bisogno di alcuna organizzazione ufficiale, né pubblica né segreta; il semplice, naturale legame fra compagni di una stessa classe basta, senza statuti, organi direttivi, deliberazioni di nessun genere, senza altre forme tangibili, per scuotere tutto l’impero tedesco. Bismarck è arbitro in Europa, al di fuori, al di là delle frontiere; ma all’interno cresce ogni giorno più minacciosa quella figura atletica del proletariato tedesco, che Marx prevedeva già nel 1844, il gigante cui lo stretto edificio dell’impero, fatto su misura per il filisteo, diventa già troppo angusto, e la cui potente statura e le cui larghe spalle seguitano a crescere in attesa del momento in cui, solo levandosi in piedi ridurrà in macerie tutto l’edificio della costituzione dell’impero. E non basta. Il movimento internazionale del proletariato europeo ed americano è ora talmente rafforzato che non soltanto la sua prima forma angusta – la Lega segreta – ma anche la sua seconda forma, infinitamente più ampia – l’Associazione Internazionale degli Operai – è diventata per esso un ceppo e che il semplice sentimento di solidarietà basato sulla comprensione della identità della situazione di classe, basta a creare e a mantenere fra gli operai di tutti i paesi e di tutte le lingue uno stesso grande partito del proletariato. Le teorie che la Lega sosteneva dal 1847 al 1852 e che allora potevano essere trattate dai sapienti filistei con una scrollatina di spalle, come fantasticherie di pazzi estremisti, come dottrina segreta di alcuni capi di sette disperse, hanno seguaci innumerevoli in tutti i paesi civili del mondo, fra i condannati nelle miniere siberiane, come fra i cercatori d’oro in California; e il creatore di questa dottrina, l’uomo più odiato e più calunniato del suo tempo, Karl Marx, era, quando morì, il consigliere sempre cercato e sempre pronto del proletariato dei due mondi”. (\emph{Per la storia della Lega dei Comunisti}, Londra 8 ottobre 1885).
II progetto politico marxista si sviluppa su tre direttrici: a) lotta economica e politica per le riforme sociali in seno all’ordine legale (suffragio universale, leggi, ecc.); b) conquista, legale o violenta, del potere politico ed attuazione di quelle misure adatte a capovolgere i rapporti di produzione borghesi; c) dittatura del proletariato per distruggere la resistenza della classe padronale e per garantire il passaggio alla società liberata. In questo progetto il ruolo del partito operaio era quello di una struttura borghese prodotta dalla realtà borghese che interviene per esplicare alcune funzioni. E qui si pone l’errore di Marx, l’assegnare ai comunisti, come minoranza, la possibilità di utilizzare questi strumenti, partito operaio, Stato, violenza dittatoriale, nel senso degli interessi comuni del proletariato preso nel suo insieme, come appare chiaro dal \emph{Manifesto}. E lo scopo è, in definitiva, quello di attaccare lo Stato. Distruggere quest’ultimo per gradi, in quanto viene dato per scontato che la distruzione immediata è impossibile, facendo ricorso a uno strumento di potere come l’azione politica della classe operaia: un male più piccolo per distruggere un male più grosso. La verità è che proprio l’ammissione dell’impossibilità della distruzione immediata dello Stato giustificava l’entrata nella dimensione politica e non quest’ultima si giustificava con la persistenza dello Stato. In definitiva, come ha visto con acume Sorel, una grave incompatibilità tra il marxismo politico e i fondamenti dell’autogestione proletaria, cioè dell’azione autodiretta del proletariato rivoluzionario.
La critica di Bakunin è precisa e dettagliata. Il proletariato europeo non può restare indifferente davanti alla doppia azione nefasta della Russia e della Germania, del panslavismo e del pangermanesimo. «Questa necessità impone all’Internazionale un carattere, una tendenza e uno scopo politici. Ah! diranno i nostri avversari, dunque riconoscete infine, anche voi, che l’Internazionale non dove separare la questione economica dalla questione politica? Eh! senza dubbio, che lo riconosciamo, e, per di più, non lo abbiamo mai misconosciuto. È, a torto, e, permettetemi di dirvelo, è mediante un’insigne cattiva fede, che ci avete accusati di fare astrazione della politica. Ciò che noi abbiamo sempre respinto e ciò che oggi continueremo a respingere energicamente, non è la politica in generale, è la vostra politica di socialisti borghesi, di socialisti patrioti e di socialisti uomini di Stato, politica di cui la conseguenza inevitabile sarà sempre di mettere il proletariato a rimorchio dei borghesi. In effetti, tra la vostra politica e la nostra vi è un abisso. La vostra è una politica positiva, la nostra è completamente negativa. Voi volete ad ogni costo, ispirati sia da disegni ambiziosi o interessati, sia dalle vostre teorie dottrinarie, volete conservare lo Stato, questa prima e ultima trincea di tutti gli sfruttatori del lavoro popolare, questa prigione o questo reclusorio secolare. [\dots{}] Politicanti positivi, radicali facenti del socialismo, comunisti dottrinari ed autoritari o socialisti di Stato, voi non volete distruggere questa prigione, volete soltanto riformarla, migliorarla con dei mezzi costituzionali e attraverso ciò che chiamate, voi, l’agitazione legale». (\emph{Ai compagni della Federazione delle sezioni internazionali del Giura}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 101-102).
Al contrario è la distruzione dello Stato la sola politica logica degli sfruttati, quindi la sola politica logica è una politica negativa. «Non comprendiamo che si possa parlare della solidarietà internazionale quando si vogliono conservare gli Stati, – a meno che non si sogni lo Stato universale, cioè la schiavitù universale, come i grandi imperatori ed i papi, essendo lo Stato, per la sua stessa natura, una rottura di questa solidarietà e di conseguenza una causa permanente di guerra. [\dots{}] Pensiamo che la politica, necessariamente rivoluzionaria, del proletariato, debba avere per oggetto immediato ed unico la distruzione degli Stati. [\dots{}] Non ammettiamo, neppure come transizione rivoluzionaria, né le Convenzioni nazionali né le Assemblee costituenti né i governi provvisori né le dittature sedicenti rivoluzionarie; perché siamo convinti che la rivoluzione non è sincera, onesta e reale che all’interno delle masse». (\emph{Lettera a} La Liberté \emph{di Bruxelles}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 170-171).
Anche per Bakunin la motivazione economica e pratica, per i lavoratori, è di grande importanza per la loro presa di coscienza. La lotta rivendicativa, anche se non direttamente assumibile a livello rivoluzionario, è strumento insostituibile per riportare le masse alla coesione di classe. Ma la coscienza politica si dispone in due modi diversi nel corso del processo storico: «Non ci può essere, per esempio, oggi della filosofia seria che non prenda come punto di partenza, non positivo ma negativo (storicamente diventato necessario, come negazione delle assurdità teologiche e metafisiche), l’ateismo. Ma si crede forse che se si fosse scritto questa semplice parola, “l’ateismo” sulla bandiera dell’Internazionale, questa associazione avrebbe potuto riunire nel suo seno non meno di qualche centinaio di migliaia di aderenti? E ciò, come tutti sanno, non perché il popolo sia realmente religioso, ma perché crede di esserlo finché una buona rivoluzione sociale non gli avrà dato i mezzi di realizzare tutte le sue aspirazioni qui in basso. È certo che, se l’Internazionale avesse messo l’ateismo, come un principio obbligatorio, nel suo programma, essa avrebbe escluso dal suo seno il fiore del proletariato, – e con questa parola io non intendo, come fanno i marxiani, lo strato superiore, più civile e il più agiato del mondo operaio, quello strato di operai quasi borghesi di cui vogliono precisamente servirsi per costituire la loro quarta classe governativa, e che è veramente capace di formarne una, se non vi si mette ordine nell’interesse della grande massa del proletariato, perché col suo benessere relativo e quasi-borghese, essa si è, per disgrazia, troppo profondamente imbevuta di tutti i pregiudizi politici e sociali e delle grette aspirazioni e pretese dei borghesi. Si può dire che questo strato è il meno socialista, il più individualista in tutto il proletariato.
«Per fiore del proletariato, intendo soprattutto quella grande massa, quei milioni di non civilizzati, di diseredati, di miserabili e di analfabeti che il sig. Engels e il sig. Marx pretendono di sottomettere al regime paterno di un governo molto forte, senza dubbio per la loro stessa salvezza, siccome tutti i governi sono stati costituiti, si sa, soltanto nell’interesse proprio delle masse. Per fiore del proletariato, intendo precisamente quella carne da eterno governo, quella “grande canaglia popolare”, che, essendo quasi vergine da ogni civiltà borghese, porta nel suo seno, nelle sue passioni, nei suoi istinti, nelle sue aspirazioni, in tutte le necessità e nelle miserie della sua posizione collettiva, tutti i germi del socialismo dell’avvenire, e che sola oggi è abbastanza potente per inaugurare e per fare trionfare la rivoluzione sociale.
«Ebbene, in quasi tutti i paesi, questa canaglia, in quanto massa, avrebbe rifiutato di aderire all’Internazionale se si fosse scritto sulla sua bandiera, come parola ufficiale, questa parola “ateismo”. E ciò sarebbe un grande danno, perché se essa voltasse la schiena all’Internazionale, sarebbe finita tutta la potenza della nostra grande Associazione.
«La stessa cosa vale assolutamente per tutti i princìpi politici. Primo, non ne ha più uno solo, – e i sigg. Marx ed Engels avranno un bel darsi da fare, essi non cambieranno questo fatto divenuto oggi lampante in tutti i paesi, – non esiste più alcun principio politico, dico, che sia capace di smuovere le masse. Essi falliranno, dopo un’esperienza di qualche anno, anche in Germania. Ciò, che le masse vogliono ovunque, è la loro emancipazione economica immediata, perché è là che realmente è per esse tutta la questione della libertà, dell’umanità, della vita o della morte. Se vi è ancora un ideale che le masse oggi sono capaci di adorare con passione, è quello dell’uguaglianza economica. E le masse hanno mille volte ragione, perché finché l’uguaglianza economica non avrà affatto sostituito il regime attuale, tutto il resto, tutto ciò che costituisce il valore e la dignità dell’esistenza umana, la libertà, la scienza, l’amore, l’azione intelligente e la solidarietà fraterna, resterà per esse allo stato di orribile menzogna.
«La passione istintiva delle masse per l’uguaglianza economica e così grande che, se esse avessero potuto sperare di riceverla dalle mani del dispotismo, esse si sarebbero indubbiamente e senza molta riflessione, come hanno fatto spesso, consegnate al dispotismo. Fortunatamente, l’esperienza storica è servita a qualche cosa anche alle masse. Oggi esse incominciano a comprendere ovunque che nessun dispotismo ha, né può avere, né la volontà né il potere di darla a loro. Il programma dell’Internazionale è, molto fortunatamente, esplicito sotto questo aspetto: l’emancipazione dei lavoratori non può essere opera che dei lavoratori stessi.
«Non è forse sorprendente che il sig. Marx abbia creduto di potere innestare su questa dichiarazione, pertanto così precisa, così chiara, e che ha probabilmente redatta lui stesso, il suo socialismo scientifico, cioè l’organizzazione e il governo della nuova società da parte dei socialisti sapienti, – il peggiore di tutti i governi dispotici!
«Grazie a questa cara, grande canaglia popolare che si opporrà da sola, spinta da un istinto così invincibile quanto giusto, a tutte le velleità governative della piccola minoranza operaia già disciplinata e classificata come si deve per divenire il fautore di un nuovo dispotismo, il socialismo sapiente del sig. Marx resterà sempre allo stato di sogno marxiano. Questa nuova esperienza, forse più triste di tutte le esperienze passate, sarà risparmiata alla società, perché il proletariato in generale e in tutti i paesi oggi è animato da una diffidenza profonda verso ciò che è politico e verso tutti i politici del mondo, qualsiasi sia il loro colore, avendolo tutti ugualmente ingannato, oppresso, sfruttato, i repubblicani più rossi così come i monarchici assoluti.
«Dal punto di vista delle classi [privilegiate], significa conquista, asservimento e organizzazione dello Stato tale e quale, in vista dello sfruttamento delle masse asservite e conquistate. Dal punto di vista delle masse, al contrario, significa rivolta contro lo Stato, e, nella loro ultima conseguenza, distruzione dello Stato. Due cose, come si vede, talmente diverse che sono diametralmente opposte». (\emph{Scritto contro Marx}, in \emph{Ib}., pp. 218-219).
Il ruolo del proletariato, come strumento della liberazione di se stesso, emerge nella critica di Bakunin e, certamente, non dovette cogliere di sorpresa lo stesso Marx. Il rispetto dell’autoemancipazione dei lavoratori doveva essere presente nel pensatore tedesco, per quanto offuscato risultasse, in pratica, dalle necessità dettate dalla costruzione di una dottrina marxista ufficiale. Se le tesi socialdemocratiche tedesche non possono addebitarsi del tutto a Marx, donde la critica di Bakunin risulterebbe eccessiva, è senz’altro da addebitargli la responsabilità di averle alimentate o di non essere decisamente intervenuto per correggerle quando, palesemente, stonavano con le elaborazioni principali e più note della sua dottrina, ed in questo senso la critica di Bakunin ci sembra ben calibrata ed esatta. Puntualmente, nella storia, mestatori politici di vario ordine e calibro, hanno utilizzato i concetti di “movimento proletario”, di “partito proletario”, e, specialmente, di “dittatura del proletariato” per mettere su comitati di salute pubblica, o cosche di potere, diretti a strumentalizzare gli stimoli di liberazione della base. Se di tanto crimine non può farsi carico a Marx, le teorie di quest’ultimo vanno sistematicamente sottoposte a quella critica iniziata, con tanta ampiezza, anche dallo stesso Bakunin. Ben al di là della contingenza di uno scontro organizzativo e politico, all’interno di una struttura di massa, le tesi di fondo dei due rivoluzionari, assumono importanza di grande rilievo, oggi, di fronte alla verificata incapacità del movimento reale dei lavoratori di sventare, in modo autonomo, i tranelli che gli uomini del potere continuano a tendere.
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Catania, 28 novembre 1976
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\noindent [\emph{Introduzione} a M. Bakunin, \emph{Opere complete}, vol. III, tr. it., Catania 1976, pp. 7-17]
\chapter{La questione germano-slava.\forcelinebreak Il comunismo di Stato\forcelinebreak Annotazioni}
La storia è storia del dominio, i dominati non hanno storia se non quando, ribellandosi, si propongono sul palcoscenico come oggetto alternativo, sottoposto alle regole produttive nuove, generalmente simili alle vecchie, con modifiche più o meno significative. Gravi conseguenze sono tratte da cambi che sembrano leggere increspature nel mare del mondo vecchio, il quale si agita nel limo politico. Imperturbabile, il fare continua i suoi aggiustamenti di tiro, cambia obiettivi, modula nuovi strumenti, rimodella oggetti in modo da soddisfare in maniera adeguata ripristini del potere messi in discussione. Da parte, in qualche luogo riservato, gli scribi annotano con accuratezza questi movimenti di fantasmi e i farisei filosofici ricamano i loro pregiati tessuti intellettuali. Questi infaticabili servitori di qualunque regime non danno mai cenni di noia o di stanchezza, annegano la loro vita in un triste compito e non se ne rendono conto. La funzione del dominio, la primissima sua funzione, è beffardamente la propria autoriproduzione, non si è mai più vicini al nocciolo del perché dello sfruttamento come quando si prende coscienza di questo tutt’altro che ovvio meccanismo. La storia non ha un divenire, essa non ha nemmeno passato, è soltanto un presente rispecchiato sul fare coatto. Il fatto che racconti storie di fantasmi, che si sono tanto agitati per rifornire la caverna dei massacri, non vuol dire che lo faccia in modo obiettivo, come se la cosa di cui parla fosse ormai morta e sepolta. Essa parla sempre del massacro in atto, e la riflessione filosofica le regge la coda. È sempre questo che c’è nella storia, una solitudine attuale, un assassinio perpetrato adesso, anche quando il presente sembra lontano dalla narrazione, abbandonato e messo da parte. È la solitudine del potere oggi, in fatto e in corso di modificazione, che il racconto storico ci dice, le sue parole sono pesanti e affondano perché cariche di tutta la complicità di cui cercano invano di liberarsi. Non ci sono relazioni significative, nel mondo della coazione amministrata, che quelle che vengono fuori appunto da quest’ultima, ed è di esse che la storia racconta le alterne vicende, nascondendosi dietro l’alibi di accadimenti passati che passati non sono perché vivono oggi e ora, accanto a noi, all’interno della oscura solitudine del fare. Il gioco dialettico, con cui la filosofia fa collimare gli opposti significati, azzera ogni distanza, fa corrispondere la vita con la coazione e la racchiude nel carcere della quotidianità.
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Qualsiasi sollecitazione fattiva impressa al meccanismo amministrato ha, come conseguenza, un miglioramento o un peggioramento, entrambi temporanei, essendo il processo produttivo dotato di un proprio movimento interno di riequilibrazione. Perfino urti rivoluzionari estremi possono essere recuperati, spesso a costo di milioni di morti. Ma non si trattava di rivoluzioni anarchiche. Questi urti particolari, messi in moto a partire da coinvolgimenti singoli, e poi allargati, producono una distruzione radicale del mondo vecchio che non può essere recuperata. Fare saltare la facciata di normalità, che il fare produce come un oggetto fra i tanti, è possibile e si scoprono allora alcuni meccanismi, non tutti, e non necessariamente i più importanti. Può essere un lavoro intermedio e preparatorio, ma deve partire da un oltrepassamento nella qualità. Chi si impegna in questi attacchi rivoluzionari deve vivere il proprio attacco come completezza radicale e non come un goffo palliativo diretto a sostituire una parte difettosa del meccanismo produttivo. L’inconfondibile caratteristica di questo attacco è l’esperienza diversa rammemorata, sia pure parzialmente, ma capace di indurre comportamenti attivi altrimenti impensabili.
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Provenendo dall’esperienza oltrepassante il mondo vecchio non si può restare prigionieri del processo deterministico che, alla luce della qualità, risulta ridicolmente incomprensibile. L’incongruità di questa illusione si manifesta in tutta la sua essenza proprio vedendo come essa sia materia per fantasmi e per ombre. Non si agisce e si guarda con attenzione il funzionamento del fare sperando di trovare la zeppa che bloccherà tutto rimettendo le cose sul sentiero nella foresta. Questa non è una speranza e neanche una illusione, è un imbroglio metafisico che fa sopportare meglio ai fantasmi la loro vita di ombre proiettate nella parte invalicabile della caverna dei massacri. È come sbattere la testa nel muro della cella dove mi trovo rinchiuso. È segno di resa e di nessuna via di uscita. Il mondo è una estraneità di apparenze camuffata di continuità di effetti e di interessi. Dietro questa continuità ci sta la frusta che continua a fischiare senza perdere colpi. Pensare alla politica e alla mota che la copre come a una possibile impresa rivoluzionaria, opportunamente adattata a improbabili trasformazioni, è proprio la principale di queste colpevoli illusioni. Ci avvoltoliamo in prudenze e cautele, in sentimenti e simpatie, proprio perché non siamo convinti fino in dono della necessità del coinvolgimento. Chiarita questa necessità, siamo di già nel sentiero nella foresta. Il resto è un’avventura tutta da vivere, di cui non è possibile prevedere gli esiti. L’immaginazione più sfrenata è banalità tediosa di fronte all’azione vera e propria. È qui il coraggio, è qui la libertà. Ogni malinteso è impossibile di fronte a questo irresistibile richiamo.
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Il macchinario fattivo, pur nella sua imperfezione palese, è sostanzialmente impenetrabile. È disperante qualsiasi tentativo centrista. Questo viene subito accettato, opportunamente chiosato e immesso nel processo produttivo, cioè modificato in oggetto, quali siano state le sue intenzioni di partenza. Il fare si riscalda al fuoco di questi apporti dissennati e continua imperterrito per la sua strada. Un avamposto rivoluzionario, sia pure con tutte le carte in regola, è sottomesso ad osservazione con la potentissima lente della quantità, qui è modificato in banale metafora della vita, in sogno innocuo e dozzinale di un futuro migliore, di avvenire sereno con meno frustate e catena più lunga, meglio colorata. Il fare cattura quello che sta sotto all’utopia centrista, cioè la cautela e la parzialità progressiva, queste ipotesi preventive vengono ridotte allo stato di immagini che entrano a far parte del novero delle ombre. Ciò che era destinato a dissestare si riassesta e tutto torna come prima, solo qualche macchia di sangue galleggia qua e là, segno che la caverna dei massacri ha avuto il suo pasto quotidiano.
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Essere contro la politica e restare prigionieri del fare è un controsenso. All’interno delle sfumature che l’analisi politica rende possibile, c’è spazio per molte cose e si possono certamente cercare e trovare distinzioni e lontananze comprensibili e valide, ma ciononostante qualcosa non funziona come dovrebbe. Non c’è una posizione che sia immune dalla contaminazione della melma. Se ne possono trovare di più remote a questo pasticcio che nasconde l’assassinio brutale ma alla fine si scopre l’invincibile connivenza. Esercitarsi nel mantenere le distanze – acerrimi nemici di ogni politica – e poi abitarvi dentro, è un curioso modo di intendere la propria autonomia. Il fare onnicomprensivo, non concede spazi se non alle tante forme possibili di apparenza. E non c’è dubbio che non esistono aspetti politici che non siano apparenza in pieno, ombre e fantasmi. Tutti questi movimenti obbediscono alla legge della produzione coatta e possono anche rivelarsi utili a preparare quelle indispensabili conoscenze da cui partirà l’oltrepassamento, ma in se stessi sono movimenti interni al fare da cui trarre o una parziale prospettiva di utilizzo o la più nera disperazione. Ho a lungo agitato le mie forze in questo territorio del fare e ho recitato tante parti, perfino quella di pagliaccio, per preparare il terreno alla rivoluzione anarchica, ma ho sempre tenuto presente che in questo agitarsi io non abitavo in me stesso ma in un personaggio fantastico, apparente, che insieme agli altri avevo contribuito a costruire. È un modo come un altro di fare muovere le ombre nella parete della caverna dei massacri. Poi l’azione, diversa, irrecusabile, estranea a tutto il resto, comprensibile solo per me e da me rammemorata con scarse speranze di comprensione. Ma, in ogni caso, anche per le ombre di cui sopra, la rammemorazione è sempre un’esperienza che sconvolge. Non dico che riescano a staccarsi dalla parete, ma spesso si avverte in loro un fremito e una scossa che il destino potrebbe nominare, cioè potrebbe rivestire di fatti nuovi, forse non ben recuperabili dal processo produttivo. Questo per le ombre. Per me la rammemorazione parla al mio cuore ed è quanto mi aspetto da lei, ma è anche quanto a me basta.
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Chi agisce vive un’esperienza assolutamente altra nella qualità. Questa è per lui una sorta di compagno segreto, un protagonista di altre storie, con sfumature mai toccate da nessuno, mai nemmeno immaginate dalla quantità. Le vicende della qualità appaiono nella loro pienezza senza essere sollecitate, non sono da corollario a qualcosa d’altro, sono esse stesse l’essere che è e non può non essere. Eccole là, fornite da me, costituenti la presenza di questo compagno segreto e silenzioso di parole, eccole parlarmi in altro modo, permettermi di coglierle di soprassalto, senza una qualche riflessione. La verità è là, davanti a me, e tutte le chiacchiere sul rispecchiamento sono annullate nella mia mente dal suo insostenibile bagliore. Lo stesso per la bellezza e la libertà, le chiacchiere sulla disarmonia e sull’armonia o le tante ombre che si agitano nel cortile delle libertà, scompaiono. Nella penombra del fare, dove si tramano gli assassinii, tutto ciò passa quasi inosservato. Nel mio cuore invece scava un solco che si fa sempre più largo. È di questo che non posso o non so parlare.
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L’analisi di classe riconduce l’estraneità del fare alla pertinenza del resistere all’interno dello stesso meccanismo coatto. Resistere per accumulare forze che consentiranno una più adeguata risposta rivoluzionaria. Il rumore di fondo del meccanismo si attenuta e compare un movimento collettivo che non può avere sollecitazioni diverse se non da una rammemorazione. La coscienza collettiva è un miraggio parallelo al determinismo implicito nel processo storico. Le diramazioni della presa di coscienza diversa possono essere molteplici e intrecciarsi con manifestazioni psicologiche di disgusto e di soffocamento. Tutto questo è comprensibile, ma il rapporto tra condizioni collettive di sfruttamento e oltrepassamento tradotto in rammemorazione è tutto da scoprire. Chi si inoltra nel sentiero nella foresta è di già straniero a quella immediatezza dove vegetava insieme agli altri in attesa di un segno. Che questo segno si manifesti è questione non prevedibile né collocabile in un momento cronologico preciso. Le estreme elucubrazioni metaforiche possono fare parlare le ombre in maniera che sembra quasi qualitativamente diversa, ma essa è solo una illusione dovuta all’abilità tecnica del filosofo. Alla fonte dell’oltrepassamento c’è un’acutissima sensazione di singolarità, traducibile e comprensibile solo nei limiti della rammemorazione. Del tutto isolata nella sua consistenza assolutamente altra.
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L’esperienza diversa rammemorata non può essere confusa con un compiacente progetto di parlare alle masse, presupposte come oggetto rivoluzionario privilegiato. C’è uno iato insuperabile. Questo soggetto è un fantasma oggettuale e si frantuma sempre in moduli non identificabili a priori in modo oggettivo. Nulla può essere fondato sull’apparenza di una categoria che serve solo a cullare i cuori deboli i quali amano sentirsi forti all’interno di una formazione collettiva. Dall’altra parte la parola rammemorata stacca i propri significati, uno a uno, e non possono essere fissati collegamenti in grado di fornire indicazioni dirette. Questo riscontro, portato alle estreme conseguenze, è un articolato esempio delle forme che può assumere l’estraneità. Chi agisce è estraneo, la sua avventura, nel momento che si realizza, non può essere conosciuta nei termini del fare, se si cerca di forzare il rapporto, essa appare assurda, una mostruosa fuga in avanti, l’inoltrarsi in un continente sconosciuto di cui la foresta è soltanto un simbolo chiuso e inospitale che deve essere coraggiosamente forzato se si vuole andare avanti. Se l’intraprendente e coraggioso oltrepassatore si volge indietro, è risucchiato nei ranghi di una organizzazione che intende rappresentare, nell’ambito dell’apparenza, quello che lui vuole realizzare nell’ambito dell’essere. Il tentativo, malgrado il coraggio, è svuotato di contenuto qualitativo e non c’è neanche la traccia di una rammemorazione, resta solo il rimpianto. Tornato nell’ambito del fare l’intraprenditore è oggetto esso stesso, fantasma e ombra.
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La condizione di straniero a se stesso, avvertita da chi agisce, scompare non appena entra in contatto con la qualità. Ma per gli altri permane, non essendo facilmente catalogabile, l’oltrepassamento in termini di fare. C’è nell’agire una mancanza di tregua che è la condizione unica di comprensibilità in termini di fare, c’è una straordinaria forza che non trova riscontro nell’ambito della coazione, dove tutto è amministrato, c’è una non riconoscibilità che porta gli altri a tirarsi indietro come se intuissero il pericolo di un coinvolgimento imminente. C’è quindi, nei confronti dell’agire, restando dal punto di vista del fare, una valutazione duplice, di estraneità e di pericolosità. E questo dipende dall’affinità che esiste tra l’inquietudine della coscienza immediata e la spinta al coinvolgimento attivo. So bene che non c’è nessun livello di approssimazione tra questi due movimenti, ma non si deve dimenticare che l’inquietudine – madre del coinvolgimento – nasce sullo stesso terreno fattivo della coscienza immediata. Se questi processi vengono colti intuitivamente nelle loro immense possibilità, si è di già al margine della foresta, non si è più seduti nella propria poltrona.
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I mostri politici che si agitano nel fango sono tanti e di multiforme aspetto. Ve ne sono estremamente ributtanti, ve ne sono affascinanti. I primi e i secondi si cibano della medesima sostanza melmosa e ambedue alimentano la caverna dei massacri. Solo che i secondi, col loro fascino esotico e il loro perbenismo politico, sono meno facilmente comprensibili, non si capisce mai dove vogliono andare a parare. Spesso si pensa che i mostri simpatici possano schierarsi dalla parte di una qualche intrapresa verso la qualità. Nulla di più errato. Il mostro ben equipaggiato in maniera possibilista e recuperativa ha solo l’interesse a portare in giro i propri fantasmi come se fossero più vicini all’essere dei correlati fantasmi dei mostri di cattivo e ributtante aspetto. Ma non ci sono raccostamenti o accorciamenti possibili tra apparenza ed essere. Procedendo su questa strada ci si avvia soltanto a dei presupposti privi di fondamento. La desolazione dell’apparire non è mai stata così desolata.
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Riguardo all’azione non c’è un diario di bordo, non ci sono affermazioni documentative. Tutto è bruciato nell’esperienza diretta di qualcosa che non ha la tranquilla conformità quantitativa del fare coatto. Ogni volta è una nuova volta, non c’è nella qualità un’esperienza precedente e tutte insieme possono costituire una sorta di lascito testamentario. Ciò porta come conseguenza che il risultato storico determinato dall’evoluzione del fare, pensato come possibile deduzione logica da tanti materialismi dialettici, non corrisponde mai alle premesse. Ci sono delle rotture, degli accidenti da cui non è possibile spogliarlo, ci sono delle linee imprevedibili che riducono la supposta geometria delle corrispondenze a un tutto confuso e sovrapponibile che riprende dai frantumi stessi della propria apparenza. C’è sul fare una coltre di terra che copre le montagne dei cadaveri su cui il meccanismo riposa svolgendo il suo compito abietto, questa coltre non è la parte dura di un piano prestabilito, è soltanto costituita dall’accumularsi delle scorie di cui la storia e la filosofia sono ricche e che non possono essere smaltite o nascoste definitivamente. Il mondo somiglia a questa cella dove sono rinchiuso, solo un poco più grande.
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Il modo di vivere, la vita che il fare amministrato impone, considera il passato – questo modo di vivere è eminentemente cronologico – come un gradino inferiore alla piattaforma presente su cui è installato. Ciò garantisce una progressione su cui i gestori del circo dei fantasmi giurano continuamente, fornendo prove e pezze d’appoggio che sono soltanto movimenti banali delle ombre sulla parete della caverna dei massacri. La quantità non ha altro universo che questo, non può essere prodotta e conosciuta che a queste irrinunciabili condizioni. Mantenere in efficienza tutto il processo è una sfida e una provocazione. Tutti sanno che cosa sta sotto i propri piedi, tutti sono coscienti della propria responsabilità, solo pochi se ne inquietano e interrogano angosciati la propria coscienza immediata. Che fare? Niente. Non c’è niente da fare. In che modo agire? Ecco la domanda giusta, alla quale però, parimenti, non si può dare risposta. Ognuno deve scegliere la sua strada, scovare con le unghie e come può il proprio sentiero nella foresta. La rammemorazione non è mai un consiglio per usare l’azione. Non c’è un uso dell’azione. È l’azione che mi coinvolge e mi porta con sé, anche se sono io che devo fare il primo passo coinvolgendomi nell’oltrepassamento. Il bozzolo del fare può essere rotto e può non esserlo. Posso anche immaginare per tutta la vita di romperlo e starmene tranquillo al suo interno, magari addolorandomi per la mia incapacità. Un simile regime di sopravvivenza può rivelarsi una necessità sempre più netta, per cui ogni ipotesi d’insorgenza è rigorosamente scartata. Ecco perché molti rimangono in cella, limitandosi a guardare il cielo attraverso le sbarre della finestra. Questi molti lasciano che a volte qualche rammemorazione altrui li sfiori, ed hanno uno scarto, come fanno i muli sovraccarichi quando devono affrontare un’erta rischiosa. Poi tornano nel proprio cammino. Sono animali affidabili, i muli.
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Io penso che anche nel più profondo abisso della condiscendenza verso il fare, ci sia sempre una cesura nascosta, un taglio riguardo il modo di vita da cui ci si sente trascinati. Anche chi tira il carro verso l’orlo del baratro, dove sprofonda la caverna dei massacri, si rende conto – sia pure per un attimo – della propria responsabilità. Ma poi non riesce a staccarsi dalla catena, non riesce a trovare e a far propri i mezzi conoscitivi – prima di tutto conoscitivi – per spezzare i vincoli che lo legano al carro odioso, e non riesce nemmeno a trovare il coraggio. Don Abbondio lo dice a chiare parole. Spesso molti si chiedono come possa essere cominciato tutto questo orrore, da dove ha potuto avere origine una vita simile, che occorre fare uno sforzo – l’immaginazione è serva sciocca – per essere vissuta. Ed è domanda che fornisce la base giustificativa per continuare ad accettare la servitù. Da sempre nessuno è stato contento di sé e da sempre ha imparato a convivere con il proprio malore. Filosofia del conforto per moribondi. Se tutti sono, da sempre, stati scontenti della propria vita, vuol dire che tutti siamo schiavi che accettano le cose così come si presentano e vanno avanti, trasferendo sulle generazioni a venire il peso della propria responsabile infelicità. La tradizione è un immenso serbatoio di nefandezze, basta sapere scegliere e vi si trovano orrori ben più maligni di quelli che abbiamo da vivere e da sostenere noi, con la nostra scontenta accettazione. La storia è storia dell’apparenza per come è realizzata dal fare, esattamente il contrario dell’essere che è e che non può non essere. Nel proprio cuore ognuno porta il sogno, l’impressione a fuoco della qualità, anche il più vile degli individui, anche il più indegno e il più carico del sangue dei massacri. Solo che quella segnatura è stata coperta, nascosta, sradicata da quel cuore e, alla fine, non se ne è avuta più notizia. Il fare è movimento complesso che lavora anche in questa profonda direzione.
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Non c’è una necessità storica se non nell’accidentalità del fare, ridotta a sistema incompleto ma funzionante. Questa commedia dell’apparenza, applicata con metodo e coerenza, è andata significando la storia nei suoi tanti aspetti. La filosofia ha ridotto questa accidentalità di aspetti a sistema necessitante. Milioni di morti è stato il prezzo pagato per queste esercitazioni letterarie. La commedia si è rivelata una tragedia. Le ombre sono rimaste tali, hanno rifornito senza tregua il lago di sangue. All’esterno il fare sembra una formula sensata e produttiva di oggetti, cioè fa venire alla luce il mondo che utilizziamo tutti i giorni, non appena si riflette un poco, questo mondo crolla su se stesso nella propria assennatezza, crolla e mostra la sua decadenza, la sua insufficienza morale, ogni suo aspetto è finalizzato al gioco del massacro, niente è risparmiato per portarlo avanti nel modo più efficace possibile. Uomini serissimi e tetri amano questo gioco e giudicano, promuovono, riflettono, e sono soddisfatti di sé non appena la caverna riceve il proprio quotidiano afflusso di sangue. Non si accorgono che il meccanismo del fare è per sua natura portato a incepparsi, dovendo sfruttare sempre in modo differente per mantenere il medesimo risultato. Ogni inceppamento produce più efferati delitti perché tutto vada avanti. Disgraziatamente non c’è una maniera diversa per fare fronte dall’interno a una produzione a costi umani minori. L’infelicità che ne deriva – per tutti, anestetizzati compresi, – non deve essere evocata, bisogna trovare sempre nuovi strumenti per dilettare e illudere, sempre nuovi fantasmi devono essere portati sulla scena, nuova pantomime giocate nella parete delle ombre senza nome. L’infelicità è connaturata a questo vecchio e utile mondo del fare, ma non deve venire fuori per quello che essa è, al contrario l’apparenza deve prendere una strada differente, quella della perfettibilità che il meccanismo in sé può raggiungere.
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La straordinaria condizione del fare è che esso si presenta come temporaneo provvedimento necessario, come minore fra i mali, un sistema provvisorio per arginare il caos che altrimenti batterebbe inesorabile alle porte. È la necessità della parzialità che scopre l’espediente interno di continuare ad esistere come parzialità in attesa di una improbabile completezza. Ma questa non è attingibile per l’individuo del fare stesso, come la logica dell’a poco a poco mostra chiaramente. Si tratta quindi di una necessità apparente, in quanto perfettamente adeguata all’apparenza che regge l’intero meccanismo quantitativo. Si potrebbe cercare altrove la completezza, cercarla nella qualità, ma come arrivarci se tutto il mondo si difende ferocemente contro ogni tentativo che cerchi di spezzare il ciclo produttivo? Non è certo un volo della volontà quello che qui necessita. La volontà vuole soltanto volere e il suo obiettivo glielo si deve fornire dall’esterno. La decisione del coinvolgimento non è solo un frutto volontario, quindi una scelta, ma è anche l’inizio di qualcosa di assolutamente altro, che con la volontà non ha nulla a che vedere. Non mi trovo nel sentiero nella foresta perché ho deciso così, sarebbe troppo facile entrarvi e altrettanto facile scappare via, mi ci trovo perché il mio coinvolgimento e la mia inquietudine mi stanno spingendo verso l’oltrepassamento.
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La paura porta a racchiudersi in se stessi, a guardare al mondo del fare come a un complesso di benefici e di protezioni che devono essere retribuiti per la loro utilità. È il sogno della garanzia, del possesso, della difesa. Così si vive nascosti considerando l’esterno come la condizione primaria del pericolo. Soluzione agognata è l’omologazione, l’uniformità che solo l’amministrazione garantisce. Lo spazio esterno, a partire dal margine della foresta, appartiene al regno del terrore. Fin quando il fare sarà considerato il proprio luogo in cui nascondersi, dove salvare se stessi e il proprio possesso, non si rifletterà mai abbastanza sul costo di questo comportamento difensivo in termini di massacri. Si tratta di una reazione condizionata di fronte al terrore che ispira il caos della qualità e l’assolutamente altro, per definizione ignoto, sconosciuto. Questa paura sollecita la volontà a richiedere sempre maggiori meccanismi di chiusura, in modo che il mondo di cui siamo circondati abbia il conforto e la certezza di una prigione, da cui facciamo ogni sforzo per non evadere. Il fare è così la panacea e la causa della paura che, a sua volta, richiede la panacea. Un circolo vizioso in cui ci aggiriamo producendo e facendoci produrre, dando ordine e caratteristiche a oggetti improbabili e producendo noi stessi a loro somiglianza. Alla fine il fare è una prigione, ma è anche lo strumento di reciproco riconoscimento che ci identifica, e con cui ci identifichiamo. Chi è fuori di questo cerchio di ferro manca dell’impronta che lo deve presentare al mondo come riconosciuto, quindi è esposto a tutti i rischi dell’isolamento e della mancanza di difesa preventiva. Il duplice legame produttivo-protettivo rende difficilmente conoscibili i meccanismi che stanno alla sua base. L’inquietudine può anche non bastare. La via verso la qualità è in salita.
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La giustificazione dello sfruttamento ha molti lati, uno dei più difficili da cogliere è lo scambio che in sostanza avviene tra frusta e concezione della sopravvivenza. Lo schiavo ha diritti e questi sono contrassegnati dalla sua utilità in quanto oggetto produttori di oggetti. La serie di queste giustificazioni – e relative corresponsabilità – si allarga a una rete di corrispondenze che non è facile smantellare sulla medesima base della logica dell’a poco a poco. Ogni ragionamento si interrompe con una ipotesi lasciata in sospeso. Se non ci fosse il fare non ci sarebbe il mondo, e allora? Rispondere a queste obiezioni da uomo della domenica è ozioso perditempo. Una sola dovrebbe essere la risposta, la distruzione. Ma essa non sarebbe una risposta, piuttosto implicherebbe una domanda, e dopo? Dall’interno della cautela e della prudenza difensive questa seconda domanda non ha nemmeno essa una risposta. La distruzione infatti azzera ogni prudenza e ogni cautela azzerando il mondo. È la qualità che può rispondere in merito, essa conosce la distruzione del senso quantitativo che, nella remota lontananza in cui vegeta lancia tenebrosi messaggi dettati dell’incomprensione. Ma la qualità non è la controparte oscura della quantità, così come l’essere non è controparte dell’apparire, essa è l’assolutamente altro. Insomma, i due mondi sono nettamente separati e non si possono incontrare in una implausibile resa dei conti a muso duro. Sarebbe uno scontro nientificante per ambedue. La ricerca della qualità è sollecitazione individuale e comincia nell’inquietudine della coscienza immediata non nella sua acquiescenza di fronte alla quantità.
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Attaccare l’autorità significa distruggere il mondo vecchio che ci opprime, intraprendendo il viaggio verso l’oltrepassamento, avere l’esperienza altra della qualità. Il dileguarsi della quantità non è però un fatto assoluto. L’uomo ha bisogno dell’apparenza quantitativa delle cose ma può costruire un mondo nuovo sulle rovine del mondo vecchio e del vecchio sfruttamento. Questo mondo nuovo sarebbe sempre quantitativamente contraddistinto – autogestione generalizzata significa autogestione della lotta e della produzione – ma con la presenza della rammemorazione delle esperienze diverse fatte nella qualità. In un mondo quantitativo in cui il fare non sarà più coatto, la possibilità di leggere la rammemorazione sarà enormemente diversa e il destino potrà parlare più apertamente alla nuova prospettiva del fare. L’apparenza non sarà bruciata dall’essere e ridotta a zero, ma avrà una sua vita significativa in cui le ombre della caverna avranno modo di prendere una diversa consistenza e di diventare uomini accostandosi all’oltrepassamento perché la caverna dove esse si proiettano sulla parete non sarà più la caverna dei massacri. L’inconsistenza indefinita e persecutoria dell’apparenza cesserà di ricostituirsi nella produzione del fare che non sarà più oggettuale ma oggettiva. Il dileguarsi della coazione renderà accessibile il cammino verso la qualità, richiedendo meno coraggio e facendo apparire nel mondo nuovo l’esperienza diversa più vicina alla vita non più amministrata. Saranno altre le ipotesi che renderanno possibile l’oltrepassamento, non più l’inquietudine e l’angoscia o il sibilo della frusta, ma il desiderio di completezza che sorge di fronte all’oggetto proposto, questa volta, nella sua oggettività. La stessa avventura nella qualità non sarà più necessariamente una rottura produttiva ma uno dei tanti intervalli che l’autogestione generalizzata renderà possibili nella produzione non più coatta. Ciò è di certo un sogno e rasenta l’utopia, per questo non mi sono mai dilungato ad approfondire nei dettagli, ma la necessità di una tale distruzione del mondo vecchio, questa non è utopia, è progetto insostituibile della rivoluzione anarchica e lo sento nell’aria ogni volta che, seguendo il filo logico tessuto dalla storia e dalla filosofia, mi ritrovo nella caverna dei massacri. Allo stesso modo in cui il meccanismo del fare coatto non conosce tregue, così non si arresta mai in me, non ha paure, la convinzione che la ricerca della qualità, con tutti i rischi che comporta, è l’unica strada per arrivare a distruggere quello che tutti ci sta distruggendo. Al punto in cui siamo è la certezza di questa distruzione che aleggia non solo nella rivoluzione anarchica ma anche nel medesimo meccanismo coatto, naturalmente da due angolazioni differenti e con due strategie antitetiche. La coazione vorrebbe non distruggere il mondo vecchio, ma di fatto lo sta facendo per una logica interna del suo modo dissennato di sfruttare, la rivoluzione anarchica vuole distruggerlo per dare vita a un mondo nuovo. Queste due certezze hanno natura contrastante però non sono estranee l’una all’altra. Lo spauracchio dell’autogestione generalizzata non fa vivere bene il fare coatto che accelera la sua distruzione del mondo per i suoi interessi e la sua stessa sopravvivenza a medio termine. Questa accelerazione, ormai visibile nelle continue modificazioni della produzione, sollecita, a sua volta, lo spirito rivoluzionario e anarchico verso la distruzione del mondo vecchio.
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L’impossibile attacco dall’interno del fare, di cui abbiamo parlato, azzera la funzione liberatrice del partito e del sindacato. Queste strutture rappresentative politiche nascono dalla melma e sono destinate nella melma a finire i loro giorni. Vorrebbero sottrarre il fare a ogni coazione ma questo compito si rivela impossibile, vorrebbero consentire la partecipazione alle decisioni produttive anche agli schiavi che così sarebbero chiamati – come in sostanza sono chiamati nei regimi democratici – a decidere la lunghezza della propria catena. La contingenza della produzione non è reversibile, essa getta il fare nella necessità di organizzare la produzione coattamente perché, in caso contrario, la propria incompletezza renderebbe l’oggetto inadatto all’uso a cui è destinato. Il concetto di schiavitù è molto più ampio di quello che si crede, comprende anche l’essere obbligati ad accettare i modelli di consumo degli oggetti, non solo a produrli. Tutto l’universo dell’oggettualità è elementare apparenza, una catena di gesti e di acconsentimenti che merita la nostra attenzione in quanto costituisce l’universo da cui è necessario fuggire, se si vuole andare verso l’assolutamente altro. Nel gioco politico, di cui il fare è la controparte produttiva, parimenti apparente, tutto è enormemente astratto, anche se dappertutto ci sono interessi concreti, oggetti concreti, e concrete ferule che fischiano nell’aria rarefatta. La stessa caverna dei massacri, dove si accumulano le vittime di questo assurdo ma cruento sacrificio, a dèi ormai morti da lungo tempo, è un luogo occulto e spoglio, privo di emozioni. Le ombre che si agitano sulla parte di fondo, inattaccabile limite della vita apparente che ci racchiude tutti, sono prive di sentimenti reali, hanno un surrogato che li fa giocare e le muove, come se avessero sentimenti degni di questo nome. Da alcune speranze, appena accennate e subito fatte tacere, appaiono inquietudini di una densità dolorosa che vengono messe da parte con qualche colpo supplementare di nerbo, mentre risuonano senza fine i lamenti delle delusioni nei sotterranei di accesso alla caverna, dove affluiscono le teorie e le storie. Nemmeno un aumento dei massacri a livelli intollerabili produce una rottura di questo autoconvincimento di essere dalla parte della ragione, dove la logica dell’a poco a poco getta le sue origini perverse. Nemmeno questo dà un attimo di tregua o fa tacere i lamenti o smuovere i cuori verso il coinvolgimento. Nella caverna dei massacri non c’è mai silenzio. Le chiacchiere imperano e dettano legge. Dopotutto i massacratori, più di ogni altro, sono interessati a pensarsi innocenti.
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Vivere nella fanghiglia politica distrugge i cuori più sinceri, li rende insensibili e ciechi di fronte alle proprie responsabilità, li fa inermi di fronte alla coazione e, alla lunga, li convince di partecipare a un progetto, non solo produttivo di oggetti, ma anche di conoscenza. Più si è miserabili e più un possesso, per quanto misero, rende sospettosi e prudenti, vogliosi solo di custodire e difendere la propria stessa miseria. È il vizio in cui incappano i poveri non appena riescono ad arraffare qualcosa in più della stretta sopravvivenza, si armano essi per primi di frusta e sono molto bravi a farla funzionare. Le proprie ferite sono modello per le ferite da infliggere agli altri. Alla fine è il meccanismo stesso ad avere la meglio. Ha conquistato tutti – tranne pochi considerati come corpi estranei da tenere a bada con ogni mezzo – e può attendere a piè fermo l’evoluzione che le nuove contraddizioni porteranno inevitabilmente, risolvendole nel corso dei propri cambiamenti di progetto e di esecuzione.
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Distruggere il vecchio mondo non è una parola d’ordine massimalista ma la sola concretezza possibile da collocare come fondamento per la realizzazione dell’autogestione generalizzata. L’esperienza della qualità sta a monte di tutto ciò e anche a valle. Non collima né col fare coatto né con la produzione e la lotta generalizzate e autogestite. Queste due antitetiche condizioni, che coprrispondono al mondo vecchio e al mondo nuovo, non sono in contatto con la qualità ma con la rammemorazione. La differenza tra loro consiste esclusivamente nella differente fruizione che riescono a trarre dalla medesima rammemorazione. Nell’oltrepassamento non occorre un genio costruttivo né una mente speculativamente logica, anzi questi elementi, se portati nell’azione, possono costituire un ostacolo, almeno dopo che la stessa conoscenza è diventata superflua. Non occorrono difese nella qualità, né modificazioni progettuali o in corso d’opera, non occorrono principalmente protezioni per il semplice fatto che non ci sono possessi da difendere. Tutto è agito nell’azione, temporalmente unitaria, cioè nel presente, senza scansioni cronologiche e senza origine o conclusioni dotate di sfumature o intensità differenti. Dall’oltrepassamento al punto di non ritorno si vive la stessa puntuale esperienza diversa, non ci sono gradi o livelli. Perfino prima dell’oltrepassamento, quando si è ancora nel sentiero nella foresta non ci sono cespugli dove nascondersi. L’intera foresta potrebbe essere un luogo di protezione e riparo, ma non appena ci si inoltra in essa, non appena ci si coinvolge, essa si apre in un vero e proprio sentiero o in una radura. Si è esposti proprio perché si è intrapreso un viaggio diverso che tutti gli altri desidererebbero fare ma che non hanno il coraggio di fare. Non ci sono coltri di muschio né teneri luoghi ombrosi e appartati, solo in lontananza l’assolutamente altro che non somiglia a nulla di quello che è stato smosso con parsimonia ed attenzione nella melma del fare.
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Due condizioni finanziano incessantemente i massacri. La produzione del fare che coattamente dà vita ad oggetti amministrati e la crescita accumulativa – e a volte dissennata – della conoscenza. Il mondo è ferito in due modi, dall’interno attraverso lo sviluppo della conoscenza, sviluppo cieco e senza scopo umano plausibile, sviluppo in nome del quale gli uomini si battono per la sopraffazione uno con l’altro, e il controllo del fare che garantisce possesso e amministrazione della vita di tutti. Chi vuole liberarsi da questo duplice gioco è un insetto nocivo che bisogna schiacciare in un modo o nell’altro, che bisogna eliminare. Fino a quando il desiderio della qualità resta inopinatamente tale, esso non solo è innocuo ma anche procura elementi di recupero per la struttura nel suo insieme Solo quando dal desiderio si passa all’azione, le porte si chiudono più o meno drasticamente. Mi accorgo qui, nel carcere greco in cui mi trovo, che lo Stato che mi tiene prigioniero ha paura di me, di un vecchio di settantatre anni, malato e praticamente senza forze, se non quella che continua a spingere avanti la penna che sta scrivendo queste righe. Esistono leggi in questo Paese per le quali mi potevano tranquillamente mettere fuori, in libertà preventiva e controllata, vista la lieve entità del reato di cui sono accusato, concorso esterno in rapina, ma hanno paura. Aspettano semplicemente che io passi quanto più tempo possibile in carcere e cercano di inventare, nel frattempo, altre accuse contro di me. Questa è la conseguenza diretta del fatto che non ho mai cercato in vita mia di nascondermi dietro un paravento qualsiasi per salvarmi la pelle. Mi sento nudo e inseguito, ma non mi arrendo. Il cuore a volte mi batte all’impazzata e la mente sembra rifiutarsi di accettare l’orribile condizione in cui mi trovo. Ma non mi arrendo. Sono accerchiato da mille problemi fisici e da un continuo dolore alla spalla sinistra. Ma non mi arrendo. Non sono ancora morto.
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La coscienza immediata è anche coscienza di classe e produce, specie in quest’ultimo caso in cui ha più acuta la cognizione di sé, una sollecitazione all’insorgenza. Ma il sentimento di solidarietà che dovrebbe sollecitarla verso l’esperienza collettiva della classe è stato spento da tempo, dopo che per almeno due secoli era stato tenuto in condizioni di non nuocere con mille accorgimenti. Questa via rivoluzionaria è una sequenza di occasioni che si aprono e che si chiudono, specialmente che vengono sigillate o scardinate. Ma è anche una storia di massacri che non abbisognano di spiegazioni. Il tempo ha fatto il suo giovevole lavoro a favore del meccanismo amministrato, lo ha irrobustito e consolidato nel giro delle comuni responsabilità. L’ora è tarda e bisogna lottare contro sempre più fieri propositi di repressione. Non è neanche un tormento intollerabile, è una sorta di canto delle sirene, sommesso e suadente. Spezzare questa catena di schiavitù diventa sempre più difficile. Attorno alla foresta hanno disseminato trappole costituite da sabbie mobili. Gli esclusi sono sempre tagliati fuori, ma sopravvivono grazie all’intensificazione dei massacri realizzati dappertutto, a macchia di leopardo. I poveri boccheggiano, altrove i poverissimi crepano grazie alla collaborazione di coloro che rimangono in catene. È una filiera infame che nessuno denuncia e che tutti conoscono. Solo perché sono chiuso a chiave in tre metri quadrati ho questa chiarezza incontrovertibile? Non so, forse. Oppure la potrebbero avere anche gli altri, quelli che godono di una supposta libertà? In effetti, se io sono chiuso qui dentro sono pur sempre un uomo senza catene, avendole tagliate, anche se l’averlo fatto potrebbe costarmi la vita, mentre molti che se ne vanno la sera a passeggiare nei viali del centro, non si accorgono di essere schiavi legati alla catena. Ogni sera, ritornando a casa, ognuno di questi schiavi si chiude bene dentro e ha cura di portare con sé la catena. Il mondo esterno sembrerebbe, facendo in questo modo, che non lo interessi e che non sia pur sempre parte di lui, non sia la sua vita. Tutto ciò è ragionevole e quotidiano, allo stesso modo in cui il secondino la sera viene a chiudermi dentro la mia cella e non sia accorge che io resto – almeno finora – vivo e libero.
È certo che non bastano le dichiarazioni di ostilità verso il mondo che ci controlla col fare amministrato. Anzi queste intenzioni, non reali ma soltanto immaginarie, determinano quasi sempre la restrizione in spazi sigillati che se non sono come quello in cui vivo adesso ci corrispondono. La loro intenzione repressiva è quella di uniformare tutte le istanze diverse abbassandole alla multiforme varietà dell’identico apparire. Le ombre sono in sostanza una diversa dall’altra ma sono tutte ombre, non hanno l’essere, sono solo apparenza. Ecco quello che il meccanismo del fare coatto cerca di realizzare, un mondo di apparenti realtà varie e gradevoli, tutte comprese dalla necessità di restare legate alla catena della schiavitù. Dichiarate le ostilità non c’è da perdere tempo, le risposte repressive si accavallano e non è possibile fronteggiarle rimanendo sulla difensiva. Occorre attaccare, non c’è più niente da difendere, non ci sono giustificazioni o insipienze, tanto meglio era starsene accucciati alla catena se non si voleva dare prosecuzione alle dichiarate ostilità.
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Ritenere accettabile un uso positivo della politica in attesa di rafforzare la rivoluzione anarchica e andare avanti è impossibile. La distruzione è indispensabile, condizione a priori per potere iniziare, in caso contrario ci si chiude dentro una cornice possibilista che blocca sul nascere ogni trasformazione qualitativa, sia pure basata sulla sola rammemorazione. Quello che è vecchio deve morire per dare vita al nuovo, non come passaggio obbligato ma come possibilità che però non deve essere bloccata fin dall’inizio con il peso politico dell’eredità del mondo vecchio. Molti pensano che una differenziazione precedente sia bastevole per dare vita al processo rivoluzionario, non è così, se non si accetta la distruzione si viene spazzati via del meccanismo produttivo del fare lasciato intatto e si rimane sempre, senza via di uscita, nell’ambito dell’apparenza. Non c’è separazione che non sia, nello stesso tempo, una persistenza dell’unione, non si possono chiudere gli occhi di fronte alla responsabilità che le stesse catene rendono inerente alla schiavitù. Anche non rendendosene conto, anche subendo lo sfruttamento, si è comunque partecipi del massacro, e questa partecipazione non si può interrompere se non con la distruzione totale del mondo vecchio. E, a sua volta, questa stessa condizione preventiva non sarà possibile se non attraverso l’esperienza diretta dell’assolutamente altro, vissuta individualmente, attraverso il maggior numero possibile di oltrepassamenti. Senza questo patrimonio rammemorativo ci si troverà sprovvisti di fronte al compito organizzativo dell’autogestione generalizzata.
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La negazione di un mondo è una dichiarazione di estraneità che porta, chi la pronuncia, al margine, cioè alla condizione di reietto. Il mondo reagisce prontamente, se non viene distrutto esso distrugge o, almeno, isola e rende per quanto è possibile innocui. Niente permette, nell’ambito del fare, di tollerare l’assoluta diversità qualitativa, di cui per altro si ha una nozione vaga e oscuramente paurosa. Ogni struttura immersa nella propria oggettualità sposta il problema della qualità e quando la rammemorazione appare chiude l’afflusso comunicativo trovando mille modi per rendere difficile la comprensione. La terra di confine attorno alla foresta è terra bruciata, non è possibile viverci una vita di convenzioni e convenienze, si è in guerra e i propri passi, illuminati dalla spietata luce del sospetto, sono osservati con occhiuta attenzione repressiva. Sono i momenti e le condizioni più difficili, quelli in cui può ancora realizzarsi un ritorno indietro, un richiamo all’ordine. C’è chi non sa decidersi e rinvia all’infinito il proprio percorso nella foresta, quel coinvolgimento che può concludersi positivamente soltanto con l’oltrepassamento. È una lunga schermaglia di elusioni e di appostamenti che alla fine deve trovare il coraggio di una soluzione avventurosa o cedere al ritorno all’ordine. L’esperienza stessa della solitudine, che associandosi all’inquietudine iniziale, si fa nel territorio bruciato che circonda la foresta, fa vedere meglio e criticamente il funzionamento del fare e l’immane tragedia della propria responsabilità. Non ci sono difese possibili in queste condizioni perché non si possiede più né la coscienza immediata, nella sua ottusità incapace di cogliere fino in fondo il proprio ruolo di schiavo e di carnefice nello stesso tempo, né la coscienza diversa prodotta dall’esperienza nella qualità.
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È la rivolta che ribolle in se stessa e non riesce ancora ad aprirsi un sentiero nella foresta. È questa la permanenza allo scoperto nel territorio di nessuno. Ma ogni rivolta deve avere il proprio obiettivo o finisce per distruggere se stessa acquietandosi nel diniego del coinvolgimento. Il nutrimento della qualità è un potente richiamo ma richiede coraggio, non può essere lasciato in sospeso. L’azione è un risultato da raggiungere ancor prima di cominciare. L’oltrepassamento è distruzione del perbenismo che ci soffoca, è il sollevare la mano contro il tabù, spingendola oltre, nell’esperienza rarefatta e puntuale della qualità. Quello che viene vissuto in questa esperienza è paradossalmente fuori del tempo, cioè non ha uno spazio determinato e individuabile nell’ambito della coscienza diversa. Anzi la diversità, nei confronti della immediatezza, è data proprio da questa assenza. L’incommensurabilmente diverso è un turbine che sbarazza qualsiasi ricordo del passato, qualsiasi residuo di misura, di equilibrio, di approssimative modulazioni. La verità, la bellezza, la libertà appaiono nell’esperienza diretta dopo l’oltrepassamento senza nastri e senza orpelli di copertura, la qualità è l’essere che è e non può non essere, non ha quindi le sfumature e le nuances dell’apparenza, essa è una visione bruciante e intollerabile, non consentendo quelle distanze di salvaguardia che permettono di cristallizzare la percezione in conoscenza e di usare quest’ultima come base per la futura percezione, il tutto in una continua accumulazione. Nella qualità non c’è niente da accumulare, tutto si sbriciola non appena si cerca di ridurlo a possesso. È il segno su cui si basa la rammemorazione. In fondo questa parola che rammemora non è in ogni caso un ritorno all’ordine, essa è anzi la proposta emergenziale estrema che rende trasferibile nel mondo del fare quello che è stato vissuto nel mondo dell’agire. Con il tramite della parola molto andrà perduto, ma una traccia resterà, e sarà questa a rendere intollerabile il fare e la schiavitù che lo caratterizza. A sbarazzarsi del fare cieco e coatto sarà ancora lo strumento piagato e mal ridotto disponibile all’uomo, il solo strumento che si può usare per distruggere il mondo vecchio, la conoscenza figlia della parola.
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Lo Stato si è esteso ed ha fagocitato la società. Nel fare si continua a produrre il mondo nel suo insieme, non soltanto l’oggetto politico come qualcosa di separato dall’oggetto sociale. In modo singolare è l’oggetto amministrato che ha sostituito la precedente distinzione, per cui la distruzione dello Stato renderebbe possibile – attraverso il meccanismo del fare coatto lasciato in piedi – la sua modificazione e il suo tornare invita. Viviamo in una condizione assoluta di cattura in cui siamo tutti costretti a fare funzionare questa macchina infernale, anche se con conseguenze e risultati diversi per alcuni che possiamo considerare ancora inclusi in certe tolleranze e in certi benefici e per altri che da essi sono esclusi. Questa maligna conclusione non ammette obiezioni di sorta, può essere sollevata solo una risposta, quella che parla a nome della sopravvivenza e del buonsenso. Non abbiamo il coraggio di correre ai ripari, siamo diventati dei bruti devoti, quindi accettiamo il fare come un segnale del destino. Ma il destino non parla la parola della quantità, esso parla della qualità, per cui, non avendo lo schiavo esperienza della ribellione che spezza le catene, le sue parole se ne vanno come polvere nel vento. Giustificazioni aduste sono sollevate e ricostruite continuamente per dare fondamento al sottostante massacro. La maledetta caverna richiede il suo afflusso di sangue e non ammette interruzioni. Il concetto di distruzione deve allargarsi per interrompere definitivamente – almeno in ipotesi – questo afflusso, fino a comprendere l’intero mondo vecchio. In ipotesi, anche l’autogestione generalizzata potrebbe presentare delle sbavature e quindi obbligare a ulteriori distruzioni, ma questo è un discorso decisamente fuori contesto. Mi rendo conto, e in questi ultimi mesi passati in due carceri greci ho riflettuto a lungo su questo punto, che il concetto di una simile distruzione non solo è massimalista ma suona addirittura apocalittico. Ebbene, non è mia intenzione atteggiarmi a profeta di sventure, lascio a voi, che forse leggerete queste righe chissà fra quanti anni [scrivo nell’aprile del 2010] se sono più o meno vicino alla realtà delle cose o, al contrario, le sofferenze di questo periodo mi hanno fatto male al cervello, portandomi a sragionare. Potrei abbassare i toni e proporre ipotesi parziali, distruzioni mitigabili, ricostruzioni intermedie, trasferimenti e traslochi di beni e patrimoni, potrei ma non lo faccio. Mitigare le sofferenze è il mestiere di chi fa fischiare la ferula, il mio mestiere – se ne ho ancora uno – è quello di abolirle.
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I concetti connessi all’aggiustamento, anche quelli estremi legati a una redistribuzione equa e solidale, sono ormai nelle mani di mestatori politici e puzzano della melma di cui questi ultimi sono coperti. Sono processi che conosciamo un po’ tutti in dettaglio, il fare coatto li ha debitamente lavorati e fatti propri producendoli alla misura oggettuale che li rende innocui come esercitazioni verbali, nulla di più. È la sorte di ogni teoria, rivoluzionaria o meno, che lasciata a se stessa è riprodotta in oggetto e adeguata ai bisogni della sopravvivenza. La macchina funziona anche se nessuno ne spiega il processo che la fonda e la giustifica, la produzione dell’oggetto nella sua reale incompletezza di fantasma, nella sua consistente apparenza, nel suo gioco di ombre e sfumature inattaccabili sullo sfondo della caverna dei massacri. Tutti i tentativi di interloquire con la macchina hanno qualcosa di perdente in anticipo, ebete il meccanismo, ebete chi cerca di farlo ragionare in modo diverso. È il mondo che è diventato ebete e noi viviamo una vita da ebeti, sopportata dai più con una certa indifferenza. L’implacabile procedura non può essere posta in discussione. E, difatti, la distruzione non discute, non cerca di attirare l’attenzione su particolari di secondaria importanza, palesemente non funzionali, da cui dedurre il cattivo funzionamento dell’insieme. La macchina funziona perfettamente, e i primi assertori di questo convincimento assoluto sono gli schiavi che sentono la frusta sulla loro pelle. Essa è un’opera parziale perché produce oggetti incompleti che urlano la propria incompletezza, eppure proprio per questo, proprio per avere tenuto lontana la qualità che avrebbe nientificato la macchina stessa come oggetto, essa è un’opera totale. Ha in sé la chiusura perfetta di ciò che ha posto la propria completezza fuori di sé, in un luogo inaccessibile e quindi si è garantita la propria assolutezza, cioè si è assolto. Il fare è un progetto titanico che è andato crescendo nel tempo, racchiude in sé il controllo, il possesso, la garanzia, la modificazione insita nella logica dell’a poco a poco, e perfino l’obiezione parziale che vorrebbe meno danni possibili, schiavi felici per qualche colpo di frusta in meno, e oggetti possedenti la divina virtù di essere usati per qualcosa di utile.
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Fine del primo volume
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\begin{center}
Alfredo M. Bonanno
Michail Bakunin. Contro la Storia
Volume I
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Pensiero e azione N. 18\forcelinebreak Prima edizione: marzo 2013
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\textbf{www.edizionianarchismo.net}
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http://downloads.lulzbot.com/HOLP/source/Cluster.tex | lulzbot.com | CC-MAIN-2020-34 | text/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-34/segments/1596439738523.63/warc/CC-MAIN-20200809073133-20200809103133-00115.warc.gz | 34,247,135 | 1,092 | %
% Cluster.tex
%
% History of LulzBot Printers
%
% Copyright (C) 2014, 2015 Aleph Objects, Inc.
%
% This document is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0
% International Public License (CC BY-SA 4.0) by Aleph Objects, Inc.
%
\section{LulzBot 3D Printer Cluster}
This is the evolution of Aleph Object's LulzBot 3D Printer Cluster.
\begin{figure}[h!]
\thisfloatpagestyle{empty}
\includegraphics[keepaspectratio=true,height=0.40\textheight,width=1.00\textwidth,angle=0]{cluster/clonedel-2-node.jpg}
\caption{3D Printer Cluster of 2 Mars Prusas, June, 2011.}
\label{fig:clonedel-2-node}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[h!]
\thisfloatpagestyle{empty}
\includegraphics[keepaspectratio=true,height=0.40\textheight,width=1.00\textwidth,angle=0]{cluster/clonedel-2-node-close.jpg}
\caption{3D Printer Cluster of 2 Mars Prusas Closeup.}
\label{fig:clonedel-2-node-close}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[h!]
\thisfloatpagestyle{empty}
\includegraphics[keepaspectratio=true,height=0.40\textheight,width=1.00\textwidth,angle=0]{cluster/clonedel-19-node.jpg}
\caption{3D Printer Cluster of 19 LulzBot Clonedels, October, 2011.}
\label{fig:clonedel-20-node}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[h!]
\thisfloatpagestyle{empty}
\includegraphics[keepaspectratio=true,height=0.40\textheight,width=1.00\textwidth,angle=0]{cluster/prusa-19-node-yearend.jpg}
\caption{3D Printer Cluster of 19 LulzBot Prusas, December, 2011.}
\label{fig:prusa-19-node-yearend}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[h!]
\thisfloatpagestyle{empty}
\includegraphics[keepaspectratio=true,height=0.40\textheight,width=1.00\textwidth,angle=0]{cluster/ao-28-node.jpg}
\caption{3D Printer Cluster of 28 LulzBot AO-100s, July, 2012.}
\label{fig:ao-28-node}
\end{figure}
\begin{figure}[h!]
\thisfloatpagestyle{empty}
\includegraphics[keepaspectratio=true,height=0.40\textheight,width=1.00\textwidth,angle=0]{cluster/taz-135-node.jpg}
\caption{Section of 3D Printer Cluster of 135 LulzBot TAZ, April, 2015.}
\label{fig:taz-135-node}
\end{figure}
|
https://is.muni.cz/zivotopisy/cv?uco=8818;zjazyk=cze;varianta=3;tiskproh=latex | muni.cz | CC-MAIN-2021-31 | application/x-text | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-31/segments/1627046154385.24/warc/CC-MAIN-20210802203434-20210802233434-00015.warc.gz | 335,880,368 | 6,277 | \documentclass[12pt]{article}
\usepackage[latin2]{inputenc}
\usepackage[czech]{babel}
\newenvironment{ul}{\begin{itemize}}{\end{itemize}}
\newenvironment{ol}{\begin{enumerate}}{\end{enumerate}}
\begin{document}\noindent
\vspace{1.2cm}{\LARGE Životopis}
\vspace{0.8cm} \noindent {\bfseries Jméno}
\begin{ul}
\item PhDr. Roman Hytych, Ph.D.
\item e-mail: [email protected] web: www.psycholog-hytych.cz
\end{ul} \noindent
{\bfseries Pracoviště}
\begin{ul}
\item Privátní praxe, Mrkosova 35, 615 00 Brno, www.psycholog-hytych.cz
\item Katedra psychologie, Fakulta sociálních studií MU, Joštova 10, 602 00 Brno
\end{ul} \noindent
{\bfseries Funkce na pracovišti}
\begin{ul}
\item psycholog, psychoterapeut
\item odborný asistent
\end{ul} \noindent
{\bfseries Vzdělání a akademická kvalifikace}
\begin{ul}
\item 2004-2010 postgraduální studium sociální psychologie FSS MU, PsÚ AV ČR, Brno
\item 2001-2004 magisterské studium psychologie FSS MU, Brno
\item 1998-2001 bakalářské studium psychologie a sociologie FSS MU, Brno
\item 1998-2001 psychoterapeutický výcvik v satiterapii
\end{ul} \noindent
{\bfseries Přehled zaměstnání}
\begin{ul}
\item 2018-2020: člen výzkumného týmu grantového projektu Účinnost psychoterapie u pacientů s medicínsky nevysvětlenými tělesnými symptomy: Multicentrická naturalistická studie GA18-08512S 2012-dosud: zakládající člen Centra pro výzkum psychoterapie (http://psych.fss.muni.cz/psychotherapyresearch/cs/) 2011-2015: člen výzkumného týmu grantového projektu GAP407/11/0141 Utváření integrativní psychoterapeutické perspektivy: analýza výcviku integrace v psychoterapii 2009-dosud: odborný asistent na katedře psychologie FSS MU
\item 2007-dosud: redaktor časopisu Psychoterapie: Praxe-Inspirace-Konfrontace; od roku 2011 šéfredaktor
\item 2006?2009: psycholog, metodik projektu ?Na kraji cesty?, YMCA, Brno
\item 2004-2008: Středisko výchovné péče Help Me, Brno, psycholog, psychoterapeut
\item 2002-dosud: Internetová poradna (psychologické poradenství), redaktor
\item 2004-2005: Krizové centrum pro matky s dětmi SPONDEA, psycholog, psychoterapeut
\item 2002-2004: výzkum Sociálních reprezentací smrti a tradičních metod psychohygieny na Sri Lance a v Barmě, projekt supervidován prof. PhDr. Ivo Čermákem, Csc.
\item 2001-2002: Občanské sdružení Práh (pečující o dlouhodobě duševně nemocné), psychoterapeut a koordinátor psychoterapeutických služeb, case-manager
\end{ul} \noindent
{\bfseries Pedagogická činnost}
\begin{ul}
\item Kulturní antropologie (PSY151)
\item Úvod do kvalitativního výzkumu (PSY194)
\item Etika v práci psychologa (PSY534)
\item Metodologie psychologie (PSY 118)
\item Současná psychoterapie (PST410)
\item Psychoterapie s dětmi a dospívajícími (PST449)
\item Psychoterapeutické techniky I. (PST412)
\item Mindfulness in Psychotherapy (PSY545)
\item Psychotherapy: Theory, practise and research (PST453)
\item Duševní hygiena (PSY 146)
\item
\end{ul} \noindent
{\bfseries Vybrané publikace}
\begin{ul}
\item DOLEŽAL, Petr, Michal ČEVELÍČEK, Tomáš ŘIHÁČEK, Jan ROUBAL, Roman HYTYCH a Lucia UKROPOVÁ. Why did she leave? Development of working alliance in a case of psychotherapy for depression. {\itshape Research in Psychotherapy : Psychopathology, Process and Outcome\/}. PAGE Press, 2019, roč.~22, č.~2, s.~150-164. ISSN~2239-8031. doi:10.4081/ripppo.2019.354. {\itshape článek - open access\/} info
\item HYTYCH, Roman, Jan ROUBAL, Tomáš ŘIHÁČEK a Michal ČEVELÍČEK. Personal Therapeutic Approach of Gestalt Therapists : Working with Clients Suffering from Medically Unexplained Symptoms. In {\itshape 5th Joint European \& UK SPR Chapters Meeting\/}. 2019. URL info
\item ROUBAL, Jan, Tomáš ŘIHÁČEK, Michal ČEVELÍČEK, Roman HYTYCH a David HOLUB. Retrospective client interviewing can inform clinicians' practice and complement routine outcome monitoring. {\itshape Revista Argentina de Clinica Psicologica\/}. Buenos Aires: Fundacion Aigle, 2018, roč.~27, č.~2, s.~308-320. ISSN~0327-6716. doi:10.24205/03276716.2018.1058. URL info
\item ČEVELÍČEK, Michal, Jan ROUBAL, Roman HYTYCH, Tomáš ŘIHÁČEK, Jana VRÁNOVÁ a Jana MÁCHOVÁ. What works, from the therapists? perspective, in the treatment of medically unexplained somatic symptoms. In {\itshape SPR 49th Annual International Meeting, June 27?30, 2018, Amsterdam\/}. 2018. {\itshape program\/} info
\item ROUBAL, Jan, Tomáš ŘIHÁČEK, Roman HYTYCH a Rolf SANDELL. How Retrospective Client Interviewing Can Inform on Psychotherapists? Practice. In SPAGNUOLO LOBB, Margherita, Dan BLOOM, Jan ROUBAL, Jelena ZELESKOV DJORIC, Michele CANNAV?, Roberta LA ROSA, Silvia TOSI a Valentina PINNA. {\itshape The Aesthetic of Otherness : meeting at the boundary in a desensitized world. Proceedings.\/} Siracusa (Italy): Istituto di Gestalt HCC Italy, 2018. s.~397-405. ISBN~978-88-98912-08-7. {\itshape sborník\/} info
\item ČEVELÍČEK, Michal, Tomáš ŘIHÁČEK, Jan ROUBAL a Roman HYTYCH. Conceptualizations and strategies used by therapists in the treatment of medically unexplained somatic symptoms: A qualitative study. In {\itshape Roots and Gifts of Integrative Psychotherapy: The 9th Conference of the European Association for Integrative Psychotherapy\/}. 2018. URL info
\item ROUBAL, Jan, Roman HYTYCH, Rolf SANDEL a Tomáš ŘIHÁČEK. Four Perspectives on the Change Process in a Single Case Study: Client, Therapist, Outcome-researcher, Process-researcher. In {\itshape In Society for Psychotherapy Research: European Conference on Psychotherapy Research. 2017..\/} 2017. info
\item PLCHOVÁ, Romana, Roman HYTYCH, Tomáš ŘIHÁČEK, Jan ROUBAL a Zbyněk VYBÍRAL. How do trainees choose their first psychotherapy training? The case of training in psychotherapy integration. {\itshape British Journal of Guidance \& Counselling\/}. 2016, roč.~44, č.~5, s.~487-503. ISSN~0306-9885. doi:10.1080/03069885.2016.1213371. info
\item ROUBAL, Jan, Roman HYTYCH a Rolf SANDELL. A practitioner friendly way to get a research based feedback from the client. In {\itshape The Aesthetics of Otherness: meeting at the boundary in a desensitized world. A joint AAGT and EAGT Gestalt Conference, 22-25.9. 2016, Taormina, Sicily, Italy.\/} 2016. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman, Ivo ČERMÁK a Tomáš ŘIHÁČEK. Případová studie jako vědecká cesta k poznání. In {\itshape Kvalitativní přístup a metody ve vědách o člověku. 2015\/}. 2015. {\itshape Domovská stránka konference\/} info
\item ČEVELÍČEK, Michal, Zuzana ŠILHANOVÁ, Roman HYTYCH a Tomáš ŘIHÁČEK. Integrative therapists' development: Two case studies. In {\itshape Society for Psychotherapy Research: 8th European Conference on Psychotherapy Research\/}. 2015. info
\item NELA, Wurmová a Roman HYTYCH. Jak mladí dospělí zvládají úzkostné obtíže bez pomoci odborníka. {\itshape Psychoterapie\/}. Masarykova univerzita, 2015, roč.~9, č.~3, s.~186-197. ISSN~1802-3983. info
\item SEDLÁKOVÁ, Tatiana a Roman HYTYCH. "Stárnu ale nejsem seniorkou": Sociálne reprezentácie procesu starnutia žien. {\itshape Ceskoslovenska Psychologie/Czechoslovak Psychology\/}. Academia, 2015, roč.~59, č.~6, s.~562-577. ISSN~0009-062X. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman a Michal ČEVELÍČEK. Využití formulace klinického případu pří výuce a výzkumu psychoterapeutického výcviku. {\itshape PSYCHIATRIA-PSYCHOTERAPIA-PSYCHOSOMATIKA\/}. 2014, roč.~20, č.~4, s.~59-60. ISSN~1338-7030. info
\item ČEVELÍČEK, Michal, Jan ROUBAL a Roman HYTYCH. Využití formulace případu ve výuce a výcviku psychoterapie. {\itshape Psychoterapie\/}. Masarykova univerzita, 2014, roč.~8, č.~1, s.~44-54. ISSN~1802-3983. URL info
\item ČEVELÍČEK, Michal a Roman HYTYCH. Case formulation competency development over three years of training: A close examination of two trainees. In {\itshape Society for Psychotherapy Research 45th International Annual Meeting, Copenhagen, Denmark, June 25-28\/}. 2014. info
\item ŘIHÁČEK, Tomáš a Roman HYTYCH. Čtyři přístupy ke kvalitativní analýze: Metoda zakotvená teorie. In {\itshape Kvalitativní přístup a metody ve vědách o člověku\/}. 2013. URL info
\item ČEVELÍČEK, Michal, Romana PLCHOVÁ a Roman HYTYCH. Research of Case Formulation skills and Reflexive Capacity in trainees as parts of Personal Therapeutic Approach. In {\itshape 2013 Meeting of the Society for the Exploration of Psychotherapy Integration\/}. 2013. info
\item ČEVELÍČEK, Michal, Roman HYTYCH a Jan ROUBAL. Představení vybraných modelů psychoterapeutické formulace případu. {\itshape Ceskoslovenska Psychologie/Czechoslovak Psychology\/}. Academia, 2013, roč.~57, č.~5, s.~447-460. ISSN~0009-062X. URL info
\item ŘIHÁČEK, Tomáš a Roman HYTYCH. Metoda zakotvené teorie. In Tomáš Řiháček, Ivo Čermák, Roman Hytych. {\itshape Kvalitativní analýza textů: čtyři přístupy\/}. Brno: MUNI Press, 2013. s.~44-74. ISBN~978-80-210-6382-2. info
\item ČEVELÍČEK, Michal, Roman HYTYCH a Jan ROUBAL. Case formulation as a research and training tool. In {\itshape Society for Psychotherapy Research: 3rd Joint Meeting of the European and the United Kingdom Chapters\/}. 2012. info
\item FOLTOVÁ, Lucie a Roman HYTYCH. Hra ?Na pošťáka? jako příklad terapeutické intervence v rámci skupinové psychoterapie s dospívajícími. {\itshape Psychoterapie\/}. Brno: FSS MU, 2012, roč.~6, č.~3, s.~192-201. ISSN~1802-3983. info
\item PLCHOVÁ, Romana, Jana KOUTNÁ KOSTÍNKOVÁ, Ivo ČERMÁK, Michal ČEVELÍČEK a Roman HYTYCH. Reflexivní kapacita: topologie prožívání frekventantů. In {\itshape Society for Psychotherapy Research: 3rd Joint Meeting of the European and the United Kingdom Chapters\/}. 2012. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman a Jakub KOUTNÝ. Všímavost v psychoterapii: Výzkum ve světě a v České republice. In {\itshape 3. mezinárodní psychoterapeutické sympózium\/}. 2011. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman a Romana PLCHOVÁ. Proces nabývání jistoty. In {\itshape DVACÁTÁ OSMÁ ČESKO-SLOVENSKÁ PSYCHOTERAPEUTICKÁ KONFERENCE\/}. 2011. info
\item PLCHOVÁ, Romana, Roman HYTYCH a Zbyněk VYBÍRAL. Training in psychotherapy integration (TPI) from the trainee?s perspective before the start of the training. In {\itshape Society for Psychotherapy Research 41st International Meeting\/}. 2011. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman. Východní vlivy v současné euro-americké psychoterapii. In {\itshape Současná psychoterapie\/}. 1. vydání. Praha: Portál, 2010. s.~584-598. ISBN~978-80-7367-682-7. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman a Petr MACEK. Kulturní a historická specifika utváření sebepojetí a identity dospívajících. In {\itshape M. Tyrlík, P. Macek., J. Širůček (Eds.), Sebepojetí a identita v adolescenci: sociální a kulturní kontext\/}. Brno: Masarykova univerzita, 2010. s.~71-96, 25 s. ISBN~978-80-210-5107-2. info
\item TRÁVNÍČEK, Zdeněk a Roman HYTYCH. Estetika prožívání barev a elementů. In PETRJÁNOŠOVÁ, Magda, Radomír MASARYK a Barbara LÁŠTICOVÁ. {\itshape Kvalitatívny výskum vo verejnom priestore\/}. Bratislava: Kabinet výskumu sociálnej a biologickej komunikácie SAV a Pedagogická fakulta Univerzity Komenského v Bratislave, 2009. s.~217-222. HUMAN COMMUNICATION STUDIES Vol. 10. ISBN~978-80-900981-9-0. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman. HLEDÁNÍ OPRAVDOVÉ DŮVĚRY. {\itshape E-psychologie [online]\/}. 2009, roč.~3, č.~2, s.~59-70. ISSN~1802-8853. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman. Všímavost je klíčem pro zvládání smrti. In {\itshape Psychospirituální dimenze osobnosti\/}. Ústí nad Labem: UJEP, 2009. s.~152-163, 194 s. ISBN~978-80-7414-162-1. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman. {\itshape Smrt a nesmrtelnost: Sociální reprezentace smrti\/}. první. Praha: TRITON, 2008. 231 s. Edice Psyché, svazek č. 56. ISBN~978-80-7387-092-8. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman. Hrozby a možnosti přechodů. {\itshape Psychoterapie\/}. FSS MUNI, Brno, 2008, roč.~2, č.~2, s.~79-85. ISSN~1802-3983. info
\item TRÁVNÍČEK, Zdeněk a Roman HYTYCH. Je změna estetického vnímání a prožívání, která je výsledkem praxe kultivování soustředění a klidu (samathá), zachytitelná testem estetického úsudku? In {\itshape Kvalitativní přístup a metody ve vědách o člověku V. Vybrané aspekty teorie a praxe.\/} první. Praha: Univerzita Karlova, 2007. s.~22-26. ISBN~80-86620-14-X. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman a Lukáš MEZULIÁNEK. Zodpovědné tvoření: psychohygiena pro pedagogy. In ASSENZA, Dora. {\itshape Praktické rady budoucím učitelům, řešení problémů 2. díl.\/} Olomouc: Centrum inovativního vzdělávání, 2007. s.~206-254. 1. vydání. ISBN~978-80-903654-1-4. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman. Etika ve vztahu s klientem: od vnějšího tlaku k vnitřní motivaci. {\itshape Zpravodaj Pedagogicko-psychologické poradenství\/}. Praha: IPPP ČR, 2007, roč.~2007, č.~48, s.~66-71. ISSN~1214-7230. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman. Marková, I.: Dialogicality and Social Representations:The Dynamics of Mind. {\itshape Česká a Slovenská Psychiatrie\/}. Praha: ČLS JEP, 2007, roč.~103, č.~7, s.~385. ISSN~1212-0383. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman. DOVEDNĚ ZVLÁDNUTÁ PŘÍTOMNOST PŘINÁŠÍ PŘÍJEMNOU BUDOUCNOST: SOCIÁLNÍ REPREZENTACE SMRTI NA SRÍ LANCE U POPULACÍ THERAVÁDOVÝCH MNICHŮ A JEJICH PODPŮRCŮ. {\itshape Československá psychologie: Časopis pro psychologickou teorii a praxi\/}. 2006, roč.~50, č.~3, s.~273-284. ISSN~0009-062X. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman. Využití principů zakotvené teorie při etnopsychologickém výzkumu: Sociální reprezentace smrti v České republice a na Srí Lance. In MIOVSKÝ, Michal, Ivo ČERMÁK a Vladimír CHRZ. {\itshape Kvalitativní výzkum ve vědách o člověku IV. ? vybrané aspekty teorie a praxe.\/} první. Olomouc: Univerzita Palackého, 2005. s.~339-351. ISBN~80-244-1159-8. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman. Vztah slovo-skutečnost v souvislosti se změnou osoby. {\itshape Konfrontace - časopis pro psychoterapii\/}. Hradec Králové: Konfrontace, 2003, roč.~14, č.~2, s.~98?103. ISSN~0862-8971. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman. Sociální reprezentace smrti u pracovníků onkologického oddělení. {\itshape Československá psychologie: Časopis pro psychologickou teorii a praxi\/}. Praha: Academia, 2002, roč.~46, č.~5, s.~462?471. ISSN~0009-062X. info
\item HYTYCH, Roman. {\itshape Sociální reprezentace smrti pracovníků onkologického oddělení\/}. 2001. 69 s. info
\end{ul} \noindent
\vspace{0.5cm} \noindent 17. 2. 2020
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\title{No Masters}
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If you liked school, you’ll love work. The cruel, absurd abuses of power, the self-satisfied authority that the teachers and principals lorded over you, the intimidation and ridicule of your classmates don’t end at graduation. Those things are all present in the adult world, only more so. If you thought you lacked freedom before, wait until you have to answer to shift leaders, managers, owners, landlords, creditors, tax collectors, city councils, draft boards, law courts, and police. When you get out of school you may escape the jurisdiction of some authorities, but you enter the control of even more domineering ones. Do you enjoy being controlled by others who don’t understand or care about your wants and needs? Do you get anything out of obeying the instructions of employers, the restrictions of landlords, the laws of magistrates, people who have powers over you that you would never have given them willingly?
How is it that they get all this power? The answer is \emph{hierarchy}.
Hierarchy is a value system in which your worth measured by the number of people and things you control, and how well you obey those above you. Weight is exerted downward through the power structure: everyone is forced to accept and conform to this system by everyone else. You’re afraid to disobey those above you because they can bring to bear against you the power of everyone and everything under them. You’re afraid to abdicate your power over those below you because they might end up above you. In our hierarchical system, we’re all so busy trying to protect ourselves from each other that we never have a chance to stop and think if this is really the best way our society could be organized. If we could think about it, we’d probably agree that it isn’t; for we all know happiness comes from control over our own lives, not other people’s lives. And as long as we’re busy competing for control over others, we’re bound to be the victims of control ourselves. Even the ones at the very top of the ladder are controlled by their position: they have to work around the clock to maintain it. One false move, and they could end up at the bottom.
It is our hierarchical system that teaches us from childhood to accept the power of any authority figure, regardless of whether it is in our best interest or not. We learn to bow instinctively before anyone who claims to be more important than we are. It is hierarchy that makes homophobia common among poor people in the U.S.A. — they’re desperate to feel more valuable, more significant than somebody. It is hierarchy at work when two hundred hardcore kids go to a rock club (already a mistake, but that’s a subject for another article) to see a band, and for some stupid reason the club owner won’t let them perform: there are two hundred and six people at the club, two hundred and five of whom want the band to play, but they all accept the decision of the club owner just because he is older and owns the place (i.e. has more financial clout, and thus more legal clout). It is hierarchical values that are responsible for racism (“white people are better than black people”), classism (“rich people are better than poor people”), sexism (“men are better than women”), and a thousand other prejudices that are deeply ingrained in our society. It is hierarchy that makes rich people look at poor people as if they aren’t even human, and vice versa. It pits employer against employee, manager against worker, teacher against student, making people struggle against each other rather than work together to help each other; separated this way, they can’t benefit from each other’s skills and ideas and abilities, but must live in jealousy and fear of them. It is hierarchy at work when your boss insults you or makes sexual advances at you and you can’t do anything about it, just as it is when police flaunt their power over you. For power does make people cruel and heartless, and submission does make people cowardly and stupid: and most people in a hierarchical system partake in both. Hierarchical values are responsible for our destruction of the natural environment and the exploitation of animals: led by the capitalist West, our species seeks control over anything we can get our claws on, at any cost to ourselves or others. And it is hierarchical values that send us to war, fighting for power over each other, inventing more and more powerful weapons until finally the whole world teeters on the edge of nuclear annihilation.
But what can we do about hierarchy? Isn’t that just the way the world works? Or are there other ways that people could interact, other values we could live by?
\section{Hierarchy \dots{} and Anarchy: Resurrecting anarchism as a personal approach to life.}
Stop thinking of anarchism as just another “world order,” just another social system. From where we all stand, in this very dominated, very controlled world, it is impossible to imagine living without any authorities, without laws or governments. No wonder anarchism isn’t usually taken seriously as a large-scale political or social program: no one can imagine what it would really be like, let alone how to achieve it — not even the anarchists themselves.
Instead, think of anarchism as an individual orientation to yourself and others, as a personal approach to life. That isn’t impossible to imagine. Conceived in these terms, what would anarchism be? It would be a decision to think for yourself rather than following blindly. It would be a rejection of hierarchy, a refusal to accept the “god given” authority of any nation, law, or other force as being more significant than your own authority over yourself. It would be an instinctive distrust of those who claim to have some sort of rank or status above the others around them, and an unwillingness to claim such status over others for yourself. Most of all, it would be a refusal to place responsibility for yourself in the hands of others: it would be the demand that each of us be able to choose our own destiny.
According to this definition, there are a great deal more anarchists than it seemed, though most wouldn’t refer to themselves as such. For most people, when they think about it, want to have the right to live their own lives, to think and act as they see fit. Most people trust themselves to figure out what they should do more than they trust any authority to dictate it to them. Almost everyone is frustrated when they find themselves pushing against faceless, impersonal power.
You don’t want to be at the mercy of governments, bureaucracies, police, or other outside forces, do you? Surely you don’t let them dictate your entire life. Don’t you do what you want to, what you believe in, at least whenever you can get away with it? In our everyday lives, we all are anarchists. Whenever we make decisions for ourselves, whenever we take responsibility for our own actions rather than deferring to some higher power, we are putting anarchism into practice. So if we are all anarchists by nature, why do we always end up accepting the domination of others, even creating forces to rule over us? Wouldn’t you rather figure out how to coexist with your fellow human beings by working it out directly between yourselves, rather than depending on some external set of rules? Remember, the system they accept is the one you must live under: if you want your freedom, you can’t afford to not be concerned about whether those around you demand control of their lives or not.
Do we really need masters to command and control us? In the West, for thousands of years, we have been sold centralized state power and hierarchy in general on the premise that we do. We’ve all been taught that without police, we would all kill each other; that without bosses, no work would ever get done; that without governments, civilization itself would fall to pieces. Is all this true? Certainly, it’s true that today little work gets done when the boss isn’t watching, chaos ensues when governments fall, and violence sometimes occurs when the police aren’t around. But are these really indications that there is no other way we could organize society? Isn’t it possible that workers won’t get anything done unless they are under observation because they are used to not doing anything without being prodded — more than that, because they resent being inspected, instructed, condescended to by their managers, and don’t want to do anything for them that they don’t have to? Perhaps if they were working together for a common goal, rather than being paid to take orders, working towards objectives that they have no say in and that don’t interest them much, they would be more proactive. Not to say that everyone is ready or able to do such a thing today; but our laziness is conditioned rather than natural, and in a different environment, we might find that people don’t need bosses to get things done. And as for police being necessary to maintain the peace: we won’t discuss the ways in which the role of “law enforcer” brings out the most brutal aspects of human beings, and how police brutality doesn’t exactly contribute to peace. How about the effects on civilians living in a police-protected state? Once the police are no longer a direct manifestation of the desires of the community they serve (and that happens quickly, whenever a police force is established: they become a force external to the rest of society, an outside authority), they are a force acting coercively on the people of that society. Violence isn’t just limited to physical harm: any relationship that is established by force, such as the one between police and civilians, is a violent relationship. When you are acted upon violently, you learn to act violently back. Isn’t it possible, then, that the implicit threat of police on every street corner — of the near omnipresence of uniformed, impersonal representatives of state power — contributes to tension and violence, rather than dispelling them? If that doesn’t seem likely to you, and you are middle class and\Slash{}or white, ask a poor black or Hispanic man how the presence of police makes him feel. When the standard forms of human interaction all revolve around hierarchical power, when human intercourse so often comes down to giving and receiving orders (at work, at school, in the family, in legal courts), how can we expect to have no violence in our system? People are used to using force against each other in their daily lives, the force of authoritarian power; of course using physical force cannot be far behind in such a system. Perhaps if we were more used to treating each other as equals, to creating relationships based upon equal concern for each other’s needs, we wouldn’t see so many people resort to physical violence against each other. And what about government control? Without it, would our society fall into pieces, and our lives with it? Certainly, things would be a great deal different without governments than they are now — but is that necessarily a bad thing? Is our modern society really the best of all possible worlds? Is it worth it to grant masters and rulers so much control over our lives, out of fear of trying anything different? Besides, we can’t claim that we need government control to prevent mass bloodshed, because it is governments that have perpetrated the greatest slaughters of all: in wars, in holocausts, in the centrally organized enslaving and obliteration of entire peoples and cultures. And it may be that when governments break down, many people lose their lives in the resulting chaos and infighting. But this fighting is almost always between other power-hungry hierarchical groups, other would-be governors and rulers. If we were to reject hierarchy absolutely, and refuse to serve any force above ourselves, there would no longer be any large scale wars or holocausts. That would be a responsibility each of us would have to take on equally, to collectively refuse to recognize any power as worth serving, to swear allegiance to nothing but ourselves and our fellow human beings. But if we all were to do it, we would never see another world war again.
Of course, even if a world entirely without hierarchy is possible, we should not have any illusions that any of us will live to see it realized. That should not even be our concern: for it is foolish to arrange your life so that it revolves around something that you will never be able to experience. We should, rather, recognize the patterns of submission and domination in our own lives, and, to the best of our ability, break free of them. We should put the anarchist ideal (no masters, no slaves) into effect in our daily lives however we can. Every time one of us remembers not to accept the authority of the powers that be at face value, each time one of us is able to escape the system of domination for a moment (whether it is by getting away with something forbidden by a teacher or boss, relating to a member of a different social stratum as an equal, etc.), that is a victory for the individual and a blow against hierarchy.
Do you still believe that a hierarchy-free society is impossible? There are plenty of examples throughout human history: the bushmen of the Kalahari desert still live together without authorities, never trying to force or command each other to do things, but working together and granting each other freedom and autonomy. Sure, their society is being destroyed by our more warlike one — but that isn’t to say that an egalitarian society could not exist that was extremely hostile to, and well-defended against, the encroachments of external power! William Burroughs writes about an anarchist pirates’ stronghold a hundred years ago that was just that.
If you need an example closer to your daily life, remember the last time you gathered with your friends to relax on a Friday night. Some of you brought food, some of you brought entertainment, some provided other things, but nobody kept track of who owed what to whom. You did things as a group and enjoyed yourselves; things actually got done, but nobody was forced to do anything, and nobody assumed the position of chief. We have these moments of non-capitalist, non-coercive, non-hierarchical interaction in our lives constantly, and these are the times when we most enjoy the company of others, when we get the most out of other people; but somehow it doesn’t occur to us to demand that our society work this way, as well as our friendships and love affairs. Sure, it’s a lofty goal to ask that it does — but let’s dare to reach for high goals, let’s not fucking settle for anything less than the best in our lives! Each of us only gets a few years on this planet to enjoy life; let’s try to work together to do it, rather than fighting amongst each other for miserable prizes like status and power.
“Anarchism” is the revolutionary idea that no one is more qualified than you are to decide what your life will be.
— It means trying to figure out how to work together to meet our individual needs, how to work with each other rather than “for” or against each other. And when this is impossible, it means preferring strife to submission and domination.
— It means not valuing any system or ideology above the people it purports to serve, not valuing anything theoretical above the real things in this world. It means being faithful to real human beings (and animals, etc.), fighting for ourselves and for each other, not out of “responsibility,” not for “causes” or other intangible concepts.
— It means not forcing your desires into a hierarchical order, either, but accepting and embracing all of them, accepting yourself. It means not trying to force the self to abide by any external laws, not trying to restrict your emotions to the predictable or the practical, not pushing your instincts and desires into boxes: for there is no cage large enough to accommodate the human soul in all its flights, all its heights and depths.
— It means refusing to put the responsibility for your happiness in anyone else’s hands, whether that be parents, lovers, employers, or society itself. It means taking the pursuit of meaning and joy in your life upon your own shoulders.
For what else should we pursue, if not happiness? If something isn’t valuable because we find meaning and joy in it, then what could possibly make it important? How could abstractions like “responsibility,” “order,” or “propriety” possibly be more important than the real needs of the people who invented them? Should we serve employers, parents, the State, God, capitalism, moral law before ourselves? Who was it that taught you we should, anyway?
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The Anarchist Library
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Anti-Copyright
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CrimethInc.
No Masters
September 11, 2000
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Retrieved on 7\textsuperscript{th} November 2020 from \href{https://crimethinc.com/2000/09/11/no-masters}{crimethinc.com}
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\begin{document}
\def\RunningAuthor{Prakash et al.}
\firstPage{2014}
\articleType{Original Article}
\receivedDate{30 May 2021}
\acceptedDate{26 Jun 2021}
\revisedDate{18 Jun 2021}
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\title{Effectiveness of short-term belly breathing training in individuals who work-from-home during the COVID-19 lockdown in India}
\author{Jayabalan~Prakash\textsuperscript{1},
Tittu~Thomas~James\textsuperscript{*}\textsuperscript{2},
Shubham~Menaria\textsuperscript{2},
Anas~Usman\textsuperscript{3},
Centina~Rose~John\textsuperscript{4}~\\[5pt]{\textsuperscript{1}KMCH College of Physiotherapy, Coimbatore- 641035, Tamil Nadu, India}~\\{\textsuperscript{2}NIMHANS Hospital, Bangalore-560029, Karnataka, India}~\\{\textsuperscript{3}University of Chester, England, United Kingdom}~\\{\textsuperscript{4}Saveetha Medical College and Hospital, Chennai- 602105, Tamil Nadu, India}}
\begin{abstract}
COVID-19 impacted many lives around the globe, leading to a nationwide lockdown in India from the 25\ensuremath{^{th}} of March 2020. Home confinement, physical and social isolation, the spread of false news through social media, fear of contracting the disease, lack of physical activity, and work-from-home situations have affected the mental status and sleep quality of individuals during the lockdown. We intended to identify the effect of belly breathing exercise in reducing the depression, anxiety and stress levels in individuals who work-from-home during the lockdown. A hundred participants were identified through snowball sampling and were divided into two equal groups. Group A received a health education program and belly breathing techniques, whereas group B was provided with a health education program alone. DASS 21 and single item Sleep Quality Scale was assessed before recruitment and after three weeks of intervention in both groups. Significant reduction in depression, anxiety, and stress levels were observed in group A (p{\textless}0.001) than that of group B. Participants who underwent belly breathing also reported significant improvement in sleep quality after three weeks of intervention. Belly breathing has found to be an effective and simple technique to instruct and perform, which significantly reduces depression, anxiety and stress levels in individuals who work from home and are in need of medical advice for their mental health status. We suggest the use of belly breathing in improving the mental status in any black swan events such as home quarantine or strict physical isolation measures, and even during any stressful situations.
\end{abstract}\def\keywordstitle{Keywords}
\begin{keywords}Belly Breathing,\newline COVID-19,\newline Lockdown,\newline Stress,\newline Sleep
\end{keywords}
\twocolumn[ \maketitle {\printKwdAbsBox}]
\makeatletter\textsuperscript{*}Corresponding Author\par Name:\ Tittu~Thomas~James~\\ Phone:\ +91 9567521451~\\ Email:\ [email protected]
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\section{Introduction}
The impact of COVID-19 among the world population was a black swan event \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616482}, disturbing the normal lifestyle of the human race in all aspects of his life. It was first reported at Wuhan province of China in December 2019, and the first confirmed case in India was reported on the 30\ensuremath{^{th}} of January 2020 \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616483}. World Health Organization (WHO) declared COVID-19 as a pandemic on the 11\ensuremath{^{th}} of March, 2020 \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616492}. Quarantine, social isolation, use of masks, and frequent hand washing are the major strategies advocated by WHO to prevent the spread of infection. In this regard, the Government of India implemented the largest nationwide lockdown from the 25\ensuremath{^{th}} of March 2020, which was extended until the 31\ensuremath{^{st}} of May \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616473}.
The social life of individuals and families were affected due to the fear of COVID, as well as the isolation and quarantine measures of lockdown. Studies have reported an increase in anxiety, frustration, depression, altered appetite and sleep patterns, and vulnerable mental health with the indefinite isolation of individuals \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616496,1147967:22616497,1147967:22616490}. The sentiment analysis of lockdown among the Indian population, performed by \unskip~\cite{1147967:22616473} through analysis of 24,000 tweets, identified a positive trust in the government for its actions to contain the disease, but have shown fear, sadness and worries about the lost jobs of daily wage workers.
1.3 billion Indians were forced to stay at home during the first phase of lockdown \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616473}. The employment gradually shifted to a work-from-home scenario, mostly the desktop and computer jobs \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616497,1147967:22616479}. Lack of social and emotional interactions, physical inactivity, fear of COVID, and increased workload have created major changes in the lifestyle of these individuals. \unskip~\cite{1147967:22616496} identified a 15\% increase in those who sleep after 3 am. There was an increase in depression, anxiety and stress levels during the lockdown, with about 70\% of participants reporting moderate levels of stress \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616492}. High levels of work-related stress were reported due to increased use of technology for being connected to work, virtual team meetings and discussions, and a reduction in workplace interactions among employees \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616473}.
It was imperative to identify those who are in distress and are in need of medical advice to tackle these difficult times. We identified ``Belly breathing'' to be an effective technique to improve mental health by reducing the levels of depression, anxiety and stress. This technique was also easy to teach and administer through a virtual session with the individuals. This study was intended to identify the short term effect of belly breathing in reducing the depression, anxiety and stress levels in individuals who work from home during the lockdown period.
\section{Materials and Methods}
The study was conducted in the Coimbatore district of South India, from the 8\ensuremath{^{th}} to the 28\ensuremath{^{th}} of April, 2020. This was two weeks after the declaration of nationwide lockdown. Individuals employed in the private sector, performing long hours of desktop and computer works, and those who are currently working from home were recruited for the study. Participants who are under any medications or with diagnosed mental health issues or those who are performing regular yoga or other physical or mental training at home were excluded from the study. Participants were identified through snowball sampling through social media messaging, requesting to contact the investigators if they are in need of medical advice to improve their mental health during the lockdown period. Participants who showed interest in the study were contacted using a video call. Informed consent was collected verbally before recruiting for the study.
Participants were divided into two groups based on random numbers generated through computer software. Group A was provided with a health education program, which included raising awareness about COVID-19, the need of implementing preventive measures such as social isolation, masks and hand hygiene, how to stay safe from not getting infected, and ergonomic advice for their work-from-home situation regarding proper maintenance of posture, frequent changes from long hours of sitting, maintaining hydration, and the need of good sleep. They were also instructed on performing belly breathing techniques effectively. Group B was provided with the health education program only.
Subjects were trained to perform belly breathing techniques through demonstration by the primary investigator during the video call. Individuals were asked to lie down on their back with their knees up as in a crook-lying position. A square-shaped book was placed over the stomach in order to achieve visual feedback of the performance. Subjects were then asked to breathe in through their nose to the count of three seconds so as to lift the book upwards without moving the shoulders or chest. The breath was held for one second, after which a slow expiration is performed through the mouth to the count of six seconds, bringing the book back to the earlier position. This technique, if performed correctly, will provide a respiratory rate of six breaths per minute. Individuals were asked to repeat belly breathing 20 times in a single session, with three sessions per day, for three weeks. Sessions were planned 45 minutes to one hour before or after any meal.
\unskip~\cite{1147967:22616494}, in their study, have suggested nine descriptions in a breathing technique to increase the methodological quality of the intervention, which are being answered as follows;
\begin{enumerate}
\item \relax Breathing was consciously attended with attention focussed on the activity.
\item \relax Subjects were asked to focus on lifting the book placed over their stomach during inspiration to a height of three to six centimetres.
\item \relax The breathing frequency was set to six breaths per minute.
\item \relax Inspiration was performed through the nose and expiration through the mouth.
\item \relax Three seconds of inspiration, one second hold, and six seconds of expiration in one cycle of belly breathing.
\item \relax I: E=1:2, with 1-second inspiratory hold.
\item \relax Abdominal breathing is emphasized.
\item \relax Visual feedback was utilised for effective performance and not auditory feedback.
\item \relax The book used during the technique was a 200-page square notebook, weighs between 100-200 grams, which is readily available in their house.
\end{enumerate}
Outcome measures were collected from participants before the recruitment to the study and after three weeks of the study. Depression, Anxiety and Stress Scale (DASS 21) was used to analyse the mental status of participants before and after the study. DASS 21 questionnaire helps identify the level of depression, anxiety and stress in individuals of the previous week \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616481}. The scoring for the 21 questions was self-reported using graded numbers, with '0' for did not apply to me at all, '1' for 1 Applied to me to some degree, or some of the time {\textendash} SOMETIMES, '2' for applied to me to a considerable degree, or a good part of the time {\textendash} OFTEN, and '3' for applied to me very much, or most of the time - ALMOST ALWAYS. The scores are multiplied by two and analysed for the levels of symptoms, as illustrated in table 1. The quality of sleep of the participants during the previous week was also assessed using Single-Item Sleep Quality Scale (SQS) \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616475}. Subjects were asked to rate their sleep in the morning upon awakening on an 11 point scale, '0' for best possible sleep and '10' for worst possible sleep, and document in a diary. An average of seven days was taken as the quantitative measure of their sleep quality in the past week. The data were analysed statistically using a T-test to derive conclusions.
\section{Results and Discussion}
\begin{table*}[!htbp]
\caption{\boldmath {Scoring for DASS-21 questionnaire} }
\label{tw-28f157079758}
\def\arraystretch{1.1}
\ignorespaces
\centering
\begin{tabulary}{\linewidth}{p{\dimexpr.16\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.16\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.16\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.16\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.16\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.20\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}}
\tbltoprule \rowcolor{kwdboxcolor} & Normal & Mild & Moderate & Severe & Extremely Severe\\
\tblmidrule
Depression &
0-9 &
10-13 &
14-20 &
21-27 &
28+\\
Anxiety &
0-7 &
8-9 &
10-14 &
15-19 &
20+\\
Stress &
0-14 &
15-18 &
19-25 &
26-33 &
34+\\
\tblbottomrule
\end{tabulary}\par
\end{table*}
\begin{table*}[!htbp]
\caption{\boldmath {Mean values of the outcome measures between group A and group B} }
\label{tw-46d97b6000e8}
\centering
\begin{threeparttable}
\def\arraystretch{1.1}
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\centering
\begin{tabulary}{\linewidth}{p{\dimexpr.22490000000000002\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.1336\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.2415\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.27299999999999997\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}p{\dimexpr.12700000000000001\linewidth-2\tabcolsep}}
\tbltoprule \rowcolor{kwdboxcolor}Outcome Measure & Group & \cAlignHack Pre Test & \cAlignHack Post Test & p value\\
\rowcolor{kwdboxcolor} & & \cAlignHack Mean \ensuremath{\pm} Std. Dev. & \cAlignHack Mean \ensuremath{\pm} Std. Dev. & \\
\tblmidrule
\multicolumn{1}{p{\dimexpr(.22490000000000002\linewidth-2\tabcolsep)}}{\multirow{2}{\linewidth}{Depression}} &
A &
\cAlignHack 14.36\ensuremath{\pm}5.31 &
\cAlignHack 8.78\ensuremath{\pm}3.44 &
{\textless}0.001*\\
&
&
\cAlignHack 14.76\ensuremath{\pm}6.27 &
\cAlignHack 14.38\ensuremath{\pm}6.37 &
0.068\\
\multicolumn{1}{p{\dimexpr(.22490000000000002\linewidth-2\tabcolsep)}}{\multirow{2}{\linewidth}{Anxiety}} &
A &
\cAlignHack 8.60\ensuremath{\pm}3.88 &
\cAlignHack 5.38\ensuremath{\pm}3.36 &
{\textless}0.001*\\
&
&
\cAlignHack 8.50\ensuremath{\pm}4.02 &
\cAlignHack 7.92\ensuremath{\pm}3.93 &
{\textless}0.001*\\
\multicolumn{1}{p{\dimexpr(.22490000000000002\linewidth-2\tabcolsep)}}{\multirow{2}{\linewidth}{Stress}} &
A &
\cAlignHack 17.94\ensuremath{\pm}5.93 &
\cAlignHack 11.68\ensuremath{\pm}5.25 &
{\textless}0.001*\\
&
&
\cAlignHack 19.46\ensuremath{\pm}7.12 &
\cAlignHack 19.20\ensuremath{\pm}7.25 &
0.102\\
\multicolumn{1}{p{\dimexpr(.22490000000000002\linewidth-2\tabcolsep)}}{\multirow{2}{\linewidth}{SQS}} &
A &
\cAlignHack 5.78\ensuremath{\pm}1.29 &
\cAlignHack 2.96\ensuremath{\pm}1.44 &
{\textless}0.001*\\
&
&
\cAlignHack 5.48\ensuremath{\pm}1.28 &
\cAlignHack 5.34\ensuremath{\pm}1.21 &
0.197\\
\tblbottomrule
\end{tabulary}\par
\begin{tablenotes}\footnotesize
\item{(*significantat the level p{\textless}0.05)}
\end{tablenotes}
\end{threeparttable}
\end{table*}
\bgroup
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\centering \makeatletter\IfFileExists{images/aa0b2d92-aa81-42a2-a603-9326681be05b-upicture1.png}{\includegraphics{images/aa0b2d92-aa81-42a2-a603-9326681be05b-upicture1.png}}{}
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\caption{\boldmath {Vicious Cycle of Sleep, Fear and Mental Status during Lockdown}}
\label{f-f232656b21d5}
\end{figure}
\egroup
A total of 100 subjects participated in the study, with 50 in each group. Group A consisted of 24 males and 26 females, whereas group B consisted of 22 males and 28 females. The mean age of the participants in Group A and B were 29.82\ensuremath{\pm}4.70 and 30.68\ensuremath{\pm}4.99 years, respectively. Homogeneity was maintained between the two groups with respect to age (p=0.377). The mean values of the outcome measures between the two groups are illustrated in Table~\ref{tw-46d97b6000e8}.
Before the study, participants found moderate depression levels, mild anxiety, and mild to moderate stress levels, which was homogenous between the groups (p{\textgreater}0.05). Significant changes were demonstrated with the intervention in group A, whereas group B did not demonstrate any significant change after three weeks. The quality of sleep found to be improved in group A with the changes in depression, anxiety and stress, with a mean difference of 2.82\ensuremath{\pm}1.02 in SQS scores after the intervention. Participants objectively reported an increased quality of sleep and achieved the usual pattern of sleep as they had performed prior to lockdown.
Respiration is efficient and good when the diaphragm is being used, such as in belly breathing. The term `belly breathing' is easier for the layman to understand the technique being used than using terms such as `diaphragmatic' or `thoracic'. Physiologic responses following efficient diaphragmatic breathing include a reduced oxygen consumption, decreased blood pressure and heart rate, increased theta wave amplitude, and increased parasympathetic activity, which makes an individual alert and invigorating \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616477}. The intake of oxygen is more in belly breathing when compared to shallow breathing. This technique is currently considered an integral part of different yoga and relaxation programs \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616476}. Belly breathing is one of the simplest and easiest techniques to instruct, administer and perform, which has an impact on the mental status of the individual, as identified by our study.
COVID-19 pandemic and its after-effects have hampered the lives of many all over the world. The lockdown imposed by the government restricted the movement of individuals out of their homes, making them deprived of social and emotional interactions and outdoor activities. The misinformation spread through social media has stimulated fear, anxiety and stigma within the community \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616485}. People were also scared of getting infected by the disease easily if they go outside, which intensified their level of stress and anxiety. A vicious cycle of sleep disturbance, increased levels of anxiety and stress, and the fear of contracting the disease was common among individuals during lockdown \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616498}, as illustrated in Figure~\ref{f-f232656b21d5}. Lack of workplace interaction due to the work-from-home scenario increased the responsibility and workload over employers \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616497}. This has induced depression in them, which may also have influenced the sleeping habits of subjects. Participants have reported having late night sleeps, approximately after 2 am daily during the lockdown, which was very rare before lockdown. Increased use of digital devices along with home confinement, have also influenced the sleeping pattern during the lockdown, which may impact their physical and mental well-being \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616484}.
The mechanism of the stress response is a continuation of the fight-or-flight situation faced by the human body. Catecholamines are released by the autonomic nervous system during a fight-or-flight situation. If the situation still persists, the hypothalamus-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis releases corticotropin releasing hormone, which in turn releases cortisol from the adrenal cortex to the blood \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616495}. Peak cortisol levels are found after 20 to 30 minutes of the onset of stress, affecting the cognitive, behavioural and physical status of the individuals. It can also lead to depression, anxiety, lower morale, and can decrease the productivity of the individual. Prolonged activation of the HPA axis may lead to diseases of heart, gut and sexual problems, weaken the immune system, and may also lead to neurodegenerative disorders and other illnesses \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616476}. Rapid breathing during stressful situations may also contribute to and exacerbates panic attacks \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616486}.
Belly breathing focuses on the effective contraction of the diaphragm whereby reducing the frequency of respiration, maximises the intake of gases, and enhancing alveolar ventilation \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616495,1147967:22616488}. The reduced frequency of breathing will increase the tidal volume and decrease minute volume, which assists in the return of normal respiratory sinus arrhythmia \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616498}. Belly breathing has a stabilising effect on the autonomic nervous system \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616493}. Conscious deep breathing activates stretch-induced inhibitory signals in both neural and non-neural tissues, which will be in phase with neural elements of the heart, lungs, and cortex \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616476}. It helps in stabilizing heart rate and blood pressure by strengthening the parasympathetic system \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616493}.
We identified a significant effect of belly breathing in reducing depression, anxiety and stress in individuals who work from home during the lockdown. The higher levels of depression, anxiety and stress have returned to normal with three weeks of interventions, along with an improved quality of sleep. Studies have identified the effectiveness of breathing practice to improve mental health status and emotions \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616495,1147967:22616480}. A single session of breathing practice has found to be beneficial in minimising post-job burnout to relieve exhaustion, reducing blood pressure, improve oxygenation, and improves cardiorespiratory status and pulmonary functions \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616489,1147967:22616487,1147967:22616491}.
Studies have identified the effectiveness of breathing exercises in the treatment of depression, anxiety and stress \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616493}. The belly breathing technique stimulates the vagus nerve endings in the nostrils lowering the sympathetic response and activating the parasympathetic nervous system. Diminished hyperventilation with nasal breathing and a mild increase in CO2 levels with the reduced breathing frequency helps in the slowing of heart rate, vasodilatation, enhanced production of gastric juices, and lowered cortical activity, which ultimately helps in relaxation. Cognitive diversion achieved through focusing on the visual feedback of belly breathing helps in reducing negative thoughts and brings about a sense of self-control by the activation of the dorsomedial prefrontal cortex and reducing the activity of the amygdala \unskip~\citep{1147967:22616498,1147967:22616499}.
The strength of this study is methodological rigour, strict sampling to eliminate bias, and the selection of a simple interventional technique that is easy to administer without direct physical contact with the participants. The study duration was kept shorter to analyse the immediate effects of belly breathing on work-from-home individuals. Long duration studies can be considered in the future to analyse the prolonged impact of the intervention.
\section{Conclusions}
COVID-19 have impacted many lives around the globe. Social isolation and physical inactivity, primarily due to lockdown, had triggered sleep disturbances and higher levels of depression, anxiety and stress. A major share of the population is still confined to their homes because of quarantine measures, government restrictions, unemployment, and work-from-home situations. Belly breathing has found to be an effective and simple technique to instruct and perform, which significantly reduces depression, anxiety and stress levels in individuals who work from home and are in need of medical advice for their mental health status. We suggest belly breathing in improving the mental status in any black swan events such as home quarantine or strict physical isolation measures, even during stressful situations.
\textbf{Funding Support}
The authors declare that they have no funding support for this study.
\textbf{Conflict of Interest}
The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.
\bibliographystyle{pharmascope_apa-custom}
\bibliography{\jobname}
\end{document}
|
https://ficpubs.uai.cl/search.php?sqlQuery=SELECT%20author%2C%20title%2C%20type%2C%20year%2C%20publication%2C%20abbrev_journal%2C%20volume%2C%20issue%2C%20pages%2C%20keywords%2C%20abstract%2C%20thesis%2C%20editor%2C%20publisher%2C%20place%2C%20abbrev_series_title%2C%20series_title%2C%20series_editor%2C%20series_volume%2C%20series_issue%2C%20edition%2C%20language%2C%20author_count%2C%20online_publication%2C%20online_citation%2C%20doi%2C%20serial%2C%20area%20FROM%20refs%20WHERE%20serial%20%3D%20653%20ORDER%20BY%20first_author%2C%20author_count%2C%20author%2C%20year%2C%20title&client=&formType=sqlSearch&submit=Cite&viewType=&showQuery=0&showLinks=1&showRows=20&rowOffset=&wrapResults=1&citeOrder=&citeStyle=APA&exportFormat=RIS&exportType=html&exportStylesheet=&citeType=LaTeX&headerMsg= | uai.cl | CC-MAIN-2020-50 | application/x-latex | application/x-latex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2020-50/segments/1606141715252.96/warc/CC-MAIN-20201202175113-20201202205113-00209.warc.gz | 276,199,778 | 1,339 | %&LaTeX
\documentclass{article}
\usepackage[latin1]{inputenc}
\usepackage[T1]{fontenc}
\usepackage{textcomp}
\begin{document}
\begin{thebibliography}{1}
\bibitem{Marchant_etal2016} Marchant, C., Leiva, V., \& Cysneiros, F. J. A. (2016). A Multivariate Log-Linear Model for Birnbaum-Saunders Distributions. \textit{IEEE Trans. Reliab.}, \textit{65}(2), 816--827.
\end{thebibliography}
\end{document}
|
https://ctan.math.washington.edu/tex-archive/graphics/pstricks/contrib/pst-3d/pst-3d-doc.tex | washington.edu | CC-MAIN-2021-39 | text/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-39/segments/1631780056392.79/warc/CC-MAIN-20210918093220-20210918123220-00321.warc.gz | 242,250,959 | 7,429 | %% $Id: pst-3d-doc.tex 289 2010-02-13 14:35:35Z herbert $
\documentclass[11pt,english,BCOR10mm,DIV12,bibliography=totoc,parskip=false,smallheadings
headexclude,footexclude,oneside,dvipsnames,svgnames]{pst-doc}
\listfiles
\usepackage[utf8]{inputenc}
\usepackage{pst-3d}
\SpecialCoor
\let\pstFV\fileversion
\let\belowcaptionskip\abovecaptionskip
%
\makeatletter
\renewcommand*\l@subsection{\bprot@dottedtocline{2}{1.5em}{3.6em}}
\renewcommand*\l@subsubsection{\bprot@dottedtocline{3}{3.8em}{4.5em}}
\makeatother
\def\bgImage{}
\lstset{explpreset={pos=l,width=-99pt,overhang=0pt,hsep=\columnsep,vsep=\bigskipamount,rframe={}},
escapechar=?}
\def\textat{\char064}%
\usepackage{shortvrb}
\MakeShortVerb{|}
\def\la{<}
\def\ra{>}
\def\arc{\mathrm{arc}}
\def\sign{\mathrm{sign}}
\def\PiCTeX{\texttt{PiCTeX}}
\def\endmacro{}
\begin{document}
\title{\texttt{pst-3d}\\basic three dimension functions \\\small v.\pstFV}
\docauthor{Herbert Vo\ss}
\author{Timothy Van Zandt\\Herbert Vo\ss}
\date{\today}
\maketitle
\begin{abstract}
This version of \LPack{pst-3d} uses the extended keyval handling
of \LPack{pst-xkey}.
\vfill
\noindent
Thanks to:
\end{abstract}
\clearpage
\tableofcontents
\clearpage
\section[PostScript]{PostScript functions \nxLps{SetMatrixThreeD},\nxLps{ProjThreeD}, and \nxLps{SetMatrixEmbed}}
\xLps{SetMatrixThreeD}\xLps{ProjThreeD}\xLps{SetMatrixEmbed}
The \Index{viewpoint} for 3D coordinates is given by three angles: $\alpha$, $\beta$ and
$\gamma$. $\alpha$ and $\beta$ determine the direction from which one is
looking. $\gamma$ then determines the orientation of the observing.
When $\alpha$, $\beta$ and $\gamma$ are all zero, the observer is looking
from the negative part of the $y$-axis, and sees the $xz$-plane the way in
2D one sees the $xy$ plan. Hence, to convert the 3D coordinates to their 2D
project, $\la x, y, z\ra$ map to $\la x, z\ra$.
When the orientation is different, we rotate the coordinates, and then
perform the same projection.
We move up to latitude $\beta$, over to longitude $\alpha$, and then rotate
by $\gamma$. This means that we first rotate around $y$-axis by $\gamma$,
then around $x$-axis by $\beta$, and the around $z$-axis by $\alpha$.
Here are the matrices:
\begin{eqnarray*}
R_z(\alpha) & = & \left[
\begin{array}{ccc}
\cos \alpha & -\sin \alpha & 0 \\
\sin \alpha & cos \alpha & 0 \\
0 & 0 & 1
\end{array} \right] \\
R_x(\beta) & = & \left[
\begin{array}{ccc}
1 & 0 & 0 \\
0 & \cos \beta & \sin \beta \\
0 & -\sin \beta & \cos \beta
\end{array} \right] \\
R_y(\gamma) & = & \left[
\begin{array}{ccc}
\cos \gamma & 0 & -\sin \gamma \\
0 & 1 & 0 \\
\sin \gamma & 0 & \cos \gamma
\end{array} \right]
\end{eqnarray*}
The rotation of a coordinate is then performed by the matrix $R_z(\alpha)
R_x(\beta) R_y(\gamma)$. The first and third columns of the matrix are the
basis vectors of the plan upon which the 3D coordinates are project (the old
basis vectors were $\la 1, 0, 0\ra$ and $\la 0, 0, 1$\ra; rotating these
gives the first and third columns of the matrix).
These new basis vectors are:
\begin{eqnarray*}
\tilde{x} & = & \left[
\begin{array}{c}
\cos\alpha \cos\gamma - \sin\beta \sin\alpha \sin\gamma \\
\sin\alpha \cos\gamma + \sin\beta \cos\alpha \sin\gamma \\
\cos\beta \sin\gamma
\end{array} \right] \\
\tilde{z} & = & \left[
\begin{array}{c}
-\cos\alpha \sin\gamma - \sin\beta \sin\alpha \cos\gamma \\
-\sin\alpha \sin\gamma + \sin\beta \cos\alpha \cos\gamma \\
\cos\beta \cos\gamma
\end{array} \right]
\end{eqnarray*}
Rather than specifying the angles $\alpha$ and $\beta$, the user gives a
vector indicating where the viewpoint is. This new viewpoint is the rotation
o the old viewpoint. The old viewpoint is $\la 0, -1, 0\ra$, and so the new
viewpoint is
\[
R_z(\alpha) R_x(\beta) \left[ \begin{array}{c} 0\\-1\\0 \end{array} \right]
\, = \,
\left[ \begin{array}{c}
\cos\beta \sin\alpha \\
-\cos\beta \cos\alpha \\
\sin\beta
\end{array} \right]
\, = \,
\left[ \begin{array}{c} v_1 \\ v_2 \\ v_3 \end{array} \right]
\]
Therefore,
\begin{eqnarray*}
\alpha & = & \arc\tan (v_1 / -v_2) \\
\beta & = & \arc\tan (v_3 \sin\alpha / v_1)
\end{eqnarray*}
Unless $p_1=p_2=0$, in which case $\alpha=0$ and $\beta=\sign(p_3)90$, or
$p_1=p_3=0$, in which case $\beta=0$.
The syntax of \Lps{SetMatrixThreeD} is
$v_1$ $v_2$ $v_3$ $\gamma$ SetMatrixThreeD
\Lps{SetMatrixThreeD} first computes
\[
\begin{array}{ll}
a=\sin\alpha & b=\cos\alpha\\
c=\sin\beta & d=\cos\beta\\
e=\sin\gamma & f=\cos\gamma
\end{array}
\]
and then sets \Lps{Matrix3D} to |[|$\tilde{x}$ $\tilde{z}$|]|.
\begin{lstlisting}
/SetMatrixThreeD {
dup sin /e ED cos /f ED
/p3 ED /p2 ED /p1 ED
p1 0 eq
{ /a 0 def /b p2 0 le { 1 } { -1 } ifelse def
p3 p2 abs
}
{ p2 0 eq
{ /a p1 0 lt { -1 } { 1 } ifelse def /b 0 def
p3 p1 abs
}
{ p1 dup mul p2 dup mul add sqrt dup
p1 exch div /a ED
p2 exch div neg /b ED
p3 p1 a div
}
ifelse
}
ifelse
atan dup sin /c ED cos /d ED
/Matrix3D
[
b f mul c a mul e mul sub
a f mul c b mul e mul add
d e mul
b e mul neg c a mul f mul sub
a e mul neg c b mul f mul add
d f mul
] def
} def
\end{lstlisting}
The syntax of \Lps{ProjThreeD} is $x$ $y$ $z$ \Lps{ProjThreeD} $x'$ $y'$
where $x'=\la x, y, z\ra \cdot \tilde{x}$ and $y'=\la x, y, z\ra \cdot
\tilde{z}$.
\begin{lstlisting}
/ProjThreeD {
/z ED /y ED /x ED
Matrix3D aload pop
z mul exch y mul add exch x mul add
4 1 roll
z mul exch y mul add exch x mul add
exch
} def
\end{lstlisting}
To embed 2D $\la x, y\ra$ coordinates in 3D, the user specifies the normal
vector and an angle. If we decompose this normal vector into an angle, as
when converting 3D coordinates to 2D coordinates, and let $\hat\alpha$,
$\hat\beta$ and $\hat\gamma$ be the three angles, then when these angles are
all zero the coordinate $\la x, y\ra$ gets mapped to $\la x, 0, y\ra$, and
otherwise $\la x, y\ra$ gets mapped to
\[
R_z(\hat\alpha) R_x(\hat\beta) R_y(\hat\gamma)
\left[ \begin{array}{c} x \\ 0 \\ y \end{array} \right]
\, = \,
\left[ \begin{array}{c}
\hat{x}_1 x + \hat{z}_1 y\\
\hat{x}_2 x + \hat{z}_2 y\\
\hat{x}_3 x + \hat{z}_3 y
\end{array} \right]
\]
where $\hat{x}$ and $\hat{z}$ are the first and third columns of
$R_z(\hat\alpha) R_x(\hat\beta) R_y(\hat\gamma)$.
Now add on a 3D-origin:
\[
\left[ \begin{array}{c}
\hat{x}_1 x + \hat{z}_1 y + x_0\\
\hat{x}_2 x + \hat{z}_2 y + y_0\\
\hat{x}_3 x + \hat{z}_3 y + z_0
\end{array} \right]
\]
Now when we project back onto 2D coordinates, we get
\begin{eqnarray*}
x' & = & \tilde{x}_1(\hat{x}_1 x + \hat{z}_1 y + x_0) +
\tilde{x}_2(\hat{x}_2 x + \hat{z}_2 y + y_0) +
\tilde{x}_3(\hat{x}_3 x + \hat{z}_3 y + z_0)\\
& = &
(\tilde{x}_1\hat{x}_1 + \tilde{x}_2\hat{x}_2 + \tilde{x}_3\hat{x}_3) x\\
+ (\tilde{x}_1\hat{z}_1 + \tilde{x}_2\hat{z}_2 + \tilde{x}_3\hat{z}_3) y\\
+ \tilde{x}_1 x_0 + \tilde{x}_2 y_0 + \tilde{z}_3 z_0
y' & = & \tilde{z}_1(\hat{x}_1 x + \hat{z}_1 y + x_0) +
\tilde{z}_2(\hat{x}_2 x + \hat{z}_2 y + y_0) +
\tilde{z}_3(\hat{x}_3 x + \hat{z}_3 y + z_0)\\
& = &
(\tilde{z}_1\hat{x}_1 + \tilde{z}_2\hat{x}_2 + \tilde{z}_3\hat{x}_3) x\\
+ (\tilde{z}_1\hat{z}_1 + \tilde{z}_2\hat{z}_2 + \tilde{z}_3\hat{z}_3) y\\
+ \tilde{z}_1 x_0 + \tilde{z}_2 y_0 + \tilde{z}_3 z_0
\end{eqnarray*}
Hence, the transformation matrix is:
\[
\left[ \begin{array}{c}
\tilde{x}_1\hat{x}_1 + \tilde{x}_2\hat{x}_2 + \tilde{x}_3\hat{x}_3) \\
\tilde{z}_1\hat{x}_1 + \tilde{z}_2\hat{x}_2 + \tilde{z}_3\hat{x}_3) \\
\tilde{x}_1\hat{z}_1 + \tilde{x}_2\hat{z}_2 + \tilde{x}_3\hat{z}_3) \\
\tilde{z}_1\hat{z}_1 + \tilde{z}_2\hat{z}_2 + \tilde{z}_3\hat{z}_3) \\
\tilde{x}_1 x_0 + \tilde{x}_2 y_0 + \tilde{z}_3 z_0 \\
\tilde{z}_1 x_0 + \tilde{z}_2 y_0 + \tilde{z}_3 z_0
\end{array} \right]
\]
The syntax of \Lps{SetMatrixEmbed} is
$x_0$ $y_0$ $z_0$ $\hat{v_1}$ $\hat{v_2}$ $\hat{v_3}$ $\hat{\gamma}$
$v_1$ $v_2$ $v_3$ $\gamma$ \Lps{SetMatrixEmbed}
\Lps{SetMatrixEmbed} first sets |<x1 x2 x3 y1 y2 y3>| to the basis vectors for
the viewpoint projection (the tilde stuff above). Then it sets |Matrix3D| to
the basis vectors for the embedded plane. Finally, it sets the
transformation matrix to the matrix given above.
\begin{lstlisting}
/SetMatrixEmbed {
SetMatrixThreeD
Matrix3D aload pop
/z3 ED /z2 ED /z1 ED /x3 ED /x2 ED /x1 ED
SetMatrixThreeD
[
Matrix3D aload pop
z3 mul exch z2 mul add exch z1 mul add 4 1 roll
z3 mul exch z2 mul add exch z1 mul add
Matrix3D aload pop
x3 mul exch x2 mul add exch x1 mul add 4 1 roll
x3 mul exch x2 mul add exch x1 mul add
3 -1 roll 3 -1 roll 4 -1 roll 8 -3 roll 3 copy
x3 mul exch x2 mul add exch x1 mul add 4 1 roll
z3 mul exch z2 mul add exch z1 mul add
]
concat
} def
\end{lstlisting}
\section{Keywords}
\subsection{\nxLkeyword{viewpoint}}
\begin{lstlisting}
\let\pssetzlength\pssetylength
\define@key[psset]{pst-3d}{viewpoint}{%
\pst@expandafter\psset@@viewpoint#1 {} {} {} \@nil
\let\psk@viewpoint\pst@tempg}
\def\psset@@viewpoint#1 #2 #3 #4\@nil{%
\begingroup
\pssetxlength\pst@dima{#1}%
\pssetylength\pst@dimb{#2}%
\pssetzlength\pst@dimc{#3}%
\xdef\pst@tempg{%
\pst@number\pst@dima \pst@number\pst@dimb \pst@number\pst@dimc}%
\endgroup}
\psset[pst-3d]{viewpoint=1 -1 1}
\end{lstlisting}
\subsection{\nxLkeyword{viewangle}}
\begin{lstlisting}
\define@key[psset]{pst-3d}{viewangle}{\pst@getangle{#1}\psk@viewangle}
\psset[pst-3d]{viewangle=0}
\end{lstlisting}
\subsection{\nxLkeyword{normal}}
\begin{lstlisting}
\define@key[psset]{pst-3d}{normal}{%
\pst@expandafter\psset@@viewpoint#1 {} {} {} \@nil
\let\psk@normal\pst@tempg}
\psset[pst-3d]{normal=0 0 1}
\end{lstlisting}
\subsection{\nxLkeyword{embedangle}}
\begin{lstlisting}
\define@key[psset]{pst-3d}{embedangle}{\pst@getangle{#1}\psk@embedangle}
\psset[pst-3d]{embedangle=0}
\end{lstlisting}
\section{Transformation matrix}
\begin{lstlisting}
/TMSave {
tx@Dict /TMatrix known not { /TMatrix { } def /RAngle { 0 } def } if end
/TMatrix [ TMatrix CM ] cvx def
} def
/TMRestore { CP /TMatrix [ TMatrix setmatrix ] cvx def moveto } def
/TMChange {
TMSave
/cp [ currentpoint ] cvx def % ??? Check this later.
CM
} def
\end{lstlisting}
Set standard coor. system , with |pt| units and origin at \Index{currentpoint}.
This let's us rotate, or whatever, around \TeX's current point, without
having to worry about strange coordinate systems that the dvi-to-ps
driver might be using.
\begin{lstlisting}
CP T STV
\end{lstlisting}
Let M = old matrix (on stack), and M' equal current matrix. Then
go from M' to M by applying M Inv(M').
\begin{lstlisting}
CM matrix invertmatrix % Inv(M')
matrix concatmatrix % M Inv(M')
\end{lstlisting}
Now modify transformation matrix:
\begin{lstlisting}
exch exec
\end{lstlisting}
Now apply M Inv(M')
\begin{lstlisting}
concat cp moveto
\end{lstlisting}
\section{Macros}
\subsection{\nxLcs{ThreeDput}}
\begin{lstlisting}
\def\ThreeDput{\pst@object{ThreeDput}}
\def\ThreeDput@i{\@ifnextchar({\ThreeDput@ii}{\ThreeDput@ii(\z@,\z@,\z@)}}
\def\ThreeDput@ii(#1,#2,#3){%
\pst@killglue\pst@makebox{\ThreeDput@iii(#1,#2,#3)}}
\def\ThreeDput@iii(#1,#2,#3){%
\begingroup
\use@par
\if@star\pst@starbox\fi
\pst@makesmall\pst@hbox
\pssetxlength\pst@dima{#1}%
\pssetylength\pst@dimb{#2}%
\pssetzlength\pst@dimc{#3}%
\leavevmode
\hbox{%
\pst@Verb{%
{ \pst@number\pst@dima
\pst@number\pst@dimb
\pst@number\pst@dimc
\psk@normal
\psk@embedangle
\psk@viewpoint
\psk@viewangle
\tx@SetMatrixEmbed
} \tx@TMChange}%
\box\pst@hbox
\pst@Verb{\tx@TMRestore}}%
\endgroup
\ignorespaces}
\end{lstlisting}
\section{Arithmetic}\label{Arithmetic}
{\verb+\pst@divide+}
This is adapted from Donald Arseneau's |shapepar.sty|.
Syntax:
\begin{verbatim}
\pst@divide{<numerator>}{<denominator>}{<command>}
\pst@@divide{<numerator>}{<denominator>}
\end{verbatim}
<numerator> and <denominator> should be dimensions. |\pst@divide| sets
<command> to <num>/<den> (in points). |\pst@@divide| sets |\pst@dimg| to
<num>/<den>.
\begin{lstlisting}
\def\pst@divide#1#2#3{%
\pst@@divide{#1}{#2}%
\pst@dimtonum\pst@dimg{#3}}
\def\pst@@divide#1#2{%
\pst@dimg=#1\relax
\pst@dimh=#2\relax
\pst@cntg=\pst@dimh
\pst@cnth=67108863
\pst@@@divide\pst@@@divide\pst@@@divide\pst@@@divide
\divide\pst@dimg\pst@cntg}
\end{lstlisting}
The number 16 is the level of uncertainty. Use a lower power of 2 for more
accuracy (2 is most precise). But if you change it, you must change the
repetions of |\pst@@@divide| in |\pst@@divide| above:
\[
\mbox{precision}^{\mbox{repetitions}} = 65536
\]
(E.g., $16^4 = 65536$).
\begin{lstlisting}
\def\pst@@@divide{%
\ifnum
\ifnum\pst@dimg<\z@-\fi\pst@dimg<\pst@cnth
\multiply\pst@dimg\sixt@@n
\else
\divide\pst@cntg\sixt@@n
\fi}
\end{lstlisting}
{\verb+\pst@pyth+}
Syntax:
\begin{verbatim}
\pst@pyth{<dim1>}{<dim2>}{<dimen register>}
\end{verbatim}
<dimen register> is set to $((dim1)^2+(dim2)^2)^{1/2}$.
The algorithm is copied from \PiCTeX, by Michael Wichura (with permission).
Here is his description:
\begin{quote}
Suppose $x>0$, $y>0$. Put $s = x+y$. Let $z = (x^2+y^2)^{1/2}$. Then $z =
s\times f$, where
\[
f = (t^2 + (1-t)^2)^{1/2} = ((1+\tau^2)/2)^{1/2}
\]
and $t = x/s$ and $\tau = 2(t-1/2)$.
\end{quote}
\begin{lstlisting}
\def\pst@pyth#1#2#3{%
\begingroup
\pst@dima=#1\relax
\ifnum\pst@dima<\z@\pst@dima=-\pst@dima\fi % dima=abs(x)
\pst@dimb=#2\relax
\ifnum\pst@dimb<\z@\pst@dimb=-\pst@dimb\fi % dimb=abs(y)
\advance\pst@dimb\pst@dima % dimb=s=abs(x)+abs(y)
\ifnum\pst@dimb=\z@
\global\pst@dimg=\z@ % dimg=z=sqrt(x^2+y^2)
\else
\multiply\pst@dima 8\relax % dima= 8abs(x)
\pst@@divide\pst@dima\pst@dimb % dimg =8t=8abs(x)/s
\advance\pst@dimg -4pt % dimg = 4tau = (8t-4)
\multiply\pst@dimg 2
\pst@dimtonum\pst@dimg\pst@tempa
\pst@dima=\pst@tempa\pst@dimg % dima=(8tau)^2
\advance\pst@dima 64pt % dima=u=[64+(8tau)^2]/2
\divide\pst@dima 2\relax % =(8f)^2
\pst@dimd=7pt % initial guess at sqrt(u)
\pst@@pyth\pst@@pyth\pst@@pyth % dimd=sqrt(u)
\pst@dimtonum\pst@dimd\pst@tempa
\pst@dimg=\pst@tempa\pst@dimb
\global\divide\pst@dimg 8 % dimg=z=(8f)*s/8
\fi
\endgroup
#3=\pst@dimg}
\def\pst@@pyth{% dimd = g <-- (g + u/g)/2
\pst@@divide\pst@dima\pst@dimd
\advance\pst@dimd\pst@dimg
\divide\pst@dimd 2\relax}
\end{lstlisting}
{\verb+\pst@sinandcos+}
Syntax:
\begin{verbatim}
\pst@sinandcos{<dim>}{<int>}
\end{verbatim}
<dim>, in |sp| units, should equal 100,000 times the angle, in degrees
between 0 and 90. <int> should equal the angle's quadrant (0, 1, 2 or 3).
|\pst@dimg| is set to $\sin(\theta)$ and |\pst@dimh| is set to
$\cos(\theta)$ (in pt's).
The algorithms uses the usual McLaurin expansion.
\begin{lstlisting}
\def\pst@sinandcos#1{%
\begingroup
\pst@dima=#1\relax
\pst@dima=.366022\pst@dima %Now 1pt=1/32rad
\pst@dimb=\pst@dima % dimb->32sin(angle) in pts
\pst@dimc=32\p@ % dimc->32cos(angle) in pts
\pst@dimtonum\pst@dima\pst@tempa
\pst@cntb=\tw@
\pst@cntc=-\@ne
\pst@cntg=32
\loop
\ifnum\pst@dima>\@cclvi % 256
\pst@dima=\pst@tempa\pst@dima
\divide\pst@dima\pst@cntg
\divide\pst@dima\pst@cntb
\ifodd\pst@cntb
\advance\pst@dimb \pst@cntc\pst@dima
\pst@cntc=-\pst@cntc
\else
\advance\pst@dimc by \pst@cntc\pst@dima
\fi
\advance\pst@cntb\@ne
\repeat
\divide\pst@dimb\pst@cntg
\divide\pst@dimc\pst@cntg
\global\pst@dimg\pst@dimb
\global\pst@dimh\pst@dimc
\endgroup}
\end{lstlisting}
{\verb+\pst@getsinandcos+}
|\pst@getsinandcos| normalizes the angle to be in the first quadrant, sets
|\pst@quadrant| to 0 for the first quadrant, 1 for the second, 2 for the
third, and 3 for the fourth, invokes |\pst@sinandcos|, and sets |\pst@sin|
to the sine and |\pst@cos| to the cosine.
\begin{lstlisting}
\def\pst@getsinandcos#1{%
\pst@dimg=100000sp
\pst@dimg=#1\pst@dimg
\pst@dimh=36000000sp
\pst@cntg=0
\loop
\ifnum\pst@dimg<\z@
\advance\pst@dimg\pst@dimh
\repeat
\loop
\ifnum\pst@dimg>\pst@dimh
\advance\pst@dimg-\pst@dimh
\repeat
\pst@dimh=9000000sp
\def\pst@tempg{%
\ifnum\pst@dimg<\pst@dimh\else
\advance\pst@dimg-\pst@dimh
\advance\pst@cntg\@ne
\ifnum\pst@cntg>\thr@@ \advance\pst@cntg-4 \fi
\expandafter\pst@tempg
\fi}%
\pst@tempg
\chardef\pst@quadrant\pst@cntg
\ifdim\pst@dimg=\z@
\def\pst@sin{0}%
\def\pst@cos{1}%
\else
\pst@sinandcos\pst@dimg
\pst@dimtonum\pst@dimg\pst@sin
\pst@dimtonum\pst@dimh\pst@cos
\fi}
\end{lstlisting}
\section{Tilting}
{\verb+\pstilt+}
\begin{lstlisting}
\def\pstilt#1{\pst@makebox{\pstilt@{#1}}}
\def\pstilt@#1{%
\begingroup
\leavevmode
\pst@getsinandcos{#1}%
\hbox{%
\ifcase\pst@quadrant
\kern\pst@cos\dp\pst@hbox
\pst@dima=\pst@cos\ht\pst@hbox
\ht\pst@hbox=\pst@sin\ht\pst@hbox
\dp\pst@hbox=\pst@sin\dp\pst@hbox
\or
\kern\pst@sin\ht\pst@hbox
\pst@dima=\pst@sin\dp\pst@hbox
\ht\pst@hbox=\pst@cos\ht\pst@hbox
\dp\pst@hbox=\pst@cos\dp\pst@hbox
\or
\kern\pst@cos\ht\pst@hbox
\pst@dima=\pst@sin\dp\pst@hbox
\pst@dimg=\pst@sin\ht\pst@hbox
\ht\pst@hbox=\pst@sin\dp\pst@hbox
\dp\pst@hbox=\pst@dimg
\or
\kern\pst@sin\dp\pst@hbox
\pst@dima=\pst@sin\ht\pst@hbox
\pst@dimg=\pst@cos\ht\pst@hbox
\ht\pst@hbox=\pst@cos\dp\pst@hbox
\dp\pst@hbox=\pst@dimg
\fi
\pst@Verb{%
{ [ 1 0
\pst@cos\space \ifnum\pst@quadrant>\@ne neg \fi
\pst@sin\space
\ifnum\pst@quadrant>\z@\ifnum\pst@quadrant<\thr@@ neg \fi\fi
\ifodd\pst@quadrant exch \fi
0 0
] concat
} \tx@TMChange}%
\box\pst@hbox
\pst@Verb{\tx@TMRestore}%
\kern\pst@dima}%
\endgroup}
\end{lstlisting}
{\verb+\psTilt+}
\begin{lstlisting}
\def\psTilt#1{\pst@makebox{\psTilt@{#1}}}
\def\psTilt@#1{%
\begingroup
\leavevmode
\pst@getsinandcos{#1}%
\hbox{%
\ifodd\pst@quadrant
\pst@@divide{\dp\pst@hbox}{\pst@cos\p@}%
\ifnum\pst@quadrant=\thr@@\kern\else\pst@dima=\fi\pst@sin\pst@dimg
\pst@@divide{\ht\pst@hbox}{\pst@cos\p@}%
\ifnum\pst@quadrant=\@ne\kern\else\pst@dima=\fi\pst@sin\pst@dimg
\else
\ifdim\pst@sin\p@=\z@
\@pstrickserr{\string\psTilt\space angle cannot be 0 or 180}\@ehpa
\def\pst@sin{.7071}%
\def\pst@cos{.7071}%
\fi
\pst@@divide{\dp\pst@hbox}{\pst@sin\p@}%
\ifnum\pst@quadrant=\z@\kern\else\pst@dima=\fi\pst@cos\pst@dimg
\pst@@divide{\ht\pst@hbox}{\pst@sin\p@}%
\ifnum\pst@quadrant=\tw@\kern\else\pst@dima=\fi\pst@cos\pst@dimg
\fi
\ifnum\pst@quadrant>\@ne
\pst@dimg=\ht\pst@hbox
\ht\pst@hbox=\dp\pst@hbox
\dp\pst@hbox=\pst@dimg
\fi
\pst@Verb{%
{ [ 1 0
\pst@cos\space \pst@sin\space
\ifodd\pst@quadrant exch \fi
\tx@Div
\ifnum\pst@quadrant>\z@\ifnum\pst@quadrant<\thr@@ neg \fi\fi
\ifnum\pst@quadrant>\@ne -1 \else 1 \fi
0 0
] concat
} \tx@TMChange}%
\box\pst@hbox
\pst@Verb{\tx@TMRestore}%
\kern\pst@dima}%
\endgroup}
\end{lstlisting}
{\verb+\psset@Tshadowsize,\psTshadowsize+}
\begin{lstlisting}
\define@key[psset]{pst-3d}{Tshadowsize}{%
\pst@checknum{#1}\psTshadowsize}
\psset[pst-3d]{Tshadowsize=1}
\end{lstlisting}
{\verb+\psset@Tshadowangle,\psk@Tshadowangle+}
\begin{lstlisting}
\define@key[psset]{pst-3d}{Tshadowangle}{%
\pst@getangle{#1}\psk@Tshadowangle}
\psset[pst-3d]{Tshadowangle=60}
\end{lstlisting}
{\verb+\psset@Tshadowcolor,\psTshadowcolor+}
\begin{lstlisting}
\define@key[psset]{pst-3d}{Tshadowcolor}{%
\pst@getcolor{#1}\psTshadowcolor}
\psset[pst-3d]{Tshadowcolor=lightgray}
\end{lstlisting}
{\verb+\psshadow+}
\begin{lstlisting}
\def\psshadow{\def\pst@par{}\pst@object{psshadow}}
\def\psshadow@i{\pst@makebox{\psshadow@ii}}
\def\psshadow@ii{%
\begingroup
\use@par
\leavevmode
\pst@getsinandcos{\psk@Tshadowangle}%
\hbox{%
\lower\dp\pst@hbox\hbox{%
\pst@Verb{%
{ [ 1 0
\pst@cos\space \psTshadowsize mul
\ifnum\pst@quadrant>\@ne neg \fi
\pst@sin\space \psTshadowsize mul
\ifnum\pst@quadrant>\z@\ifnum\pst@quadrant<\thr@@ neg \fi\fi
\ifodd\pst@quadrant exch \fi
0 0
] concat
} \tx@TMChange}}%
\hbox to\z@{{\@nameuse{\psTshadowcolor}\copy\pst@hbox\hss}}%
\pst@Verb{\tx@TMRestore}%
\box\pst@hbox}%
\endgroup}
\end{lstlisting}
\section{Affin Transformations}
\begin{BDef}
\Lcs{psAffinTransform}\OptArgs\Largb{transformation matrix}\Largb{object}
\end{BDef}
\begin{LTXexample}[width=3cm]
\pspicture(3,6)\psset{linewidth=4pt,arrows=->}
\psline(0,0)(1.5,0)(3,3)\rput*(2.25,1.5){foo}
\psAffinTransform{0.5 0 0 2 0 0}{\color{red}%
\psline[linecolor=red](0,0)(1.5,0)(3,3)\rput*(2.25,1.5){foo}}%
\endpspicture
\end{LTXexample}
The transformation matrix must be a list of 6 values divided by a space.
For a translation modify the last two values of $1 0 0 1 dx dy$. The values for
$dx$ and $dy$ must be of the unit pt! For a rotation
we have the transformation matrix
\begin{align}
\left[\begin{aligned} \cos(\alpha) & \sin(\alpha) & 0 \\
-\sin(\alpha) & \cos(\alpha) & 0 \\
0 & 0 & 1\end{aligned}\right]
\end{align}
For \Lcs{psAffinTransform} the four values have to be modifies \texttt{a cos a sin a sin neg a cos 0 0}.
Tilting can be done with $sx 0 0 sy 0 0$. All effects can be combined.
\begin{LTXexample}[width=3cm]
\pspicture(3,6)\psset{linewidth=4pt,arrows=->}
\psline(0,0)(1.5,0)(3,3)\rput*(2.25,1.5){foo}
\psAffinTransform{0.5 0.8 0.3 2 20 -20}{\color{red}%
\psline[linecolor=red](0,0)(1.5,0)(3,3)\rput*(2.25,1.5){foo}}%
\endpspicture
\end{LTXexample}
\clearpage
\section{List of all optional arguments for \texttt{pst-3d}}
\xkvview{family=pst-3d,columns={key,type,default}}
\nocite{*}
\bgroup
\RaggedRight
\bibliographystyle{plain}
\bibliography{pst-3d-doc}
\egroup
\printindex
\end{document}
|
https://people.maths.bris.ac.uk/~matyd/GroupNames/449/C13sDic9_sgps.tex | bris.ac.uk | CC-MAIN-2022-05 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2022-05/segments/1642320304134.13/warc/CC-MAIN-20220123045449-20220123075449-00637.warc.gz | 508,911,996 | 1,432 | \documentclass[11pt]{amsart}
\usepackage{amssymb,tikz}
\usetikzlibrary{positioning}
\usepackage[colorlinks=false,urlbordercolor=white]{hyperref}
\def\gn#1#2{{$\href{http://groupnames.org/\#?#1}{#2}$}}
\def\gn#1#2{$#2$} % comment this line out to get html links
\tikzset{sgplattice/.style={inner sep=1pt,norm/.style={red!50!blue},char/.style={blue!50!black},
lin/.style={black!50}},cnj/.style={black!50,yshift=-2.5pt,left=-1pt of #1,scale=0.5,fill=white}}
\begin{document}
\begin{tikzpicture}[scale=1.0,sgplattice]
\node[char] at (4.25,0) (1) {\gn{C1}{C_1}};
\node at (7.38,0.953) (2) {\gn{C2}{C_2}};
\node[char] at (1.12,0.953) (3) {\gn{C3}{C_3}};
\node[char] at (4.25,0.953) (4) {\gn{C13}{C_{13}}};
\node at (8.38,2.4) (5) {\gn{C4}{C_4}};
\node at (2.12,2.4) (6) {\gn{C6}{C_6}};
\node[char] at (0.125,2.4) (7) {\gn{C9}{C_9}};
\node[char] at (6.38,2.4) (8) {\gn{D13}{D_{13}}};
\node[char] at (4.25,2.4) (9) {\gn{C39}{C_{39}}};
\node at (2.12,4.05) (10) {\gn{Dic3}{{\rm Dic}_3}};
\node at (0.125,4.05) (11) {\gn{C18}{C_{18}}};
\node at (8.38,4.05) (12) {\gn{C13:C4}{C_{13}{\rtimes}C_4}};
\node[char] at (6.38,4.05) (13) {\gn{C3xD13}{C_3{\times}D_{13}}};
\node[char] at (4.25,4.05) (14) {\gn{C117}{C_{117}}};
\node at (1.12,5.49) (15) {\gn{Dic9}{{\rm Dic}_9}};
\node at (7.38,5.49) (16) {\gn{C39:C4}{C_{39}{\rtimes}C_4}};
\node[char] at (4.25,5.49) (17) {\gn{C9xD13}{C_9{\times}D_{13}}};
\node[char] at (4.25,6.45) (18) {\gn{C13:Dic9}{C_{13}{\rtimes}{\rm Dic}_9}};
\draw[lin] (1)--(2) (1)--(3) (1)--(4) (2)--(5) (2)--(6) (3)--(6) (3)--(7)
(2)--(8) (4)--(8) (3)--(9) (4)--(9) (5)--(10) (6)--(10) (6)--(11)
(7)--(11) (5)--(12) (8)--(12) (6)--(13) (8)--(13) (9)--(13) (7)--(14)
(9)--(14) (10)--(15) (11)--(15) (12)--(16) (13)--(16) (10)--(16) (13)--(17)
(14)--(17) (11)--(17) (15)--(18) (16)--(18) (17)--(18);
\node[cnj=2] {13};
\node[cnj=5] {117};
\node[cnj=6] {13};
\node[cnj=10] {39};
\node[cnj=11] {13};
\node[cnj=12] {9};
\node[cnj=15] {13};
\node[cnj=16] {3};
\end{tikzpicture}
\end{document}
|
http://uni.paniladen.de/latex_schluesselquali/ha4.tex | paniladen.de | CC-MAIN-2018-47 | text/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-47/segments/1542039741176.4/warc/CC-MAIN-20181113000225-20181113022225-00522.warc.gz | 348,869,133 | 837 | % David Pollehn, 2948852 , Hausaufgabe 4
\documentclass[12pt,a4paper]{article}
\usepackage[latin1]{inputenc}
\usepackage[ngerman]{babel}
\usepackage{amsmath,amssymb}
\begin{document}
\begin{math}
\begin{pmatrix}
n \\ k
\end{pmatrix}
= \frac{n}{1} \cdot \frac{n-1}{2} \cdot ... \cdot \frac{n - k + 1}{k} = \frac{n \cdot (n -1) \cdot\cdot\cdot\cdot\cdot (n - k + 1)}{k!} = \prod \limits_{i=1}^{k} \frac{n + 1 - i}{i}
\end{math}
\end{document} |
http://dlmf.nist.gov/13.3.E20.tex | nist.gov | CC-MAIN-2017-22 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-22/segments/1495463607242.32/warc/CC-MAIN-20170522230356-20170523010356-00028.warc.gz | 106,566,928 | 686 | \[\frac{{\mathrm{d}}^{n}}{{\mathrm{d}z}^{n}}\left(e^{-z}\mathop{M\/}\nolimits\!%
\left(a,b,z\right)\right)=(-1)^{n}\frac{{\left(b-a\right)_{n}}}{{\left(b\right%
)_{n}}}e^{-z}\mathop{M\/}\nolimits\!\left(a,b+n,z\right),\] |
http://isos.et-inf.fho-emden.de/latex/Colombo/Industrial_Cyber_Physical_Systems_PO2017.tex | fho-emden.de | CC-MAIN-2021-39 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-39/segments/1631780056572.96/warc/CC-MAIN-20210918184640-20210918214640-00189.warc.gz | 33,163,544 | 2,725 | \documentclass[10pt]{article}
%\usepackage{german,a4wide,graphicx,fancyhdr,avant}
\usepackage{german,a4wide,graphicx,fancyhdr,helvet}
\usepackage{longtable}
\usepackage{tabularx}
\usepackage[T1]{fontenc}
\usepackage[latin1]{inputenc}
%\usepackage[utf8]{inputenc}
\usepackage[hyphens]{url}
\parindent0pt
\renewcommand{\rmdefault}{\sfdefault}
\renewcommand{\arraystretch}{1.5}
%\input{hyphenation}
\addtolength{\textwidth}{2cm}
\addtolength{\oddsidemargin}{-1cm}
\addtolength{\evensidemargin}{-1cm}
\begin{document}
\vspace*{-2cm}
\addcontentsline{toc}{section}{Industrial Cyber-Physical Systems}
%\begin{longtable}{|l|p{0.7\textwidth}|}
\begin{tabularx}{\textwidth}{|X|p{0.64\textwidth}|}
\hline
%\textbf{Studiengang} & 1MaII\\ \hline
\textbf{Modulbezeichnung}
(eng.) % Industrial Cyber-Physical Systems
& \textbf{Industrial Cyber-Physical Systems}
(Industrial Cyber-Physical Systems)
\\ \hline
\textbf{Semester} & 1\\ \hline
\textbf{ECTS-Punkte (Dauer)} & 5 (1 Semester)\\ \hline
\textbf{Art} & Pflichtfach\\ \hline
\textbf{Sprache(n)} & Englisch\\ \hline
%\textbf{ECTS-Punkte} & 5\\ \hline
%\textbf{Studentische Arbeitsbelastung} & 60, 90\\ \hline
\textbf{Studentische Arbeitsbelastung} & 60 h Kontaktzeit + 90 h Selbststudium\\ \hline
\textbf{Voraussetzungen (laut MPO)} & \\ \hline
\textbf{Empf.\ Voraussetzungen} & Teilnahme am Modul Digitalisation \& Virtualisation of ICPS\\ \hline
\textbf{Verwendbarkeit} & MaII\\ \hline
\textbf{Prüfungsform und -dauer} & Mündliche Prüfung oder Studienarbeit\\ \hline
\textbf{Lehr- und Lernmethoden} & Vorlesung\\ \hline
\textbf{Modulverantwortlicher} & A. W. Colombo\\ \hline
%\textbf{ModulverantwortlicherLang} & A. W. Colombo\\ \hline
\multicolumn{2}{|p{0.97\textwidth}|}{
\textbf{Qualifikationsziele}\newline
The rapid advances in computational power, communication and storage coupled with the benefits of the cloud and services, has the potential to give rise to a new generation of industrial systems whose communication features are based on Industrial-Internet-Technology (IoT), whose functionalities reside on-device and/or in-cloud and are exposed and/or consumed based on the application of the Industrial-Internet-of-Services (IoS) paradigm, resulting to the formation of Industrial Cyber-Physical Systems (ICPS). The same trend is evident also in other domains e.g., Energy, Healthcare, Transportation, Robotics, Smart Cities etc.. ICPS are the backbone, the enabler of digitalization, connectivity, composability and interoperability between those seemingly disparate domains and application sectors. Since ICPS are real-world networked industrial infrastructures having a cyber-representation through digitalization of data and information across the enterprise and the whole value chain, students will be qualified to understand and work with standard industrial frameworks covering "'digitalization of industrial systems based on the ICPS technologies"' and enabled to apply this knowledge in a scientific environment.
}
\\ \hline
\multicolumn{2}{|p{0.97\textwidth}|}{
\textbf{Lehrinhalte}\newline
A set of technologies and architectural patterns to enable the specification, implementation and operation of industrial cyber-physical systems under the DIN SPEC 91345:2016-04 (RAMI4.0: Reference Architecture Model for Industrie 4.0) and Industrial Internet-Reference Architecture (IIRA) standards will be a core part of the lecture´s contents. In this context, the major specifications of the (i) enterprise standard architectures PERA, ISA´88, ISA´95 (IEC 62264, IEC 61512), (ii) Life Cycle and Value Stream (IEC 62890) and (iii) OPC-Unified Architecture will be presented, complemented with studies and analysis (technology and trend screening) of currently implemented industrial solutions for ICPS, performed by the students.
}
\\ \hline
\multicolumn{2}{|p{0.97\textwidth}|}{
\textbf{Literatur}\newline
A. W. Colombo et.al. Eds., Industrial Cloud-based Cyber-Physical Systems: The IMC-AESOP Approach. Springer, 2014.
DIN SPEC 91345:2016-04: Reference Architecture Model Industrie 4.0 (RAMI4.0). DIN - VDI/VDE 2016.
A W Colombo, S. Karnouskos: "'The emergence of Industrial Cyber-Physical Systems based on SoA and Cloud Technologies, Realizing the Internet of Automation Things"'. Tutorial, IEEE IECON 2015, Yokohama, Japan.
Industrial Internet Reference Architecture (IIRA). Industrial Internet Consortium. [Online]. Available: \url{http://www.iiconsortium.org}.
Industrial Cyber-Physical Systems. Special Issue of the IEEE Proceedings, May 2016. A W Colombo et.al (Eds.)
}
\\ \hline
\end{tabularx}
\vspace*{-1.5pt}
\begin{tabularx}{\textwidth}{|p{0.3\textwidth}|X|c|}
\hline
\multicolumn{3}{|c|}{\textbf{Lehrveranstaltungen}}\\ \hline
\textbf{Dozent} & \textbf{Titel der Lehrveranstaltung} & \textbf{SWS}\\ \hline
A. W. Colombo & Industrial Cyber-Physical Systems & 4\\ \hline
%!!!Dozent1!!! & !!!Titel1!!! & !!!SWS1!!!\\ \hline
%!!!Dozent2!!! & !!!Titel2!!! & !!!SWS2!!!\\ \hline
%!!!Dozent3!!! & !!!Titel3!!! & !!!SWS3!!!\\ \hline
%!!!Dozent4!!! & !!!Titel4!!! & !!!SWS4!!!\\ \hline
%!!!Dozent5!!! & !!!Titel5!!! & !!!SWS5!!!\\ \hline
\end{tabularx}
\end{document}
|
https://kohnlehome.de/datenbanken/sql-select.tex | kohnlehome.de | CC-MAIN-2021-17 | text/x-tex | text/x-matlab | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2021-17/segments/1618038067870.12/warc/CC-MAIN-20210412144351-20210412174351-00496.warc.gz | 375,352,406 | 2,013 | %Schriftgröße, Layout, Papierformat, Art des Dokumentes
\documentclass[10pt,oneside,a4paper]{scrartcl}
%Einstellungen der Seitenränder
\usepackage[left=2cm,right=2cm,top=1.5cm,bottom=1.5cm,includeheadfoot]{geometry}
%neue Rechtschreibung
\usepackage[ngerman]{babel}
%Umlaute ermöglichen
\usepackage[utf8]{inputenc}
%Gesamtseitenzahl
\usepackage{lastpage}
% Kopf- und Fußzeile
\usepackage[automark]{scrpage2}
%Quellcode-Listings
\usepackage{listings}
% Hyperlinks
\usepackage{hyperref}
% Bilder
\usepackage{graphicx}
%Kopfzeile
\ihead{Datenbanken}
\chead{}
\ohead{https://kohnlehome.de/datenbanken/sql-select.pdf}
\setheadsepline{0.5pt}
%Fußzeile
\setfootsepline{0.5pt}
\ifoot{Franz Kohnle}
\cfoot{Seite \thepage\ von \pageref{LastPage}}
\ofoot{\today}
\pagestyle{scrheadings}
\begin{document}
% Überschrift
\begin{center}
\LARGE % Schriftgröße
\bfseries % Fettdruck
\sffamily % Serifenlose Schrift
SQL: SELECT
\end{center}
\section*{1. Einfache Abfragen mit einer Tabelle}
\begin{verbatim}
SELECT <projection: spalten>
FROM <tabelle>
WHERE <filter, selection>
ORDER BY <sortierkriterien, und -reihenfolge>
LIMIT <anzahl> OFFSET <offset>
\end{verbatim}
\subsection*{a) Projection: Welche Spalten}
\begin{verbatim}
SELECT * FROM tabelle;
SELECT spalte1, spalte2, ... FROM tabelle;
\end{verbatim}
\subsection*{b) Selection, Filter: Welche Zeilen?}
\begin{verbatim}
SELECT * FROM tabelle WHERE spalte = wert;
-- Vergleichsoperatoren: = > < >= <= <>
-- BETWEEN wert1 AND wert2
-- LIKE 'a_b%' -- _ genau 1 beliebiges Zeichen, % beliebig viele beliebige Zeichen
-- IN (wert1, wert2, ...)
-- logische Operatoren: AND OR NOT
\end{verbatim}
\subsection*{c) Sortieren}
\begin{verbatim}
SELECT * FROM tabelle ORDER BY spalte; --- aufsteigend (ASC)
SELECT * FROM tabelle ORDER BY spalte DESC; --- absteigend
-- Sortierreihenfolge: DESC ASC
\end{verbatim}
\subsection*{d) Anzahl der Zeilen begrenzen}
\begin{verbatim}
SELECT * FROM tabelle LIMIT 10; -- Die Zeilen 1 bis 10
SELECT * FROM tabelle LIMIT 10 OFFSET 5; -- Die Zeilen 6 bis 15
\end{verbatim}
\newpage
\section*{2. Komplexere Abfragen mit einer Tabelle}
\begin{verbatim}
SELECT <projection: spalten, expression>
FROM <tabelle>
WHERE <1. bedingung für Zeilen>
GROUP BY <gruppierung: spalte>
HAVING <2. bedingung für Gruppen>
ORDER BY <sortierreihenfolge: spalten, auf- absteigend>
LIMIT <anzahl> OFFSET <offset>
\end{verbatim}
\subsection*{a) Aggregatfunktionen, DISTINCT}
\begin{verbatim}
SELECT COUNT(*) FROM tabelle; --- Anzahl der Zeilen
SELECT MIN(spalte) FROM tabelle; --- Minimum aller Werte der spalte
SELECT MAX(spalte) FROM tabelle; --- Maximum aller Werte der spalte
SELECT SUM(spalte) FROM tabelle; --- Summe aller Werte der spalte
SELECT AVG(spalte) FROM tabelle; --- Mittelwert aller Werte der spalte
SELECT DISTINCT spalte FROM tabelle; --- Alle unterschiedlichen Werte der spalte
SELECT COUNT(DISTINCT spalte) FROM tabelle; --- Anzahl der unterschiedlichen Werte der spalte
\end{verbatim}
\subsection*{b) Gruppieren}
\begin{verbatim}
SELECT COUNT(*), spalte FROM tabelle GROUP BY spalte;
SELECT AVG(spalte1), spalte2 FROM tabelle GROUP BY spalte2;
SELECT COUNT(*), spalte
FROM tabelle
GROUP BY spalte
HAVING COUNT(*) > 5; --- Nur Gruppen anzeigen, die die Bedingung erfüllen
SELECT COUNT(*), spalte
FROM tabelle
WHERE spalte < 7 --- 1. Nur Zeilen verwenden, die die Bedingung erfüllen
GROUP BY spalte
HAVING COUNT(*) > 5; --- 2. Nur Gruppen anzeigen, die die Bedingung erfüllen
\end{verbatim}
\section*{3. Mehrere Tabellen}
\begin{verbatim}
SELECT tabelle1.spalte1, tabelle2.spalte2, ...
FROM tabelle1
JOIN tabelle2 ON tabelle1.id = tabelle2.tabelle1_id
SELECT tabelle1.spalte1, tabelle2.spalte2, ...
FROM tabelle1
JOIN tabelle2 ON tabelle1.id = tabelle2.tabelle1_id
JOIN tabelle3 ON tabelle2.id = tabelle3.tabelle2_id
\end{verbatim}
\end{document}
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http://people.eecs.berkeley.edu/~russell/slides/algorithms/mcmc-algorithm.tex | berkeley.edu | CC-MAIN-2018-26 | application/x-tex | application/x-tex | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2018-26/segments/1529267864343.37/warc/CC-MAIN-20180622030142-20180622050142-00240.warc.gz | 248,110,181 | 955 | \code{
\func{MCMC-Ask}{\v{X},\mbf{e},\v{bn},\v{N}}{an approximation to $P(X|\mbf{e})$}
\firstlocal{$\mbf{N}[\v{X}]$}{a vector of counts over \v{X}, initially zero}
\local{\mbf{Y}}{the nonevidence variables in \v{bn}}
\local{\mbf{x}}{the current state of the network, initially copied from \mbf{e}}
\bodysep
initialize \v{\mbf{x}} with random values for the variables in \v{\mbf{Y}}
\k{for} \v{j} = 1 to $N$ \k{do}
\setq{$\mbf{N}[\v{x}]$}{$\mbf{N}[\v{x}]+1$} where \v{x} is the value of \v{X} in \mbf{x}
\k{for each} $Y_i$ in \v{\mbf{Y}} \k{do}
sample the value of $Y_i$ in \mbf{x} from $\pv(Y_i|MB(Y_i))$ given the values of $MB(Y_i)$ in \mbf{x}
\k{return} \prog{Normalize}($\mbf{N}[\v{X}]$)
}
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http://merganser.math.gvsu.edu/david/reed05/projects/pettigrew/project/appledouble/projecttext.tex | gvsu.edu | CC-MAIN-2017-51 | text/x-tex | multipart/appledouble | crawl-data/CC-MAIN-2017-51/segments/1512948592972.60/warc/CC-MAIN-20171217035328-20171217061328-00742.warc.gz | 189,753,308 | 697 |