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What Would Martin Say?
de Clarence B. Jones e Joel Engel
On April 4, 1968, the Reverend Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated on the balcony of the Lorraine Motel in Memphis, Tennessee, depriving the world of one of the greatest moral authorities of the twentieth century. He was thirty-nine. King had achieved so much at such a young age that it is hard to believe that he has been gone longer than the brief time he spent on this earth. He spoke out not only on segregation and racism against African Americans, but about many other issues of the day, from police brutality and labor strikes to the Vietnam War. Given the current state of the world, we would all benefit from hearing Martin's voice, if only he were alive today. . . .
If anyone would have insight into what Martin would say, it would be Clarence B. Jones, King's personal lawyer and one of his closest principal advisers and confidants. Jones—now seventy-seven, has chosen the occasion of this somber anniversary to break his silence—removing the mythic distance of forty years' time to reveal the flesh-and-blood man he knew as his friend, Martin. Jones ponders what the outspoken rights leader would say about the serious issues that bedevil contemporary America: Islamic terrorism and the war in Iraq, reparations for slavery, anti-Semitism, affirmative action, illegal immigration, and the vacuum of African American leadership. Delving deep into his memories of the man he worked closely beside, and with help from the King Institute at Stanford University and reams of formerly top-secret and now declassified FBI files, Jones offers the guidance and insight his friend and mentor would have provided for us in these troubled times.
Many Americans today know of Martin Luther King only from video clips and history books. As Jones so aptly reminds us, this legendary figure was also a warm human being full of life—and more relevant now than ever.
Editora: HarperCollinsLançado em: Oct 13, 2009ISBN: 9780061755811Formato: book
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What Would Martin Say? - Clarence B. Jones
AS ORIGINALLY WRITTEN, THE CONSTITUTION OF the United States was a short, simple document, a dozen pages written in language that the framers considered plain, obvious, and unambiguous. (Even with the seventeen subsequent amendments that have been added to the Bill of Rights since 1789, the entire Constitution still totals fewer than 7,500 words.) It doesn't get much more plain, obvious, and unambiguous than Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances. Nor: A well regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed.
And yet for more than two hundred years, interpretations of the First and Second Amendments, as well as every other amendment, article, and section of the Constitution, have been tested, questioned, and decided by a Supreme Court that the framers had the foresight to establish as the ultimate arbiter of their own plain words.
Rarely do the Court's nine justices agree unanimously, which of course only ratifies the wisdom of knowing that plain language is in the mind of the beholder. Collectively, Supreme Court justices have written millions of words' worth of opinions on the constitutionality of cases brought before them. Does the people's right to keep and bear arms include Uzis, AK-47s, and shoulder-fired missiles? Does freedom of speech include the right to shout Fire! in a crowded theater—or nigger on national television? Does freedom of the press give one the right to willfully publish lies about someone?
These are the kinds of questions the justices answer nine months a year, though their decisions frequently lead to more questions. Some of the most contentious issues dividing the nation's body politic are actually created by the justices themselves, having to interpret a Constitution written by men who couldn't possibly have known that one day there would be birth control pills, surgical abortions, airplanes, television, recording equipment, the Internet, and, for that matter, shoulder-fired missiles.
Just as Madison and Hamilton and the other framers were men of their own time whose worldview was informed by the tyranny against which they'd fought a war, so too do today's justices bring their experiences in modern America to the bench. Some of them believe that the Constitution is a living document that should be interpreted in deference to modern mores and tastes. Others believe in original intent —the idea that the Constitution was written in stone and every decision ought to be decided on grounds plowed by the framers. But even the latter use their modern wits to determine what the framers themselves would advise if they were still alive and could hear cases themselves. All of which is to say that those words written more than two hundred years ago are immutable, but our interpretation of them must, by necessity, be updated for every generation. If they weren't, then the Plessy v. Ferguson decision of 1897 would still stand, allowing separate but equal facilities by race—and Korematsu v. United States will give the feds the right to round up all Mexicans into internment camps if we ever go to war against Mexico.
MARTIN LUTHER KING JR. SPOKE AND WROTE FAR more words than there are in the Constitution—volumes more. But his words, too, were plain, obvious, and unambiguous, written and uttered not to establish a viable republic but to inspire that republic to fulfill its founding ideals. His motivation was moral, not political.
Except for Abraham Lincoln, Martin arguably did more to bring about social and legal justice in America than anyone in the four centuries since colonization of this continent began. He died forty years ago, working for justice until his last moment, and today America honors only one man with a national holiday—Martin Luther King. It's precisely his status as a moral architect—better, a kind of secular saint—that now causes many Americans to wonder what he might have to say on particular issues of the day, much as Christians ask themselves what Jesus would do in a given situation.
Almost every day I hear someone taking Martin's words out of their spoken or written context to prove any point that the speaker intends to make, knowing that Martin's supposed opinion will lend credibility to any argument. Few things irritate me more. Martin Luther King Jr. was no Rorschach test, allowing the beholder to see whatever he chooses to see and believe.
I knew Martin Luther King. I worked closely with Martin Luther King. Martin Luther King was a friend of mine. I think I understand what he would have to say, and what he would advise, on issues of the day. I think I knew his mind as well as anyone, and in fact as a draft speechwriter and adviser, I did indeed often put words in his mouth. That's why I've volunteered in this book to act as a sort of Supreme Court, to translate Martin for a modern audience concerned with a variety of subjects and looking for the moral leadership that he gave the country during perilous times. These, too, are perilous times.
It's important to remember, as you read, that if it were as simple as quoting Martin on any given topic, then my presence here would be unnecessary. You could simply find a quotation on, say, the Vietnam War and know what to think about Iraq. But, like Court opinions regarding free speech and the right to bear arms, proper analysis demands context, history, and slow deliberation. And that's fitting, because Martin never formed an opinion that wasn't considered.
Some may disagree with the opinions here, just as there are dissenting or minority views on the Supreme Court. But I believe that my interpretation of current events and issues viewed through this prism would be nearly unanimous. I was privy to his innermost thoughts, and my intention is to bring Martin Luther King alive on the page, using what I knew to demonstrate that his moral vision has survived the decades intact and is applicable to the way we live today.
A nation or civilization that continues to produce soft-minded men, he said, purchases its own spiritual death on an installment plan.
WHAT DID MARTIN SAY ABOUT ME?
MARTIN LUTHER KING WAS COMING TO MEET ME. AT MY home. It would be social, but not a social visit. Like Uncle Sam in those recruiting posters, Dr. King wanted to enlist me in his war. But I had already become a conscientious objector.
IT WAS A LONG-AGO TIME AND YET NEVER LONG ENOUGH. It was a time when not the few but the many believed—as surely as they believed that gravity makes things fall—in the racial superiority of the white race. It was a time when more than a few agreed that because man is made in God's image and God isn't black, the Negro is therefore not a man. It was a time when far more than many insisted that the law needed to separate blacks from whites not only today but tomorrow and forever.
It was, in short, a time when the time was ripe for one of those most rare movements in history, a movement whose goals and aims were as righteous as they were unambiguously good.
It also happened to be the time when I was happily living in a scenic white suburb of Los Angeles in a pleasant ranch-style contemporary with my attractive white wife and, less than a year out of law school, working as an entertainment lawyer at a small Beverly Hills firm where I hoped someday to make partner and enjoy all the rights and privileges thereto pertaining—i.e., a lavish salary and everything it could buy. Including the freedom to never again worry about how much I had left in my pocket.
I'd had those plans (born of that worry) since that day as a boy when I learned that my beloved parents—live-in domestics—would have to send their only child away to be raised by others. And now that I had a wife and baby daughter with a second child on the way, I felt a moral obligation to be there for them, both physically and financially. It was, perhaps, a sense of duty best appreciated by those who'd been raised by folks other than their parents. The Catholic nuns in that boarding school run by the Order of the Sacred Heart in Cornwells Heights, Pennsylvania, taught me well, and my success reflected that. But I would always have a hole where my parents hadn't been, and a hole wasn't what I wanted for my children.
That said, unless you were a first-degree bigot, it was impossible not to admire the Reverend Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. And impossible not to notice that he was the right man at the right time. His mission to achieve full civil rights for American Negroes had made him one of the most famous and, even in those days, celebrated men in the United States. He'd actually been on the cover of Time after leading the year-long Montgomery bus boycott, begun by Rosa Parks, which eventually led to the Supreme Court's ruling that outlawed segregation on municipal buses. So it was a big deal that he was coming to my house and coming to see me personally and coming to appeal to my conscience and coming to persuade me that I was not, at present, putting my talents to their highest and best use.
But big deal or not, God himself couldn't have persuaded this Negro to give up the future, even for something bigger than himself.
Anyway, that's what I insisted to my wife as she set out a few refreshments before our guest arrived.
Hearing the words, she stopped for a moment and shook her head. Which got my attention. In the five years and counting of our marriage, she'd never looked at me so pitiably, as though she'd married the wrong man.
The phone had rung several days before—Hubert Delaney, calling from New York. I'd gotten to know Hubert, a prominent Negro lawyer and former judge, during my college days at Columbia, when I was a member of the school's NAACP Youth Council. He'd generously written a letter of recommendation to Boston University Law School on my behalf when I decided to pursue the law, and I have no doubt that whatever he said helped get me in. But not for that reason alone did I owe him.
Even so, when he told me he thought I'd be a good and valuable addition to the legal team he was heading in Alabama to defend Dr. King against preposterous charges of tax evasion—that is, underreporting his income in 1956 and 1958 through the appropriation of donations to the Montgomery bus boycott—I told him no. And not because I didn't want to spend several weeks in Montgomery (though I didn't), acting essentially as a law clerk for several eminent attorneys from the North, writing motions and memoranda, researching case law, and being a legal gofer. No, I didn't want to do that because, well, I didn't want to do that. I wanted to stay where I was and continue doing what I was doing—making money and building my future.
With disappointment in his voice, Hubert thanked me and that was that—or so I thought until the next day, when Dr. King's personal secretary from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference called to say that the man was going to be in Los Angeles over the weekend, delivering the keynote address at the World Affairs Council dinner Saturday night, and would it be possible for him to stop by the house for a brief chat on Friday night after dinner. Just to say hello.
I laughed, marveling that the judge hadn't given up. What was I supposed to say? No?
And so came the knock on the door.
There stood a man of medium stature, wearing a dark suit, white shirt, skinny tie, and fedora.
How do you do? he said. I'm Martin.
Next to him was a man similarly dressed, the Reverend Bernard Lee, King's aide-de-camp.
We shook hands and I invited them in. King first noticed how the house had been built around an existing tree that would've dominated the living room if not for the hundreds of potted plants, courtesy of my wife's green thumb. Then he glanced up at the place where a portion of the roof had been retracted for the night—a nice architectural touch that paid off whenever the stars were alive in the sky, as they were then—and nodded in a way that said I'd done well for myself.
Pretty nice house you have here, Mr. Jones, he said.
I introduced him to Anne, who'd grown up in New York City, the daughter of a prominent family, so she'd met her share of important people. But in front of Martin Luther King, she seemed awestruck. It's funny, but before he arrived I'd actually wondered whether he'd be shocked to see me married to a white woman—something that was still illegal in most southern states—and whether this, uh, miscegenation would put him off; he was, after all, a southerner himself. But he sure didn't seem put off. He acted gracious and appeared charmed by her.
We sat on the sofa, in front of a table with the snacks she'd put out.
I said, I'm thankful to Judge Delaney—that he could set this up.
Hubert had some very nice things to say about you, he said. Very nice. Very complimentary.
And the small talk went on for some time, about how Dr. King had earned his Ph.D. from Boston University's School of Theology in 1955, the year before I'd entered its law school; about how he'd formed the Southern Christian Leadership Conference about the time I was a first-year law student; about the Montgomery bus boycott and the thrilling Supreme Court ruling; about the success on Broadway of my friend Lorraine Hansberry's A Raisin in the Sun; about the coming presidential election and the possible nomination of Senator John F. Kennedy as the Democratic candidate. And about my background as the only child of a maid and a gardener-chauffeur, living with two foster families before ending up at Catholic boarding school, where I took four years of Latin—religious Latin. This clearly interested him.
Then my daughter Christine, who was about a year old, toddled into the room to test her new skill: walking. King played with her delightedly until Anne put her to bed. And at last we got to the point.
As you know, he said, I was just indicted by Alabama for perjury—lying on my tax return. They say I was evading taxes. I don't think I have to tell you that I did no such thing, but I'll tell you anyway: I did no such thing.
You have an excellent legal team—cream of the crop, I said. I'm sure you'll beat it.
Now he appeared to shift gears, telling me about his trip the previous year to India for meetings with the adherents of Mohandas Gandhi, who had famously been in great part responsible for the British departure from the subcontinent through his policy of religiously devoted nonviolence. Gandhi's tactics and strategies, King said, were directly applicable to America's civil rights movement. He used the word movement.
What struck me was how much eye contact Dr. King made with Anne while he spoke, as though the way to me was through her. If that were so, I'd have been on the next plane to Montgomery, judging by how entranced she was by everything he said.
The movement, he said, is fortunate to have the generous support of many northern white liberals, including lawyers. He paused, possibly to consider telling me about one of his closest advisers, Stanley Levison, a successful white businessman who'd gone back to school to earn a law degree in order to improve his effectiveness as a liberal activist. It was Stanley Levison who'd prepared Dr. King's tax returns, and it was he who'd acted as agent for the book King wrote about the Montgomery boycott. Stanley, it should be pointed out, refused every dime of compensation ever offered him by the SCLC and Martin Luther King; and it's safe to say that if Stanley had ever been convinced that complete civil rights for Negroes could have been accomplished somehow by his own impoverishment and death, Stanley would've considered it a bargain. (Stanley Levison is someone who deserves a statue for his devotion to Martin and work for the civil rights movement.)
But Dr. King didn't mention him then. He continued: One of my concerns, however, is our dire need of committed Negro professionals—doctors, accountants, insurance agents. Particularly lawyers. The movement doesn't have nearly enough of them—of people like you. We'd like to see them get more involved with the movement to help our southern brothers and sisters.
I understand, I said, and he explained that he believed there was going to be a concerted effort by the white power structure to intimidate civil rights workers and undermine the movement through the courts. What they can't do with clubs and dogs and fire hoses and bullets they'll do with lawsuits and criminal cases—try to bleed us dry. This indictment is just the first cut.
Now was the time for me to offer whatever assistance I could in the way of legal research, exploring Alabama case law in local law libraries and sending my results—airmail special delivery!—to Montgomery. I'm happy to do that, I said, but I can't leave my family to go to Alabama for weeks or months. I'm sorry.
After he left I faced the wrath—actually, the frustration—of Anne Aston Warder Norton Jones, daughter of the late William Warder Norton, better known as W. W. Norton, founder of the eminent publishing house.
Anne's mother was Mary Dows Herter, a cellist, renowned translator of the German poet Rilke, and cultural benefactor whose beneficiaries included Ravi Shankar, Aaron Copland, and the Manhattan School of Music. Anne's uncle, Christian Herter, had been a congressman, then governor of Massachusetts, and was at that moment President Eisenhower's secretary of state. All of which is to say that Anne grew up quite well, and connected, on Lexington Avenue, in New York City, a fact consistent with her matriculation at the Brearley School for Girls and a bachelor's degree from Sarah Lawrence, though not necessarily her master's degree in social work from BU.
Maybe the most important if not ironic piece of her personal mosaic, at least as it relates to Martin Luther King and me, was that after Anne's father died when she was a teen, Anne's mother (referred to affectionately as Polly ) remarried a major Dutch banker named Daniel H. Crena de Iongh, who'd been an executive and treasurer with the World Bank. His closest business ties were in South Africa, where he and Polly vacationed every winter—which is summer down there—as guests of Hendrik Frensch Verwoerd, the country's prime minister and primary architect of modern apartheid. Over the years, I've often made myself smile by imagining Daniel showing Hendrik his stepdaughter's wedding photos and having to explain that that guy's not the waiter; he's the groom.
Whatever other enlightened, sophisticated instincts she may have had, Anne's mother must have had to swallow hard the first time her well-raised daughter brought this son of black domestic workers to their home in Wilton, Connecticut. To her great credit—remember, this was still the 1950s—she was eminently polite and courteous, asking about my graduation from Columbia University, my military service, and my love for classical music.
Do you play? she asked.
I said I'd been playing clarinet since the nuns put one in my hands at age 8, taking well enough to it that, at 16, I sat first clarinet in the New Jersey State High School Orchestra. My favorite,