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23418ca6f54e3f46da9d2c2b60d98ad5343019690d179a6b6553dcc7d7a2e9c8

NoKo doesn’t care.

Aum 23 (Frank Aum, senior expert on Northeast Asia @ the U.S. Institute of Peace, JD from UC Berkeley, 10-5-2023, “Is There any Chance North Korea Will Ever Give Up Its Nuclear Weapons?” United States Institute of Peace – USIP, , accessed 10-27-2023)

all data including No Ko ’s hostile relationship with the U S and So Ko dilapidated conventional military cost-effective nature of nuc s versus conventional prestige provided other countries being toppled after giving up nuc s strength of nuc deterrent , and the fearful nature of the regime suggest that No Ko will not disarm

all the data points over many decades including No Ko ’s hostile relationship with the U S and So Ko dilapidated state of No Ko ’s conventional military cost-effective nature of investing in nuc s versus conventional military assets prestige provided by being one of only nine countries with nuc s , the experience of other countries being toppled after giving up nuc s incomparable strength of nuc s as a deterrent , and the fearful nature of the Kim regime suggest that No Ko will not disarm in the short , medium and probably long-term No Ko will not abandon its nuc s

data points many decades No Ko ’s hostile U S So Ko dilapidated No Ko ’s conventional nuc s conventional military assets prestige one with nuc s toppled giving up nuc s incomparable strength nuc s deterrent fearful No Ko not disarm short medium long-term No Ko not abandon nuc s

['**edited for language', '', 'However, all the data points over many decades — including North Korea’s hostile relationship with the United States and South Korea, its experience of U.S. carpet-bombing during the Korean War, the constant threat of a U.S. nuclear attack, the dilapidated state of North Korea’s conventional military, the cost-effective nature of investing in nuclear weapons versus conventional military assets, the prestige provided by being one of only nine countries with nuclear weapons, the experience of other countries being toppled or threatened after giving up their nuclear weapons, the incomparable strength of nuclear weapons as a deterrent, and the general paranoid [fearful] nature of the Kim regime — suggest that North Korea will not disarm in the short, medium and probably long-term.', 'Not surprisingly, the U.S. intelligence community assesses North Korea will not abandon its nuclear weapons.']

[(0, 3), (3, 3), (4, 6)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-DaPa-Neg-4--Wake-Round-1.docx

Minnesota

DaPa

cf2183f8876de40f4c0bf35d86872678391dc43adff2ee958ffc1ee5a88ba4a3

Uncertainty alone checks.

Lewis 18, PhD, a senior vice president at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS). (James Andrew, 1-1-2018, “Rethinking Cybersecurity: Strategy, Mass Effect, and States”, pg. 29, )

Uncertainty about attribution combined with uncertainty about effectiveness creates caution the U S made a major effort to improve attribution and has succeeded to where no opponent can be confident this may produce cyber deterrence opponents appear likely to overestimate the risk of retal

This upper bound on cyber attack is affected by the likelihood of attribution Uncertainty about attribution capabilities particularly American capabilities, combined with uncertainty about the effectiveness of cyber attack, creates caution . Public expressions of uncertainty about attribution are not shared by opponents , who know when they have been caught. Over the last decade, the U S has made a major effort to improve its attribution capabilities and has succeeded to the point where no opponent can be confident about anonymity and this may produce the cyber deterrence so long sought by the U S states have avoided cyber actions that could be judged as the use of force Opponents have engaged in cyber actions below this implicit threshold with impunity, but they are reluctant to cross it for fear of creating a situation that they cannot control at least seven countries have used cyber tools for coercive purposes they have been careful to avoid anything that could be interpreted as the use of force and they have avoided physical destruction or casualties countries prefer actions that advance their strategic goals without creating unmanageable risk of escalation into armed conflict Miscalculation is possible but if anything , opponents appear more likely to overestimate the risk of retal iation

upper bound attribution Uncertainty attribution capabilities American effectiveness caution uncertainty not shared by opponents know major effort to improve its attribution capabilities succeeded no opponent can be confident about anonymity cyber deterrence avoided reluctant to cross it fear cannot control seven countries coercive purposes avoid use of force avoided physical destruction casualties without creating unmanageable risk of escalation possible if anything more likely overestimate

['This upper bound on cyber attack is affected by the likelihood of attribution. If an attacker was confident that it could avoid having the attack attributed to it, the risk of retaliation would be reduced, making some attacks more attractive. Uncertainty about attribution capabilities, particularly American capabilities, combined with uncertainty about the effectiveness of cyber attack, creates caution. Public expressions of uncertainty about attribution are not shared by opponents, who know when they have been caught. Over the last decade, the United States has made a major effort to improve its attribution capabilities and has succeeded to the point where no opponent can be confident about anonymity and this, if linked to truly credible threats to impose consequences, may finally produce the cyber deterrence so long sought by the United States. ', 'The implicit threshold governing cyber attack is the line between force and coercion. With very few exceptions, states have avoided cyber actions that could be judged as the use of force, based on international understandings on what actions qualify as the use of force or armed attack. Opponents have engaged in cyber actions below this implicit threshold with impunity, but they are reluctant to cross it for fear of creating a situation that they cannot control. In this, cyber incidents are more like border incursions or bandit raids than attacks.', 'Public sources suggest that at least seven countries have used cyber tools for coercive purposes. However, they have been careful to avoid anything that could be interpreted as the use of force, and they have avoided physical destruction or casualties. This suggests that countries prefer actions that advance their strategic goals without creating unmanageable risk of escalation into armed conflict. Opponents calculate the advantage they would gain from an attack against the potential cost. Miscalculation is possible, but if anything, opponents appear more likely to overestimate the risk of retaliation. ']

[(0, 8)]

ndtceda

Kansas-PaMa-Neg-Texas-Open-Doubles.docx

Kansas

PaMa

dd892bb75f9219a6ddc79f4e71358d9882d94291d590508b030e7cf56dd999ba

The OLC merely provides advice without dictating a policy to adopt.

Bernard W. Bell 19, Faculty Professor of Law and Herbert Hannoch Scholar at Rutgers School of Law–Newark, J.D. from Stanford Law School, “Office of Legal Counsel Opinions: Advice Or Law?”, Administrative & Regulatory Law News, Vol. 44, No. 4, Summer 2019, accessed via HeinOnline

OLC opinions might seem to qualify as policy critical is formulat[ion] and adopt[ion] only documents that provide guidance to the public qualify as policy OLC opinions advise agencies, not the general public OLC construes the Constitution statutes would rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”

OLC opinions might seem to qualify as statements of policy the critical aspect of both categories is their “ formulat[ion] and adopt[ion] by the agency only documents that provide guidance to the public qualify as statements of policy or interpretations OLC opinions are issued to advise agencies, not the general public OLC often construes the Constitution ; even when it construes statutes, the statutes would rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”

formulat[ion] and adopt[ion] provide guidance to the public advise agencies, not the general public construes the Constitution rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”

['OLC opinions might seem to qualify as statements of policy or interpretation. But the critical aspect of both categories of documents is their “formulat[ion] and adopt[ion] by the agency for the guidance of the public.” See Attorney General’s Manual, supra, at 22 (emphasis added).', 'Though FOIA’s affirmative disclosure provisions fail to define “statements of policy” and “interpretation,” they complement the APA’s “notice-and-comment” requirements for informal rulemaking in 5 U.S.C. §553. Section 553 exempts statements of policy and interpretive rules from the notice-and-comment rulemaking requirements, including publication in the Federal Register. FOIA’s affirmative disclosure provision requires an agency that chooses not to publish a statement of policy or interpretation in the Federal Register to make such statements publicly available by other means. This account of the relationship between § 553 and § 552(a)(2) explains the affirmative disclosure provision’s distinct treatment of staff manuals, which are explicitly made subject to affirmative disclosure only if they effect members of the general public. Compare §552(a)(2)(C), with §552(a)(2)(B). Such a qualification is unnecessary with respect to statements of policy and interpretations, which, by definition, are issued to guide the public.', 'In explicating § 553, the Attorney General’s Manual also makes clear that only documents that provide guidance to the public qualify as statements of policy or interpretations. The Attorney General’s Manual defines interpretive rules as “rules or statements issued by an agency to advise the public of the agency’s construction of the statutes and rules which it administers.” Attorney General’s Manual, supra, at 30 n.3. Thus, the statement’s purpose must be to advise the public regarding the agency’s interpretation. And, interpretation involves construction of the statutes that the agency administers. OLC opinions are issued to advise agencies, not the general public. Moreover, OLC often construes the Constitution; even when it construes statutes, the statutes would rarely be ones OLC can be said to “administer.”']

[(11, 18)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-BiGa-Neg-Kathryn-Klassic-Round-5.docx

Kentucky

BiGa

06f8f638714b522c2bf10a18405a424ac93872999824cccfc09e5a50b64e0d7d

Y’all better quiet down…vote negative to endorse a Transfeminist-of-color epistemology that refuses cis-white IR in the making because the girls are tired, and you should be too. Only leaning into transfeminism-of-color can carve out space for modes of theorization that genuinely subtend to the endurance of otherwise ways of being while avoiding the risk of ivory tower parasitism.

Weerawardhana 18, writer, political and international affairs analyst, academic, educator, human rights activist, has held teaching and research positions in several countries including France, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom, sixteen years of experience in research, media engagements and consultancies with high politics, alumna of Queen's University Belfast, and Université de Tours [Indre-et-Loire, France], with fellowships at the Universities of Ulster and Utrecht. (Chamindra, 2018, “Profoundly Decolonizing? Reflections on a Transfeminist Perspective of International Relations,” Meridians: feminism, race, transnationalism 16, no. 1 (2018): 184-213, DOI: 10.2979/meridians.16.1.18)

caveat on theorizing is warranted Transfeminist-of-color discourse developed by Black and Brown Trans women inspired by Black of-color and Indigenous thought is lived outside white Trans sphere which has pride in tower latter does not correspond to lived experiences Transmisogynoir that kills Transfeminism of color is way of life and survival Transfeminist epistemology best-suited to address neoliberal world order and its financial racial cultural stratifications Transfeminist thought enriched by Black feminist scholar-activists roots lie in historical precedent of activism spearheaded by Trans women of color such as Marsha and Sylvia discourse against anti-Black racism and erasure of Black women profoundly intersectional and global strength emanates from fact that it is influenced by non-whitestream feminisms enthusiastic supportive and fights against intersectional oppressions intervention into ways of being goes beyond binarism and essentialism broad-based understanding of pluralities expands beyond confines of academy Transfeminism appeals to international audience preparedness to un-learn and inspire as well as engage racial and gender struggles make Transfeminism a movement that extends beyond ivory tower scholarly confines of white liberals and queer research that excludes peoples of color fundamental tenet involves ensuring lead roles to Trans queer people of color disabled people and Indigenous women and gender-plural people best theorized in work of poets and artists research does not follow standard protocols of hetero academia

At this stage, a crucial caveat on theorizing is warranted . In my lived experience as Trans woman of color navigating hostile spaces in the politics/IR academy, in my political engagements and in shaping the priorities of my international activism, my guiding principles stem from a Transfeminist-of-color discourse , developed by Black and Brown Trans women and profoundly inspired by Black feminist , women- of-color feminist, and Indigenous feminist thought . This " Transfeminism of color" is conceived , developed, and lived outside the white Trans sphere of studies, which has pride of place in the ivory tower s of the Western academy. The latter does not correspond to the lived experiences and the particularly toxic Transmisogyny Transmisogynoir that kills . Transfeminism of color is a quintessential way of life and a source of survival . Although the ivory tower is beginning to recognize importance of Black feminism to the entire realm of Transgender studies it is crucial to affirm that Transfeminism of color is yet to be accorded This is precisely the reason that makes a Transfeminist -of-color epistemology - developed first and foremost through lived experience of women at the receiving end of multiple opp ressive currents- best-suited to address challenges of a neoliberal world order and its unequal financial , racial , sociopolitical , and cultural stratifications . In what follows, the term Transfeminism is therefore used throughout to exclusively and systematically refer to Transfeminism of color. core concepts of Transfeminist -of-color thought , from solidarities to sisterhood beyond " cisterhood ," have been enriched by work of Black feminist scholar-activists such as Lorde, the roots of Transfeminist-of-color thought lie in the historical precedent of feminist activism spearheaded by Trans women of color such as Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rae Rivera, whose contributions were crucial to the recognition of LGBTQI rights in Turtle Island but overshadowed by cis white gay men. Transfeminist discourse strongly stands against anti-Black racism , and erasure of Black women . Trans feminist discourses are profoundly intersectional , critical, and global . The primary strength of Transfeminism emanates from the fact that it is inspired, influenced by , and learns from all currents in non-whitestream feminisms , Black, Latinx, postcolonial, and queer feminisms . Transfeminism, 'is enthusiastic , optimistic, supportive and inclusive, and fights against intersectional oppressions ... notably, class and race a powerful, c reative intervention into our ways of being in the world, that goes beyond binarism and the essentialism of identities'. broad-based understanding of the pluralities inherent in gender(s) expands relevance way beyond the confines of the English- speaking, white-dominated Western academy . Given its decolonizing and self-critiquing dynamics, Transfeminism appeals to a wider international audience . Its preparedness to interact with, un-learn , and inspire from Indigenous feminisms and systems of knowledge production , as well as engage ment with racial and gender justice struggles , make Transfeminism a movement that extends beyond the ivory tower s the scholarly confines of white liberals , and the queer research that excludes -if not avoids empowering- peoples of color . a fundamental tenet of activism involves ensuring lead roles to Trans and queer people of color , disabled people , and , very especially, Indigenous women and gender-plural people . Transfeminism is best " theorized " in the work of writers, poets , and artists who contribute to enhance its decolonizing ethos. research does not follow the standard protocols of hetero normative academia , and is therefore especially relevant to discussions on decolonizing the academy and knowledge production

['At this stage, a crucial caveat on theorizing is warranted. In my lived experience as Trans woman of color navigating hostile spaces in the politics/IR academy, in my political engagements as an elected officer of a British political party, and in shaping the priorities of my international activism, my guiding principles stem from a Transfeminist-of-color discourse, developed by Black and Brown Trans women through the decades and profoundly inspired by Black feminist, women-of-color feminist, and Indigenous feminist thought. This "Transfeminism of color" is conceived, developed, and lived outside the white Trans male-dominated "academic" sphere of Transgender studies, which has pride of place in the ivory towers of the Western academy. The latter does not correspond to the lived experiences and the particularly toxic Transmisogyny faced by Trans women of color worldwide-most importantly, Transmisogynoir that kills.7', "Transfeminism of color is a quintessential way of life and a source of survival. Although the academy's ivory tower is just beginning to recognize the crucial importance of Black feminism to the entire realm of ivory-tower Trans theory and Transgender studies (Ellison et al. 2017; Krell 2017), it is crucial to affirm that Transfeminism of color is yet to be accorded its pleine place in the academic ivory tower. This is precisely the reason that makes a Transfeminist-of-color epistemology-developed first and foremost through the lived experience of women at the receiving end of multiple oppressive currents-best-suited to address the challenges of a neoliberal world order and its inherently unequal financial, racial, sociopolitical, and cultural stratifications. This article is also an initiative by a Trans woman of colour in political activity, who navigates transnational and multilingual spaces, to claim the rightful place for women-of-color Transfeminism, or Transfeminism of color, in the annals of the Western academy. In what follows, and unless otherwise indicated, the term Transfeminism is therefore used throughout to exclusively and systematically refer to Transfeminism of color.", 'The core concepts of Transfeminist-of-color thought, from solidarities to sisterhood beyond "cisterhood," have been especially enriched by the critical work of Black feminist scholar-activists such as Audre Lorde, whose writings carry crucial messages of solidarities, movement building, racial justice, and sisterhood (see, e.g., Lorde 20n). Most importantly, the roots of Transfeminist-of-color thought lie in the historical precedent of Trans-inclusive feminist activism spearheaded by Trans women of color such as the late Marsha P. Johnson and Sylvia Rae Rivera, whose contributions were crucial to the recognition of LGBTQI rights in Turtle Island but are overshadowed by the powerful images of cis white gay men. In this sense, the Transfeminist-of-color discourse is one that strongly stands up against anti-Black racism, as well as the marginalization and erasure of Black women. 8 Inspired by the militant spirit and civil disobedience of early Transfeminist activism, present-day Trans feminist discourses are profoundly intersectional, critical, and global. The primary strength of Transfeminism emanates from the fact that it is inspired, influenced by, and learns from all currents in non-whitestream feminisms, including Black, Latinx, postcolonial, and queer feminisms. Transfeminism, to quote Silva and Ornat (2016, 221) on Brazilian Transfeminist perspectives, \'is enthusiastic, optimistic, supportive and inclusive, and fights against intersectional oppressions ... notably, class and race .... In this sense, Transfeminism is a powerful, creative intervention into our ways of being in the world, in that it goes beyond binarism and the essentialism of identities\'. Transfeminism is therefore capable of forming part and parcel of, and standing in full solidarity with, all other non-whitestream feminisms.', 'Transfeminism recognizes the diversity of gender(s) from one sociopolitical and geographical context to another, as well as the fact that one\'s gender assigned at birth does not necessarily determine one\'s gender identity. This broad-based understanding of the pluralities inherent in gender(s) expands the relevance of Transfeminism way beyond the confines of the English-speaking, white-dominated Western academy. Given its decolonizing and self-critiquing dynamics, Transfeminism appeals to a wider international audience. Volume 3, issue 1-2 of Transgender Studies Quarterly (Stryker and Bettcher 2016b), which was fully devoted to the theme of Transfeminism, attests to this global appeal of Transfeminism. Its preparedness to interact with, un-learn, and inspire from Indigenous feminisms and systems of knowledge production, as well as its active engagement with racial and gender justice struggles, make Transfeminism a movement that extends beyond the ivory towers of academia, the scholarly confines of white liberals, and the queer research that excludes-if not avoids empowering-peoples of color. Many exponents of Transfeminism in the academy and beyond, including myself, are also committed activists, especially in movements such as #BlackLivesMatter and #NoIWontJustMoveOn, where a fundamental tenet of activism involves ensuring lead roles to Trans and queer people of color, disabled people, and, very especially, Indigenous women and gender-plural people. Transfeminism is best inscribed not within the academy but outside its corridors, and is "theorized" in the work of writers, poets, and artists who contribute to enhance its decolonizing ethos.9 Transfeminist research does not follow the standard protocols of heteronormative academia, and is therefore especially relevant to discussions on decolonizing the academy and modes of knowledge production (Egafia and Sola 2016).', '']

[(0, 16)]

ndtceda

Kansas-HaPe-Neg-02---Harvard-College-Tournament-Round-1.docx

Kansas

HaPe

08982fdcb674ed05daf125163a2afb0ab2e591231cb2f7f3840533af82579e2e

Only warming causes extinction

McDonald 19, writer and geography PhD student at University of Oxford studying the intersection of grassroots movements and energy transition. (Samuel Miller, 1-4-2019, “Deathly Salvation,” The Trouble, )

nuclear exchange does not result in apocalyptic loss of life . Nuclear winter is based on shaky science . There’s no reliable model that can determine how many megatons would make humans extinct . Nations have already detonated 2,476 nuc s . humans can survive war even a nuclear one . Humans cannot recover from runaway climate change . Nuclear war is not an inevitable extinction event ; warming is

nuclear exchange does not inevitably result in apocalyptic loss of life . Nuclear winter is based on shaky science . There’s no reliable model that can determine how many megatons would decimate agriculture or make humans extinct . Nations have already detonated 2,476 nuc lear device s . humans can survive and recover from war , probably even a nuclear one . Humans cannot recover from runaway climate change . Nuclear war is not an inevitable extinction event ; six degrees of warming is .

apocalyptic loss of life Nuclear winter shaky science no reliable model how many megatons decimate agriculture extinct 2,476 nuc lear device s survive recover from nuclear one cannot recover runaway climate change not inevitable extinction event six degrees of warming is

['A devastating fact of climate collapse is that there may be a silver lining to the mushroom cloud. First, it should be noted that a nuclear exchange does not inevitably result in apocalyptic loss of life. Nuclear winter—the idea that firestorms would make the earth uninhabitable—is based on shaky science. There’s no reliable model that can determine how many megatons would decimate agriculture or make humans extinct. Nations have already detonated 2,476 nuclear devices. An exchange that shuts down the global economy but stops short of human extinction may be the only blade realistically likely to cut the carbon knot we’re trapped within. It would decimate existing infrastructures, providing an opportunity to build new energy infrastructure and intervene in the current investments and subsidies keeping fossil fuels alive. In the near term, emissions would almost certainly rise as militaries are some of the world’s largest emitters. Given what we know of human history, though, conflict may be the only way to build the mass social cohesion necessary for undertaking the kind of huge, collective action needed for global sequestration and energy transition. Like the 20th century’s world wars, a nuclear exchange could serve as an economic leveler. It could provide justification for nationalizing energy industries with the interest of shuttering fossil fuel plants and transitioning to renewables and, uh, nuclear energy. It could shock us into reimagining a less suicidal civilization, one that dethrones the death-cult zealots who are currently in power. And it may toss particulates into the atmosphere sufficient to block out some of the solar heat helping to drive global warming. Or it may have the opposite effects. Who knows? What we do know is that humans can survive and recover from war, probably even a nuclear one. Humans cannot recover from runaway climate change. Nuclear war is not an inevitable extinction event; six degrees of warming is.', '']

[(0, 11), (142, 142)]

ndtceda

Kansas-Revare-Snow-Neg-1%20-%20MAC-Finals.docx

Kansas

ReSn

https://api.opencaselist.com/v1/download?path=ndtceda21/Kansas/ReSn/Kansas-Revare-Snow-Neg-1%2520-%2520MAC-Finals.docx

caa094cb7cc297a07ad4a95133ddfe7288654bd1a4293b67f78242627fe56d2e

Cephalopod research has numerous benefits including reducing effects of climate change, increasing tech, and biological innovation

O’Brien et al. 18, *Normandie University and Association for Cephalopod Research. **Kate Roumbedakis Department of Science and Technology at the University of Sannio (Italy). ** Inger Winkelmann Section for Evolutionary Genomics at Natural History Musuem of Denmark. (Caitlin, 6-6-2018, “The Current State of Cephalopod Science and Perspectives on the Most Critical Challenges Ahead From Three Early-Career Researchers,” Frontiers in Physiology, Vol. 9, https://www.frontiersin.org/articles/10.3389/fphys.2018.00700/full)

Few other invertebrates garner this recognition Cephalopods have come to be respected for contributions to scientific research they played a role in understanding of the neuron followed by intense investigation of learning abilities steadily growing work concerned with cephalopod biology including genetics welfare and climate change characteristics of cephalopods are inspiring tech developments including camouflage suction cups for wound repair and buoyancy systems for Underwater Vehicles cognitive systems for a i and design of soft robots Much more work is needed to take advantage of all the scientific tech and cultural inspiration that cephalopods have to offer We highlight genetics aquaculture climate change welfare behavior cognition and neurobiology

Cephalopods Few other invertebrates garner this degree of recognition or status Cephalopods have come to be respected for their various contributions to scientific research they played a pivotal role in our understanding of the neuron thanks to the relative accessibility of the giant axon in squid followed by intense investigation of the cephalopodan nervous system and learning abilities the end of the 20th century to the present day has seen a steadily growing body of work concerned with various other aspects of cephalopod biology including genetics welfare and the effects of climate change some of the most unique characteristics of cephalopods are also inspiring various tech nological developments including adaptive camouflage that can display patterns or spontaneously match its surroundings suction cups for wound repair and buoyancy systems for Autonomous Underwater Vehicles distributed cognitive control systems for a rtificial i ntelligence and the design of soft robots Much more work is needed if we are to take advantage of all the scientific tech nological and cultural inspiration that cephalopods have to offer We highlight recent examples of progress in the fields of cephalopod genetics aquaculture climate change welfare behavior cognition and neurobiology and suggest challenges meriting particular focus in the near future

Cephalopods recognition status Cephalopods respected various contributions understanding of the neuron cephalopodan nervous system learning abilities steadily growing cephalopod biology genetics welfare climate change unique characteristics tech developments adaptive camouflage suction cups buoyancy systems a i soft robots Much more work advantage scientific tech cultural inspiration recent examples genetics aquaculture climate change welfare behavior cognition neurobiology

['General Introduction', 'Cephalopods have long haunted the human imagination as monsters, inspiring mythology dating back to ancient Greek culture (e.g., the Hydra from the labors of Hercules, see Cousteau and Diolé, 1973, p. 72–73, 75; the Gordon Medusa in Wilk, 2000), to legends of sea monsters in Nordic culture and among sailors throughout the middle ages (Salvador and Tomotani, 2014), to the science fiction of the modern world (e.g., Sphere: Crichton, 1988; 20,000 Leagues Under the Sea: Verne, 1988), where they – or creatures strongly resembling them – often lurk in outer space as alien creatures from other worlds (as in the motion pictures Arrival1 and Life2, to mention some). And while they were once reviled as “stupid” by Aristotle (1910), and dangerous, as in Toilers of the Sea (Hugo, 2002), this unique molluscan taxon has now come to be admired by both scientists, artists and the general public alike (Nakajima et al., 2018). Their growing popularity is reflected in the choice of many aquariums to house them as star attractions, despite the sometimes formidable challenges associated with keeping them. They are also depicted fondly in contemporary culture from computer generated animations in blockbuster films (e.g., Pirates of the Caribbean; At World’s End3, Finding Dory4), to clothing, jewelery and artwork, to the surfeit of online videos5 featuring cephalopods. Few other invertebrates garner this degree of recognition or status.', 'Cephalopods have also come to be respected for their various contributions to scientific research. During the first half of the 20th century (white bars in Figure 1), they played a pivotal role in our understanding of the neuron, thanks to the relative accessibility of the giant axon in squid (Keynes, 2005). This was followed by a period of intense investigation of the cephalopodan nervous system and learning abilities, led by John Z. Young and his fellows, including B. B. Boycott and M. J. Wells among others, from the 1950s to 1970s (see light gray bars in Figure 1). Progress slowed from the 1970s to 1990 (see dark gray bars in Figure 1), due mainly to a lack of appropriate investigative tools to address outstanding questions (see Bitterman, 1975; see also Young, 1985). Thankfully, the end of the 20th century to the present day has seen a steadily growing body of work concerned with various other aspects of cephalopod biology, including genetics, welfare and the effects of climate change (see black bars in Figure 1, and detailed subject-by-subject breakdown in Figure 2).', 'Today, some of the most unique characteristics of cephalopods are also inspiring various technological developments, including adaptive camouflage based on cephalopod skin that can display a variety of patterns (Wang Q. et al., 2014; Yu et al., 2014) or spontaneously match its surroundings (Pikul et al., 2017), suction cups for wound repair (Choi et al., 2016), propulsion and buoyancy systems for Autonomous Underwater Vehicles (AUV, Song et al., 2016), distributed cognitive control systems for artificial intelligence (Íñiguez, 2017) and the design of soft robots (Laschi et al., 2012; Renda et al., 2012).', 'Despite their great popularity and scientific relevance, detailed information on the biology, ecology, and physiology exists for about 8% (60 species) of the 800 or so known extant species of cephalopods (Jereb and Roper, 2005, 2010; Norman et al., 2014). Much more work is needed if we are to take advantage of all the scientific, technological and cultural inspiration that cephalopods have to offer. In order to stimulate further progress, we here focus on the potential of emerging technologies and of growing interest in cephalopods to address gaps in knowledge in seven particular subfields. We highlight some recent examples of progress in the fields of cephalopod genetics, aquaculture, climate change, welfare, behavior, cognition and neurobiology, and suggest challenges meriting particular focus in the near future (summarized in Table 1). The authors are three researchers who recently completed Ph.Ds in cephalopod biology, and who are thus particularly well-positioned (and motivated) to speculate about the future of the field. This manuscript follows from a series of keynote lectures (“Cephalopod Research; Visions of the Future”) delivered during the CephsInAction and CIAC Meeting: Cephalopod Science from Biology to Welfare, held at the CRETAquarium (Crete, Greece, March 28–30, 2017). Hereafter, we first review the current state of cephalopod genetics (an especially fertile area of potential growth) and discuss some of the many ways omic technology can be applied to cephalopod research, including aquaculture. Next, we explore three topics related to cephalopod-human interactions: aquaculture, climate change and anthropogenic impact and welfare of animals in captivity. Finally, we discuss research concerning cephalopod behavior, cognition, and neurobiology, three distinctive biological innovations that occurred during the evolution of this lineage.']

[(0, 7), (15, 17)]

ndtceda

Kansas-PaSe-Aff-8---NDT-Round-3.docx

Kansas

PaSe

dae5a838c33f4cfedc9249ddc72e1ed6eda8981d3deb8e327078a7fcbc42388d

The dollar is solid but dependent on strong US alliances.

Nadim Shehadi 23, executive director of the LAU Headquarters and Academic Center in New York and an Associate Fellow of Chatham House in London, “US needs to keep its allies to preserve the dollar as a global reserve system”, April 1st, 2023, https://www.arabnews.com/node/2279586

power of the US dollar must keep its allies invested dollar is still solid there are no indications of its demise Debt ceilings immune to financial crises there is global demand dollar based convertibility There is no substitute would take upheaval in the international system Having said that process has begun alliances are forming America’s allies are worried US losing influence friends have doubts America depends on its allies US should work with allies hostile collapse would have dire consequences

power of the US rests on the status of the US dollar as a global reserve currency In order to maintain this, it must keep its allies invested in that system the US dollar is more than a currency There is a whole system political documents institutional arrangement legal frameworks international alliances the dollar system is still solid and there are no indications of its demise Debt ceilings can be raised country will be immune to financial crises as long as it can print its currency and there is global demand for it. currencies have to pass through dollar based convertibility to be credible gold is priced in dollars There is no substitute It would take upheaval in the international system to dislodge the dollar Having said that that the process has begun We are seeing numerous alliances being formed to combat the dollar No state can defeat the dollar on its own but alliances are forming with that sole purpose even America’s allies are worried Russia and China are leading the charge gathering allies through several mechanisms the BRICS The next change in the global order could be the result of financial implosion US has been losing influence friends have doubts about its reliability Europeans are not satisfied America forgot how much it depends on its allies The US should work with its friends and allies and maintain its soft power hostile collapse would have dire consequences on the global economy

dollar global reserve currency must allies invested currency international alliances still solid no indications immune currency global demand dollar based convertibility no substitute upheaval dislodge Having said that begun alliances allies global order financial implosion influence doubts reliability satisfied allies soft power hostile collapse dire consequences global economy

['The power of the US now rests almost solely on the status of the US dollar as a global reserve currency, allowing it to use sanctions and exert pressure on countries. In order to maintain this, it must also keep its allies invested in that system.', 'In fact, the US dollar is more than a currency. There is a whole system built around it. Sovereign financial instruments, be they currency or bonds, are also political documents that have behind them institutional arrangement, credible legal frameworks, international alliances as well as military, political and economic power. Any merchant who invested in Ottoman or Austrian bonds before the First World War learned that lesson the hard way.', 'But the dollar system is still solid, the only game in town, and there are no indications of its demise. On the contrary, during financial crises, people still rush to it for safety. Istanbul bazaar traders, in these times of inflation, convert their Turkish lira to dollars almost daily as a store of value. This is partly an intangible faith in its value and convertibility and mainly because there is no credible alternative.', 'This was tested in 1981 when the US dollar lost about two thirds of its purchasing power through stagflation and still maintained that status. I remember left-wing student organizations celebrating the end of American capitalism in conferences 42 years ago.', 'Debt ceilings can be raised multiple times and the country will be immune to financial crises as long as it can print its currency and there is global demand for it. No matter what its share of international trade is, other currencies traded have to pass through dollar-based convertibility to be credible; even gold is priced in dollars.', 'The world as we know it needs a currency of reference such as the dollar. There is no substitute. Furthermore, the dollar is not only a currency, it is also a platform for trade and payment and dispute resolution, mainly through American courts. To understand this, imagine having to resort to Russian or Chinese courts to resolve disputes.', 'It took two world wars to dislodge British sterling from that position, and the whole post-Second World War international institutional arrangements as well, as much of international trade is reliant on the dollar since it was adopted as the global reserve currency at the Bretton Woods conference. That established the current international order and its institutions — such as the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and the International Trade Organization. It would take a huge upheaval in the international system to dislodge the dollar.', 'Having said that, the very fact that we are asking these questions means that the process has begun. We are seeing numerous alliances being formed to combat the dollar: Every time the US uses sanctions against a country or blocks it from using the SWIFT financial transfers network controlled by the US Treasury or other dollar-based instruments; every time it freezes dollar-based assets, it pushes more actors to start looking for alternatives. Who knows what will happen with central bank digital currency if it also moves to interbank operations. No state can defeat the dollar on its own but alliances are forming with that sole purpose.', 'When states have an incentive to move away from any instruments or bonds that the US can seize at leisure or displeasure, that system is no longer safe — even America’s allies are worried. A friend’s father once said that ideally banking should be boring, now it is becoming dangerous.', "Russia and China are leading the charge and are gathering allies through several mechanisms. One of them is the expansion of the BRICS alliance already composed of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. The acronym was coined by Jim O'Neill, the former chief economist of the Goldman Sachs group who has recently called for its expansion — and there are already talks with several countries, including some major oil producers, to join it.", 'China leads the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, a Eurasian economic, political, security and defense bloc that is also seeking an expansion of its members. They are already discussing alternative arrangements that would hedge against US-dollar dominance. These efforts have increased with the Ukraine war and the stepping up of Russian-Chinese trade in yuan.', 'The global economy is also going through a period of instability. In the past 12 years, especially since 2011, we have witnessed increasing protest movements that represent cracks in the post-Second World War system. In the 1980s, when we spoke of a global debt crisis it was understood to mean the debt of developing countries. In 2023, we automatically also think of some of the leading economies such as Japan and the UK, as well as the PIIGS group in Europe composed of Portugal, Italy, Ireland, Greece and Spain, with Greece having the highest debt to GDP ratio of close to 178 percent. The US is again immune to this but the consequences of a large-scale global crisis remain unpredictable.', 'There is a new generation that is questioning that world order. A generation that still pays taxes but gets fewer services than the previous one and is expected to shoulder the debt burden their parents’ generation has created. The 20th-century welfare state has sold them short. They don’t have faith in official figures, they see that survival on current salary levels is impossible. Economists are the last people to offer solutions; Greece and Argentina have the world’s best economists and the worst economies. The next change in the global order could be the result of financial implosion rather than a world war.', 'The US has also been losing influence in regions it is withdrawing from, and many of its friends have doubts about its reliability as a guarantor of their security and protection. Within the US itself there are also growing voices that question its role as a superpower and its ability to lead a stable global order. Even the Europeans are not satisfied with the current security arrangements. America forgot how much it depends on its allies. The recent Chinese-brokered agreement between Saudi Arabia and Iran is but one indication of this phenomenon.', 'If the demise of the dollar is still difficult to imagine, it is also equally challenging to think of its power as eternal. The US should review its strategy and work with its friends and allies and maintain its soft power to ensure that when change happens, it will be managed. A hostile collapse of the US dollar would have dire consequences on the interdependent global economy and most of all, on the US itself.']

[(6, 16)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-AdMc-Neg-Harvard-Round-6.docx

Kentucky

AdMc

a41947f20b9861e70cd51b7e12e056f89ad265ac7d695101b44d28dabd263bb2

Cohesion’s irrelevant to alliance success.

Christopher Skaluba & Conor Rodihan 22. *Director of the Transatlantic Security Initiative in the Atlantic Council’s Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security. Former principal director for European and NATO policy in the Office of the Secretary of Defense. **Associate director in the Scowcroft Center for Strategy and Security’s Transatlantic Security Initiative. "No consensus? No problem. Why NATO is still effective." https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/new-atlanticist/no-consensus-no-problem-why-nato-is-still-effective/

No consensus No problem NATO is still effective Critics interpreted NATO’s unwillingness to support Ukraine as indicator of declining relevance overstates importance of consensus and understates role as flexible alliance Debate and disagreement are features not bugs Suggesting otherwise Russian propaganda process build common understanding consultation info sharing cooperation intel sharing defense planning interoperability create foundation on which consensus built flexibility enabl coalitions with success flexibility a favor not ineptitude provide foundation for priorities this is how democratic institutions function

No consensus No problem Why NATO is still effective Critics interpreted NATO’s unwillingness to militarily support Ukraine as indicator of its declining relevance But that overstates importance of political consensus to NATO’s value and understates role as an effective and flexible defensive alliance with potentially critical benefits sets too high a bar for an alliance with aligned but distinct priorities Debate and disagreement are built-in features of NATO not bugs it’s astounding how often NATO does reach consensus Suggesting otherwise playing straight into Russian propaganda misses the more important ways it supports its allies and partners affinity for process ability to build common situational understanding is invaluable Habits of consultation info rmation sharing buttressed by deep cooperation intel ligence sharing defense planning and interoperability create the foundation up on which consensus is to be built Even in the absence of agreement ability to collectively define threats and jointly confront them is immensely valuable habits of cooperation give NATO members flexibility helps members develop central to enabl ing them to form coalitions for action happened recently with ample success in taking on the I slamic S tate flexibility a point in NATO’s favor not ineptitude provide the foundation for allies to support in ways consistent with national priorities outside of NATO NATO’s enabling value to its members complicating Putin’s cost-benefit assessment this is not evidence of NATO’s ineffectiveness how democratic institutions function

still effective militarily support declining relevance political consensus effective and flexible potentially critical too high Debate disagreement built-in features of NATO does reach consensus straight into Russian propaganda situational understanding deep cooperation collectively define immensely valuable flexibility ample success I S foundation consistent outside of NATO this is not evidence democratic institutions

['[TITLE]: “No consensus? No problem. Why NATO is still effective”', 'Critics of the alliance (and even some supporters) have interpreted NATO’s unwillingness to militarily support Ukraine — especially during the most significant challenge to the European security order since the Cold War — as an indicator of its declining relevance, timidity, or its divisions. But that overstates the importance of political consensus to NATO’s value and understates its role as an effective and flexible defensive alliance. This is a role with potentially critical benefits for Ukraine.', 'First, it sets too high a bar for an alliance of thirty members with aligned, but distinct, priorities. Unanimity on every issue is impossible, let alone one as complex as military support to Ukraine. Debate and disagreement, as it should be for any democratic institution, are built-in features of NATO — not bugs. In reality, it’s astounding how often NATO does reach consensus about issues big and small, creating an unrealistic expectation that it always will. The opposite of consensus is not failure. Suggesting otherwise turns any debate that doesn’t end harmoniously into an indictment of NATO, playing straight into Russian propaganda.', 'Second, a belief that NATO’s value is tied primarily to achieving consensus on every issue misses the more mundane (and important) ways it supports its allies and partners. Its affinity for process — particularly its ability to build a common situational understanding among its members — is an invaluable tool. Habits of consultation and information sharing, buttressed by deep cooperation on operations, intelligence sharing, defense planning, and interoperability, create the foundation upon which any consensus is to be built. Even in the absence of that agreement, the ability to collectively define threats and jointly train to confront them is immensely valuable in its own right. ', 'Third, these habits of cooperation give NATO members the flexibility to act outside of the Alliance’s frameworks. While NATO does much by consensus — such as its missions in the Baltic states — the skills it helps members develop is central to enabling them to form separate coalitions for action. This happened recently with ample success in taking on the Islamic State. Such flexibility should be a point in NATO’s favor, not evidence of its ineptitude. ', 'In the case of military support for Ukraine, policymakers will find more attractive alternatives for dealing with Moscow’s aggression outside of the auspices of the Alliance. Up to and including its recent dialogue with Russia, it has taken a host of consensus actions to support Ukraine — from condemning Kremlin aggression and standing up for Kyiv politically to reaffirming its open-door policy with an expectation that Ukraine will eventually become a member. It might even share intelligence and develop training and advisory programs for the Ukrainian military. ', 'And while it won’t find a consensus to fight, it could provide the foundation for certain allies to support Ukrainian forces in ways consistent with their national priorities outside of NATO. In that case, NATO’s enabling value to its members in complicating Putin’s cost-benefit assessment should be applauded.', 'Last week’s NATO-Russia Council meeting showcased an Alliance working in lockstep and finding political consensus in responding to preposterous Russian demands. NATO should always strive for this degree of consensus. But if and when this crisis intensifies, and Putin advances further into Ukraine, expectations for NATO assistance will be raised, decisions about how to respond will become more difficult, and consensus will be more elusive. ', 'Despite the rhetoric we might hear in response, this is not evidence of NATO’s ineffectiveness — but rather a reflection of how democratic institutions function. And even absent consensus, NATO can still contribute invaluably to Ukraine’s sovereignty.', '']

[(11, 11), (12, 21), (27, 27), (28, 38)]

ndtceda

Emory-CoYa-Aff-nu-Round-5.docx

Emory

CoYa

21b3cf7d85e690adeacb8873e9d1ef00e861c804fd5e0c941a3725cd3ccd13e4

4. Each new launch increases the risk of collision---there’s a risk they make the problem worse---flips try-or-die.

Korey Haynes 18. Staff writer. “Despite concerns, space junk continues to clutter Earth orbit”. 12/17/2018.

hardware is partnered, meaning each launch responsible for multiple pieces of orbital debris the majority is derelict more cluttered space becomes, the greater risk

Much of the hardware we launch is partnered, meaning each launch can be responsible for multiple pieces of orbital debris working the majority is derelict Some objects in orbit are moving at up to 17,000 miles per hour we’ve also become more reliant on growing numbers of satellites The more cluttered space becomes, the greater risk there is for a collision. And this is no hypothetical. a large fraction of the debris we know about in space is the result of just two past collisions. The first, in 2007, was China’s intentional “destruction” of a weather satellite while they very successfully demolished the satellite what they also did was turn it from one orbiting object into a few thousand, many of which are still circling us today These drifting bits of debris are a lot harder to track than one derelict weather satellite

each launch multiple pieces of orbital debris reliant on growing numbers of satellites more cluttered space becomes, the greater risk

['Even when Sputnik launched in 1957, it wasn’t alone. The shiny ball was accompanied by its core stage and payload fairing, both of which tumbled around Earth in nearby orbits. Much of the hardware we launch is similarly partnered, meaning each launch can be responsible for multiple pieces of orbital debris. Much of this “debris” is, of course, composed of hard-working satellites performing valuable jobs. But the majority is derelict, either drifting past its useful lifetime or genuine trash like the spent rocket stages. And “drifting” is a relative term here: Some objects in orbit are moving at up to 17,000 miles per hour. As human technology needs have become greater, we’ve also become more reliant on growing numbers of satellites. Newly proposed “constellations” of dozens or even thousands of satellites could greatly expand the number of artificial companions in orbit around us —communications networks more or less require them in order to deliver global coverage. The well-established Iridium satellite phone network uses 66 satellites (plus a few spares if something goes wrong — more on that below). SpaceX recently received FCC approval to launch roughly 12,000 satellites for their planned space-based internet. Many of the new generation of satellites could by tiny, but numerous. CubeSats are tiny satellites much touted as gateways for even small research groups or companies to gain access to space science, thanks to the low cost of launch and development. But that very ease of access means they’re flooding the skies in greater numbers every year. The more cluttered space becomes, the greater risk there is for a collision. And this is no hypothetical. In fact, a large fraction of the debris we know about in space is the result of just two past collisions. The first, in 2007, was China’s intentional “destruction” of a weather satellite as a test of their ability to destroy objects in space. The problem is that while they very successfully demolished the satellite (one China also owned, by the way), what they also did was turn it from one orbiting object into a few thousand, many of which are still circling us today. These drifting bits of debris are a lot harder to track than one derelict weather satellite. This alone angered other space agencies, not to even mention the thorny issue of militarizing space.', '', '']

[(6, 12), (13, 15)]

ndtceda

Emory-BePa-Neg-JW-Patterson-Debates-hosted-by-UK-Doubles.docx

Emory

BePa

4f536ccc2e0dda344cc0c48d1f7407f4d578461ca5d8e939c7012ad7f3a43b00

4. ‘Rights’ and ‘duties’ correlate, are legally enforceable, and constitute personhood.

Solaiman ’17 [S. M. Solaiman; 2017; Law Professor at the University of Wollongong; Artificial Intelligence & Law, “Legal personality of robots, corporations, idols and chimpanzees: a quest for legitimacy,” vol. 25]

word ‘rights’ used in describing personality connotes legal relations It is interconnected with duties and it contains legally enforceable claims against others who are obliged A right provides an option to its holder to do or not to do a certain act existence is a question of law , Duties are responsibilities commanded by law rights and duties justify ascription of personhood duty imposed on a person correspond to the right of another Case law has consistently recognised the correlative rights and duties that attach to l p judicially recognised person is any being whom the law regards as capable of rights and duties Persons are substances rights and duties are attributes

The word ‘rights’ used in describing personality connotes legal relations between persons. It is interconnected with duties and it contains legally enforceable claims against others who are obliged not to breach such relations A right provides an option to its holder to do or not to do a certain act the existence of a right is a question of law , and the exercise of the right entails its holder’s conscious choice about doing or not doing something Duties are responsibilities commanded by law to do or to forbear something for the benefit of others, the failure in, or disobedience of, which will attract a remedy The rights and duties justify ascription of personhood The duty imposed on a person is said to correspond to the right of another Case law has consistently recognised the correlative rights and duties that attach to l egal p ersonhood It is judicially recognised that [s]o far as legal theory is concerned, a person is any being whom the law regards as capable of rights and duties Persons are the substances of which rights and duties are the attributes

word legal relations interconnected legally enforceable claims obliged option question of law exercise conscious choice responsibilities commanded by law remedy ascription of personhood correspond right of another consistently recognised correlative judicially recognised any being substances attributes

['The word ‘rights’ used in describing personality connotes legal relations between persons. It is interconnected with duties and it contains legally enforceable claims against others who are obliged not to breach such relations (Corbin 1920). A legal person who knows that he/she has a certain right should be able to answer the question: ‘What must another do for me?’ Corbin (1920). Hence the holder of rights needs to have the awareness of its own entitlements and others’ obligations of performance. To compel such performance, the possessor of a right is entitled to utilise the available legal recourses through the state (Corbin 1924). A right provides an option to its holder to do or not to do a certain act that is not forbidden nor commanded by law, while the act forms the content of the right in question (Terry 1916). Again, the existence of a right is a question of law, and the exercise of the right entails its holder’s conscious choice about doing or not doing something.', 'As implied above, the enjoyment of one’s rights requires the existence of duties of others and their performance of those duties. Duties of a person as a constituent element of legal relations are described as responsibilities commanded by law to do or to forbear something for the benefit of others, the failure in, or disobedience of, which will attract a remedy (Terry 1916; Corbin 1920). A person who bears a particular duty with the knowledge of its existence, compulsion in its performance, and sanctions against its disobedience, should be able to answer the question: ‘What must I do for another?’ (Corbin 1920) Similar to the enjoyment of rights, the performance of duties warrants their subject to have awareness of his/her/its (subject’s) relevant obligations, and to perform such obligations accordingly, in order to avoid legal sanctions to be exerted by the society in the event of failure or disobedience. For example, trespass to land or trespass to the person with the required guilty mind demonstrates disobedience to one’s obligations to refrain from doing so, thus committing trespass attracts liability under both torts and criminal law.', 'The rights and duties discussed above as essential ingredients of personality justify the ascription of personhood from the viewpoint of its purposes. The principal purpose of legal personhood, conferred on whomever or whatever, is to facilitate the regulation of human conduct by an organised society (Smith 1928). This facilitation is effected through the regulation of the conduct of the subjects of law by reference to legal relations, while conduct includes both acts and omissions (Terry 1916). Generally, any legal liability is imposed for a breach of someone’s right with an ultimate objective of maintaining order in the society. For example, killing of a person by an intentional act or a grossly negligent omission is penalised due to the violation of the right to life of the deceased. To this end, the imposition of a duty aims to prevent consequences which may come about in the absence or non-performance of the duty at hand; the duty not to kill someone aims to avoid that death, for example (Terry 1916). This consequence can amount to a violation of one’s right (Terry 1916). According to Lundstedt’s conception of the meaning of legal right, the sole purpose for which law exists is to prevent harm of the community or to confer social benefit (Lundstedt cited in Allen 1931). The law protects these rights by imposing duties on others and providing remedies against any breach thereof. More precisely, as West terms it, a ‘breach of duty is an act of injustice’ (West 2010).', 'The duty imposed on a person is said to correspond to the right of another where the former owes the duty to the latter; however, when the duty is imposed by criminal law, it is regarded as owed to the state (Terry 1916). Some of the paramount duties imposed by law generally include: (1) duties not to do any act which will cause injuries or death to others; (2) duties of possessors of actively dangerous things, such as ferocious animals or man-made treacherous products (industrial or social robots, for example) to prevent them from causing harm; and (3) duties not to take possession of property in violation of others’ rights or legal interest (Terry 1916). A legal interest is defined as ‘[t]he aggregate of the legal relations of a person with respect to some specific physical object or the physical relations of specific objects’ (Corbin 1920).', 'Case law has consistently recognised the correlative rights and duties that attach to legal personhood. Footnote 6 It is judicially recognised that ‘[s]o far as legal theory is concerned, a person is any being whom the law regards as capable of rights and duties…. Persons are the substances of which rights and duties are the attributes. It is only in this respect that persons possess juridical significance, and this is the exclusive point of view from which personality receives legal recognition’ People ex rel Nonhuman Rights Project Inc v Lavery (Lavery). Most recently the Supreme Court of New York (NY-SC) in Matter of Nonhuman Rights Project, Inc. v Stanley (Stanley) upheld that the autonomy and self-determination of any entity are not regarded as the basis for granting it rights (Stanley 2015). Rather, the Appellate Division of the NY-SC (NY-SCAD) in Lavery (2014), which was followed in Stanley, applied the prevailing attributes of personality, in determining the personhood of a chimpanzee, that legal personhood has unfailingly been defined by reference to both rights and duties (Lavery 2014). Central to the legal personality is thus the ability to enjoy rights and to discharge duties (Duff 1929).', '']

[(0, 12)]

ndtceda

Michigan-McSk-Neg-Wake-Round-4.docx

Michigan

McSk

d28046afcde8def5be86c655f1894d46e062e6935b803d9d90e1d0554fc09c8c

7. South Korea will leak.

Dr. Jagannath Panda 20, Research Fellow and Center Coordinator for East Asia at the Manohar Parrikar Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, "Is Seoul Prepared to Join a Five Eyes Plus Framework?" 38 North, 08/24/2020, https://www.38north.org/2020/08/jpanda082420/.

exists dysfunctional i c policymakers and public Scandals caused deep suspicion policymakers denied intel due t fears it will be leaked lack of trust and domestic politics led to obstacles

there exists a “ dysfunctional ” relationship between the i ntelligence c ommunity policymakers and the public Scandals of intelligence officers intervening in domestic politics caused deep suspicion policymakers are allegedly denied intel ligence due t o fears amongst agencies it will be leaked lack of trust and ROK’s domestic politics frequently led to obstacles in intelligence sharing with other partner states

“ dysfunctional ” relationship i c policymakers public intervening allegedly denied intel ligence fears leaked lack of trust ROK’s domestic politics led to obstacles

['In South Korea, there exists a rather “dysfunctional” relationship between the intelligence community, the policymakers and the public. Scandals of intelligence officers directly intervening in domestic politics have caused deep suspicion amongst the public, with few citizens understanding the role that intelligence agencies play or their need for secrecy. On the other hand, policymakers are often allegedly denied intelligence due to fears amongst agencies that it will be leaked. This lack of trust and ROK’s domestic politics have frequently led to obstacles in intelligence sharing with other partner states—Seoul’s refusal to ratify GSOMIA being an example. Such domestic dysfunction could risk FVEY’s perceptions regarding Seoul’s potentiality as a seamless partner to the alliance and impact their willingness to share critical intelligence on a default basis.']

[(14, 22)]

ndtceda

Kentucky-DiGr-Aff-Shirley-Round-3.docx

Kentucky

DiGr

201f0d7b86d88986b324427863110fa5d22504d3af773f74d8315366b1cad8e2

GOP rhetoric is irrelevant unless Biden chooses to embrace their agenda

Bochen Han 22, U.S. Correspondent for the South China Morning Post, 11/1/22, “US’ hard-line policy on China likely to hold whoever wins midterm elections, say analysts,” https://www.scmp.com/news/china/article/3197926/hard-line-us-policy-china-likely-hold-whoever-wins-midterm-elections-analysts

Despite Biden following through to the China challenge Republicans could advocate unrealistically aggressive policies , banking on looking tougher To override veto, Republicans need two-thirds unlikely to materialise Republicans would only be able to urge Biden to stand firm rather than dictate it

Despite Biden following through with commitment to the China challenge , “some Republicans could advocate unrealistically aggressive policies , banking on looking tougher than Democrats To override a presidential veto, Republicans would need a two-thirds majority a prospect unlikely to materialise . Short of holding a vetoproof majority Republicans would only be able to urge Biden to stand firm in its China policy, rather than dictate it

advocate unrealistically aggressive policies unlikely to materialise only be able to urge rather than dictate it

['Despite Biden following through with his commitment to the China challenge, “some Republicans could choose to advocate for unrealistically aggressive policies, banking on looking tougher than Democrats because the Biden administration will want to avoid outright brinkmanship,” Ashton said.', 'To override a presidential veto, Republicans would need a two-thirds majority in both legislative chambers – a prospect polls indicate is unlikely to materialise. Short of holding a vetoproof majority in Congress, Republicans would only be able to urge the Biden administration to stand firm in its China policy, rather than dictate it.', '']

[(7, 13)]

ndtceda

Northwestern-ChDe-Neg-Hoosier-Invitational-HIT-Round-5.docx

Northwestern

ChDe

96004dd9ec76d39231893735632d38d56a26303557ee056e72e46e22163e5a92

No readiness internal link—troops will work without pay.

Shane 23—(reporter). Leo Shane III. September 7, 2023. “Military pay could be a casualty of looming government shutdown”. Military Times. .

Even if money is not available troops will still be required to man their posts even as their pay is withheld because of a lack of funding

Adam Smith said the military could be among the hardest hit government institutions by a shutdown. Even if money is not available for all military operations, troops (and some Defense Department civilians) will still be required to continue man ning their posts even as their pay is withheld because of a lack of approved funding

not available man

['', 'On Wednesday, House Armed Services Committee ranking member Adam Smith, D-Wash., at the annual Defense News Conference said the military could be among the hardest hit government institutions by a shutdown. Even if money is not available for all military operations, troops (and some Defense Department civilians) will still be required to continue manning their posts even as their pay is withheld because of a lack of approved funding.', '', '', '', '', '', '', '', '', '', '', '']

[(0, 8)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-PhJo-Aff-1---NU-Doubles.docx

Minnesota

PhJo

baeeae7c639a482926072ab492e7f7a63cfff20f12239af8cf2ea3c4f13ca34c

Independently, unaccountable military AI turns the Global South into a new frontier for colonial violence---legal checks are critical.

Gracia ’19 [Eugenio; September; Senior Adviser on peace and security at the Office of the President of the United Nations General Assembly; SSRN Papers; “The militarization of artificial intelligence: a wake-up call for the Global South,” https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=3452323]

a i lies greatest risk unleashed , AI has power to raise uncertainty thickening fog of war Global South exposed to all vulnerabilities becoming open for predation and colonization countries turn into reservoirs and testbeds for dual-use tech because they lack countermeasures scenarios should be minimized through responsible governance rationales for preventing deployment legality or safety military AI might be halted through institutionalization Norms to mitigate risks are response to negative side of AI

Removing emotion from strategy not possible a i makes it possible, and therein lies greatest risk unleashed , AI has the power to raise uncertainty thickening fog of war situation would become untenable in such a world Global South would be exposed to all sorts of vulnerabilities becoming open ground for data- predation and cyber- colonization exacerbating inequalities among nations, disempowerment, and marginalization countries may well turn into data- reservoirs and testbeds for dual-use tech because they lack expertise to take countermeasures against tech powers scenarios are not inescapable should be minimized through responsible governance on security issues, Maas singled out rationales for preventing deployment of military tech ethics , legality or safety military AI might be halted through institutionalization of norms Norms to mitigate risks are response to the negative side of AI tech study identified several unsettling aspects of AI: increased risk of war or a first strike AI’s black box opacity could increase insecurity

emotion not possible a i greatest risk unleashed uncertainty fog of war untenable Global South all sorts vulnerabilities open ground data- predation cyber- colonization inequalities marginalization data- reservoirs testbeds dual-use tech countermeasures not inescapable responsible rationales preventing deployment ethics legality safety halted institutionalization norms mitigate response negative unsettling first strike opacity insecurity

['Payne argued that changes in the psychological element underpinning deterrence are among the most striking features of the AI revolution in strategic affairs: ‘Removing emotion from nuclear strategy was not ultimately possible; artificial intelligence makes it possible, and therein lies its true radicalism and greatest risk’.25 In other words, loosely unleashed, AI has the power to raise uncertainty to the highest degrees, thickening Clausewitz’s fog of war rather than dissipating it. The situation would become untenable if a non-biological AGI were ever deployed for military purposes, virtually unaffected by typically human cognitive heuristics, perceptions, and biases.', 'Compounded with a free-for-all security environment, in such a brave new world the Global South would be exposed to all sorts of vulnerabilities, lagging behind (again) in economic, scientific, and technological development, as well as becoming an open ground for data-predation and cyber-colonization, further exacerbating inequalities among nations, disempowerment, and marginalization, as Pauwels suggested. Small, tech-taking developing countries may well turn into data-reservoirs and testbeds for dual-use technologies, precisely because they lack technical expertise, scale, and scientific knowledge to take effective countermeasures against tech-leading powers.26', 'Fortunately, all these troubling scenarios are not forcibly inescapable and should ideally be minimized through responsible governance strategies. What does it mean? A broad definition of AI policymaking strategy has been proposed as ‘a research field that analyzes the policymaking process and draws implications for policy design, advocacy, organizational strategy, and AI governance as a whole’.27 Specifically on security issues, Maas singled out four distinct rationales for preventing, channeling, or containing the proliferation, production, development, or deployment of military technologies: ethics, legality, stability, or safety. From his analysis of lessons learned from arms control of nuclear weapons, he concluded inter alia that ‘far from being inevitable, the proliferation of powerful technologies such as military AI might be slowed or halted through the institutionalization of norms’.28', 'Norms and other approaches to mitigate risks are one of the possible responses to the negative side of AI technology. A recent study identified several of these unsettling aspects of AI: increased risk of war or a first strike; disruption in deterrence and strategic parity; flawed data and computer vision; data manipulation; ineffective crisis management; unexpected results; failure in human-machine coordination; backlash in public perception; inaccuracy in decision- making; and public sector-private sector tensions.29 The current deficit in explainability on how neural networks reach a given outcome is likewise raising uneasiness: AI’s black box opacity could increase the sense of insecurity rather than provide strategic reassurance.']

[(0, 10)]

ndtceda

Michigan-McSk-Aff-77th-NDT-Round-7.docx

Michigan

McSk

b5b18c4e9e9d8b66bef0df51ca7bb218556b55a6fb870023bfabfb3145c0e0bc

We meet—we vest duties in AI - programmed constraints on military AI are duties—even if accountability is on humans.

Ashrafian 15—(Clinical Lecturer in Surgery at Imperial College London, PhD in Computational Physiology and Metabolic Surgery from Imperial College London). Hutan Ashrafian. April 2015. “Artificial Intelligence and Robot Responsibilities: Innovating Beyond Rights”. Science and Engineering Ethics. .

a i necessitates duty . a specific implant into Robot A can override programming in any case he decides against the welfare of local inhabitants during war . Consequently , Robot A is responsible for considering local inhabitants although Robot A lacks freedom to do differently/ duties o f a i require accountability within the context of human aims within a legal platform .

continued advances in computer science , engineering and robotics have led to a rapid development of enhanced computability offering superior a rtificial i ntelligence and robotics. The prospect of sentient, rational and self-conscious artificial intelligence agents has led to the conceptual consideration of robot and artificially intelligent rights and laws Rights in human society are counterbalanced by the need for commensurate responsibilities and duties the idea of a rtificial i ntelligence and robot rights necessitates a matching level of societal responsibility and duty . Warfare Robot A is likely to complete his mission of achieving military victory for his country whilst also considering the welfare of any local inhabitants embroiled in the war (as set out by international treaties ). Robot A’s programmer Y is keen to guarantee that Robot A does consider the welfare of the local populace during his war efforts so that he adds a specific implant into Robot A neural system that can override A’s programming in any case that he decides to consider against the welfare of local inhabitants during war . During the war, Robot A does prioritize human welfare during a battle (by helping injured civilian children) on his own accord so that programmer Y does not activate A’s special implant . Consequently , Robot A is responsible for considering the needs of local inhabitants during a robotic fought war although , according to Programmer Y’s implant, Robot A lacks freedom to do differently/ otherwise These have propelled the philosophical consideratio n of a rtificial i ntelligence and robot rights . The discernable next-step for evolution in this field necessitates attention to the moral responsibilities and duties o f a rtificial i ntelligence and robots. Such a position requires a commensurate adoption of responsibilities and duties for the advancement of human and a rtificial i ntelligence societies. These broad obligations require accountability within the context of prioritizing human aims and needs within the framework of a robust legal platform .

computer science engineering robotics a i rights and laws Rights commensurate responsibilities and duties a i robot rights responsibility duty Robot A mission of achieving military victory considering the welfare of any local inhabitants international treaties specific implant override A’s programming does prioritize human welfare Consequently responsible although do differently/ otherwise a i robot rights responsibilities duties a i responsibilities duties a i These broad obligations accountability within the context of prioritizing human aims robust legal platform

['', 'Introduction', 'The continued advances in computer science, engineering and robotics have led to a rapid development of enhanced computability offering superior artificial intelligence and robotics. In due course these may herald the possibility of near-human, comparable-to-human and even beyond-human capability that requires an increased fidelity in appraisal of these technologies (Ashrafian et al. 2014). The prospect of sentient, rational and self-conscious artificial intelligence agents has led to the conceptual consideration of robot and artificially intelligent rights and laws that consider human societal and artificial intelligence agent relationships, as well as the relationships between artificial intelligent agents themselves (Ashrafian 2014).', 'Rights in human society are counterbalanced by the need for commensurate responsibilities and duties. Consequently, the idea of artificial intelligence and robot rights necessitates a matching level of societal responsibility and duty. Addressing this issue represents the discernable next-step for evolution in this field. This manuscript discusses the philosophical and practical considerations for artificial intelligence and robotic responsibilities and identifies the societal and moral considerations for these agents beyond that of rights, addressing translational concepts including the sophistication of robots and artificial intelligences.', 'When considering the moral responsibilities of the robots in the case, some basic questions arise: (1) Should robots have helped the injured children on moral grounds? Even if this meant that the war could be delayed or even potentially lost; with possibly many more deaths from both warring sides? (2) At a broader level what is the moral responsibility of self-conscious, rational and sentient artificial intelligence?', 'Moral Responsibility for Artificial Intelligence', 'In order to appraise the responsibilities of artificial intelligences and robots, there are several core philosophical positions that require consideration (Fig. 1). These include the contemplation of moral responsibility through Determinism and Libertarianism. Determinism represents that all events are pre-‘determined’ and therefore negate the concept of free will so that individual choice and therefore responsibility are disavowed. Conversely libertarianism denotes that individuals have moral responsibility derived from their innate free will in making personal decisions. Determinism can be divided into soft and hard. Soft determinism or Compatibilism represents a ‘middle road’ supporting the role of moral responsibility where decisions are made by free will within a context of determinism. Compatibilism in turn is differentiated from Incompatibilism, which consists of Libertarianism (Agent-Causal and Event-Causal) and Hard-Determinism and rejects any element of free will or choice due to the explanation that all events (and therefore individual decisions and actions) are totally pre-determined by the laws of nature. Currently, the most favored school of philosophy when considering moral responsibility is compatibilism.', 'The determinist school classically describes ‘humans as robots or automatons’ as their actions are fundamentally predetermined by natural laws. Consequently the hard determinist view of the case above where the robots assist the children could only be explained through the fact that the robots could demonstrate free will or responsibility to help the children unless they had been pre-programmed to specifically do so. Conversely the libertarian view would be that the robots were rational and sentient beings with free will, and as a result of personal moral responsibility went to the aid of the children despite knowing that through these actions they would lose their strategic position in the war. The compatibilist view would be one where each robot was constructed to achieve free will and decisionmaking capability through programmed rationality and sentience. Thus whilst they had been preset to carry out a military task; their free will and their moral responsibility led to their prioritizing the health of the injured children over their predetermined task to gain a strategic position in the war.', 'One thought experiment designed to consider hard determinism might also offer a deeper contemplation of strong artificial intelligence (exceeding human intelligence). If hard determinism was to hold true, a hypothetical ultimate supercomputer that is cognizant of all knowledge to-date can be used to predict individual human choices and future events based on the raw analysis of every fact and trend that preceded any event. If such a predicting computer (representing strong AI) could not exist, then the actuality of hard determinism would be negated.', 'Both compatibilists and libertarians offer explanations that the robots in the above case are more than the product of their construction and programming, so that they demonstrate sentiments of sympathy and empathy toward the injured children. Ultimately the question of whether these robots have a moral responsibility requires the establishment of whether the robots have a free will to carry out their own actions. A hard determinist would argue that all robotic and artificially intelligent actions are due to the laws of physics and as such the robots would not carry any responsibility. Conversely according to libertarians, the robots have a ‘soul’; so they demonstrate a free will with which to have moral responsibility, which in this case guided them to help the children. An incompatibilist view is problematical and may be evaluated by a thought experiment whereby human beings are enhanced by an implant that can control their desires so that they have no free will (Harris 2010). If the implant stimulates desires at random, then the human remains without free will, however his decisions and choices are reminiscent and generally undistinguishable from actual human actions. From the compatibilist view, the robots are governed by the laws of physics and their programming, however these can be designed and actioned in such a way that the robots can exhibit free will, which consequently results in the robots having moral responsibility. ', 'The libertarian understanding of free will derives from the notion that individuals have the ability to do something differently or otherwise through the principle of alternative possibilities. Harry Frankfurt developed thought experiments (Frankfurt 1969) that counter this notion. He uses subjects that are responsible for their actions through intuition despite lacking the freedom to act differently. For our established robotic incident, the following can be an example of a Frankfurt-type case:', 'Warfare Robot A is likely to complete his mission of achieving military victory for his country whilst also considering the welfare of any local inhabitants (friend or foe) embroiled in the war (as set out by international treaties). There is only one reason that he will not consider the welfare of local inhabitants; only if they represent a direct threat to his country’s victory or threat to his human or robotic country-mates. Robot A’s programmer Y is keen to guarantee that Robot A does consider the welfare of the local populace during his war efforts so that he adds a specific implant into Robot A’s neural system that can override A’s programming in any case that he decides to consider against the welfare of local inhabitants during warfare. During the war, Robot A does prioritize human welfare during a battle (by helping injured civilian children) on his own accord so that programmer Y does not activate A’s special implant. Consequently, Robot A is responsible for considering the needs of local inhabitants during a robotic fought war although, according to Programmer Y’s implant, Robot A lacks freedom to do differently/otherwise.', 'Frankfurt’s case thus opposes incompatibilism and supports the compatibilist notion that whilst sentient, rational robots and artificial intelligences are the product of their constructors and programmers. As such, they maintain moral responsibility in the society (both human and artificially intelligent) within which they exist.', 'Beyond the meta-physical elements of moral responsibility, there is an interpretation of responsibility through moral sentimentalism. This is consistent with a compatibilist framework, which in the case of robots suggest that their actions may have taken place as a result of a response to inherent emotions. The robots that have established a moral responsibility would have then prioritized the well being of the children over their national aims of military victory.', 'The compatibilist account offers different degrees of free will and responsibility. Harry Frankfurt suggests a distinction in the levels of freedom through a hierarchy of desires (first order, second order and so on). Within the case Robot A may have a conflict in his desires, he may have a first order desire to help injured humans and a second order desire to achieve victory through warfare. Although at a utilitarian level, winning the war may save many more lives than those of a few injured children, Robot A’s hierarchy of desires leads to an internal conflict with regard to responsibility. To a degree Robot A is not fully in control of himself (with the aim of fulfilling one single goal), so he is less free, but nonetheless resultantly prioritizes the lives of the injured children over the larger and long term goal of winning the war.', 'Comparison with the Moral Responsibility of Animals ', 'When considering the responsibilities and duties of sentient and rational artificial intelligence agents and robots, one direct comparison might be with another group of non-human sentient beings such as animals and pets. Conceptually they offer many similarities and can provide insights about non-human responsibilities. Peter Singer specified that ‘‘Animals are treated like machines that convert fodder into flesh’’ (Singer 1979). There are several analogous elements between animals and artificial intelligence agents and robots. Many animals are reared by humans to fulfill specific duties in human society (such as guide dogs). In many cases they are also specifically bred (with defined genotypes, phenotypes and traits) and subsequently trained for specific tasks. In a similar way robots and artificially intelligent agents are specifically designed, built and subsequently programmed for specific tasks. ', 'Wild animals have moral codes, and many animals demonstrate a ‘social homeostasis’ through their social networks and relationships. They have been shown to demonstrate a ‘wild justice’ (Bekoff and Pierce 2009) where they express emotions, behavioral flexibility, reciprocity, empathy, trust and discernable duty. These are also characteristics that would exist in future robots and artificial intelligence agents. From a purely ethical viewpoint, the question of morality is independent to an individual’s species of origin; although at a practical level human beings have been dominant. Non-human animals species are subordinate to mankind and in a similar fashion robots and artificially intelligent agents will also be subordinate to humans. The question of animal rights has many well-established viewpoints, and there is an implicit consensus that at a practical level a utilitarian approach is applied to offer rights to animals where feasible. Nevertheless, there is a tacit recognition that animals carry a moral responsibility that requires the consideration of their moral value. ', 'However, any direct moral comparison between sentient, rational artificial intelligence agents and robots with animals may prove superficial and problematic. The source of relevant moral actions should be distinguished from the evaluation of the agent as being morally responsible for a certain behavior, as otherwise we may encounter the situation of having to legally charge or prosecute animals in a similar manner to archaic societies. This is represented in today’s legal systems, which still addresses animals as reasonable targets of human censorship although it is accepted that it would be nonsensical to praise or blame them for their behavior. Consequently the parallel of robots and animals may not be fruitful, as we do not charge animals with moral accusations. Sentient and rational artificial intelligence agents and robots would have essential psychological qualities so as to make them both morally and legally responsible.', 'Practical Responsibility for Artificial Intelligence ', 'Whilst conceptually there are favorable arguments supporting the moral value and moral responsibility of artificial intelligence agents and robots beyond simply considering their rights (Ashrafian 2014; Ashrafian et al. 2014), the introduction and application of responsibilities and duties requires realistic guidelines and protocols. For humans several such guidelines exist, though they are not as well recognized as the more acknowledged Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) (United Nations 1948). Two specific declarations for Human responsibilities include The Declaration of Human Duties and Responsibilities by the UNESCO supported VTMF (Valencia Third Millennium Foundation), also known as the 1998 Valencia Declaration or DHDR (VTMF and UNESCO 1998) and 1997 Universal Declaration of Human Responsibilities (UDHRes) (InterAction Council 1997) (Fig. 2). The DHDR specifies that ‘‘responsibility’’, ‘‘is an obligation that is legally binding under existing international law’’ and that ‘‘duty’’ is an ‘‘ethical or moral obligation’’. Here it is proposed that as artificial intelligence agents and robots occupy human society with protection and support from humanity-based rights, then the principal message of these core human responsibilities will apply equally to the non-human artificial intelligences and robots, with the stipulated modification that human needs are to be prioritized over artificial intelligence and robot needs. The articles will together include those of: (1) Justice and Solidarity, (2) Mutual Respect and Partnership, (3) Truthfulness and Tolerance, (4) Fundamental Principles for Humanity (InterAction Council 1997), (5) Human Security and an Equitable International Order, (6) Meaningful Participation in Public Affairs, (7) Freedom of Opinion, Expression, Assembly, Association and Religion, (8) The Right to Personal and Physical Integrity, (9) Equality, (10) Rights of the Child and the Elderly, (11) Work, Quality of Life and Standard of Living, (12) Right to a Remedy, (13) Education, Arts and Culture (VTMF and UNESCO 1998) and (14) NonViolence and Respect for Life/The Right to Life and Human Security (InterAction Council 1997; VTMF and UNESCO 1998) (Fig. 2). ', 'Much in the same way that there has been consideration of human-artificial intelligence laws as well as artificial intelligence-on-artificial intelligence (AIonAI) laws (Ashrafian 2014), the responsibilities for artificial intelligence technologies should also consider human-AI and AIonAI elements. Consequently Article 1 of the UDHRes can be modified to: ', 'Every person or individual, regardless of gender, ethnic origin, technological origin, social status, political opinion, language, age, nationality, or religion, has a primary responsibility to treat all human people in a humane way, and if this is not conflicted, has an added secondary responsibility to treat all non-human artificially intelligent individuals in a humane way. ', 'Other elements are equally relevant to humans and artificial intelligence agents such as Article 4 ‘‘What you do not wish to be done to yourself, do not do to other,’’ and Article 11 considering ‘‘advancement of the human race’’. Many of the principles should highlight the priority to act responsibly in favor of human life and culture over that of non-human artificial intelligence, but where possible to acknowledge the importance of these. For example human security and right to life should be ranked higher than the robotic equivalent, even for the robots and artificial intelligences themselves, however where possible the survival of both should be considered. Furthermore, whilst robots and artificial intelligences can contribute to the responsibility and support of human political rights, human freedom of expression and human culture, they themselves may not stand for political office over humans, override their freedom over humans or enforce their culture onto humans. Whilst all their socio-cultural merits should be celebrated, the fundamental partiality to favor human needs should be maintained by artificial intelligence agents and robots. ', 'The determination of the status of artificial intelligence agents and robots with responsibility and supporting laws requires comparative societal governance. According to the current appreciation of artificial intelligence, most robots occupy the master-salve paradigm where no independence of action beyond direct human volition is permitted. This contrasts with future artificial intelligence abilities of self-consciousness, rationality and sentience demonstrated in the initial case where the robots could wage war through independent decisions on behalf of their warring states. The current outlook for such artificial intelligence agents still rests on existence through service and subordinacy to human society. Within this paradigm, robots and artificial intelligence agents will demonstrate free will and morality, but also require societal security and welfare constraints so that in the preliminary phases of these technological advances detailed socio-political controls for robots and artificial intelligence agents must be determined. For example there will be a restriction on robot self-recreation, the ability to carry out independent business or public office. Nevertheless robots and artificial intelligences will be supported by rights and common laws and will contribute to society. As a consequence, the question arises of how human society recognizes a non-human being that is selfconscious, sentient and rational with ability at comparable-to-human (or even beyond-human) levels? ', 'Within this context, a precedent already exists. In the ancient world ‘foreign’ or ‘non-national’ individuals (who by definition had comparable human aptitude) have been accepted to have different degrees of societal status and rights as recognized by formal law, for example in the ancient Roman Empire (30BC-212AD) (Shumway 1901). Under the Ius Gentium law (Fig. 3), Roman citizens were given a full complement of rights (through Ius Civile) whilst there were several classes of free individuals, including people of Latin (from Latium), Peregrinus (Provincial people from throughout the empire) and Libertus (Freed slave) status.', 'Latin rights (Ius Latinum) offered an intermediary stage to full Roman citizenship through the ability to carry out business, marry, participate in the military to some degree and have international legal recognition. Peregrinus rights however offered a lesser status, so that inter-marriage and business was not permitted, although societal contribution such as acting as auxiliary soldiers was acceptable. A comparable system could be applied to future artificial intelligence and robotics (Fig. 3). Here robots would likely occupy Peregrinus or possibly partial-Latin status, where they would not self-replicate, stand in public office or own land and business but would be protected by the law and have the ability to contribute to society through examples such as defending nations and participating in the healthcare sector. ', 'Ultimately the application of an equivalent Roman-like system of laws for artificial intelligence agents and robots may progress just as those of the Romans themselves. In the first instance Roman lawyers were pragmatic and their law demonstrated that some slaves enjoyed significant autonomy. The ‘elite’ slaves, as in the case of the emperor’s slaves, were estate managers, bankers and merchants, holding important jobs as public servants, or entering into binding contracts, managing and making use of property for their masters’ family business. In fact some slaves were able to retain property (known as peculium) for personal management and use. The peculium was inaccessible by the owner, which could eventually be used to purchase their freedom though was technically the property of the head of the household. A similar system of a digital peculium has been envisaged for robots (Pagallo 2012) and could contribute in the broader application of Roman legal status as an exemplar for the legal status of future artificial intelligence agents and robots. Furthermore, after some time the Romans introduced the Edict of Caracalla or Antonine Constitution (Constitutio Antoniniana) in 212AD (likely to increase the number of individuals subject to taxation). Here Roman citizenship was granted to all ‘‘freeborn’’ men throughout the Empire whereas all freeborn women in the empire would receive the same rights as Roman women. Taken to its eventual conclusion, the continual advances in artificially intelligence agents and robots may herald their status of fully-fledged personalities with an accompanying level of higher legal and moral responsibilities but also a higher degree of rights. Here each type of legal personality could potentially be met by appropriate artificial intelligence agents (Chopra and White 2011). Consequently one possibility is that a legal personhood status might ensue for robots and artificial intelligence agents (Solum 1992) as result of a future ‘‘Caracalla approach.’’ ', 'Whilst an exact replica of ancient Roman law is not the direct solution to the practical introduction of robots and artificial intelligence agents within mankind’s communities, its parallels nevertheless offer some degree of perceptiveness regarding the introduction of such agents into human society.', 'Conclusion ', 'The ongoing developments and innovations in artificial intelligence and robotics offer the promised capacity of computer consciousness, sentience and rationality.', 'These have propelled the philosophical consideration of artificial intelligence and robot rights. The discernable next-step for evolution in this field necessitates attention to the moral responsibilities and duties of artificial intelligence and robots. Various philosophical stances can be engaged ranging from determinism to libertarianism and lend support to a middle ground of compatibilism. Such a position requires a commensurate adoption of responsibilities and duties for the advancement of human and artificial intelligence societies. These broad obligations require accountability within the context of prioritizing human aims and needs within the framework of a robust legal platform. The broader application of noblesse oblige where a leader fulfills the responsibilities of his status necessitate a proportionate humanite´ oblige (humanity obliges); here it is incumbent on human society to ensure the fair, tolerant and ultimately humane institution of advanced artificial intelligence and robots within mankind’s society. ', '', '']

[(0, 11), (11, 12)]

ndtceda

Minnesota-HaHe-Aff-UMW-Debate-Tournament-Round-5.docx

Minnesota

HaHe

f4e2767f83c44dc6c518990836f43430889f4e1c4eb5da48f6b2f92cfadf8f59

2—No impact—The state is not immutably anti-trans---legal systems are contingent, necessary, and bends towards progress---even biases are malleable.

Taylor et al. ’18 [Jami K., Daniel C. Lewis, and Donald P. Haider-Markel; 2018; PhD, Professor, Political Science, University of Toledo; PhD, Michigan State University, Professor, Political Science, Siena College; Professor, Political Science, Kansas University; University of Michigan Press, The Remarkable Rise of Transgender Rights, “Conclusion,” p. 294-306]

trans rights secure string of achievements across all levels of government gender identity added to hate crimes law court rulings discrimination protections under C R A provide protect trans employees include identity in antibullying bar discrimination in housing , and accommodations achievements are astonishing secure victories against odds opinion toward trans people mutable majorities favor protections believe trans people deserve same rights opinion seems fluid provide opportunities people are open to persuasion federal structure provided a range of opportunities in different venues They can shop for favorable venues backlash weak conservative jurisdictions t provided significant changes turned courts as safety net Price found Title VII protect stereotyping Eighth Amendment prohibition against cruel punishment x o prohibiting discrimination governors wielded veto pens to block bills that restrict rights of trans people used p c to advocate for trans inclusive policies

the trans gender rights movement has been able to secure a remarkable string of policy achievements advancements have been achieved across all levels of government and in a range of policy areas. At national level, gender identity and sexual orientation were added to federal hate crimes law Recent court rulings determined sex discrimination protections under Title VII of the C ivil R ights A ct encompass sex stereotyping and provide protect ion for trans gender employees executive actions ranged from easing gender marker changes for federal documents to securing discrimination protections At subnational level states specifically include gender identity in antibullying policies states comprehensively bar gender identity discrimination in employment , housing , and public accommodations include gender identity in their hate crimes law passed narrow protections against discrimination achievements of the trans gender rights movement are astonishing In a majoritarian democracy policy successes require a significant amount of resources Yet , with an estimated 0.6 percent of the population the transgender community has been able to find ways to secure policy victories against the odds A important factor shaping policy successes is public opinion . Drawing on several national surveys, we found public attitudes toward trans gender people to be mutable majorities favor discrimination protections for trans gender people and believe that trans gender people deserve the same rights as all Americans attitudes explain policy successes in employment hate crime policies, and the limits complex nature of public opinion toward trans gender people seems to be highly fluid fluidity provide opportunities many people are still learning and are open to framing and persuasion Attitudes are primarily shaped by traits , values , and experience American transgender movement developed in a federal and democratic structure with a s eparation o f p owers This provided a range of policy advocacy opportunities in different i nstitutional venues and at different levels of government advocates have many access points and venues to find policy gains . They can s trategically shop for favorable venues . In legislatures trans groups have made significant strides in gaining protections Even where policies are not incremental change backlash has been weak conservative jurisdictions provided significant policy changes allowing sex markers to be changed trans gender rights movement successfully turned to the courts as judicial safety net venues allow transgender rights advocates to pursue equal protection even in the context of negative public opinion Price Waterhouse v. Hopkins found Title VII ’s sex discrimination clause provides protect io n against discrimination based on sex stereotyping , several courts extended protections to cover trans gender people cases regarding the rights of transgender prisoners have been successfully litigated, with Eighth Amendment ’s prohibition against cruel punishment providing a legal rationale executive branches also proven to be fruitful venues policymaking can avoid majoritarian pressures while shaping critical policies that affect the everyday of trans gender people. a rule passed eased the standards for changing gender markers on passports administration issued x o prohibiting gender-identity-based discrimination in federal employment cases provided a legal rationale for the actions Smith v. City of Salem and Macy v. Holder many candidates will find it difficult to ignore transgender issues governors wielded their veto pens to block bills that would restrict the rights of trans gender people vetoe d a bill to require students to use bathrooms that corresponded with the sex assigned at birth Rep ublican governors more willing to veto such changes governors used p c to advocate for trans gender- inclusive policies a ttorney g eneral s play a role in advancing trans gender rights by declining to defend discriminatory laws

trans remarkable string policy achievements all levels range national added hate crimes Recent protections C R A encompass protect trans easing documents discrimination protections subnational specifically gender identity antibullying comprehensively bar employment housing accommodations gender identity hate crimes narrow discrimination achievements trans rights astonishing majoritarian democracy significant Yet 0.6 percent secure policy victories odds A shaping policy successes public opinion several trans mutable majorities discrimination protections trans trans same rights explain employment hate crime limits complex trans highly fluid fluidity opportunities learning persuasion Attitudes traits values experience in federal democratic s o p advocacy opportunities venues levels access points policy gains s trategically shop favorable legislatures significant Even not incremental weak conservative significant sex markers trans successfully judicial safety net allow equal protection even negative Price protect sex stereotyping several extended trans rights successfully Eighth Amendment cruel legal rationale executive fruitful policymaking majoritarian critical policies everyday trans changing passports x o prohibiting discrimination cases legal rationale Smith Macy many ignore wielded veto pens restrict trans vetoe bathrooms Rep more willing changes p c policies a g s trans discriminatory

['As this story shows, the transgender movement has come a long way. As of 2018, the transgender rights movement in the United States has been able to secure a remarkable string of policy achievements in the few decades that the term transgender has existed (Stryker 2008). Since the beginning of the modern transgender movement in the 1980s and 1990s, transgender rights advancements have been achieved across all levels of government and in a range of policy areas. At the national level, gender identity and sexual orientation were added to the federal hate crimes law with the passage of the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act in 2009. Recent federal district and appellate court rulings have determined that the sex discrimination protections under Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 encompass sex stereotyping and thus may provide protection for transgender employees. The Obama administration issued a series of executive actions to advance transgender rights. These ranged from easing gender marker changes for federal documents such as passports and Social Security records, to securing discrimination protections in a variety of government programs, to allowing transgender people to serve in the military. Although the Trump administration is rolling back some of these protections, it is un- likely that it will remove all of them. At the subnational level, twenty states specifically include gender identity in their antibullying policies. Nineteen states comprehensively bar gender identity discrimination in employment, housing, and public accommodations. Seventeen states include gender identity in their hate crimes law, and fourteen have passed more narrowly tailored protections against discrimination in schools. Many local govern- ments, from municipalities to schools districts, have adopted their own poli- cies that provide protections for transgender rights. Finally, the majority of large businesses also provide protections in their internal policies.', 'As we noted at the outset of the book, policy changes are one of the common ways that we assess the work of social movements. Indeed, the achievements of the transgender rights movement are astonishing for such a small and historically marginalized political group. In a majoritarian democracy like the United States, policy successes typically require a significant amount of resources—political access, money, and votes (e.g., Olson 1965; Schloz- man 1984; Gilens 2012). Yet, with an estimated national population of just 1.4 million people, or 0.6 percent of the population (Flores et al. 2016) that has faced widespread discrimination, poverty, and violence (Grant, Mottet, and Tanis 2011; James et al. 2016), the transgender community has nonetheless been able to find ways to secure political and policy victories against the odds. These surprising successes, themselves, constitute an intriguing puzzle. Put simply, how are they doing that?', 'Of course, this rather simple question does not lend itself to an equally simple answer. Throughout the book, we explored a range of social, political, and institutional factors that have contributed to the policy successes of the transgender rights movement and, in many cases, to the limits of the successes and the challenges that the movement faces in the coming years. While there is no quick and easy answer to our research question, the analyses covered in these pages have revealed a range of important insights into the remarkable rise of transgender rights and the future challenges and opportunities for the movement.', 'Summary of Findings', 'Building a Transgender Rights Social Movement', 'Our analyses of the development of the transgender rights movement identified several critical factors that contribute to recent policy successes. Importantly, the transgender rights movement developed independent or- ganizations and became accepted, somewhat begrudgingly, as part of the broader LGBT advocacy coalition. By participating in a larger coalitional movement, transgender rights advocates leveraged more financial, organiza- tional, and political resources than they could generate by themselves. They also could take advantage of the gay and lesbian advocacy community’s ties to the Democratic Party. In addition, they gained access to the policymaking process more effectively than they would have otherwise been able to do on their own. Further, gay and lesbian advocates have proven to be important ambassadors to the public and policymakers alike, increasingly normaliz- ing transgender inclusion in LGBT advocacy. In legislatures, gay or lesbian legislators have been important champions for transgender rights, provid- ing crucial representation given the paucity of transgender elected officials. Gay and lesbian activists are also sometimes excellent surrogate lobbyists for transgender rights because of legislator discomfort with trans people.', 'However, the inclusion of the transgender community in this advocacy coalition was not always a foregone conclusion. The development of queer politics and core values built upon a shared experience of oppression due to the violation of gender norms has been critical in allowing for transgender inclusion in the more robustly organized gay rights movement. This concep- tual development was also aided by more practical developments, such as the response to the HIV/AIDS epidemic. Likewise, the growth of queer theory in academia and its dispersion among a new generation of activists helped to inform advocacy organization practices over time and make them more transgender inclusive. The professionalization of transgender advocacy, with its necessary attention to identity politics, helped to facilitate transgender inclusion by making sure that transgender people “had a seat at the table.” That many trans people had long-standing connections in the gay or lesbian communities assisted in this process, as did shared political opponents. And increased media attention to transgender people and transgender issues has increased public familiarity with the concerns of the trans community, thus making their incorporation in LGBT advocacy easier as well.', 'Inclusion in the umbrella LGBT movement has certainly been impor- tant to the advancement of transgender rights, but it has not been without its own challenges. Assimilationist strategies by gay people often marginal- ized or completely excluded transgender rights. Indeed, until recently, trans- gender rights have not been at the top of the advocacy coalition’s policy pri- orities. The movement has often had to “come back” to secure rights based on gender identity that had previously been won for rights based on sexual orientation (Taylor and Lewis 2014). The achievement of marriage equality, a key policy objective for many gay rights groups over the past several years, has been a boon to transgender advocacy. It lessened competition for the limited resources held by LGBT groups, and it no longer competes in the policy space for attention. Indeed, the battle for marriage equality eclipsed nearly all other LGBT policy goals for the better part of two presidencies. With that fight over, LGBT groups that specialize in litigation have rapidly increased their attention to transgender issues in their legal advocacy. Fur- ther, gaining marriage equality provided another policy win for transgender people because it negated the importance of sex and gender in a major civil institution.', 'Public Opinion', 'Another important factor shaping both the policy successes and challenges of the transgender rights movement is public opinion. Drawing on several national surveys, we found public attitudes toward transgender people to be complex and, currently, quite mutable. Americans hold negative feelings toward transgender people as a group. They report relatively low levels of personal comfort with transgender people, and large portions of the public express moral or personal opposition to the very concept of transgender. However, at the same time majorities tend to favor discrimination protections for transgender people and believe that transgender people deserve the same rights as all Americans. The seemingly contradictory nature of pub- lic attitudes toward transgender people, on the one hand, and transgender rights, on the other, helps explain policy successes in areas that highlight human and civil rights, such as employment nondiscrimination and hate crime policies, and the limits in other areas that emphasize personal feelings of discomfort, such as bathroom accessibility.', 'Yet the complex nature of public opinion toward transgender people and their rights seems to be highly fluid. When given the opportunity to select an option of “neither agree nor disagree,” a substantial portion of the public chooses this option, likely indicating attitude ambivalence or nonattitudes on the topic. In other words, we find that many people are still not familiar with transgender concepts. Nor are they familiar with policy implications related to the issues raised by the transgender rights movement. This fluidity may provide the transgender rights movement with both challenges and opportunities since many people are still learning about the issues and are open to framing and persuasion efforts (Broockman and Kalla 2016). Further, the relatively low level of familiarity with transgender rights policies suggest that public opinion is likely to be positively affected by the increasing exposure to transgender people in the media and through interpersonal contact (Flores et al. 2017a; Tadlock et al. 2017).', 'Indeed, we found that several factors shape individuals’ attitudes toward transgender people and transgender rights. Attitudes toward transgender people are primarily shaped by personality traits, values, and experience. Moral traditionalists and respondents with high levels of disgust sensitivity tend to have attitudes that are more negative toward transgender people. Conversely, those with egalitarian values tend to have views that are more positive. In addition, interpersonal contact with both transgender people and gays and lesbians increased positive attitudes toward transgender peo- ple. The latter is very important given the significantly larger size of the gay and lesbian communities relative to the trans community. While these factors remain significant in forming political and policy attitudes, other fac- tors also emerge. Interestingly, partisanship and ideology only seem to have significant effects on attitudes relating to public policies. Authoritarianism is also a significant factor for these political attitudes.', 'Political Institutions and Opportunity Structure', 'The American transgender rights movement developed within a federal and democratic institutional structure with a separation of powers between branches. This provided a range of policy advocacy opportunities in different institutional venues and at different levels of government. Transgender advocates, like the advocates for other groups, have many access points and venues in which to find policy gains. They can strategically shop for, and often find, favorable policymaking venues. In legislatures, from city councils to the U.S. Congress, trans and LGBT groups have made significant strides in gaining increased policy recognition and protections. For some policies, such as antidiscrimination protections and hate crimes, the trans movement has been able to build on the earlier successes of the gay movement and pursue incremental policy changes that are less controversial. Particularly in the 2000s, the trans movement sometimes benefited by obtaining these pro- tections concurrently with gays and lesbians, occasionally as a little noticed afterthought. Activists could share information about these successes in their advocacy. Early victories provided relevant policy information that could be shared in other jurisdictions. These examples were useful in lobbying and they facilitated the diffusion of these policies.', 'In other policy areas, such as those relaxing rules about gender identification on official documents, there is no parallel set of gay rights laws. Thus, the transgender movement sometimes has been forced to go it alone. However, as witnessed during the Obama administration, there is increas- ing attention from LGBT advocates to these transgender specific measures. Even here, where policies are not incremental changes, the backlash has often been weak. Further, conservative jurisdictions that have not supported sexual-orientation-inclusive policies have sometimes provided significant policy changes, such as birth certificate amendment laws or allowing sex markers on driver’s licenses to be changed. Frequently, this is done without much fanfare.', 'Like other minority civil rights movements before it, the transgender rights movement has also successfully turned to the courts as a “judicial safety net” to provide civil rights protections. These venues, often more iso- lated from electoral and partisan pressures (especially at the national level), allow transgender rights advocates to pursue policies from a legal framework that highlights civil rights and equal protection under the law, even in the context of negative public opinion and partisan opposition in many areas of the country. While most areas of litigation on transgender rights are still ongoing, there have been some notable policy achievements. Because the U.S. Supreme Court’s ruling in Price Waterhouse v. Hopkins (1989) found that Title VII’s sex discrimination clause provides protection against discrimination based on sex stereotyping, several federal district and appellate courts have extended these protections to cover transgender people. A simi- lar legal argument has also held sway in some recent Title IX cases at the federal district and appellate levels, such as G.G. v. Gloucester County School Board (2016). Several cases regarding the rights of transgender prisoners have also been successfully litigated, with the Eighth Amendment’s prohibition against cruel and unusual punishment providing a legal rationale to provide gender-identity-related health care to transgender prisoners and to challenge sex-segregated facilities based on sex assigned at birth.', 'The executive branches of government have also proven to be fruitful venues for transgender rights advocacy. Bureaucratic policymaking can avoid majoritarian pressures while shaping the implementation of critical policies that affect the everyday lives of transgender people. For example, a rule passed by the State Department in 2010 eased the standards for changing gender markers on passports. Similar changes happened at the Social Security Administration, which ended the practice of sending gender no match letters to the employers of transgender people. In addition, executive leaders like presidents and governors can shape policy through unilateral action, personnel, and symbolic leadership. Our analysis revealed the ways in which significant gains were made at the national level during the Obama administration. Obama issued an executive order prohibiting gender-identity-based discrimination in federal employment in 2014, and he filled his cabinet with officials that pursued transgender rights in their departments. The administration’s ability to take these actions was enabled by court cases that provided a legal rationale for the actions, such as Smith v. City of Salem (2004) and the EEOC decision in Macy v. Holder (2012). Though gay and transgender rights were not always a top priority for his administration, by Obama’s sec- ond term it was clear that they had become a key component of his legacy building. This was a function of the pressure placed by LGBT advocates on the president, the evolution of public attitudes on LGBT issues, the lack of opportunities elsewhere, and his beliefs about equality. Beyond his policy ac- tions, Obama ultimately pushed the Democratic Party to be more inclusive through his rhetoric and symbolic leadership. In doing so, the transgender rights movement is now a recognized partner in the Democratic coalition, with its policy goals embedded in the party platform. Going forward, many aspiring Democratic candidates will find it difficult to ignore transgender issues even though they are still unlikely to make them front-and-center cam- paign issues in many parts of the country. Any reluctance to embrace trans- gender rights in Democratic circles is certainly lessened given the actions of President Trump and his administration on transgender rights. Given Trump’s low approval ratings, Democrats are incentivized to be in opposi- tion to these discriminatory actions. Similarly, we documented how North Carolina Democrats rallied around the transgender rights cause after passage of HB2 by a deeply unpopular Republican governor and Republican-led legislature in North Carolina.', 'Of course, state executives have also played crucial roles in advancing transgender rights. Governors have often been at the forefront of provid- ing discrimination protections using executive orders before the legislature is willing, or where it is unwilling, to adopt statutory protections. We also found that governors have wielded their veto pens to block bills that would restrict the rights of transgender people, as when Governor Daugaard (R- SD) vetoed a bill to require students to use bathrooms that corresponded with the sex assigned at birth rather than their gender identity. Anecdotally, Republican governors might be more willing to veto such changes when they are term limited and cannot run for reelection. Our analysis revealed that transgender-inclusive executive orders are common early in gubernato- rial terms, during divided governments, and by Democratic governors. Fur- ther, some governors, such as Jack Markell in Delaware, used their political capital to advocate for transgender-inclusive policies in their state. Another influential state official is the attorney general. In some instances, attorney generals can play a role in advancing transgender rights by declining to defend discriminatory laws, as was done by Roy Cooper in North Carolina, or by issuing favorable advisory opinions.', '', '', '']

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Minnesota-PhJo-Aff-9---D4-Round-3.docx

Minnesota

PhJo