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42 a. making up the estate (including 617 a. in Buckinghamshire), 2,306 a. were let in 10 farm holdings for a total of £2,650 (i.e. 23s. an acre, described as 'on the low side'). The farm buildings, mainly of stone with slate or tiled roofs, were above the general standard of the district and the farmhouses substantially built. Seven had piped water (five from the estate supply, two from the mains) and four had mains electricity. Before the war 628 a. had been arable, to which a further 871 a. had been added by order of the War Agricultural Executive, which the Society's agent felt had brought improvements. Lime was available on the estate and basic slag had produced good results on the pastures. All the tenants followed a system of mixed farming, growing wheat, beans and other cereals, and all had dairy herds, two of them attested. Ditches and drains had been improved, using prisoners of war, although the hedges had been neglected. The tenants were described as 'substantial and competent farmers', some of whom had considerable additional land outside the estate, which itself had 399 a. of accommodation holdings (including Park Farm, 138 a. in hand). Almost all this had been ploughed up by order during the war, whereas before 1939 about 254 a. had been pasture. The let accommodation land produced a further £211 a year. The estate included 92 cottages in 1945, of which 27 were let with the farms. Of the rest, seven were condemned (although four were occupied under licence), another seven were let on service tenancies, one was the village reading room and club, and another was a better-class property with an acre and a half of land. The remaining 49 were occupied by estate employees, pensioners, widows or descendants of employees. Apart from Glebe Farm, the only property in the parish not owned by the estate was one condemned cottage, the White Lion (a fully licensed tied house), a one-acre housing site acquired by the R.D.C., and the school, which Lord Penrhyn retained. None of the estate cottages had bathrooms an

om had considerable additional land outside the estate, which itself had 399 a. of accommodation holdings (including Park Farm, 138 a. in hand). Almost all this had been ploughed up by order during the war, whereas before 1939 about 254 a. had been pasture. The let accommodation land produced a further £211 a year. The estate included 92 cottages in 1945, of which 27 were let with the farms. Of the rest, seven were condemned (although four were occupied under licence), another seven were let on service tenancies, one was the village reading room and club, and another was a better-class property with an acre and a half of land. The remaining 49 were occupied by estate employees, pensioners, widows or descendants of employees. Apart from Glebe Farm, the only property in the parish not owned by the estate was one condemned cottage, the White Lion (a fully licensed tied house), a one-acre housing site acquired by the R.D.C., and the school, which Lord Penrhyn retained. None of the estate cottages had bathrooms and only two had w.c.s: the water supply, provided by the estate, was inadequate to cope with any increased demand should the houses be modernised. In other respects the cottages were in good repair, with many of the thatched roofs recently overhauled. The cottage rental was £411, plus £25 for the village allotments. As well as Park Farm, the estate kept 267 a. of woodland in hand, of which 200 a. had been clear felled during the war, although at the time of the Penrhyn sale a good deal of mature oak remained in some of the coppices, as well as hedge and field timber. At the time of the 1945 sale, the Wicken estate was let for £4,074 gross, £2,100 net. The Merchant Venturers were advised that it was a first class investment: although about £1,000 would have to be spent on immediate repairs and wages, and initially there might be no net income, within about five years the estate should be producing 2½-3 per cent. Farm rentals should be raised as opportunity allowed; the mansion should if possible be let, rather

d only two had w.c.s: the water supply, provided by the estate, was inadequate to cope with any increased demand should the houses be modernised. In other respects the cottages were in good repair, with many of the thatched roofs recently overhauled. The cottage rental was £411, plus £25 for the village allotments. As well as Park Farm, the estate kept 267 a. of woodland in hand, of which 200 a. had been clear felled during the war, although at the time of the Penrhyn sale a good deal of mature oak remained in some of the coppices, as well as hedge and field timber. At the time of the 1945 sale, the Wicken estate was let for £4,074 gross, £2,100 net. The Merchant Venturers were advised that it was a first class investment: although about £1,000 would have to be spent on immediate repairs and wages, and initially there might be no net income, within about five years the estate should be producing 2½-3 per cent. Farm rentals should be raised as opportunity allowed; the mansion should if possible be let, rather than sold, as the Society tended to do elsewhere; and about £7,000 could be raised quite quickly from the sale of timber, after which the woods should be let to the Forestry Commission. The Society generally followed these recom mendations over the next thirty years and also sold (unmodernised) the cottages not let with the farms. Apart from two cottages built in 1949 for Wicken Park Farm, the Society left the provision of new housing to the local council, to which they sold building land as required. The former estate water supply was also transferred (as a gift) to the R.D.C. in 1948. (fn. 313) The mansion was let almost at once to a private schools syndicate, (fn. 314) and in 1949, after timber to the value of £12,000 had been sold, the woodland was leased to the Forestry Commission for 200 years at £43 16s. 6d. a year. The estate was extended in 1951 by the purchase of 128 a. of glebe land and cottages, bringing the total outlay to £103,000 for 3,170 a. At the end of 1958 the gross income had risen to £9,

than sold, as the Society tended to do elsewhere; and about £7,000 could be raised quite quickly from the sale of timber, after which the woods should be let to the Forestry Commission. The Society generally followed these recom mendations over the next thirty years and also sold (unmodernised) the cottages not let with the farms. Apart from two cottages built in 1949 for Wicken Park Farm, the Society left the provision of new housing to the local council, to which they sold building land as required. The former estate water supply was also transferred (as a gift) to the R.D.C. in 1948. (fn. 313) The mansion was let almost at once to a private schools syndicate, (fn. 314) and in 1949, after timber to the value of £12,000 had been sold, the woodland was leased to the Forestry Commission for 200 years at £43 16s. 6d. a year. The estate was extended in 1951 by the purchase of 128 a. of glebe land and cottages, bringing the total outlay to £103,000 for 3,170 a. At the end of 1958 the gross income had risen to £9,116, net £5,242, or 4 Per cent on capital invested, better than the prediction made in 1945. The average rent (including woodlands) was then 57s. an acre. By 1964 only 37 a. had been sold at Wicken for a total of £25,000. This included land for council housing and a new parsonage, the old estate yard, and some of the cottages, which made between £250 and £350 when the first were sold in 1956. Others followed at prices ranging from £900 to £1,350 and by 1970 a total of 52 had been sold. The first major disposals came in 1967, when Manor Farm was broken up and the house and buildings were sold for £13,600, together with 103 a. of land. By 1972 sales had realised £65,000; since the Society had spent £106,000 on improvements, the estate then had a net book value of £144,000 for 3,075 a. By 1961 farm rents had risen to an average of 61s. an acre; in 1974 they reached £10. The net yield on the estate was then 4.6 per cent. There were no further disposals in the 1970s, apart from some cottages (of which over 60 had

116, net £5,242, or 4 Per cent on capital invested, better than the prediction made in 1945. The average rent (including woodlands) was then 57s. an acre. By 1964 only 37 a. had been sold at Wicken for a total of £25,000. This included land for council housing and a new parsonage, the old estate yard, and some of the cottages, which made between £250 and £350 when the first were sold in 1956. Others followed at prices ranging from £900 to £1,350 and by 1970 a total of 52 had been sold. The first major disposals came in 1967, when Manor Farm was broken up and the house and buildings were sold for £13,600, together with 103 a. of land. By 1972 sales had realised £65,000; since the Society had spent £106,000 on improvements, the estate then had a net book value of £144,000 for 3,075 a. By 1961 farm rents had risen to an average of 61s. an acre; in 1974 they reached £10. The net yield on the estate was then 4.6 per cent. There were no further disposals in the 1970s, apart from some cottages (of which over 60 had been sold by December 1979), but farms continued to be amalgamated. In 1980, when the gross rental was £97,600, the estate was let to five principal farm tenants, who were paying an average of £34 an acre. The largest holdings were Hurst Farm, whose 700 a. included most of the farmland of the parish north of the village, and the combined Home Farm & Little Hill Farm, with 678 a. stretching from the village, through the former park down to the Ouse. The others were Mount Mill & Limes End (469 a. in two separate holdings, of which the latter was in Leckhampstead), Sparrow Lodge (299 a. to the south-east of the village), and Dagnall & Dovehouse (445 a. between Wicken and Deanshanger). In the early 1980s the Society sold the house and buildings at Dovehouse Farm, which were redundant since the land was being worked from Dagnall, and in 1984 offered Wicken Road Farm, a smallholding of 22 a. let for £800, for sale by auction at a reserve of £104,000. The following year Mount Mill & Limes End (274 a.) was sold to th

been sold by December 1979), but farms continued to be amalgamated. In 1980, when the gross rental was £97,600, the estate was let to five principal farm tenants, who were paying an average of £34 an acre. The largest holdings were Hurst Farm, whose 700 a. included most of the farmland of the parish north of the village, and the combined Home Farm & Little Hill Farm, with 678 a. stretching from the village, through the former park down to the Ouse. The others were Mount Mill & Limes End (469 a. in two separate holdings, of which the latter was in Leckhampstead), Sparrow Lodge (299 a. to the south-east of the village), and Dagnall & Dovehouse (445 a. between Wicken and Deanshanger). In the early 1980s the Society sold the house and buildings at Dovehouse Farm, which were redundant since the land was being worked from Dagnall, and in 1984 offered Wicken Road Farm, a smallholding of 22 a. let for £800, for sale by auction at a reserve of £104,000. The following year Mount Mill & Limes End (274 a.) was sold to the tenant. Continuing a policy of reducing its holding of agricultural estate, the Society accepted an offer from the tenants for the 709 a. of Home Farm & Little Hill in 1986, although one field on the edge of the village was retained, in the hope that planning permission for residential development might one day be obtained. These sales reduced the Society's estate to 1,877 a., let in 1992 for £101,500 gross. The remaining farms were Sparrow Lodge (302 a.), Hurst (702 a.) and Dagnall (442 a.), plus 141 a. of accommodation land at Pig & Whistle, near Hurst. Of these, Dagnall was sold in 1992. In 1980 the Society's land steward described the overall standard of farm management at Wicken as good, with the tenant of Hurst Farm setting the pace. This was run on an allarable five-year rotation based on winter wheat, barley and oil seed rape, with spring break crops including sugar beet, peas, beans and linseed. The farm also had 60 breeding sows. The system depended on high inputs achieving high outputs, a large i

e tenant. Continuing a policy of reducing its holding of agricultural estate, the Society accepted an offer from the tenants for the 709 a. of Home Farm & Little Hill in 1986, although one field on the edge of the village was retained, in the hope that planning permission for residential development might one day be obtained. These sales reduced the Society's estate to 1,877 a., let in 1992 for £101,500 gross. The remaining farms were Sparrow Lodge (302 a.), Hurst (702 a.) and Dagnall (442 a.), plus 141 a. of accommodation land at Pig & Whistle, near Hurst. Of these, Dagnall was sold in 1992. In 1980 the Society's land steward described the overall standard of farm management at Wicken as good, with the tenant of Hurst Farm setting the pace. This was run on an allarable five-year rotation based on winter wheat, barley and oil seed rape, with spring break crops including sugar beet, peas, beans and linseed. The farm also had 60 breeding sows. The system depended on high inputs achieving high outputs, a large investment in machinery and little labour: there was only one full-time man plus seasonal helpers. The farm was well roaded and was virtually all under-drained. Ten years later there was no paid labour besides casuals at harvest time, the under-draining had been completed, and the system of husbandry remained unchanged, apart from a 15 per cent set-aside, which was left as fallow. The other farms were more mixed in character, both in the 1980s and 1990s. At Home Farm & Little Hill winter wheat was the principal crop, with oil seed rape and beans as break crops; there were 500 grey face ewes and 150 Friesian heifers, as well as pigs. Mount Mill & Limes End was growing wheat, barley and rape on a six-year rotation, and also had a herd of 70 bullocks. Sparrow Lodge was a beef, sheep and arable farm, with a flock of 300 breeding ewes; Dagnall & Dovehouse had 280 a. under winter corn, with grass ley breaks, and 200 cattle. In 1227 Henry son of Robert acquired land and a mill at Wike from Robert de Marisco. (fn. 315

nvestment in machinery and little labour: there was only one full-time man plus seasonal helpers. The farm was well roaded and was virtually all under-drained. Ten years later there was no paid labour besides casuals at harvest time, the under-draining had been completed, and the system of husbandry remained unchanged, apart from a 15 per cent set-aside, which was left as fallow. The other farms were more mixed in character, both in the 1980s and 1990s. At Home Farm & Little Hill winter wheat was the principal crop, with oil seed rape and beans as break crops; there were 500 grey face ewes and 150 Friesian heifers, as well as pigs. Mount Mill & Limes End was growing wheat, barley and rape on a six-year rotation, and also had a herd of 70 bullocks. Sparrow Lodge was a beef, sheep and arable farm, with a flock of 300 breeding ewes; Dagnall & Dovehouse had 280 a. under winter corn, with grass ley breaks, and 200 cattle. In 1227 Henry son of Robert acquired land and a mill at Wike from Robert de Marisco. (fn. 315) In 1383 John de Wikemill and Alice his wife made a lease for nine years at a rent of 66s. 8d. a year to John Cock of Wick Hamon of all his land, a tenement called Wikemill, the water-mill, dovecote, meadows and pasture in Wick Dive and Wick Hamon, (fn. 316) and in the early 15th century 'Wykemylne' occurs as both a place name and personal name. (fn. 317) In 1662 the mill was let with half a yardland for £14 a year, (fn. 318) probably to Thomas Ashby, who is listed elsewhere as Lord Sunderland's tenant at about that date. (fn. 319) Robert Ashby the younger of Thornton (Bucks.) took a new 21-year lease of the mill and some adjoining land in 1687, when the wheel was noted as undershot. (fn. 320) In 1717 the tenant was still Robert Ashby, who had the mill and 17½ acres (i.e. half a yardland). (fn. 321) The mill was standing when the canal to Buckingham was projected in 1793 (fn. 322) but may have been abandoned when that was built; it had certainly gone by 1827. (fn. 323) Brickmaking and quarrying. Much of the

) In 1383 John de Wikemill and Alice his wife made a lease for nine years at a rent of 66s. 8d. a year to John Cock of Wick Hamon of all his land, a tenement called Wikemill, the water-mill, dovecote, meadows and pasture in Wick Dive and Wick Hamon, (fn. 316) and in the early 15th century 'Wykemylne' occurs as both a place name and personal name. (fn. 317) In 1662 the mill was let with half a yardland for £14 a year, (fn. 318) probably to Thomas Ashby, who is listed elsewhere as Lord Sunderland's tenant at about that date. (fn. 319) Robert Ashby the younger of Thornton (Bucks.) took a new 21-year lease of the mill and some adjoining land in 1687, when the wheel was noted as undershot. (fn. 320) In 1717 the tenant was still Robert Ashby, who had the mill and 17½ acres (i.e. half a yardland). (fn. 321) The mill was standing when the canal to Buckingham was projected in 1793 (fn. 322) but may have been abandoned when that was built; it had certainly gone by 1827. (fn. 323) Brickmaking and quarrying. Much of the underwood cut on the estate in the late 18th century was sold to the Foxley family of Wicken Hurst, where they had a brick-kiln. (fn. 324) The Foxleys also supplied bricks and lime to the estate for repairs. (fn. 325) The kiln was already in existence in 1717, when the tenant was Elizabeth Green, who also had a farm of 63 acres on the estate. (fn. 326) Twenty years later the kiln and 8 a. of land were in the hands of John Foxley, (fn. 327) who described himself as a farmer and brickmaker of Wicken Hurst in his will of 1769. (fn. 328) His widow Anne continued the business until 1778, when she was succeeded by her son Thomas. (fn. 329) He in turn died in 1797, when he described himself merely as a farmer, (fn. 330) and this may have marked the end of brickmaking on the estate. His widow Elizabeth kept the farm at Wicken Hurst until 1817 and left the parish two years later, (fn. 331) but there is no evidence that the brickkiln was still at work in that period. In the 19th century the Foxleys made bricks elsewher

underwood cut on the estate in the late 18th century was sold to the Foxley family of Wicken Hurst, where they had a brick-kiln. (fn. 324) The Foxleys also supplied bricks and lime to the estate for repairs. (fn. 325) The kiln was already in existence in 1717, when the tenant was Elizabeth Green, who also had a farm of 63 acres on the estate. (fn. 326) Twenty years later the kiln and 8 a. of land were in the hands of John Foxley, (fn. 327) who described himself as a farmer and brickmaker of Wicken Hurst in his will of 1769. (fn. 328) His widow Anne continued the business until 1778, when she was succeeded by her son Thomas. (fn. 329) He in turn died in 1797, when he described himself merely as a farmer, (fn. 330) and this may have marked the end of brickmaking on the estate. His widow Elizabeth kept the farm at Wicken Hurst until 1817 and left the parish two years later, (fn. 331) but there is no evidence that the brickkiln was still at work in that period. In the 19th century the Foxleys made bricks elsewhere in the district. (fn. 332) Gravel has presumably been extracted on a small scale over a long period from pits near the river. Wicken was among the parishes in which quarries were opened (or enlarged) in the late 1950s to provide materials for the building of the M1 through the county. (fn. 333) Other trades and crafts. Wicken had only a handful of tradesmen or retailers during the century and a half in which the Mordaunts and Douglas-Pennants owned the estate, presumably relying for most services on the much bigger, open village of Deanshanger. (fn. 334) A blacksmith is listed in directories from 1847 to 1940, together with a shoemaker until the end of the 19th century. There were three shopkeepers in the village in 1869, (fn. 335) and four or five from the 1870s until the First World War. (fn. 336) In the early 1920s there were still two greengrocers and a butcher, (fn. 337) but by 1930 only the butcher was left, plus a general store at the post office, which remained the position until the start of the Se

e in the district. (fn. 332) Gravel has presumably been extracted on a small scale over a long period from pits near the river. Wicken was among the parishes in which quarries were opened (or enlarged) in the late 1950s to provide materials for the building of the M1 through the county. (fn. 333) Other trades and crafts. Wicken had only a handful of tradesmen or retailers during the century and a half in which the Mordaunts and Douglas-Pennants owned the estate, presumably relying for most services on the much bigger, open village of Deanshanger. (fn. 334) A blacksmith is listed in directories from 1847 to 1940, together with a shoemaker until the end of the 19th century. There were three shopkeepers in the village in 1869, (fn. 335) and four or five from the 1870s until the First World War. (fn. 336) In the early 1920s there were still two greengrocers and a butcher, (fn. 337) but by 1930 only the butcher was left, plus a general store at the post office, which remained the position until the start of the Second World War. (fn. 338) Thomas Green, the schoolmaster, who kept the post office at Wicken from the 1850s until the 1870s, (fn. 339) appears to have been the village's first sub-postmaster. Services were modestly increased in the 1890s but Deanshanger remained the nearest place for most Post Office business. (fn. 340) Richard Whitton was described as a 'laceman' (i.e. a merchant) of Wicken in 1699 and 1720; (fn. 341) he died in 1741, by which time he was living at Deanshager, where two of his sons were also lace merchants. (fn. 342) As elewhere in the district, lacemaking remained a ubiquitious by-employment for women in Wicken until the early 20th century. In 1891 there were said to be at least 40 pillows in the village, which was one of those which benefited from the interest in the craft shown by Mrs. Harrison, the wife of the rector of Paulerspury. The exhibition organised that year in Northampton helped to raise the price the local buyer paid for Wicken lace, while Mrs Harrison's counterpart in the par

cond World War. (fn. 338) Thomas Green, the schoolmaster, who kept the post office at Wicken from the 1850s until the 1870s, (fn. 339) appears to have been the village's first sub-postmaster. Services were modestly increased in the 1890s but Deanshanger remained the nearest place for most Post Office business. (fn. 340) Richard Whitton was described as a 'laceman' (i.e. a merchant) of Wicken in 1699 and 1720; (fn. 341) he died in 1741, by which time he was living at Deanshager, where two of his sons were also lace merchants. (fn. 342) As elewhere in the district, lacemaking remained a ubiquitious by-employment for women in Wicken until the early 20th century. In 1891 there were said to be at least 40 pillows in the village, which was one of those which benefited from the interest in the craft shown by Mrs. Harrison, the wife of the rector of Paulerspury. The exhibition organised that year in Northampton helped to raise the price the local buyer paid for Wicken lace, while Mrs Harrison's counterpart in the parish, Mrs. Andrews, tried to revive the craft and Lady Penrhyn agreed to pay for some new designs. (fn. 343) The White Lion, one of the few freeholds in the village, was kept by the Canvin family from at least the 1840s until it was bought by Pickering Phipps, the Northampton brewer, in 1883 and a new tenant installed the following year. (fn. 344) The pub was modernised in 1906. (fn. 345) A carrier from Wicken to Stony Stratford on Fridays and Northampton on Saturdays is first mentioned in 1869; (fn. 346) in 1874 he was also going to Wolverton Station on Thursdays, although this seems to have been a shortlived innovation. (fn. 347) In the 1890s there were two carriers (both of whom also had greengrocer's shops in Wicken) to Stony Stratford on Wednesdays and Saturdays but no service to Northampton; one of them was still in business in 1920 but had retired by 1928. (fn. 348) Another carrier continued to go to Stony Stratford one or two days a week until at least 1936. (fn. 349) From about 1930 motorbuses from St

ish, Mrs. Andrews, tried to revive the craft and Lady Penrhyn agreed to pay for some new designs. (fn. 343) The White Lion, one of the few freeholds in the village, was kept by the Canvin family from at least the 1840s until it was bought by Pickering Phipps, the Northampton brewer, in 1883 and a new tenant installed the following year. (fn. 344) The pub was modernised in 1906. (fn. 345) A carrier from Wicken to Stony Stratford on Fridays and Northampton on Saturdays is first mentioned in 1869; (fn. 346) in 1874 he was also going to Wolverton Station on Thursdays, although this seems to have been a shortlived innovation. (fn. 347) In the 1890s there were two carriers (both of whom also had greengrocer's shops in Wicken) to Stony Stratford on Wednesdays and Saturdays but no service to Northampton; one of them was still in business in 1920 but had retired by 1928. (fn. 348) Another carrier continued to go to Stony Stratford one or two days a week until at least 1936. (fn. 349) From about 1930 motorbuses from Stony Stratford to Buckingham passed through Wicken on Tuesdays and Sundays, and there were buses to Wolverton on Friday and Saturday evenings. (fn. 350) The first of these services had been increased to three days a week by 1940. (fn. 351) No muniments survive to illustrate the working of the two manor courts in Wicken in the Middle Ages. In the years immediately following the establishment of the honor of Grafton in 1542, to which all Crown lands in Wicken were annexed, (fn. 352) the constables of Wick Dive and Wick Hamon did suit at the honor court held at Grafton twice a year, paid a certainty of 13s. 0½d., and reported that all was well. (fn. 353) Charles Hosier, who purchased the Wicken Park estate in 1716, was said a few years later to owe suit and service to the duke of Grafton's court at Grafton Regis. (fn. 354) In the mid 18th century the Wicken constables' expenses included the cost of 'going to Grafton court' each year (fn. 355) to deliver a payment representing 1d. from every male householder in th

ony Stratford to Buckingham passed through Wicken on Tuesdays and Sundays, and there were buses to Wolverton on Friday and Saturday evenings. (fn. 350) The first of these services had been increased to three days a week by 1940. (fn. 351) No muniments survive to illustrate the working of the two manor courts in Wicken in the Middle Ages. In the years immediately following the establishment of the honor of Grafton in 1542, to which all Crown lands in Wicken were annexed, (fn. 352) the constables of Wick Dive and Wick Hamon did suit at the honor court held at Grafton twice a year, paid a certainty of 13s. 0½d., and reported that all was well. (fn. 353) Charles Hosier, who purchased the Wicken Park estate in 1716, was said a few years later to owe suit and service to the duke of Grafton's court at Grafton Regis. (fn. 354) In the mid 18th century the Wicken constables' expenses included the cost of 'going to Grafton court' each year (fn. 355) to deliver a payment representing 1d. from every male householder in the parish (widows, spinsters, the rector and the patron of the living being exempt), together with a suit roll listing those from whom the payment was due. Mrs. Prowse believed that this was an acknowledgment of the right each parishioner had to turn cattle into the forest between Old St. George's Day (4 May) and Old Holy Rood Day (25 September). In addition, the Wicken Park estate was still paying 13s. 0½d. (plus 4d. for an acquittance), which she described in 1783 as a 'certainty, or assart money' due to the duke of Grafton, and which she understood gave the owner of the estate and the tenants the right to put cattle in Whittlewood at the proper seasons and free them from paying any other tax to the honor. (fn. 356) The final volume of Grafton manor court minutes (1764- 1801) (fn. 357) make no reference to the presence of the Wicken constable, and in 1802 Mrs. Prowse noted that one of her tenants had only paid the 1d. levy once or twice since he was married 21 years before. Another informant told her that no

e parish (widows, spinsters, the rector and the patron of the living being exempt), together with a suit roll listing those from whom the payment was due. Mrs. Prowse believed that this was an acknowledgment of the right each parishioner had to turn cattle into the forest between Old St. George's Day (4 May) and Old Holy Rood Day (25 September). In addition, the Wicken Park estate was still paying 13s. 0½d. (plus 4d. for an acquittance), which she described in 1783 as a 'certainty, or assart money' due to the duke of Grafton, and which she understood gave the owner of the estate and the tenants the right to put cattle in Whittlewood at the proper seasons and free them from paying any other tax to the honor. (fn. 356) The final volume of Grafton manor court minutes (1764- 1801) (fn. 357) make no reference to the presence of the Wicken constable, and in 1802 Mrs. Prowse noted that one of her tenants had only paid the 1d. levy once or twice since he was married 21 years before. Another informant told her that no payment had been made for the last ten years. (fn. 358) Wicken had certainly ceased to do suit to the honor by the 1830s. (fn. 359) In the late 16th century and early 17th the Spencers were holding two courts a year for the combined manor of Wick Dive and Wick Hamon, at which transfers of freehold land were recorded, orders made for the management of the common fields, and various officers appointed, including two constables, presumably one for each of the medieval townships. There is no sign of copyhold tenure. (fn. 360) Much the same picture emerges from rolls of 1661 and 1699-1707 for what was then simply called the manor of Wicken. (fn. 361) Charles Hosier may have given up holding courts as soon as he acquired the lordship, since by the 1740s (ten years before inclosure would have made the court largely redundant) the (single) constable was clearly an official of the vestry, rather than the manor. (fn. 362) The Vestry and Parish Council. Overseers' accounts from 1773 to 1820 indicate that the poor of th

payment had been made for the last ten years. (fn. 358) Wicken had certainly ceased to do suit to the honor by the 1830s. (fn. 359) In the late 16th century and early 17th the Spencers were holding two courts a year for the combined manor of Wick Dive and Wick Hamon, at which transfers of freehold land were recorded, orders made for the management of the common fields, and various officers appointed, including two constables, presumably one for each of the medieval townships. There is no sign of copyhold tenure. (fn. 360) Much the same picture emerges from rolls of 1661 and 1699-1707 for what was then simply called the manor of Wicken. (fn. 361) Charles Hosier may have given up holding courts as soon as he acquired the lordship, since by the 1740s (ten years before inclosure would have made the court largely redundant) the (single) constable was clearly an official of the vestry, rather than the manor. (fn. 362) The Vestry and Parish Council. Overseers' accounts from 1773 to 1820 indicate that the poor of the parish were being maintained entirely by out relief, although at the beginning of that period a small amount was received each year from the sale of lace, presumably made by some of the paupers. (fn. 363) The highways were maintained by a combination of statute duty and the employment of contractors. (fn. 364) Wicken was included in Potterspury poor law union after 1834 but neither the guardians, nor after 1894 the rural district council, were much concerned with the affairs of what remained very much an estate village. Lord Penrhyn installed piped water in 1896-7 but Wicken lacked a waterborne sewerage system until well into the 20th century. (fn. 365) Mains electricity reached the village in 1930 (fn. 366) and by 1954 the parish council, a seven-member body established in 1894, had adopted the Lighting & Watching Act. (fn. 367) In 1948 Towcester R.D.C., to which Wicken was transferred in 1935 when Potterspury R.D.C. was abolished, completed the first group of council houses in the parish and took over (as

e parish were being maintained entirely by out relief, although at the beginning of that period a small amount was received each year from the sale of lace, presumably made by some of the paupers. (fn. 363) The highways were maintained by a combination of statute duty and the employment of contractors. (fn. 364) Wicken was included in Potterspury poor law union after 1834 but neither the guardians, nor after 1894 the rural district council, were much concerned with the affairs of what remained very much an estate village. Lord Penrhyn installed piped water in 1896-7 but Wicken lacked a waterborne sewerage system until well into the 20th century. (fn. 365) Mains electricity reached the village in 1930 (fn. 366) and by 1954 the parish council, a seven-member body established in 1894, had adopted the Lighting & Watching Act. (fn. 367) In 1948 Towcester R.D.C., to which Wicken was transferred in 1935 when Potterspury R.D.C. was abolished, completed the first group of council houses in the parish and took over (as a gift) the village water supply from the Society of Merchant Venturers. (fn. 368) The following year the council let a contract for ten more houses, although large-scale development remained impossible until the water supply was improved. (fn. 369) More council houses were built in the mid 1950s after this had been done and a sewerage scheme installed. (fn. 370) Apart from pressing for more local authority housing, the parish council had few major issues to deal with in the 1950s and early 1960s, beyond protesting at the naming of streets and the erection of speed limit signs at the entrance to the village, both of which were felt to be detrimental to the character of the place; (fn. 371) and ensuring that Wicken kept up its strong record in Northamptonshire's Tidest Village competition, in which it won a pink chestnut tree for the churchyard in 1960. (fn. 372) The council objected without success to the closure of the school in 1962. (fn. 373) The council first became alarmed at the prospect of new housing

a gift) the village water supply from the Society of Merchant Venturers. (fn. 368) The following year the council let a contract for ten more houses, although large-scale development remained impossible until the water supply was improved. (fn. 369) More council houses were built in the mid 1950s after this had been done and a sewerage scheme installed. (fn. 370) Apart from pressing for more local authority housing, the parish council had few major issues to deal with in the 1950s and early 1960s, beyond protesting at the naming of streets and the erection of speed limit signs at the entrance to the village, both of which were felt to be detrimental to the character of the place; (fn. 371) and ensuring that Wicken kept up its strong record in Northamptonshire's Tidest Village competition, in which it won a pink chestnut tree for the churchyard in 1960. (fn. 372) The council objected without success to the closure of the school in 1962. (fn. 373) The council first became alarmed at the prospect of new housing in 1967, when the Merchant Venturers sold the house and buildings at Manor Farm and the council strongly objected to residential development on the site. (fn. 374) Two years later came proposals for houses in Deanshanger Road and Leckhampstead Road. (fn. 375) In 1975, a year after the parish became part of the newly established South Northamptonshire district, the local member assured the parish council that Wicken was safe from both council and private house-building because of the limited capacity of the sewerage system, added to which it had the shortest housing waiting list in the district. (fn. 376) By the late 1970s, however, as in other villages in the area, both the parish council and residents generally were concerned about proposed house-building (fn. 377) and in the 1980s and 1990s observations to the district council on planning applications became the most important (and most contentious) aspect of the parish council's work. (fn. 378) The church at Wick Dive is not mentioned in 1086 (fn. 379) bu

in 1967, when the Merchant Venturers sold the house and buildings at Manor Farm and the council strongly objected to residential development on the site. (fn. 374) Two years later came proposals for houses in Deanshanger Road and Leckhampstead Road. (fn. 375) In 1975, a year after the parish became part of the newly established South Northamptonshire district, the local member assured the parish council that Wicken was safe from both council and private house-building because of the limited capacity of the sewerage system, added to which it had the shortest housing waiting list in the district. (fn. 376) By the late 1970s, however, as in other villages in the area, both the parish council and residents generally were concerned about proposed house-building (fn. 377) and in the 1980s and 1990s observations to the district council on planning applications became the most important (and most contentious) aspect of the parish council's work. (fn. 378) The church at Wick Dive is not mentioned in 1086 (fn. 379) but must have been built fairly soon afterwards, for in about 1130 Henry I confirmed the gift by Robert d'Oyley of two parts of the tithes there to the church of St. George which Robert founded in Oxford castle. (fn. 380) The advowson passed with the manor until the union of the two parishes in 1587, (fn. 381) except for the period of Sir William Lucy's tenure of the manor (1424- 49), when it was granted by Edmund earl of March to Sir John Tiptoft and Richard Wigmore, (fn. 382) although Lucy's successors, Richard and Jacquetta Woodville, had regained possession by 1451. (fn. 383) A chaplain was presented to the church at Wick Hamon by William son of Hamon in 1218 and another by John son of Alan in 1272, whereas from 1278 the incumbents were rectors. (fn. 384) The advowson passed with the manor throughout the Middle Ages. (fn. 385) Wick Hamon does not appear in the taxation of 1254, presumably because it was not a parish church, but in 1291 it was returned as a rectory, (fn. 386) as it was in 1535. (fn. 387) In

t must have been built fairly soon afterwards, for in about 1130 Henry I confirmed the gift by Robert d'Oyley of two parts of the tithes there to the church of St. George which Robert founded in Oxford castle. (fn. 380) The advowson passed with the manor until the union of the two parishes in 1587, (fn. 381) except for the period of Sir William Lucy's tenure of the manor (1424- 49), when it was granted by Edmund earl of March to Sir John Tiptoft and Richard Wigmore, (fn. 382) although Lucy's successors, Richard and Jacquetta Woodville, had regained possession by 1451. (fn. 383) A chaplain was presented to the church at Wick Hamon by William son of Hamon in 1218 and another by John son of Alan in 1272, whereas from 1278 the incumbents were rectors. (fn. 384) The advowson passed with the manor throughout the Middle Ages. (fn. 385) Wick Hamon does not appear in the taxation of 1254, presumably because it was not a parish church, but in 1291 it was returned as a rectory, (fn. 386) as it was in 1535. (fn. 387) In 1587 Sir John Spencer, who as owner of the unified estate formed from the two manors of Wick Dive and Wick Hamon was patron of both churches, together with the churchwardens and others, petitioned the bishop of Peterborough, stating that the living of Wick Hamon was vacant through the death of the incumbent, was worth only the figure stated in 1535, and had the tithes of only three ploughlands. Since the two churches at Wicken were 'not a flight shot asunder' and either was sufficient to hold all the people of both villages, the petition asked that services be held alternately in the two churches. The request was granted and the parishes were united on 1 May that year. (fn. 388) Ever since that time, a commemoration has been held on the Thursday in Holy Week, after a service in the church, under an elm tree near the parsonage, at which Psalm 100 is sung, and cakes and ale given to the congregation. (fn. 389) In 1938, when seven gallons of beer were provided by the White Lion for the occasion, the service was

1587 Sir John Spencer, who as owner of the unified estate formed from the two manors of Wick Dive and Wick Hamon was patron of both churches, together with the churchwardens and others, petitioned the bishop of Peterborough, stating that the living of Wick Hamon was vacant through the death of the incumbent, was worth only the figure stated in 1535, and had the tithes of only three ploughlands. Since the two churches at Wicken were 'not a flight shot asunder' and either was sufficient to hold all the people of both villages, the petition asked that services be held alternately in the two churches. The request was granted and the parishes were united on 1 May that year. (fn. 388) Ever since that time, a commemoration has been held on the Thursday in Holy Week, after a service in the church, under an elm tree near the parsonage, at which Psalm 100 is sung, and cakes and ale given to the congregation. (fn. 389) In 1938, when seven gallons of beer were provided by the White Lion for the occasion, the service was broadcast by the B.B.C. (fn. 390) In 1619 the church of Wick Hamon was taken down and thereafter that of Wick Dive served the whole of the combined parish. (fn. 391) The advowson of the united living was retained by the Spencers throughout their period of ownership at Wicken, except for a few years after 1696 when Anne countess of Sunderland granted the next presentation to the incumbent, William Trimnell, who assigned the right to Charles Hosier shortly after his purchase of the Wicken Park estate in 1716. (fn. 392) It then remained the property of the estate until 1944, when it was acquired by the Society of Merchant Venturers of Bristol, (fn. 393) who remained patrons at the time of writing. (fn. 394) In 1794, 1798 and 1806, during the period in which Wicken was settled on her for life, Mrs. Prowse presented to the living, but only with the consent of Sir John Mordaunt, the heir apparent to the estate. (fn. 395) Income and Property. The rectory of Wick Dive was valued at £4 6s. 8d. in both 1254 and 1291, o

broadcast by the B.B.C. (fn. 390) In 1619 the church of Wick Hamon was taken down and thereafter that of Wick Dive served the whole of the combined parish. (fn. 391) The advowson of the united living was retained by the Spencers throughout their period of ownership at Wicken, except for a few years after 1696 when Anne countess of Sunderland granted the next presentation to the incumbent, William Trimnell, who assigned the right to Charles Hosier shortly after his purchase of the Wicken Park estate in 1716. (fn. 392) It then remained the property of the estate until 1944, when it was acquired by the Society of Merchant Venturers of Bristol, (fn. 393) who remained patrons at the time of writing. (fn. 394) In 1794, 1798 and 1806, during the period in which Wicken was settled on her for life, Mrs. Prowse presented to the living, but only with the consent of Sir John Mordaunt, the heir apparent to the estate. (fn. 395) Income and Property. The rectory of Wick Dive was valued at £4 6s. 8d. in both 1254 and 1291, on the latter occasion less 26s. 8d. belonging to Osney abbey, (fn. 396) to whom Robert d'Oyley's gift was confirmed in 1267. (fn. 397) In 1535 the living was valued at £10 3s. 5d., less 10s. 7d. due to the archdeacon of Northampton for synodals and procurations. (fn. 398) Wick Hamon, as a chapel, was not included in the taxation of 1254; the rectory was valued at 108s. 11d. in 1535. (fn. 399) The unified living was certified to be worth £100 a year in 1655. (fn. 400) When the parish was inclosed in 1757 Thomas Prowse, the owner of the Wicken Park estate, agreed with the rector and the bishop that the glebe should be consolidated into a holding of 126 a. and that he should pay a composition of £130 in lieu of tithes previously due from his estate. (fn. 401) In 1780, in addition to the new inclosures and the composition, the living included the parsonage, a house and two cottages let to tenants, a piece of meadow, and the old burial ground belonging to Wick Hamon church. (fn. 402) The glebe was let for about £8

n the latter occasion less 26s. 8d. belonging to Osney abbey, (fn. 396) to whom Robert d'Oyley's gift was confirmed in 1267. (fn. 397) In 1535 the living was valued at £10 3s. 5d., less 10s. 7d. due to the archdeacon of Northampton for synodals and procurations. (fn. 398) Wick Hamon, as a chapel, was not included in the taxation of 1254; the rectory was valued at 108s. 11d. in 1535. (fn. 399) The unified living was certified to be worth £100 a year in 1655. (fn. 400) When the parish was inclosed in 1757 Thomas Prowse, the owner of the Wicken Park estate, agreed with the rector and the bishop that the glebe should be consolidated into a holding of 126 a. and that he should pay a composition of £130 in lieu of tithes previously due from his estate. (fn. 401) In 1780, in addition to the new inclosures and the composition, the living included the parsonage, a house and two cottages let to tenants, a piece of meadow, and the old burial ground belonging to Wick Hamon church. (fn. 402) The glebe was let for about £80 a year in the early 19th century. (fn. 403) The tithes were commuted for £477 10s. in 1838 (fn. 404) and in the 1840s and 1850s the income of the living, including the glebe rent, was about £670. There was a drop in rents in the 1860s but in 1870 the gross income was still £564. (fn. 405) The glebe, reckoned as 133 a. in 1851, was augmented by an allotment of 4½ acres in Whittlewood (exchanged for land adjoining the rest of the estate in Wicken) under the Disafforesting Act of 1853. (fn. 406) In the 1870s the income of the living was stated as £435, including 135 a. of glebe, (fn. 407) which by the late 1890s had fallen sharply to £290. (fn. 408) It was only £250 the following decade (fn. 409) but recovered to between £380 and £400 in the 1920s and 1930s. (fn. 410) After the Second World War the rector augmented his stipend by running a taxi service and opening the rectory as a guest house. (fn. 411) A new parsonage house, presumably on the site of earlier houses belonging to Wick Dive parish, was built by

0 a year in the early 19th century. (fn. 403) The tithes were commuted for £477 10s. in 1838 (fn. 404) and in the 1840s and 1850s the income of the living, including the glebe rent, was about £670. There was a drop in rents in the 1860s but in 1870 the gross income was still £564. (fn. 405) The glebe, reckoned as 133 a. in 1851, was augmented by an allotment of 4½ acres in Whittlewood (exchanged for land adjoining the rest of the estate in Wicken) under the Disafforesting Act of 1853. (fn. 406) In the 1870s the income of the living was stated as £435, including 135 a. of glebe, (fn. 407) which by the late 1890s had fallen sharply to £290. (fn. 408) It was only £250 the following decade (fn. 409) but recovered to between £380 and £400 in the 1920s and 1930s. (fn. 410) After the Second World War the rector augmented his stipend by running a taxi service and opening the rectory as a guest house. (fn. 411) A new parsonage house, presumably on the site of earlier houses belonging to Wick Dive parish, was built by William Trimnell shortly after he was instituted to the living in 1702, entirely from materials from the demolished Manor House near the church. He is said to have laid out £1,000 on the work. (fn. 412) Similarly, as soon as Henry Jonas Barton began his ministry at Wicken in 1838 he spent about £560 on rebuilding the parsonage, before beginning his campaign of restoration on the church. (fn. 413) His successor, Edward Cadogan, added a new wing at cost of £300 in 1873, not long after his arrival in the parish. (fn. 414) The parsonage house belonging to Wick Hamon was repaired and improved by the rector who was instituted to the two benefices in 1690. Bridges found it still standing thirty years later but described it as 'a very mean building'. (fn. 415) It is presumably the house which appears in a glebe terrier of 1780 in addition to the parsonage then occupied by the incumbent. (fn. 416) Incumbents And Church Life. A number of incumbents held other livings, including three who were also rectors of Great Brin

William Trimnell shortly after he was instituted to the living in 1702, entirely from materials from the demolished Manor House near the church. He is said to have laid out £1,000 on the work. (fn. 412) Similarly, as soon as Henry Jonas Barton began his ministry at Wicken in 1838 he spent about £560 on rebuilding the parsonage, before beginning his campaign of restoration on the church. (fn. 413) His successor, Edward Cadogan, added a new wing at cost of £300 in 1873, not long after his arrival in the parish. (fn. 414) The parsonage house belonging to Wick Hamon was repaired and improved by the rector who was instituted to the two benefices in 1690. Bridges found it still standing thirty years later but described it as 'a very mean building'. (fn. 415) It is presumably the house which appears in a glebe terrier of 1780 in addition to the parsonage then occupied by the incumbent. (fn. 416) Incumbents And Church Life. A number of incumbents held other livings, including three who were also rectors of Great Brington. (fn. 417) At least two incumbents were related to the patron: Charles Hosier presented his nephew to the living in 1722 and Sir John Mordaunt his son in 1798. (fn. 418) Two rectors, Henry Jonas Barton and his successor, Edward Cadogan, were rural deans in the 19th century for an area that included Easton Neston, Paulerspury, Alderton, Grafton Regis, Potterspury, Furtho, Cosgrove, Passenham and Deanshanger as well as Wicken. (fn. 419) The story and commemoration of the unification of the benefice was subtly altered over the three and a half centuries after 1587. Paul Hoskin, who became rector in 1934, suggested that the two parishes were only separated in 1218 and that there had been a long-running feud between the two churches. Under Hoskin, the feast in commemoration of the union became known as the Peace Feast, commemorating the end of the immemorial feud between the two churches. The Parish Church Of Wick Dive. The former parish church of Wick Dive (since 1587 that of the united parish of Wicken) is

gton. (fn. 417) At least two incumbents were related to the patron: Charles Hosier presented his nephew to the living in 1722 and Sir John Mordaunt his son in 1798. (fn. 418) Two rectors, Henry Jonas Barton and his successor, Edward Cadogan, were rural deans in the 19th century for an area that included Easton Neston, Paulerspury, Alderton, Grafton Regis, Potterspury, Furtho, Cosgrove, Passenham and Deanshanger as well as Wicken. (fn. 419) The story and commemoration of the unification of the benefice was subtly altered over the three and a half centuries after 1587. Paul Hoskin, who became rector in 1934, suggested that the two parishes were only separated in 1218 and that there had been a long-running feud between the two churches. Under Hoskin, the feast in commemoration of the union became known as the Peace Feast, commemorating the end of the immemorial feud between the two churches. The Parish Church Of Wick Dive. The former parish church of Wick Dive (since 1587 that of the united parish of Wicken) is dedicated to St. John the Evangelist and consists of a nave, chancel, north and south aisles, west tower and porch. No medieval fabric appears to survive, although there is a late 12th-century square font-bowl with simple arcading. The present tower, which has a parapet and pinnacles, was erected by Robert Lord Spencer in 1617, at much the same time as he rebuilt the gatehouse of the Manor House and the park keeper's lodge, and (like both those buildings) bears his arms and the date of construction. It measures 16 ft. 6 in. by 12 ft. 9 in. and is 76 ft high. (fn. 420) The belfry stage of the tower is in an accurate Early English style and is either remarkably academic for its date or, perhaps more likely, a careful Victorian rebuilding. In 1753 the whole of the church, apart from the tower, was found to be dangerously unsafe and permission was granted for it to be taken down and rebuilt using the old materials. The chancel was to be shortened from about 28 ft. in length to 23 ft., with a bigger east window, b

dedicated to St. John the Evangelist and consists of a nave, chancel, north and south aisles, west tower and porch. No medieval fabric appears to survive, although there is a late 12th-century square font-bowl with simple arcading. The present tower, which has a parapet and pinnacles, was erected by Robert Lord Spencer in 1617, at much the same time as he rebuilt the gatehouse of the Manor House and the park keeper's lodge, and (like both those buildings) bears his arms and the date of construction. It measures 16 ft. 6 in. by 12 ft. 9 in. and is 76 ft high. (fn. 420) The belfry stage of the tower is in an accurate Early English style and is either remarkably academic for its date or, perhaps more likely, a careful Victorian rebuilding. In 1753 the whole of the church, apart from the tower, was found to be dangerously unsafe and permission was granted for it to be taken down and rebuilt using the old materials. The chancel was to be shortened from about 28 ft. in length to 23 ft., with a bigger east window, but was to remain the same width (19 ft.). The nave and aisles were to be rebuilt on the old foundations but with much smaller gothic pillars in place of the what were described as the very large old ones, so that more more seats could be installed. (fn. 421) The whole cost was met by Thomas Prowse, (fn. 422) who is described as the designer of the new church on a tablet in the north aisle. Prowse had in fact partly demolished the old building before seeking a faculty: as he pointed out, the citation would have had to be read in the churchyard, since there was no church to read it in. (fn. 423) Prowse did not live to complete the work, which was finished after his death by his widow and daughter-in-law. (fn. 424) In April 1770 the younger Mrs. Prowse gave directions to John Sanderson concerning the paving of the church and in July he came down again to supervise the completion of the interior. (fn. 425) In October she told Sanderson that the church was finished and that she had paid off the workmen, (fn. 426)

ut was to remain the same width (19 ft.). The nave and aisles were to be rebuilt on the old foundations but with much smaller gothic pillars in place of the what were described as the very large old ones, so that more more seats could be installed. (fn. 421) The whole cost was met by Thomas Prowse, (fn. 422) who is described as the designer of the new church on a tablet in the north aisle. Prowse had in fact partly demolished the old building before seeking a faculty: as he pointed out, the citation would have had to be read in the churchyard, since there was no church to read it in. (fn. 423) Prowse did not live to complete the work, which was finished after his death by his widow and daughter-in-law. (fn. 424) In April 1770 the younger Mrs. Prowse gave directions to John Sanderson concerning the paving of the church and in July he came down again to supervise the completion of the interior. (fn. 425) In October she told Sanderson that the church was finished and that she had paid off the workmen, (fn. 426) who included Joseph Foxley, the local brickmaker. (fn. 427) The cost (£240) was met by her mother-in-law. (fn. 428) As rebuilt, the nave and aisles were of the same height, separated by tall quatrefoil piers with shaft-bands, rather than shaft-rings. The capitals are decorated with leaves in a late 13thcentury French style. The aisles were groinvaulted, the nave tunnel-vaulted, and the chancel fan-vaulted in plaster with pendants hanging from open-work ribs. (fn. 429) The nave and chancel were 79 ft. 6 in. long and the church 33 ft. wide including the aisles. (fn. 430) In the early 1830s Baker found the interior 'fitted up with peculiar neatness and taste', floored with freestone and furnished with pews and open benches of oak. A small marble altar piece was presented in 1833 by Arthur HillTrevor, the tenant of Wicken Park, who also restored the old font which had lain neglected in the churchyard since the rebuilding. (fn. 431) Soon after H. J. Barton became rector in 1838 a lengthy campaign of restoration an

who included Joseph Foxley, the local brickmaker. (fn. 427) The cost (£240) was met by her mother-in-law. (fn. 428) As rebuilt, the nave and aisles were of the same height, separated by tall quatrefoil piers with shaft-bands, rather than shaft-rings. The capitals are decorated with leaves in a late 13thcentury French style. The aisles were groinvaulted, the nave tunnel-vaulted, and the chancel fan-vaulted in plaster with pendants hanging from open-work ribs. (fn. 429) The nave and chancel were 79 ft. 6 in. long and the church 33 ft. wide including the aisles. (fn. 430) In the early 1830s Baker found the interior 'fitted up with peculiar neatness and taste', floored with freestone and furnished with pews and open benches of oak. A small marble altar piece was presented in 1833 by Arthur HillTrevor, the tenant of Wicken Park, who also restored the old font which had lain neglected in the churchyard since the rebuilding. (fn. 431) Soon after H. J. Barton became rector in 1838 a lengthy campaign of restoration and redecoration began. A new porch was added in 1839 (fn. 432) and in 1842 the stonework of the chancel window was replaced (at a cost of £145 met by Miss Mordaunt) in the style of the window in Abbot Litchfield's chapel in Evesham Abbey. (fn. 433) The following year the reading desk and pulpit were altered, the seating rearranged, and the pews cut down to make open seats. Sir John Mordaunt presented an iron gate for the porch at the same time. In 1845 Edward Holbech presented an oak chair and shared with Barton the cost of a reredos triptych; over the next couple of years new altar cloths, cushions, hassocks and other items were presented (and in some cases worked) by Lady Mordaunt, her daughter, and other ladies. (fn. 434) In 1865 Lady Louisa Douglas-Pennant presented six stained glass windows designed by her relation the 2nd Lord Sudeley, and in 1867 other members of the family gave a lectern and desk, Bible and prayer book, carpet for the sanctuary, and stained glass for the east window of 1842. (fn. 435)

d redecoration began. A new porch was added in 1839 (fn. 432) and in 1842 the stonework of the chancel window was replaced (at a cost of £145 met by Miss Mordaunt) in the style of the window in Abbot Litchfield's chapel in Evesham Abbey. (fn. 433) The following year the reading desk and pulpit were altered, the seating rearranged, and the pews cut down to make open seats. Sir John Mordaunt presented an iron gate for the porch at the same time. In 1845 Edward Holbech presented an oak chair and shared with Barton the cost of a reredos triptych; over the next couple of years new altar cloths, cushions, hassocks and other items were presented (and in some cases worked) by Lady Mordaunt, her daughter, and other ladies. (fn. 434) In 1865 Lady Louisa Douglas-Pennant presented six stained glass windows designed by her relation the 2nd Lord Sudeley, and in 1867 other members of the family gave a lectern and desk, Bible and prayer book, carpet for the sanctuary, and stained glass for the east window of 1842. (fn. 435) A vestry and organ-chamber 15 ft. square, the gift (together with a new organ) of Lady Penrhyn and designed by E. Swinfen Harris, were added in 1878. (fn. 436) In the same period Lady Penrhyn also gave a reredos, designed by Harris, in memory of H. J. Barton, whose widow presented a corona for the chancel in 1875. The north window of the nave was filled with stained glass (again designed by Harris) in memory of Edward Mordaunt Cadogan, the son of Barton's successor Edward Cadogan, and in 1890 a screen on the east side of the tower and a window on the north side, both by Harris, were presented by the Dowager Lady Penrhyn in memory of her husband. (fn. 437) The rector's wife gave a new altar frontal the same year, which was said to contain old French lace from Laon buried at the time of the Revolution. (fn. 438) In 1896-7 the 2nd Lord Penrhyn met the entire cost (£2,000) of a thorough restoration and enlargement of the church in memory of his wife, who died in 1869, to the design of Matthew Holding. The chancel

A vestry and organ-chamber 15 ft. square, the gift (together with a new organ) of Lady Penrhyn and designed by E. Swinfen Harris, were added in 1878. (fn. 436) In the same period Lady Penrhyn also gave a reredos, designed by Harris, in memory of H. J. Barton, whose widow presented a corona for the chancel in 1875. The north window of the nave was filled with stained glass (again designed by Harris) in memory of Edward Mordaunt Cadogan, the son of Barton's successor Edward Cadogan, and in 1890 a screen on the east side of the tower and a window on the north side, both by Harris, were presented by the Dowager Lady Penrhyn in memory of her husband. (fn. 437) The rector's wife gave a new altar frontal the same year, which was said to contain old French lace from Laon buried at the time of the Revolution. (fn. 438) In 1896-7 the 2nd Lord Penrhyn met the entire cost (£2,000) of a thorough restoration and enlargement of the church in memory of his wife, who died in 1869, to the design of Matthew Holding. The chancel, shortened in 1758, was extended one bay to the east, and a south transept added, opening out of the chancel and south aisle. A new boiler-room was added at the west end of the north aisle and new heating apparatus installed. The nave and aisles were refloored in rubbed stone, with oak under the seats, and the chancel in polished Hoptonwood stone, intermixed with marble and tiles. The nave, aisle and transept were reseated with open seats of wainscot oak; new prayer desks and choirstalls were installed, and a new pulpit, the upper part in oak, the base and steps in Hoptonwood stone. New wrought-iron altar rails were also added. (fn. 439) Stained glass by Eleanor Brickdale was inserted into the north window of the chancel in 1921. (fn. 440) The church contains a monument to Charles Hosier and his wife by Sir Henry Cheere, erected in 1758, and others to their daughter, Anna Maria Sharp (d. 1747), her father-in-law John Sharp (d. 1726), and her son John Hosier Sharp (d. 1734), as well as Elizabeth Sharp (d. 181

, shortened in 1758, was extended one bay to the east, and a south transept added, opening out of the chancel and south aisle. A new boiler-room was added at the west end of the north aisle and new heating apparatus installed. The nave and aisles were refloored in rubbed stone, with oak under the seats, and the chancel in polished Hoptonwood stone, intermixed with marble and tiles. The nave, aisle and transept were reseated with open seats of wainscot oak; new prayer desks and choirstalls were installed, and a new pulpit, the upper part in oak, the base and steps in Hoptonwood stone. New wrought-iron altar rails were also added. (fn. 439) Stained glass by Eleanor Brickdale was inserted into the north window of the chancel in 1921. (fn. 440) The church contains a monument to Charles Hosier and his wife by Sir Henry Cheere, erected in 1758, and others to their daughter, Anna Maria Sharp (d. 1747), her father-in-law John Sharp (d. 1726), and her son John Hosier Sharp (d. 1734), as well as Elizabeth Sharp (d. 1810). (fn. 441) Until 1587 Wick Dive had only two bells but after the union three more were brought from Wick Hamon church and the whole recast by Lord Spencer. (fn. 442) One of the bells was cracked by frost in 1797 and recast the following year. (fn. 443) The bells were rehung in 1882, (fn. 444) and recast as a set of eight and rehung in a new frame in 1931 in memory of the 3rd Lord Penrhyn. On both occasions the work was done by Taylors of Loughborough and the Douglas-Pennants met most of the cost. In 1931 the chiming clock in the tower was also restored as a further memorial to Penrhyn. (fn. 445) The Parish Church Of Wick Hamon. St. James, Wick Hamon, consisted of a nave and chancel about 60 ft. long and 20 ft. wide, and a west tower 10 ft. square containing three bells. (fn. 446) After the union of 1587, instead of services being held alternately at the two churches as intended, St. James was stripped of its bells (fn. 447) and allowed to decay. In 1619 the rector and wardens sought permission to demolish

0). (fn. 441) Until 1587 Wick Dive had only two bells but after the union three more were brought from Wick Hamon church and the whole recast by Lord Spencer. (fn. 442) One of the bells was cracked by frost in 1797 and recast the following year. (fn. 443) The bells were rehung in 1882, (fn. 444) and recast as a set of eight and rehung in a new frame in 1931 in memory of the 3rd Lord Penrhyn. On both occasions the work was done by Taylors of Loughborough and the Douglas-Pennants met most of the cost. In 1931 the chiming clock in the tower was also restored as a further memorial to Penrhyn. (fn. 445) The Parish Church Of Wick Hamon. St. James, Wick Hamon, consisted of a nave and chancel about 60 ft. long and 20 ft. wide, and a west tower 10 ft. square containing three bells. (fn. 446) After the union of 1587, instead of services being held alternately at the two churches as intended, St. James was stripped of its bells (fn. 447) and allowed to decay. In 1619 the rector and wardens sought permission to demolish the church, which after a commission had reported on its ruinous condition was granted. (fn. 448) Nothing survived of the fabric in Bridges's day, although he reported that part of the tower had been standing 'not many years ago'. (fn. 449) The churchyard was later let as part of the glebe (fn. 450) and was still known as Old Churchyard or Church Field Close in the 19th century. (fn. 451) In 1801 Mrs. Prowse dismissed her dairymaid for attending Methodist meetings (where they were held is not stated), inviting the youth of the village to accompany her, and allowing the preachers to call. (fn. 452) Many years later, in 1833, a house in Wicken occupied by John Foddy was certified as a dissenting meeting house. (fn. 453) This appears to have been a shortlived venture, for a few years later the rector assured the Northamptonshire branch of the National Society that there were no dissenters in his parish and thus no dissenting school. (fn. 454) Any Nonconformists in Wicken probably worshipped at Deanshanger, where

the church, which after a commission had reported on its ruinous condition was granted. (fn. 448) Nothing survived of the fabric in Bridges's day, although he reported that part of the tower had been standing 'not many years ago'. (fn. 449) The churchyard was later let as part of the glebe (fn. 450) and was still known as Old Churchyard or Church Field Close in the 19th century. (fn. 451) In 1801 Mrs. Prowse dismissed her dairymaid for attending Methodist meetings (where they were held is not stated), inviting the youth of the village to accompany her, and allowing the preachers to call. (fn. 452) Many years later, in 1833, a house in Wicken occupied by John Foddy was certified as a dissenting meeting house. (fn. 453) This appears to have been a shortlived venture, for a few years later the rector assured the Northamptonshire branch of the National Society that there were no dissenters in his parish and thus no dissenting school. (fn. 454) Any Nonconformists in Wicken probably worshipped at Deanshanger, where there were both Baptist and Primitive Methodist chapels in the 19th century. (fn. 455) The Village School Before 1870. From at least 1768 (when the surviving accounts begin) Elizabeth Prowse was paying a master and mistress to teach both boys and girls at a school on her estate at Wicken, as well as providing coal and other items, including worsted cloth for the girls to make up. The cost was charged against income from the cottage rents; Mrs. Prowse kept the proceeds from the sale of finished garments. The master was paid three guineas a year for teaching 12 'Charity Boys', plus 1s. a week for another six boys. (fn. 456) In 1800 Catherline Lamburne was the schoolmaster at Wicken. (fn. 457) When the younger Elizabeth Prowse died in 1810 she left one share in the Grand Junction Canal Company to the rector and churchwardens of Wicken, the dividends on which were to be used to help meet the expenses of both the day school and Sunday school (established in 1788). (fn. 458) In the 1830s the share was producing ab

there were both Baptist and Primitive Methodist chapels in the 19th century. (fn. 455) The Village School Before 1870. From at least 1768 (when the surviving accounts begin) Elizabeth Prowse was paying a master and mistress to teach both boys and girls at a school on her estate at Wicken, as well as providing coal and other items, including worsted cloth for the girls to make up. The cost was charged against income from the cottage rents; Mrs. Prowse kept the proceeds from the sale of finished garments. The master was paid three guineas a year for teaching 12 'Charity Boys', plus 1s. a week for another six boys. (fn. 456) In 1800 Catherline Lamburne was the schoolmaster at Wicken. (fn. 457) When the younger Elizabeth Prowse died in 1810 she left one share in the Grand Junction Canal Company to the rector and churchwardens of Wicken, the dividends on which were to be used to help meet the expenses of both the day school and Sunday school (established in 1788). (fn. 458) In the 1830s the share was producing about £10 a year, three quarters of which was applied to the support of the day school and the rest to the Sunday school. The school house then stood in the Wick Hamon portion of the village. (fn. 459) The Mordaunts continued the Prowses' work of supporting the schools and in 1818 the day school (the only one in the parish) had 12 boys and eight girls in attendance. (fn. 460) In 1831 the school was admitted into union with the Northamptonshire branch of the National Society. (fn. 461) During the 1830s there were between 30 and 40 boys at the school, but fewer than 10 girls, although over 40 attended the Sunday school. (fn. 462) The contrast was explained by the fact that the girls' day school was in fact a lace school, whose pupils left as soon as they could earn their living. In 1838 the teacher was paid £20 a year, of which £7 16s. was found by the Mordaunts and the rest by the rector. (fn. 463) Changes soon followed the arrival of H. J. Barton as rector in 1838. (fn. 464) He and Sir John Mordaunt became trus

out £10 a year, three quarters of which was applied to the support of the day school and the rest to the Sunday school. The school house then stood in the Wick Hamon portion of the village. (fn. 459) The Mordaunts continued the Prowses' work of supporting the schools and in 1818 the day school (the only one in the parish) had 12 boys and eight girls in attendance. (fn. 460) In 1831 the school was admitted into union with the Northamptonshire branch of the National Society. (fn. 461) During the 1830s there were between 30 and 40 boys at the school, but fewer than 10 girls, although over 40 attended the Sunday school. (fn. 462) The contrast was explained by the fact that the girls' day school was in fact a lace school, whose pupils left as soon as they could earn their living. In 1838 the teacher was paid £20 a year, of which £7 16s. was found by the Mordaunts and the rest by the rector. (fn. 463) Changes soon followed the arrival of H. J. Barton as rector in 1838. (fn. 464) He and Sir John Mordaunt became trustees of the fund endowed with the share in the Grand Junction Canal (fn. 465) and in 1839, having been elected to the committee of the county branch of the National Society, (fn. 466) Barton persuaded Sir John to build a new school at a cost of £200, which the society supplemented with a grant of £20 towards fittings. (fn. 467) The school comprised two rooms, each 21 ft. 6 in. by 16 ft. (presumably one for boys and the other for girls), although there was no house for the master. In 1840 there were 32 boys at the day school (but only nine girls), aged between six and 12, and about 60 children of that age in the parish not attending school, who were said to be working on the farms or making lace, for which they could earn between 2d. and 5d. a day. The day schools had an endowment of £10 a year but the master received a salary of £40 3s., the balance coming from Sir John Mordaunt. (fn. 468) His death in 1845 led to a reduction in charitable donations of all kinds on the estate, although both the master and mis

tees of the fund endowed with the share in the Grand Junction Canal (fn. 465) and in 1839, having been elected to the committee of the county branch of the National Society, (fn. 466) Barton persuaded Sir John to build a new school at a cost of £200, which the society supplemented with a grant of £20 towards fittings. (fn. 467) The school comprised two rooms, each 21 ft. 6 in. by 16 ft. (presumably one for boys and the other for girls), although there was no house for the master. In 1840 there were 32 boys at the day school (but only nine girls), aged between six and 12, and about 60 children of that age in the parish not attending school, who were said to be working on the farms or making lace, for which they could earn between 2d. and 5d. a day. The day schools had an endowment of £10 a year but the master received a salary of £40 3s., the balance coming from Sir John Mordaunt. (fn. 468) His death in 1845 led to a reduction in charitable donations of all kinds on the estate, although both the master and mistress continued to receive a coal allowance in addition to their salaries. (fn. 469) In the 1850s Barton tried to mitigate the evil of children leaving the school at an early age by establishing an allotment garden for the boys (fn. 470) and ensuring that in the girls' school a certain number of hours were devoted to reading, writing, arithmetic and plain needlework, even if in other respects it was run as a lace school. (fn. 471) Barton also established a night school, to which the local branch of the National Society made a grant of £4 for equipment to meet £2 raised in the parish. (fn. 472) In the 1860s the boys' school, where the master was 'well-intentioned, but growing infirm', had an average attendance of 30; the same figure was returned for the girls' school, although the pupils only attended for ordinary classes two days a fortnight, the rest of the time being devoted to teaching lace-making. There was a night school and library attached to the girls' school but not the boys'. (fn. 473) A few years l

tress continued to receive a coal allowance in addition to their salaries. (fn. 469) In the 1850s Barton tried to mitigate the evil of children leaving the school at an early age by establishing an allotment garden for the boys (fn. 470) and ensuring that in the girls' school a certain number of hours were devoted to reading, writing, arithmetic and plain needlework, even if in other respects it was run as a lace school. (fn. 471) Barton also established a night school, to which the local branch of the National Society made a grant of £4 for equipment to meet £2 raised in the parish. (fn. 472) In the 1860s the boys' school, where the master was 'well-intentioned, but growing infirm', had an average attendance of 30; the same figure was returned for the girls' school, although the pupils only attended for ordinary classes two days a fortnight, the rest of the time being devoted to teaching lace-making. There was a night school and library attached to the girls' school but not the boys'. (fn. 473) A few years later the girls' school, whose premises had been more than doubled in size from the original room of 1839 and could now accommodate over 90, although there were only 33 on the books, was working alternate weeks as an ordinary school and a lace school. This arrangement was criticised by the diocesan inspector, although in other respects he was satisfied. The boys' school had 25 on the books at the end of the 1860s, when it was described as an 'unpretending little school . . . perhaps sufficient for the wants of the population'. The two schools together then had an income of £75 a year from voluntary contributions and £1 10s. from school pence. There was also a night school twice a week during the five winter months, taught by the rector, his family and the schoolmaster, and funded by the rector. (fn. 474) The Village School After 1870. From 1871 the school came under government inspection and began to receive a grant; other changes followed the retirement of the longserving master and the arrival in 1872 of a n

ater the girls' school, whose premises had been more than doubled in size from the original room of 1839 and could now accommodate over 90, although there were only 33 on the books, was working alternate weeks as an ordinary school and a lace school. This arrangement was criticised by the diocesan inspector, although in other respects he was satisfied. The boys' school had 25 on the books at the end of the 1860s, when it was described as an 'unpretending little school . . . perhaps sufficient for the wants of the population'. The two schools together then had an income of £75 a year from voluntary contributions and £1 10s. from school pence. There was also a night school twice a week during the five winter months, taught by the rector, his family and the schoolmaster, and funded by the rector. (fn. 474) The Village School After 1870. From 1871 the school came under government inspection and began to receive a grant; other changes followed the retirement of the longserving master and the arrival in 1872 of a new rector, Edward Cadogan. In 1875 Cadogan claimed that he found the school 'struggling into life and health' but within three years had placed it on a sound footing. He coupled this optimism with an appeal for increased subscriptions, threatening a school board if these were not forthcoming, but at the same time offering to hand the management over to the subscribers or their elected representatives. There were then about 80 children on the books. (fn. 475) During the 1870s the grant was around £50 a year and voluntary contributions some £70. The Grand Junction Canal share continued to pay £4 a year, with the balance coming from school pence, which rose from £3 in 1871-2 to over £20 immediately before they were abolished in 1891-2. (fn. 476) Subscriptions fell off noticeably during the agricultural depression of the 1880s, settling at about £40 a year in the 1890s, although this was largely balanced by a steadily rising grant, which reached £100 by the end of the century. The old master was paid £75 a year i

ew rector, Edward Cadogan. In 1875 Cadogan claimed that he found the school 'struggling into life and health' but within three years had placed it on a sound footing. He coupled this optimism with an appeal for increased subscriptions, threatening a school board if these were not forthcoming, but at the same time offering to hand the management over to the subscribers or their elected representatives. There were then about 80 children on the books. (fn. 475) During the 1870s the grant was around £50 a year and voluntary contributions some £70. The Grand Junction Canal share continued to pay £4 a year, with the balance coming from school pence, which rose from £3 in 1871-2 to over £20 immediately before they were abolished in 1891-2. (fn. 476) Subscriptions fell off noticeably during the agricultural depression of the 1880s, settling at about £40 a year in the 1890s, although this was largely balanced by a steadily rising grant, which reached £100 by the end of the century. The old master was paid £75 a year in the early 1870s; his successors received £100, which remained unchanged until after 1900. The infants' teacher was paid £25 a year in the 1870s and 1880s, which rose to £45 in the 1890s and later. (fn. 477) The most fundamental change came in 1878, when the 1st Lord Penrhyn, almost as soon as he bought the Wicken Park estate, met the entire cost (£1,000) of a completely new schoolroom, capable of accommodating 90 children, with a house for the headmaster. A classroom for 50 infants, with a gallery, was added in 1898. At the turn of the century the average attendance for the two departments was between 60 and 70, taught by the head and a part-qualified woman assistant. (fn. 478) In the years up to the First World War the school received reasonably satisfactory reports from H.M.I., although there were repeated complaints about the poor premises and the limited abilities of the staff. (fn. 479) Edwin Green, who had been headmaster since 1891, retired in 1921 and was succeeded by the first of three women heads,

n the early 1870s; his successors received £100, which remained unchanged until after 1900. The infants' teacher was paid £25 a year in the 1870s and 1880s, which rose to £45 in the 1890s and later. (fn. 477) The most fundamental change came in 1878, when the 1st Lord Penrhyn, almost as soon as he bought the Wicken Park estate, met the entire cost (£1,000) of a completely new schoolroom, capable of accommodating 90 children, with a house for the headmaster. A classroom for 50 infants, with a gallery, was added in 1898. At the turn of the century the average attendance for the two departments was between 60 and 70, taught by the head and a part-qualified woman assistant. (fn. 478) In the years up to the First World War the school received reasonably satisfactory reports from H.M.I., although there were repeated complaints about the poor premises and the limited abilities of the staff. (fn. 479) Edwin Green, who had been headmaster since 1891, retired in 1921 and was succeeded by the first of three women heads, each of whom initially brought new life to the school but were then in turn defeated by similar problems. The number of pupils fell from about 40 during the First World War (fn. 480) to fewer than 30 by the late 1930s, with attendance frequently reduced by illness, (fn. 481) although a suggestion by the L.E.A. in 1926 that children should transfer at 11 to the larger school at Deanshanger was not acted on. (fn. 482) Numbers rose in 1939-40 with the admission of evacuees from Essex, Kent and Surrey as well as London, who arrived as individuals rather than (as at Roade or Hartwell) complete classes. (fn. 483) In 1941 the school had 19 evacuees but only 16 'natives'. (fn. 484) An annual open day for parents, established in 1939, (fn. 485) was kept up throughout the war. (fn. 486) During the winter of 1942-3 the head, as well as having no cleaner, lost one assistant when she went to work at the munitions factory in Wolverton and another through ill-health; (fn. 487) she herself resigned in the summer of 1943. (f

each of whom initially brought new life to the school but were then in turn defeated by similar problems. The number of pupils fell from about 40 during the First World War (fn. 480) to fewer than 30 by the late 1930s, with attendance frequently reduced by illness, (fn. 481) although a suggestion by the L.E.A. in 1926 that children should transfer at 11 to the larger school at Deanshanger was not acted on. (fn. 482) Numbers rose in 1939-40 with the admission of evacuees from Essex, Kent and Surrey as well as London, who arrived as individuals rather than (as at Roade or Hartwell) complete classes. (fn. 483) In 1941 the school had 19 evacuees but only 16 'natives'. (fn. 484) An annual open day for parents, established in 1939, (fn. 485) was kept up throughout the war. (fn. 486) During the winter of 1942-3 the head, as well as having no cleaner, lost one assistant when she went to work at the munitions factory in Wolverton and another through ill-health; (fn. 487) she herself resigned in the summer of 1943. (fn. 488) Her successor took over with 28 pupils (fn. 489) but left two years later, suffering from shock and worry. (fn. 490) The school received six evacuees (two from Harlesdon and four from Forest Hill) in 1944, three of whom were still at Wicken a month after V.E. Day. (fn. 491) Another new head tried to make a fresh start at the end of the war but lasted only two years, (fn. 492) defeated in part by the winter of 1947. (fn. 493) Her successor arranged the usual Christmas parents' day in December that year, when the girls of the newly opened prep. school at Wicken Park sent a packet of sweets for each child. (fn. 494) In 1949 school dinners were started. (fn. 495) From September that year Wicken became an infant and junior school, with older children moving to Deanshanger, where a purpose-built secondary modern opened in 1958. (fn. 496) In 1950 H.M.I. recognised that the new head was trying to make up for the problems of the previous twenty years but was not over-generous with praise for the school, which

n. 488) Her successor took over with 28 pupils (fn. 489) but left two years later, suffering from shock and worry. (fn. 490) The school received six evacuees (two from Harlesdon and four from Forest Hill) in 1944, three of whom were still at Wicken a month after V.E. Day. (fn. 491) Another new head tried to make a fresh start at the end of the war but lasted only two years, (fn. 492) defeated in part by the winter of 1947. (fn. 493) Her successor arranged the usual Christmas parents' day in December that year, when the girls of the newly opened prep. school at Wicken Park sent a packet of sweets for each child. (fn. 494) In 1949 school dinners were started. (fn. 495) From September that year Wicken became an infant and junior school, with older children moving to Deanshanger, where a purpose-built secondary modern opened in 1958. (fn. 496) In 1950 H.M.I. recognised that the new head was trying to make up for the problems of the previous twenty years but was not over-generous with praise for the school, which now had fewer than 20 pupils. (fn. 497) Numbers rose to about 30 over the next few years, following the building of a small estate of council houses in the village. (fn. 498) In 1952 Wicken was designated a voluntary controlled primary, (fn. 499) the rector having recognised that, faced with the need to spend between £4,000 and £5,000 to bring the premises up to date, aided status was not attainable. (fn. 500) Between 1953 and 1957 the county carried out major improvements, installing running water, water closets, a tarmac playground, and new heating. The redundant infants' classroom was converted into a dining hall. (fn. 501) In 1956 the school received a noticeably more favourable report from H.M.I. (fn. 502) By this time numbers were beginning to fall again, and when a new head took over in September 1958 she had only 20 pupils. (fn. 503) There were 12 when she resigned three years later (fn. 504) and in December 1962 the school closed and the 11 remaining pupils transferred to Deanshanger. (fn. 505) The b

now had fewer than 20 pupils. (fn. 497) Numbers rose to about 30 over the next few years, following the building of a small estate of council houses in the village. (fn. 498) In 1952 Wicken was designated a voluntary controlled primary, (fn. 499) the rector having recognised that, faced with the need to spend between £4,000 and £5,000 to bring the premises up to date, aided status was not attainable. (fn. 500) Between 1953 and 1957 the county carried out major improvements, installing running water, water closets, a tarmac playground, and new heating. The redundant infants' classroom was converted into a dining hall. (fn. 501) In 1956 the school received a noticeably more favourable report from H.M.I. (fn. 502) By this time numbers were beginning to fall again, and when a new head took over in September 1958 she had only 20 pupils. (fn. 503) There were 12 when she resigned three years later (fn. 504) and in December 1962 the school closed and the 11 remaining pupils transferred to Deanshanger. (fn. 505) The benefaction of 1810 remained in existence at the time of writing (as Elizabeth's Prowse's Charity), with the income still applied to the expenses of a day school and Sunday School at Wicken. (fn. 506) Wicken Park School. After their purchase of the Wicken Park Estate in 1945, the Society of Merchant Venturers concluded that the mansion was unlikely ever again to be a private residence and immediately opened negotiations with Allied Schools Agency Ltd., which had interests in a number of leading independent schools. The company took a 21-year lease on the house and grounds from Michaelmas 1945 at £530 a year, plus interest on improvements. The society spent £8,350 on converting the buildings, which in 1946 became a girls' preparatory school, acting for a time as a recognised feeder for Westonbirt (Gloucs.). (fn. 507) The connection with Westonbirt later ended, but Wicken Park remained a girls' prep. until falling numbers forced its closure in July 1970, two years after the original headmistress, Miss A.M. Sharp

enefaction of 1810 remained in existence at the time of writing (as Elizabeth's Prowse's Charity), with the income still applied to the expenses of a day school and Sunday School at Wicken. (fn. 506) Wicken Park School. After their purchase of the Wicken Park Estate in 1945, the Society of Merchant Venturers concluded that the mansion was unlikely ever again to be a private residence and immediately opened negotiations with Allied Schools Agency Ltd., which had interests in a number of leading independent schools. The company took a 21-year lease on the house and grounds from Michaelmas 1945 at £530 a year, plus interest on improvements. The society spent £8,350 on converting the buildings, which in 1946 became a girls' preparatory school, acting for a time as a recognised feeder for Westonbirt (Gloucs.). (fn. 507) The connection with Westonbirt later ended, but Wicken Park remained a girls' prep. until falling numbers forced its closure in July 1970, two years after the original headmistress, Miss A.M. Sharp, retired. There were then 72 pupils aged 8-13, taught by 12 staff, but at least a hundred girls were needed to make the school a paying proposition. (fn. 508) Allied Schools had taken a new lease of the house and grounds for 14 years from 1966 at £2,500 a year, which in 1970 was assigned to New Learning Ltd. This company reopened Wicken Park as a specialist school catering for about 60 boys of prep. school age suffering from dyslexia. In 1980 a new 14-year lease, including two staff houses as well as the mansion and grounds, was granted to New Learning at £10,000 a year, subject to review after seven years, when the rent was increased to £25,000. In 1989 the company was acquired by W.H. Wilcox, the owner of Akeley Wood School, a private co-educational secondary school near Buckingham, for which Wicken Park became a junior department named Akeley Wood First School. In the early 1990s discussions were in progress between Wilcox and the Society of Merchant Venturers concerning the renewal of the lease of Wicken

, retired. There were then 72 pupils aged 8-13, taught by 12 staff, but at least a hundred girls were needed to make the school a paying proposition. (fn. 508) Allied Schools had taken a new lease of the house and grounds for 14 years from 1966 at £2,500 a year, which in 1970 was assigned to New Learning Ltd. This company reopened Wicken Park as a specialist school catering for about 60 boys of prep. school age suffering from dyslexia. In 1980 a new 14-year lease, including two staff houses as well as the mansion and grounds, was granted to New Learning at £10,000 a year, subject to review after seven years, when the rent was increased to £25,000. In 1989 the company was acquired by W.H. Wilcox, the owner of Akeley Wood School, a private co-educational secondary school near Buckingham, for which Wicken Park became a junior department named Akeley Wood First School. In the early 1990s discussions were in progress between Wilcox and the Society of Merchant Venturers concerning the renewal of the lease of Wicken Park from 1994, or alternatively the outright sale of the premises. (fn. 509) Wicken Park continued to be occupied by a private junior school at the time of writing. CHARITIES FOR THE POOR The Bread Charities. Francis Palmer, rector of Wicken and of Sandy (Beds.), by his will dated 2 September 1680, proved on 15 March 1681, left £52 to be laid out in land, and directed that the yearly rent should be used to buy 52s. worth of bread. One shilling's worth was to be distributed every Sunday throughout the year to 12 poor people of the parish who attended church regularly. (fn. 510) In 1691 his trustee lent the money, which had then risen to £65, to Isaiah Steere of Deanshanger on a mortgage secured on Stocking Close in Wicken. (fn. 511) Mrs. Frances Thompson of the parish of St. Philip's, Barbados, by her will left £25 to the poor of Wicken and ordered that the interest be distributed in the same way as Palmer had directed. A further £10 was left by Mrs. Fisher to the poor of Wicken and in 1745 these several sum

Park from 1994, or alternatively the outright sale of the premises. (fn. 509) Wicken Park continued to be occupied by a private junior school at the time of writing. CHARITIES FOR THE POOR The Bread Charities. Francis Palmer, rector of Wicken and of Sandy (Beds.), by his will dated 2 September 1680, proved on 15 March 1681, left £52 to be laid out in land, and directed that the yearly rent should be used to buy 52s. worth of bread. One shilling's worth was to be distributed every Sunday throughout the year to 12 poor people of the parish who attended church regularly. (fn. 510) In 1691 his trustee lent the money, which had then risen to £65, to Isaiah Steere of Deanshanger on a mortgage secured on Stocking Close in Wicken. (fn. 511) Mrs. Frances Thompson of the parish of St. Philip's, Barbados, by her will left £25 to the poor of Wicken and ordered that the interest be distributed in the same way as Palmer had directed. A further £10 was left by Mrs. Fisher to the poor of Wicken and in 1745 these several sums were combined, amounting (with the addition of £13 contributed by the parishioners) to £100, which was lent out at interest and the income used to buy bread for the poor. (fn. 512) The principal was later reduced by the insolvency of a person to whom it had been lent, and by the early 19th century the balance was more securely invested in stock. (fn. 513) It continued to be distributed in bread every week. (fn. 514) In 1857 the capital was transferred to the Official Trustee, when the income was £2 10s. 4d. The dividend continued to be used for the same purpose until at least the end of the Second World War, when the income was £2 2s. (fn. 515) Edward Whitton, who was born at Wicken and died at Northampton in 1774, left £100 to be invested in Old South Sea Annuities in the name of the rector and churchwardens of Wicken. The stock purchased amounted to £114 12s. 3d., the dividend on which was to be distributed in bread, to be given annually on 5 January (Whitton's birthday) by the rector and wardens as they

s were combined, amounting (with the addition of £13 contributed by the parishioners) to £100, which was lent out at interest and the income used to buy bread for the poor. (fn. 512) The principal was later reduced by the insolvency of a person to whom it had been lent, and by the early 19th century the balance was more securely invested in stock. (fn. 513) It continued to be distributed in bread every week. (fn. 514) In 1857 the capital was transferred to the Official Trustee, when the income was £2 10s. 4d. The dividend continued to be used for the same purpose until at least the end of the Second World War, when the income was £2 2s. (fn. 515) Edward Whitton, who was born at Wicken and died at Northampton in 1774, left £100 to be invested in Old South Sea Annuities in the name of the rector and churchwardens of Wicken. The stock purchased amounted to £114 12s. 3d., the dividend on which was to be distributed in bread, to be given annually on 5 January (Whitton's birthday) by the rector and wardens as they thought fit, to such poor people of Wicken as did not receive alms or other collection from the parish. (fn. 516) The charity lapsed in 1815, following the departure from the parish of one of the wardens, and when the arrears were collected ten years later the extra money was used to buy clothing, blankets etc. for the poor. Thereafter the annual distribution of bread was resumed. (fn. 517) In 1857 the stock was transferred to the Official Trustee. The gross income was then £4 10s. 6d. The income continued to be spent on bread until at least the end of the Second World War, when the amount received annually was £3 15s. 4d. In 1936-7 no fewer than 76 people received bread from the charity. (fn. 518) The two bread charities, renamed the Wicken Relief in Need Charity, remained in existence at the time of writing. (fn. 519) Miss Sharp's Charity. In 1747 Anna Maria Sharp, the daughter of Charles Hosier of Wicken Park and widow of John Sharp, left £100 to the poor of Wicken. (fn. 520) In the early 19th century the

thought fit, to such poor people of Wicken as did not receive alms or other collection from the parish. (fn. 516) The charity lapsed in 1815, following the departure from the parish of one of the wardens, and when the arrears were collected ten years later the extra money was used to buy clothing, blankets etc. for the poor. Thereafter the annual distribution of bread was resumed. (fn. 517) In 1857 the stock was transferred to the Official Trustee. The gross income was then £4 10s. 6d. The income continued to be spent on bread until at least the end of the Second World War, when the amount received annually was £3 15s. 4d. In 1936-7 no fewer than 76 people received bread from the charity. (fn. 518) The two bread charities, renamed the Wicken Relief in Need Charity, remained in existence at the time of writing. (fn. 519) Miss Sharp's Charity. In 1747 Anna Maria Sharp, the daughter of Charles Hosier of Wicken Park and widow of John Sharp, left £100 to the poor of Wicken. (fn. 520) In the early 19th century the capital was in the hands of Sir John Mordaunt, who paid 5 guineas a year to the churchwardens, which was distributed in bread after church every Sunday, in doles of 2s. to each recipient. (fn. 521) After Sir John's death in 1845 the trustees of his heir, Sir Charles Mordaunt, a minor, maintained the payment, although they reduced other charitable subscriptions. (fn. 522) The benefaction was not capitalised when the parish's other charities were transferred to the Official Trustee in 1857, although the payment of 5 guineas continued to be received annually from the Mordaunts and, after 1877, the Douglas-Pennants. (fn. 523) The payment may have ended with the death of Blanche Lady Penrhyn in 1944, since it appears not to have been continued by the Society of Merchant Venturers. (fn. 524) The Whittlewood Coal Charity. In 1854 the Whittlebury Disafforesting Commission, following the intervention of the 5th duke of Grafton, accepted that seven local parishes had established a claim to compensation for the loss of

capital was in the hands of Sir John Mordaunt, who paid 5 guineas a year to the churchwardens, which was distributed in bread after church every Sunday, in doles of 2s. to each recipient. (fn. 521) After Sir John's death in 1845 the trustees of his heir, Sir Charles Mordaunt, a minor, maintained the payment, although they reduced other charitable subscriptions. (fn. 522) The benefaction was not capitalised when the parish's other charities were transferred to the Official Trustee in 1857, although the payment of 5 guineas continued to be received annually from the Mordaunts and, after 1877, the Douglas-Pennants. (fn. 523) The payment may have ended with the death of Blanche Lady Penrhyn in 1944, since it appears not to have been continued by the Society of Merchant Venturers. (fn. 524) The Whittlewood Coal Charity. In 1854 the Whittlebury Disafforesting Commission, following the intervention of the 5th duke of Grafton, accepted that seven local parishes had established a claim to compensation for the loss of the right to collect sere (or broken) wood as fuel in Whittlewood and awarded them a total of £868, of which Wicken, as one of three out-towns, was entitled to £57 17s. 4d. The money was raised by the sale of a parcel of woodland in Passenham near Wicken Hurst. (fn. 525) The following year stock worth £63 3s. 1d. was transferred to the rector and churchwardens to endow the new charity, (fn. 526) which in 1857 was passed the Official Trustee, when the annual income was £1 17s. 10d. (fn. 527) At first, the Whittlewood money, like the three older charities in the parish, was used to buy bread for the poor, but from 1867 the income was handed to a coal club to buy fuel. This arrangement had ended by the 1880s, when the money was being given to the rector. From 1896 it was handed to the parish council but by 1907 it was once again being paid to the rector. In 1936-7 16 individuals received coal but thereafter, until at least the end of the Second World War, no disbursements were made and the annual income of £1 11

the right to collect sere (or broken) wood as fuel in Whittlewood and awarded them a total of £868, of which Wicken, as one of three out-towns, was entitled to £57 17s. 4d. The money was raised by the sale of a parcel of woodland in Passenham near Wicken Hurst. (fn. 525) The following year stock worth £63 3s. 1d. was transferred to the rector and churchwardens to endow the new charity, (fn. 526) which in 1857 was passed the Official Trustee, when the annual income was £1 17s. 10d. (fn. 527) At first, the Whittlewood money, like the three older charities in the parish, was used to buy bread for the poor, but from 1867 the income was handed to a coal club to buy fuel. This arrangement had ended by the 1880s, when the money was being given to the rector. From 1896 it was handed to the parish council but by 1907 it was once again being paid to the rector. In 1936-7 16 individuals received coal but thereafter, until at least the end of the Second World War, no disbursements were made and the annual income of £1 11s. 4d. was carried forward unspent each year. (fn. 528)

s. 4d. was carried forward unspent each year. (fn. 528)

Metarhizium, a widespread soil-borne fungus that feasts upon more than 200 different kinds of insects, has long been known to be an insect pathogen, destroying soil-borne pests by robbing them of nitrogen. But breakthrough research by biologist Michael Bidochka and his team two years ago found that the fungus is also able to transfer nitrogen from the insects that they kill to plants via their root systems, making the fungus a natural fertilizer as well as an insect repellant in agriculture. “This discovery generates new knowledge that enables us to better understand the nitrogen cycle and soil ecosystems,” Bidochka said at the time. “We’re going to go on and do more complex things based on this research.” He and his team will now do just that, thanks to a $165,000 grant from the Natural Sciences and Engineering Research Council (NSERC). On June 26, NSERC announced the results of the 2014 Discovery Grants, scholarships and fellowships competitions for universities across the country. Eleven Brock University researchers received funding totaling $1,275,000 over 2014-2019. Of the 11 who were successful, nine currently held a grant, while the remaining two regained funding after previous unsuccessful applications. “Our success rate for those already holding a grant is an impressive 82 per cent, higher than the national average,” says Joffre Mercier, associate vice-president research of Natural and Health Sciences. “This attests to the leading-edge quality of our researchers’ work and our growing reputation as a research-intensive university,” he said, adding that Brock received one Research Tools and Instruments (RTI) grant, giving Brock a 33 per cent success rate in that category. Bidochka’s program, “Plant-fungal communication: using an endophytic insect pathogen fungus as a model,” will enable the scientists to have a deeper understanding of their earlier findings. “The award will be used to continue research on beneficial fungi that are plant symbionts as well as insect pathogens,” says Bidochka. “We are hoping

esearchers received funding totaling $1,275,000 over 2014-2019. Of the 11 who were successful, nine currently held a grant, while the remaining two regained funding after previous unsuccessful applications. “Our success rate for those already holding a grant is an impressive 82 per cent, higher than the national average,” says Joffre Mercier, associate vice-president research of Natural and Health Sciences. “This attests to the leading-edge quality of our researchers’ work and our growing reputation as a research-intensive university,” he said, adding that Brock received one Research Tools and Instruments (RTI) grant, giving Brock a 33 per cent success rate in that category. Bidochka’s program, “Plant-fungal communication: using an endophytic insect pathogen fungus as a model,” will enable the scientists to have a deeper understanding of their earlier findings. “The award will be used to continue research on beneficial fungi that are plant symbionts as well as insect pathogens,” says Bidochka. “We are hoping to implement our research findings into commercial applications of these fungi for plant growth promotion and general plant health.” Chemist Travis Dudding and his group’s program, “A ‘superbasic’ approach to discovery,” will be using computer modeling to design new chiral molecules, chemical entities whose mirror images are not super-imposable, much like left and right hands. Chiral molecules are the basic building blocks of life and are found in DNA, amino acids and proteins. That is why most life-saving medicines on the market today – for example, the cancer chemotherapy drug Paclitaxel – are chiral molecules. Dudding explains that he and his team plan to simplify the “green process” of design by using state-of-the-art computing to model chemical processes for producing chiral molecules. The team will predict what will work experimentally rather than testing reactions in the laboratory “and thinking about how to improve them later,” which is how current chemical laboratory testing protocols are done. “This

to implement our research findings into commercial applications of these fungi for plant growth promotion and general plant health.” Chemist Travis Dudding and his group’s program, “A ‘superbasic’ approach to discovery,” will be using computer modeling to design new chiral molecules, chemical entities whose mirror images are not super-imposable, much like left and right hands. Chiral molecules are the basic building blocks of life and are found in DNA, amino acids and proteins. That is why most life-saving medicines on the market today – for example, the cancer chemotherapy drug Paclitaxel – are chiral molecules. Dudding explains that he and his team plan to simplify the “green process” of design by using state-of-the-art computing to model chemical processes for producing chiral molecules. The team will predict what will work experimentally rather than testing reactions in the laboratory “and thinking about how to improve them later,” which is how current chemical laboratory testing protocols are done. “This research is also helping to alleviate our dependence on metals in organic chemistry by opening up new avenues of reactivity that weren’t available before,” says Dudding. “Overall, the approach we’re taking to chemical synthesis and the production of chiral molecules is setting a new precedent. Moreover, we’re actually opening up new classes of organo-catalysis, which are green catalysts.” Brock University’s results for the 2014-2019 NSERC Discovery Grants competition are: • Anco, Stephen (Mathematics & Statistics): “Symmetries, conserved integrals, Hamiltonian flows, and integrable systems” • Bidochka, Michael (Biological Sciences): “Plant-fungal communication: using an endophytic insect pathogen fungus as a model” • Bruce, Douglas (Biological Sciences): “The dynamic structure, function and regulation of Photosystem II in photosynthesis” • Cote, Kimberly (Psychology): “Neurobehavioural and physiological consequences of sleep deprivation in humans” • Dudding, Travis (Chemistry): “A “superbasic” approach to di

research is also helping to alleviate our dependence on metals in organic chemistry by opening up new avenues of reactivity that weren’t available before,” says Dudding. “Overall, the approach we’re taking to chemical synthesis and the production of chiral molecules is setting a new precedent. Moreover, we’re actually opening up new classes of organo-catalysis, which are green catalysts.” Brock University’s results for the 2014-2019 NSERC Discovery Grants competition are: • Anco, Stephen (Mathematics & Statistics): “Symmetries, conserved integrals, Hamiltonian flows, and integrable systems” • Bidochka, Michael (Biological Sciences): “Plant-fungal communication: using an endophytic insect pathogen fungus as a model” • Bruce, Douglas (Biological Sciences): “The dynamic structure, function and regulation of Photosystem II in photosynthesis” • Cote, Kimberly (Psychology): “Neurobehavioural and physiological consequences of sleep deprivation in humans” • Dudding, Travis (Chemistry): “A “superbasic” approach to discovery” Houghten, Sheridan (Computer Science): “Computational techniques for applications in bioinformatics and coding theory” • Huang, Mei Ling (Mathematics & Statistics): “Semi-parametric and Nonparametric Inference” • Odesski, Alexander (Mathematics & Statistics): “Algebraic and geometric structures related to integrable systems” • Pickering, Gary (Biological Sciences): “Taste phenotypes and implications for food and beverage behaviour” • Tattersall, Glenn (Biological Sciences): “Integrative physiological approaches to thermoregulatory and thermosensory biology” • Vandenboom, Rene (Kinesiology): “The influence of myosin regulatory light chain phosphorylation on skeletal muscle energetics, mechanics and function” NSERC’s Discovery Grants Program supports ongoing research programs that have long-term goals as opposed to a single short-term project or collection of projects. These grants “recognize the creativity and innovation that are at the heart of all research advances, whether made individually or in t

scovery” Houghten, Sheridan (Computer Science): “Computational techniques for applications in bioinformatics and coding theory” • Huang, Mei Ling (Mathematics & Statistics): “Semi-parametric and Nonparametric Inference” • Odesski, Alexander (Mathematics & Statistics): “Algebraic and geometric structures related to integrable systems” • Pickering, Gary (Biological Sciences): “Taste phenotypes and implications for food and beverage behaviour” • Tattersall, Glenn (Biological Sciences): “Integrative physiological approaches to thermoregulatory and thermosensory biology” • Vandenboom, Rene (Kinesiology): “The influence of myosin regulatory light chain phosphorylation on skeletal muscle energetics, mechanics and function” NSERC’s Discovery Grants Program supports ongoing research programs that have long-term goals as opposed to a single short-term project or collection of projects. These grants “recognize the creativity and innovation that are at the heart of all research advances, whether made individually or in teams,” says the agency. This year, the agency reviewed a total of 3,190 applications from universities across Canada. Results were announced June 26 at Western University in London. “We are developing, attracting and retaining the world’s most talented researchers who carry out the scientific research that creates jobs and prosperity and improves the quality of life of Canadians,” said Minister of State (Science and Technology) Ed Holder. “This highly competitive funding for discovery research supports excellence and provides a key advantage to our researchers who want to pursue new knowledge wherever their discoveries and insights take them,” said Janet Walden, NSERC’s chief operating officer. NSERC also offers awards to master’s and doctoral students. In this year’s competition, nine Brock University graduate students received $479,500 in NSERC funding. These recipients include doctoral students Scott Behie and Lee Belding, who are working on the Bidochka and Dudding research teams respectively. Behie recei

eams,” says the agency. This year, the agency reviewed a total of 3,190 applications from universities across Canada. Results were announced June 26 at Western University in London. “We are developing, attracting and retaining the world’s most talented researchers who carry out the scientific research that creates jobs and prosperity and improves the quality of life of Canadians,” said Minister of State (Science and Technology) Ed Holder. “This highly competitive funding for discovery research supports excellence and provides a key advantage to our researchers who want to pursue new knowledge wherever their discoveries and insights take them,” said Janet Walden, NSERC’s chief operating officer. NSERC also offers awards to master’s and doctoral students. In this year’s competition, nine Brock University graduate students received $479,500 in NSERC funding. These recipients include doctoral students Scott Behie and Lee Belding, who are working on the Bidochka and Dudding research teams respectively. Behie received a Postgraduate Scholarship totalling $63,000 for three years to pursue his program “Trading nitrogen for carbon: Nitrogen/carbon translocation in a plant fungal symbiosis.” Lee Belding received an Alexander Graham Bell Canada Graduate Scholarship totalling $70,000 for two years to support his program, “Bis-bis (dialkylamino) cyclopropenimines as molecule-based magnets.” A list of the graduate student NSERC awards is available online.

ved a Postgraduate Scholarship totalling $63,000 for three years to pursue his program “Trading nitrogen for carbon: Nitrogen/carbon translocation in a plant fungal symbiosis.” Lee Belding received an Alexander Graham Bell Canada Graduate Scholarship totalling $70,000 for two years to support his program, “Bis-bis (dialkylamino) cyclopropenimines as molecule-based magnets.” A list of the graduate student NSERC awards is available online.

About 7,500 songbirds died when they flew through a giant flame. The deaths may have included some endangered species. The flame is part of a standard safety procedure meant to burn off excess natural gas at the gas company, Canaport LNG. “The birds were drawn to the flames like moths,” said Don McAlpine, the head of zoology at the New Brunswick Museum. Imagine coming to work and finding several thousand adorable birds dead in front of your building. Employees of the gas plant were understandably upset. Many of them were even reduced to tears. In response, McAlpine was quick to point out: “Although this is certainly a tragic event and it’s shocking to see 7,500 dead birds, itís a drop in the bucket in terms of the number of birds that are killed from human actions every year.”

Fracking is in the news everywhere with more environmental and health problems being announced almost as quickly as the cancer-causing chemicals are forced into the earth. - Tulsa World article from May 12, 2012 — Study on gas drilling finds methane in drinking water — Methane can be explosive and cause unconsciousness or even death. Methane is what causes the tap water to be able to be lit on fire. - PhysOrg.com story from May 9, 2011 — Methane levels 17 times higher in water wells near hydrofracking sites. — Measurable amounts of methane were found in 85 percent of wells sampled. - Environment on MSNBC article from april 16, 2011 — Carcinogens injected into gas wells, report says. Millions of gallons of hazardous chemicals and carcinogens were used in fracking, with 29 known or suspected carcinogens. Want to know more? Check out this interesting website for Gasland, a film by Josh Fox. Think this won’t affect you — sure it won’t, if you don’t drink the water or breathe the air or eat food from near the fracked wells. But if you live near where any drilling occurs (which is pretty much anywhere in Oklahoma), you and your family need to learn more about the health hazards of fracking. If your friends or family have been affected by natural gas wells and you don’t know where to turn, please contact our Oklahoma and Arkansas fracking attorneys today via email or at our offices in Tulsa, Oklahoma City and Northwest Arkansas.

It is difficult to provide an exact number for the total energy that is used by all separation processes. The best guesses associate 10-15% of the total global energy consumption with separations. Given the expected increase in population and the possibility of large-scale carbon capture and storage, this amount is expected to increase significantly. Reducing the total energy costs of separations would be a major contribution in reducing our energy consumption. Developing novel materials and concepts for the efficient separation of gas mixtures is the focus of our Center for Gas Separations (CGS). The aim of the CGS is to develop synthesis strategies to tailor-make novel materials for gas separations that are based on a fundamental understanding of materials properties and molecular interactions. Developing the science to tailor-make materials in which “every atom is at exactly the right place” to separate gases addresses one the Grand Challenges, specifically “How Do We Design and Perfect Atom- and Energy-Efficient Syntheses of Revolutionary New Forms of Matter with Tailored Properties?” as described in the report “Directing Matter and Energy: Five Chal-lenges for Science and the Imagination.” The focus of a key portion of our research will be the development of materials for carbon capture, and as such we directly address the use-inspired priority direction “Basic Research Needs for Carbon Capture: Beyond 2020.” In addition, the development of efficient gas separations could play a key role in the production of hydrogen from natural gas or renewable energy sources (Hydrogen Economy) and in the conversion of CO2 into fuels using sunlight (Solar Energy Utilization). In the first phase of the Center, we have developed a computational method for rapidly screening millions of materials for optimal performance in carbon dioxide capture. For example, out of the millions of different metal-organic frameworks (MOFs) that can potentially be used for gas separations, in practice we can only synthesize and test a relativel

ficient Syntheses of Revolutionary New Forms of Matter with Tailored Properties?” as described in the report “Directing Matter and Energy: Five Chal-lenges for Science and the Imagination.” The focus of a key portion of our research will be the development of materials for carbon capture, and as such we directly address the use-inspired priority direction “Basic Research Needs for Carbon Capture: Beyond 2020.” In addition, the development of efficient gas separations could play a key role in the production of hydrogen from natural gas or renewable energy sources (Hydrogen Economy) and in the conversion of CO2 into fuels using sunlight (Solar Energy Utilization). In the first phase of the Center, we have developed a computational method for rapidly screening millions of materials for optimal performance in carbon dioxide capture. For example, out of the millions of different metal-organic frameworks (MOFs) that can potentially be used for gas separations, in practice we can only synthesize and test a relatively small subset of these. Therefore a key aspect of the CGS was to develop computational techniques that can identify a subset of the most promising materials. In the renewal of our Center, we aim to continue this line of research, as it is exactly in line with the type of research that is proposed in “Computational Materials Science and Chemistry: Accelerating Discovery and Innovation through Simulation-Based Engineering and Science.” One of the key challenges we face is the ability to tune the morphology and crystal size of a MOF. We lack a fundamental understanding of how these materials are formed. For example, in synthesizing membranes it is essential to control the assembly of these materials. In the renewed program, we propose to study the formation of MOFs, a topic that nicely fits in the research theme “Directing Assembly of Hierarchical Functional Materials” as described in the report “From Quanta to the Continuum: Opportunities for Mesoscale Science.”

y small subset of these. Therefore a key aspect of the CGS was to develop computational techniques that can identify a subset of the most promising materials. In the renewal of our Center, we aim to continue this line of research, as it is exactly in line with the type of research that is proposed in “Computational Materials Science and Chemistry: Accelerating Discovery and Innovation through Simulation-Based Engineering and Science.” One of the key challenges we face is the ability to tune the morphology and crystal size of a MOF. We lack a fundamental understanding of how these materials are formed. For example, in synthesizing membranes it is essential to control the assembly of these materials. In the renewed program, we propose to study the formation of MOFs, a topic that nicely fits in the research theme “Directing Assembly of Hierarchical Functional Materials” as described in the report “From Quanta to the Continuum: Opportunities for Mesoscale Science.”

Details about Essentials of School Neuropsychological Assessment: Provides a current overview of neuropsychological practice in schools, written by a leading school psychologist With neuropsychological assessment more widely used in school settings than ever before, school psychologists require greater knowledge of both the discipline and its application within the school environment. Written by a leading expert in school neuropsychology, Essentials of School Neuropsychological Assessment is a practical resource providing learning specialists and school psychologists with clear coverage and vital information on this evolving area of practice within school psychology. Like all the volumes in the Essentials of Psychological Assessment series, this book is designed to help mental health professionals quickly acquire the knowledge and skills they need to make optimal use of major psychological assessment instruments. Each concise chapter features numerous callout boxes highlighting key concepts, bulleted points, and extensive illustrative material, as well as test questions that help you gauge and reinforceyour grasp of the information covered. Essentials of School Neuropsychological Assessment provides the most current, concise overview of all aspects of neuropsychological practice in schools and explains how to identify the need for testing, conduct a neurodevelopmental history, select appropriate assessment instruments, effectively evaluate students, and accurately interpret results. In addition to presenting a unique model of applying neuropsychological assessment principles in school settings in chapter 4, this valuable book includes case studies and practice examples. Other titles in the Essentials of Psychological Assessment series: Essentials of Assessment Report Writing Essentials of Processing Assessment Essentials of Stanford-Binet (SB5) Assessment Essentials of WISC?-IV Assessment Essentials of WIAT?-II and KTEA-II Assessment Essentials of WJ III Cognitive Abilities Assessment Essentials of WJ III Tests o

and extensive illustrative material, as well as test questions that help you gauge and reinforceyour grasp of the information covered. Essentials of School Neuropsychological Assessment provides the most current, concise overview of all aspects of neuropsychological practice in schools and explains how to identify the need for testing, conduct a neurodevelopmental history, select appropriate assessment instruments, effectively evaluate students, and accurately interpret results. In addition to presenting a unique model of applying neuropsychological assessment principles in school settings in chapter 4, this valuable book includes case studies and practice examples. Other titles in the Essentials of Psychological Assessment series: Essentials of Assessment Report Writing Essentials of Processing Assessment Essentials of Stanford-Binet (SB5) Assessment Essentials of WISC?-IV Assessment Essentials of WIAT?-II and KTEA-II Assessment Essentials of WJ III Cognitive Abilities Assessment Essentials of WJ III Tests of Achievement Assessment Essentials of WPPSI-III Assessment Essentials of Cross-Battery Assessment, Second Edition Essentials of KABC-II Assessment Essentials of NEPSY? Assessment Essentials of WMS?-III Assessment

f Achievement Assessment Essentials of WPPSI-III Assessment Essentials of Cross-Battery Assessment, Second Edition Essentials of KABC-II Assessment Essentials of NEPSY? Assessment Essentials of WMS?-III Assessment

Boys and girls love woodworking projects! But most kids (and most parents) lack woodworking skills. That's where Kids' Building Workshop steps in. Craig Robertson, a master carpenter and renowned designer and builder of furniture, and Barbara Robertson, an art educator who specializes in teaching children, have developed an inspired method for teaching kids and their parents the basics of woodworking. In this lively, fully photographed and illustrated book, the Robertsons present fun projects that teach essential woodworking skills. For example, the Spider-Web String Art project teaches kids how to wield a hammer, and the Drilled Name Plaque project teaches kids the safe and proper way to use a drill. Building on these basic skills, the book moves on to intermediate-level projects. Kids learn how to make a sawhorse, a tool box, a step stool--all things that every carpenter must have to build bigger and more elaborate projects. Finally, the kids are ready to take on seriously hip projects: a cricket cage, a book house, a dollhouse (and dollhouse furniture!), a lemonade stand, and a kids' play table. The Kids' Building Workshop is a great primer that passes the hammer to a new generation of woodworking kids (and their parents). Back to top Rent The Kids' Building Workshop 1st edition today, or search our site for Craig textbooks. Every textbook comes with a 21-day "Any Reason" guarantee. Published by Storey Publishing, LLC.

Boeing's two-year study of jatropha-curcas agriculture in Brazil has found that location choice and strong seeds are the key to maximizing the crop's benefits, the company said today. The jatropha-curcas plant has been under close scrutiny in recent years by scientists and companies because its. The weedy plant can grow in adverse soil conditions. And in addition to yielding oil, it provides, like most plants, the secondary benefit of removing carbon from the atmosphere. Many have been trying to compare the carbon footprint of producing petroleum-based jet fuel vs. producing jatropha-based jet fuel, which includes both the farming and processing. Robert Bailis, an assistant professor, and Jennifer Baka, a doctoral student, of Yale University's School of Forestry and Environmental Studies led the research. They concentrated on the amount of greenhouse gas emissions that were reduced in a given area as a result of jatropha farming and fuel production. The also looked at the socioeconomic impact of producing the crop and its fuel. Theirs was a real-world study that collected data from jatropha farms and processing plants in Brazil, and included interviews with the farmers and processors. The farms ranged in size from 10 hectares to thousands of hectares. "This analysis presents a comparison of life-cycle [greenhouse gas] emissions from synthetic paraffinic kerosene (SPK) produced as jet fuel substitute from jatropha curcas feedstock cultivated in Brazil against a reference scenario of conventional jet fuel," the report stated. Bailis and Baka found that the type of land on which the jatropha plant grew had a direct correlation to its carbon footprint in comparison with petroleum-based jet fuel. When planted on lands that were already fallow or degraded by use, the jatropha crop reduced greenhouse gas emissions by over 60 percent of the area's baseline levels when compared against production of petroleum-based jet fuel. However, in woodland areas that had been home to trees and shrubs and were cleared for the sole pu

crop and its fuel. Theirs was a real-world study that collected data from jatropha farms and processing plants in Brazil, and included interviews with the farmers and processors. The farms ranged in size from 10 hectares to thousands of hectares. "This analysis presents a comparison of life-cycle [greenhouse gas] emissions from synthetic paraffinic kerosene (SPK) produced as jet fuel substitute from jatropha curcas feedstock cultivated in Brazil against a reference scenario of conventional jet fuel," the report stated. Bailis and Baka found that the type of land on which the jatropha plant grew had a direct correlation to its carbon footprint in comparison with petroleum-based jet fuel. When planted on lands that were already fallow or degraded by use, the jatropha crop reduced greenhouse gas emissions by over 60 percent of the area's baseline levels when compared against production of petroleum-based jet fuel. However, in woodland areas that had been home to trees and shrubs and were cleared for the sole purpose of cultivating and processing jatropha, the emissions ratio actually increased. Bailis and Baka also found that some farmers struggled due to poor resources. "A second important finding is that early jatropha projects suffered from a lack of developed seed strains, which led to poor crop yields," the report said. The results pointing to the importance of careful choice of land and seed may seem obvious. But this is one of the first studies conducted in Latin America that uses hard data and interviews, as opposed to estimates and computer modeling, and applies it to the sustainability criteria developed by the Roundtable on Sustainable Biofuels, according to Boeing.

rpose of cultivating and processing jatropha, the emissions ratio actually increased. Bailis and Baka also found that some farmers struggled due to poor resources. "A second important finding is that early jatropha projects suffered from a lack of developed seed strains, which led to poor crop yields," the report said. The results pointing to the importance of careful choice of land and seed may seem obvious. But this is one of the first studies conducted in Latin America that uses hard data and interviews, as opposed to estimates and computer modeling, and applies it to the sustainability criteria developed by the Roundtable on Sustainable Biofuels, according to Boeing.

Homepage International Economics International Economics, Robert A. Mundell, New York: Macmillan, 1968, pp. 298-317. Robert A. Mundell The stability analysis introduced by Hicks has been one of the most successful failures in economic theory. Originally developed to integrate statical and dynamical general equilibrium theory, it was used by Hicks (, p. 62) as a bridge between dynamics and comparative statics: The laws of change of the price system, like the laws of change of individual demand, have to be derived from stability conditions. We first examine what conditions are necessary in order that a given equilibrium system should be stable; then we make an assumption of regularity; that positions in the neighbourhood of the equilibrium position will be stable also; and thence we deduce rules about the way in which the price-system will react to changes in tastes and resources. But the stability conditions were not founded on an explicitly formulated dynamic system. Hicks had defined stability along conventional lines: In order that equilibrium should be stable, it is necessary that a slight movement away from the equilibrium position should set up forces tending to restore equilibrium.... but concluded that stability requires that . . . a rise in price makes supply greater than demand, a fall in price demand greater than supply. This is indeed the stability condition corresponding to a dynamic system in which excess demand causes a rise in price, but, as Samuelson pointed out, the proposition is not explicitly derived as the condition of convergence of such a dynamical system. The problem may be considered trivial in the case of a single market,3 but it raises difficulties in analysis and interpretation in the case of multiple exchange (exchange of more than two commodities), as Hicks foresaw (, p. 66): What do we mean by stability in multiple exchange ? Clearly, as before, that a fall in the price of X in terms of the standard commodity will make the demand for X greater than the supply. But are we to suppose

onal lines: In order that equilibrium should be stable, it is necessary that a slight movement away from the equilibrium position should set up forces tending to restore equilibrium.... but concluded that stability requires that . . . a rise in price makes supply greater than demand, a fall in price demand greater than supply. This is indeed the stability condition corresponding to a dynamic system in which excess demand causes a rise in price, but, as Samuelson pointed out, the proposition is not explicitly derived as the condition of convergence of such a dynamical system. The problem may be considered trivial in the case of a single market,3 but it raises difficulties in analysis and interpretation in the case of multiple exchange (exchange of more than two commodities), as Hicks foresaw (, p. 66): What do we mean by stability in multiple exchange ? Clearly, as before, that a fall in the price of X in terms of the standard commodity will make the demand for X greater than the supply. But are we to suppose that it must have this effect (a) when the prices of other commodities are given, or (b) when other prices are adjusted so as to preserve equilibrium in the other markets? To resolve the difficulty Hicks introduced his concepts of perfect and imperfect stability. He noted first that it was necessary to distinguish a series of conditions-that a rise in the price of X will make supply greater than demand (1) all other prices being given, (2) allowing for the price of Y being adjusted to maintain equilibrium in the Y market, (3) allowing for the prices of Y and Z being adjusted, and so on, until all prices have been adjusted. He then defined as imperfectly stable a system in which a rise in price of a commodity causes excess supply for the commodity after all repercussions are allowed for, and as perfectly stable a system in which a rise in price causes excess supply regardless of how many other prices are adjusted to attain equilibrium values in their respective markets.4 Samuelson criticized Hicks' concept of

that it must have this effect (a) when the prices of other commodities are given, or (b) when other prices are adjusted so as to preserve equilibrium in the other markets? To resolve the difficulty Hicks introduced his concepts of perfect and imperfect stability. He noted first that it was necessary to distinguish a series of conditions-that a rise in the price of X will make supply greater than demand (1) all other prices being given, (2) allowing for the price of Y being adjusted to maintain equilibrium in the Y market, (3) allowing for the prices of Y and Z being adjusted, and so on, until all prices have been adjusted. He then defined as imperfectly stable a system in which a rise in price of a commodity causes excess supply for the commodity after all repercussions are allowed for, and as perfectly stable a system in which a rise in price causes excess supply regardless of how many other prices are adjusted to attain equilibrium values in their respective markets.4 Samuelson criticized Hicks' concept of stability on the grounds, as stated above, that "stability conditions are not deduced from a dynamic model, except implicitly." Hicksian stability is not equivalent to "true" dynamic stability, and the Hicks conditions are neither necessary nor sufficient for the convergence of the dynamical system implicit in Hicks' dynamics, that is, the dynamic system Samuelson postulated as the "natural extension" of the Walrasian system. True dynamic stability requires that the roots of the characteristic equation of the dynamic system have negative real parts, and this requirement is not equivalent to the Hicks conditions.5 Samuelson's criticism undermined the logic of Hicks' method. But the conditions of stability produced by that method retained an important place in the literature. Samuelson had already observed that the Hicks conditions were equivalent to the conditions of "true" dynamic stability in the symmetrical case. Metzler showed that they were equivalent in the case of gross substitutes, and also necessary

stability on the grounds, as stated above, that "stability conditions are not deduced from a dynamic model, except implicitly." Hicksian stability is not equivalent to "true" dynamic stability, and the Hicks conditions are neither necessary nor sufficient for the convergence of the dynamical system implicit in Hicks' dynamics, that is, the dynamic system Samuelson postulated as the "natural extension" of the Walrasian system. True dynamic stability requires that the roots of the characteristic equation of the dynamic system have negative real parts, and this requirement is not equivalent to the Hicks conditions.5 Samuelson's criticism undermined the logic of Hicks' method. But the conditions of stability produced by that method retained an important place in the literature. Samuelson had already observed that the Hicks conditions were equivalent to the conditions of "true" dynamic stability in the symmetrical case. Metzler showed that they were equivalent in the case of gross substitutes, and also necessary (but not sufficient) for stability to be independent of the speeds of adjustment (Metzler ).6 Morishima proved that they were equivalent for certain classes of complements. They are also sufficient conditions for convergence of any nonoscillating system, since Hicksian (perfect) stability implies the absence of positive real roots. They are, moreover, conditions that, if not satisfied, yield anomalous comparative statics results, and thus seem at least to be necessary conditions for useful applications of the correspondence principle, at least in the context of analysis of the Walrasian system. Thus, even though Hicks' method seems to lack theoretical justification,7 the Hicks stability conditions produced by that method have proved exceedingly useful. How can a wrong method yield useful results ? Leaving aside coincidence, the answer may lie in the two-way character of the correspondence principle. Samuelson had observed that not only can the investigation of the dynamic stability of a system yield fruitful

(but not sufficient) for stability to be independent of the speeds of adjustment (Metzler ).6 Morishima proved that they were equivalent for certain classes of complements. They are also sufficient conditions for convergence of any nonoscillating system, since Hicksian (perfect) stability implies the absence of positive real roots. They are, moreover, conditions that, if not satisfied, yield anomalous comparative statics results, and thus seem at least to be necessary conditions for useful applications of the correspondence principle, at least in the context of analysis of the Walrasian system. Thus, even though Hicks' method seems to lack theoretical justification,7 the Hicks stability conditions produced by that method have proved exceedingly useful. How can a wrong method yield useful results ? Leaving aside coincidence, the answer may lie in the two-way character of the correspondence principle. Samuelson had observed that not only can the investigation of the dynamic stability of a system yield fruitful theorems in statical analysis, but also known properties of a (comparative) statical system can be utilized to derive information concerning the dynamic properties of a system. When Hicks is specifying the signs of changes in excess demands when a given price is put above or below its equilibrium value, various subsets of other prices remaining constant, he is at the same time implying specific comparative statics results. Provided these results correspond to known properties of a statical system the conditions implied should be related to stability conditions if the reciprocal character of the correspondence principle is valid. Another reason why the Hicks method may appear more reasonable than Samuelson's original criticism of it suggests is that our knowledge of the precise laws governing dynamical systems is scanty. The empirical "output" according to the methodology of the correspondence principle is a set of comparative statics results, while the empirical "input" is (a) the nature of the dynamic proce

theorems in statical analysis, but also known properties of a (comparative) statical system can be utilized to derive information concerning the dynamic properties of a system. When Hicks is specifying the signs of changes in excess demands when a given price is put above or below its equilibrium value, various subsets of other prices remaining constant, he is at the same time implying specific comparative statics results. Provided these results correspond to known properties of a statical system the conditions implied should be related to stability conditions if the reciprocal character of the correspondence principle is valid. Another reason why the Hicks method may appear more reasonable than Samuelson's original criticism of it suggests is that our knowledge of the precise laws governing dynamical systems is scanty. The empirical "output" according to the methodology of the correspondence principle is a set of comparative statics results, while the empirical "input" is (a) the nature of the dynamic processes, and (b) the assumption of stability. Acceptance of (b) is the essence of the correspondence principle, but how are we to determine (a)? Consider, for example, the following alternative expressions for dynamical systems: To each of these systems there will correspond a different set of stability conditions. System (1) is a version of that used by Samuelson to prove that the Hicks conditions are neither necessary nor sufficient for stability. Yet, as he himself noted, more complete generalizations such as (2) and (3) can be developed with different consequences for comparative statics. There is, therefore, an element of arbitrariness in the specification of dynamic systems in the absence of empirical information and there may on these grounds be a pragmatic justification for Hicks' method of developing " stability conditions " that are "timeless." The Samuelson criterion is completely general and is an appropriate methodological approach, but for purposes of yielding practical results generality often imp

sses, and (b) the assumption of stability. Acceptance of (b) is the essence of the correspondence principle, but how are we to determine (a)? Consider, for example, the following alternative expressions for dynamical systems: To each of these systems there will correspond a different set of stability conditions. System (1) is a version of that used by Samuelson to prove that the Hicks conditions are neither necessary nor sufficient for stability. Yet, as he himself noted, more complete generalizations such as (2) and (3) can be developed with different consequences for comparative statics. There is, therefore, an element of arbitrariness in the specification of dynamic systems in the absence of empirical information and there may on these grounds be a pragmatic justification for Hicks' method of developing " stability conditions " that are "timeless." The Samuelson criterion is completely general and is an appropriate methodological approach, but for purposes of yielding practical results generality often implies emptiness. The purpose of this chapter is to show that the Hicksian stability analysis is a useful contribution to the integration of statical and dynamical theory. First, we shall show that the perfect and imperfect stability conditions do correspond to the dynamic stability conditions of some dynamic processes, irrespective of the pattern of signs of the price-matrix. Second, we shall argue that, despite their usefulness in the form Hicks presented them, the perfect stability conditions are not completely general, since they do not yield the information obtained by extending his method to the commodity "adopted" as the standard commodity. Third, we shall show that generalized conditions can be obtained by interpreting his device of holding subsets of prices constant with respect to the standard commodity as an arbitrary method of forming various composite commodity groupings. Further, we shall show that dynamic systems that fail to satisfy the generalized conditions will be unstable at some speeds of a

lies emptiness. The purpose of this chapter is to show that the Hicksian stability analysis is a useful contribution to the integration of statical and dynamical theory. First, we shall show that the perfect and imperfect stability conditions do correspond to the dynamic stability conditions of some dynamic processes, irrespective of the pattern of signs of the price-matrix. Second, we shall argue that, despite their usefulness in the form Hicks presented them, the perfect stability conditions are not completely general, since they do not yield the information obtained by extending his method to the commodity "adopted" as the standard commodity. Third, we shall show that generalized conditions can be obtained by interpreting his device of holding subsets of prices constant with respect to the standard commodity as an arbitrary method of forming various composite commodity groupings. Further, we shall show that dynamic systems that fail to satisfy the generalized conditions will be unstable at some speeds of adjustment when a different commodity is adopted as the standard commodity in the dynamic system. And finally, we shall discuss the usefulness of the generalized Hicks conditions in devising dynamical rules for the hyperstability of " policy systems."8 The illustrative examples are all taken from the theory of foreign exchange markets, but the results, of course, apply to any generalized system. Our first task is to show that the Hicks conditions do, in a sense, correspond to the conditions of convergence of some dynamic systems. Let us take as an example a problem in devaluation theory. We can describe a closed static equilibrium system of n + 1 currencies with prices (exchange rates) expressed in terms of currency 0, denoted by p1, . . . pn, as follows: where Bi is the balance of payments of the ith country. In equilibrium each Bi = 0, while near the equilibrium we can write the system (4) as follows: after expanding Bi in a Taylor series and omitting nonlinear terms. Now let us suppose that the exchange rat

djustment when a different commodity is adopted as the standard commodity in the dynamic system. And finally, we shall discuss the usefulness of the generalized Hicks conditions in devising dynamical rules for the hyperstability of " policy systems."8 The illustrative examples are all taken from the theory of foreign exchange markets, but the results, of course, apply to any generalized system. Our first task is to show that the Hicks conditions do, in a sense, correspond to the conditions of convergence of some dynamic systems. Let us take as an example a problem in devaluation theory. We can describe a closed static equilibrium system of n + 1 currencies with prices (exchange rates) expressed in terms of currency 0, denoted by p1, . . . pn, as follows: where Bi is the balance of payments of the ith country. In equilibrium each Bi = 0, while near the equilibrium we can write the system (4) as follows: after expanding Bi in a Taylor series and omitting nonlinear terms. Now let us suppose that the exchange rate of one country, say the rth country, appreciates in proportion to its balance of payments surplus according to the law while all other exchange rates adjust instantaneously to equilibrium. The solution of the differential system (6) is and Deltarr is the cofactor (principal minor) of the element in its rth row and rth column. For the dynamic process implied in (7) to be stable it is necessary and sufficient that Delta / Deltarr < 0. But this condition is precisely (for the analogous problem in the Walrasian system) the Hicksian condition of imperfect stability for the rth currency; and when the method is applied to each currency (in succession, not simultaneously), we have the complete Hicksian conditions of imperfect stability: A similar analysis can help to show the usefulness of the Hicks conditions of perfect stability. Suppose that one exchange rate, say pi, is held constant (relative to the numéraire). This amounts to dropping the ith row and column from Delta, so that if the original experiment were

e of one country, say the rth country, appreciates in proportion to its balance of payments surplus according to the law while all other exchange rates adjust instantaneously to equilibrium. The solution of the differential system (6) is and Deltarr is the cofactor (principal minor) of the element in its rth row and rth column. For the dynamic process implied in (7) to be stable it is necessary and sufficient that Delta / Deltarr < 0. But this condition is precisely (for the analogous problem in the Walrasian system) the Hicksian condition of imperfect stability for the rth currency; and when the method is applied to each currency (in succession, not simultaneously), we have the complete Hicksian conditions of imperfect stability: A similar analysis can help to show the usefulness of the Hicks conditions of perfect stability. Suppose that one exchange rate, say pi, is held constant (relative to the numéraire). This amounts to dropping the ith row and column from Delta, so that if the original experiment were repeated, this time with the ith exchange rate constant, we would get, instead of (7), and the stability condition Deltaii / Deltaii,rr< 0, which is one of the Hicksian conditions of perfect stability. Proceeding along these lines, holding one or another set of prices constant, we get the complete Hicks conditions of perfect stability. But does this dynamic process have any economic plausibility ? Are we not, as Samuelson argued, allowing "arbitrary modification of the dynamical equations of motion"? The answer is, in a sense, yes. But this can be the exact method needed in the theory of policy, where our purpose is to design stable dynamic systems. As an example, we might be interested in examining aspects of the stability of an exchange-rate system such as that recently advocated by sixteen distinguished academic economists -a sliding parity system (with widened exchange-rate margins).9 Is it not precisely a set of conditions such as the Hicks conditions that would be involved? We might ask, first, what wo

repeated, this time with the ith exchange rate constant, we would get, instead of (7), and the stability condition Deltaii / Deltaii,rr< 0, which is one of the Hicksian conditions of perfect stability. Proceeding along these lines, holding one or another set of prices constant, we get the complete Hicks conditions of perfect stability. But does this dynamic process have any economic plausibility ? Are we not, as Samuelson argued, allowing "arbitrary modification of the dynamical equations of motion"? The answer is, in a sense, yes. But this can be the exact method needed in the theory of policy, where our purpose is to design stable dynamic systems. As an example, we might be interested in examining aspects of the stability of an exchange-rate system such as that recently advocated by sixteen distinguished academic economists -a sliding parity system (with widened exchange-rate margins).9 Is it not precisely a set of conditions such as the Hicks conditions that would be involved? We might ask, first, what would happen if, say, Britain (which we shall identify with country 1) adopted a sliding parity system while a subset of other countries (2, . . ., j) allowed their exchange rates to float, and the remaining countries, k, . . ., n, kept their rates pegged to, say, the U.S. dollar (the currency of country 0). Then, if we suppose that balances of payments of countries whose rates float adjust instantaneously while the pound adjusts slowly, the path of the pound over time would be for which knowledge of the Hicks conditions would be directly relevant. Thus the particular form of the dynamic system adopted -which countries are left out and which are left in- would depend on which of the Hicks conditions are satisfied. The Hicks method does, therefore, have a role to play in dynamic aspects of the theory of economic policy. The Hicks conditions, however, are not exactly what we need for the theory of economic policy, because, as we shall see, they are incomplete even in terms of Hicks' own method. In the experiments

uld happen if, say, Britain (which we shall identify with country 1) adopted a sliding parity system while a subset of other countries (2, . . ., j) allowed their exchange rates to float, and the remaining countries, k, . . ., n, kept their rates pegged to, say, the U.S. dollar (the currency of country 0). Then, if we suppose that balances of payments of countries whose rates float adjust instantaneously while the pound adjusts slowly, the path of the pound over time would be for which knowledge of the Hicks conditions would be directly relevant. Thus the particular form of the dynamic system adopted -which countries are left out and which are left in- would depend on which of the Hicks conditions are satisfied. The Hicks method does, therefore, have a role to play in dynamic aspects of the theory of economic policy. The Hicks conditions, however, are not exactly what we need for the theory of economic policy, because, as we shall see, they are incomplete even in terms of Hicks' own method. In the experiments Hicks conducts to derive his stability conditions he accords the numéraire -the standard commodity- a special role. In this section we shall consider the precise deficiencies in the statical information provided by the Hicks conditions. This is best established by considering the comparative statics theorems implied by the Hicks conditions. Consider the equilibrium system where, again, the Bi's are balances of payments, the p's are exchange rates, and alpha is a parameter. Differentiation of (11) with respect to alpha yields and the solutions for the exchange-rate changes are Now consider an increase in demand for the currency of country i such that deltaBi / delta alpha > 0; while the excess demand for every other currency, at given exchange rates, is unchanged (deltaBj / delta alpha = 0 for i not= j). Then, instead of (13), we have simply By the Hicks conditions of imperfect stability Deltaii /Delta < 0, so deltaBi / delta alpha > 0 implies dpi / d alpha > 0. Thus an increase in demand for the currency of

Hicks conducts to derive his stability conditions he accords the numéraire -the standard commodity- a special role. In this section we shall consider the precise deficiencies in the statical information provided by the Hicks conditions. This is best established by considering the comparative statics theorems implied by the Hicks conditions. Consider the equilibrium system where, again, the Bi's are balances of payments, the p's are exchange rates, and alpha is a parameter. Differentiation of (11) with respect to alpha yields and the solutions for the exchange-rate changes are Now consider an increase in demand for the currency of country i such that deltaBi / delta alpha > 0; while the excess demand for every other currency, at given exchange rates, is unchanged (deltaBj / delta alpha = 0 for i not= j). Then, instead of (13), we have simply By the Hicks conditions of imperfect stability Deltaii /Delta < 0, so deltaBi / delta alpha > 0 implies dpi / d alpha > 0. Thus an increase in demand for the currency of the ith country raises the price of that currency after adjustment of all other exchange rates has been allowed for. Similar implications follow from the conditions of perfect stability if we hold various subsets of other exchange rates constant relative to the numéraire. If, for example, the exchange rates of countries k, . . ., n are held constant, we get, instead of (14), the equation the inequality being an implication of one of the conditions of perfect stability. How can an increase in demand occur in a closed system ? Clearly only at the expense of other commodities (currencies) in the system. Cournot's law (or Walras' law in the context of the Walrasian system) ensures that where the summation, it should be emphasized, extends over all the commodities. The interpretation of (14) is therefore that an increase in demand for (say) pounds (the currency of country i) at the expense of dollars raises the dollar price of the pound. Now if other exchange rates are held constant relative to the dollar, the pro

the ith country raises the price of that currency after adjustment of all other exchange rates has been allowed for. Similar implications follow from the conditions of perfect stability if we hold various subsets of other exchange rates constant relative to the numéraire. If, for example, the exchange rates of countries k, . . ., n are held constant, we get, instead of (14), the equation the inequality being an implication of one of the conditions of perfect stability. How can an increase in demand occur in a closed system ? Clearly only at the expense of other commodities (currencies) in the system. Cournot's law (or Walras' law in the context of the Walrasian system) ensures that where the summation, it should be emphasized, extends over all the commodities. The interpretation of (14) is therefore that an increase in demand for (say) pounds (the currency of country i) at the expense of dollars raises the dollar price of the pound. Now if other exchange rates are held constant relative to the dollar, the proposition holds, if the Hicksian perfect stability conditions are satisfied, when the shift of demand is interpreted as being from the dollar and all currencies whose exchange rates are kept fixed to the dollar. Note, however, that the Hicks conditions do not give us the sign of so that we cannot specify, on the grounds of the Hicks conditions alone, whether a shift of demand from dollars to pounds raises or lowers the price of (say) the franc relative to the dollar. But now we are in a position to see the narrow form of the mathematical implications of the Hicks conditions. Consider a shift of demand from the franc (currency j) to the pound (currency i). Then deltaBs / delta alpha = 0 for s not= i, j, while deltaBi / delta alpha = - deltaBj / delta alpha >0 in view of (16); with no loss of generality we can make deltaBi / delta alpha = - deltaBj / delta alpha = 1. Substitution in (13) then gives the change in the dollar price of the pound and the franc: The Hicks conditions do not provide us with the sign of

position holds, if the Hicksian perfect stability conditions are satisfied, when the shift of demand is interpreted as being from the dollar and all currencies whose exchange rates are kept fixed to the dollar. Note, however, that the Hicks conditions do not give us the sign of so that we cannot specify, on the grounds of the Hicks conditions alone, whether a shift of demand from dollars to pounds raises or lowers the price of (say) the franc relative to the dollar. But now we are in a position to see the narrow form of the mathematical implications of the Hicks conditions. Consider a shift of demand from the franc (currency j) to the pound (currency i). Then deltaBs / delta alpha = 0 for s not= i, j, while deltaBi / delta alpha = - deltaBj / delta alpha >0 in view of (16); with no loss of generality we can make deltaBi / delta alpha = - deltaBj / delta alpha = 1. Substitution in (13) then gives the change in the dollar price of the pound and the franc: The Hicks conditions do not provide us with the sign of either (18) or (19), nor, by analogy to (17), should we expect them to. But, by analogy with (14), we should expect the difference to be unambiguous in sign for any system in which units are chosen so that each ps = 1, initially. When demand shifts from the franc to the pound, we should not expect to be able to predict the sign of the change in the dollar price of the pound or franc, but we should be able to determine, on the basis of the Hicks conditions, the sign of the change in the franc price of the pound, the expression given in (20). But the Hicks conditions are no help here, and this means that Hicks has not developed the mathematical implications of extending his method to the standard commodity. The same information problem applies, a fortiori, when various subsets of prices are held constant. An implication of the Hicks condition of perfect stability is that a shift of demand onto pounds raises the price of the pound even when various currencies remain pegged to the dollar; this amounts to treating

either (18) or (19), nor, by analogy to (17), should we expect them to. But, by analogy with (14), we should expect the difference to be unambiguous in sign for any system in which units are chosen so that each ps = 1, initially. When demand shifts from the franc to the pound, we should not expect to be able to predict the sign of the change in the dollar price of the pound or franc, but we should be able to determine, on the basis of the Hicks conditions, the sign of the change in the franc price of the pound, the expression given in (20). But the Hicks conditions are no help here, and this means that Hicks has not developed the mathematical implications of extending his method to the standard commodity. The same information problem applies, a fortiori, when various subsets of prices are held constant. An implication of the Hicks condition of perfect stability is that a shift of demand onto pounds raises the price of the pound even when various currencies remain pegged to the dollar; this amounts to treating the dollar and the other currencies pegged to it as a composite currency. By analogy the price of the pound should rise when demand shifts from a currency other than the dollar, say, the franc, while other currencies (for example, the mark) are pegged to the franc. Thus consider a shift of demand, at constant exchange rates, among three currencies i, j and k, such that and every other deltaBr / delta alpha = 0. Then, from (13), we have Applying the restrictions that and setting we can deduce the change in price of the pound relative to the mark and franc. where A is the sum of the cofactors of the elements in the following matrix: The cofactor of, say, the element Deltajk can be related to the second cofactors of Delta by Jacobi's ratio theorem, so that A /Delta can be written entirely as the sum of second cofactors, and (24) can be rewritten The inequality sign should hold if an increase in demand for one country's currency occurs at the expense of any other country, one other currency price remaining const

the dollar and the other currencies pegged to it as a composite currency. By analogy the price of the pound should rise when demand shifts from a currency other than the dollar, say, the franc, while other currencies (for example, the mark) are pegged to the franc. Thus consider a shift of demand, at constant exchange rates, among three currencies i, j and k, such that and every other deltaBr / delta alpha = 0. Then, from (13), we have Applying the restrictions that and setting we can deduce the change in price of the pound relative to the mark and franc. where A is the sum of the cofactors of the elements in the following matrix: The cofactor of, say, the element Deltajk can be related to the second cofactors of Delta by Jacobi's ratio theorem, so that A /Delta can be written entirely as the sum of second cofactors, and (24) can be rewritten The inequality sign should hold if an increase in demand for one country's currency occurs at the expense of any other country, one other currency price remaining constant relative to that country. But the mathematical information is not given to us by the Hicks conditions. The reason is that the mathematical implications of the Hicks method have not been developed with respect to the currency adopted as numéraire.l0 When we do extend Hicks' method to make it " symmetrical " with respect to the numéraire (appreciating, say, the pound relative to, say, the franc, allowing various subsets of other currency markets to adjust), we get, of course, a set of conditions that specifies the signs of terms like those in (20) and (25). Along with the Hicks conditions, which can be written [The next term requires that the ratio of the denominator of the second ratio and the sum of sixteen third minors be negative, and so on for successive ratios. The last term in the conditions of (27) specifies that the sum of the (n-l)th minors (n2 in number) be negative. But the (n-l)th minors are equivalent to the elements in the original determinant, so the last condition simply requires that the s

ant relative to that country. But the mathematical information is not given to us by the Hicks conditions. The reason is that the mathematical implications of the Hicks method have not been developed with respect to the currency adopted as numéraire.l0 When we do extend Hicks' method to make it " symmetrical " with respect to the numéraire (appreciating, say, the pound relative to, say, the franc, allowing various subsets of other currency markets to adjust), we get, of course, a set of conditions that specifies the signs of terms like those in (20) and (25). Along with the Hicks conditions, which can be written [The next term requires that the ratio of the denominator of the second ratio and the sum of sixteen third minors be negative, and so on for successive ratios. The last term in the conditions of (27) specifies that the sum of the (n-l)th minors (n2 in number) be negative. But the (n-l)th minors are equivalent to the elements in the original determinant, so the last condition simply requires that the sum of all the elements in the original determinant Delta be negative.] This suggests an alternative-and simpler-way of developing the generalized conditions. Consider the augmented determinant formed by bordering Delta with its column and row sums, with a change of sign, so that Then the extended Hicks conditions can be stated simply as the requirement that principal minors of B arranged in successive order oscillate in sign, except for the (singular) determinant B itself.11 Because the elements in the augmented determinant B are interdependent the generalized conditions can be expressed entirely in terms of the elements of the "normalized" determinant Delta. The supplemental conditions are with the last condition reducing to the basic determinant Delta itself. These forms are equivalent to (30) and imply the signs of the ratios in (27). This representation has the intuitive appeal of starting with the matrix of all the currencies in the system.l2 Thus, instead of omitting the numéraire currency at the outset

um of all the elements in the original determinant Delta be negative.] This suggests an alternative-and simpler-way of developing the generalized conditions. Consider the augmented determinant formed by bordering Delta with its column and row sums, with a change of sign, so that Then the extended Hicks conditions can be stated simply as the requirement that principal minors of B arranged in successive order oscillate in sign, except for the (singular) determinant B itself.11 Because the elements in the augmented determinant B are interdependent the generalized conditions can be expressed entirely in terms of the elements of the "normalized" determinant Delta. The supplemental conditions are with the last condition reducing to the basic determinant Delta itself. These forms are equivalent to (30) and imply the signs of the ratios in (27). This representation has the intuitive appeal of starting with the matrix of all the currencies in the system.l2 Thus, instead of omitting the numéraire currency at the outset, we start with a nonnormalized system of n + 1 currencies, exchange rates being expressed in terms of an abstract unit of account (for example, IMF par values), and apply the Hicks conditions allowing each currency the role of numéraire in turn. The above conditions are more general than the Hicks conditions. Yet they still do not exhaust the information inherent in the Hicks methodology. The Hicks method of holding various subsets of prices constant with respect to one another can be regarded as a device for constructing "composite commodities"; in the present context of currencies, we shall describe them as "currency areas." Now if we apply the Hicks method to a system based on arbitrary arrangements of countries in the currency areas, we get a further generalization of the results obtained by Hicks. When, for example, the mark is pegged to the dollar (the numéraire), the dollar and mark constitute a currency area. But there is no reason to restrict the formation of currency areas in a unidirectional attac

, we start with a nonnormalized system of n + 1 currencies, exchange rates being expressed in terms of an abstract unit of account (for example, IMF par values), and apply the Hicks conditions allowing each currency the role of numéraire in turn. The above conditions are more general than the Hicks conditions. Yet they still do not exhaust the information inherent in the Hicks methodology. The Hicks method of holding various subsets of prices constant with respect to one another can be regarded as a device for constructing "composite commodities"; in the present context of currencies, we shall describe them as "currency areas." Now if we apply the Hicks method to a system based on arbitrary arrangements of countries in the currency areas, we get a further generalization of the results obtained by Hicks. When, for example, the mark is pegged to the dollar (the numéraire), the dollar and mark constitute a currency area. But there is no reason to restrict the formation of currency areas in a unidirectional attachment to the dollar. A group of currencies could be "attached" to the pound or the franc or any other currency, in principle. More importantly, we can then allow entire currency areas to appreciate and require that the balance of payments of the areas worsen, while various subsets of other currencies in the currency areas remain unchanged.13 The remarkable fact is that the conditions resulting from making arbitrary currency alignments among the (nondollar) countries and applying the Hicks method to the resulting matrix incorporate the conditions just developed as a special case. Thus consider the denominator of the first term in (27), This term is the result of combining the ith and jth currencies together to form a currency area of those two countries. With no loss of generality we can write i = 1 and j = 2. Then if the first and second rows and columns are replaced by their combined rows and columns, we have as can be proved by straightforward expansion. Similarly, it can be shown that the denominator of th

hment to the dollar. A group of currencies could be "attached" to the pound or the franc or any other currency, in principle. More importantly, we can then allow entire currency areas to appreciate and require that the balance of payments of the areas worsen, while various subsets of other currencies in the currency areas remain unchanged.13 The remarkable fact is that the conditions resulting from making arbitrary currency alignments among the (nondollar) countries and applying the Hicks method to the resulting matrix incorporate the conditions just developed as a special case. Thus consider the denominator of the first term in (27), This term is the result of combining the ith and jth currencies together to form a currency area of those two countries. With no loss of generality we can write i = 1 and j = 2. Then if the first and second rows and columns are replaced by their combined rows and columns, we have as can be proved by straightforward expansion. Similarly, it can be shown that the denominator of the second term in (27) is the determinant formed by replacing the ith, jth, and kth rows and columns of Delta by the amalgamated row and column. When we now carry out Hicks' method for arbitrary arrangements of currency areas, extended over the whole range of currencies, we get a new set of conditions on the original (n x n) price matrix. These conditions can be expressed in a triangular arrangement of principal minors as follows: The conditions on the left side of the stability triangle are the conditions of perfect stability Hicks developed; they do not provide the information implicit in extending the analysis to the numéraire commodity. The conditions on the base of the triangle result from extending the Hicksian method to the numéraire; they ignore the experiments resulting from allowing currency areas to appreciate. Finally, the conditions on the right side of the triangle are the conditions applicable when various sets of prices are raised in the same proportion, other prices remaining constant. More ge

e second term in (27) is the determinant formed by replacing the ith, jth, and kth rows and columns of Delta by the amalgamated row and column. When we now carry out Hicks' method for arbitrary arrangements of currency areas, extended over the whole range of currencies, we get a new set of conditions on the original (n x n) price matrix. These conditions can be expressed in a triangular arrangement of principal minors as follows: The conditions on the left side of the stability triangle are the conditions of perfect stability Hicks developed; they do not provide the information implicit in extending the analysis to the numéraire commodity. The conditions on the base of the triangle result from extending the Hicksian method to the numéraire; they ignore the experiments resulting from allowing currency areas to appreciate. Finally, the conditions on the right side of the triangle are the conditions applicable when various sets of prices are raised in the same proportion, other prices remaining constant. More generally, the Hicks conditions on the left correspond to Hicksian adjustments when each currency (commodity) is treated in isolation; the adjacent conditions to their right are the Hicksian conditions when in the ith and ith goods move in the same proportion; and so on. The entire set of conditions are needed if the logic of Hicks' method is carried out to the bitter end.14 An important implication of the general conditions is that a system satisfying the Hicks conditions, but not the general conditions, will be stable or unstable depending on which currency is adopted as the key currency.15 Consider, for example, a world of three currencies, dollars (currency 0), pounds (currency 1), and francs (currency 2), and suppose that the balances of payments of the three countries are related to exchange rates according to the equations where the exchange rates are defined in, and the Bi are expressed in, an abstract unit of account (IMF par value units). (Equilibrium exchange rates are unity or any multiple of unity,

nerally, the Hicks conditions on the left correspond to Hicksian adjustments when each currency (commodity) is treated in isolation; the adjacent conditions to their right are the Hicksian conditions when in the ith and ith goods move in the same proportion; and so on. The entire set of conditions are needed if the logic of Hicks' method is carried out to the bitter end.14 An important implication of the general conditions is that a system satisfying the Hicks conditions, but not the general conditions, will be stable or unstable depending on which currency is adopted as the key currency.15 Consider, for example, a world of three currencies, dollars (currency 0), pounds (currency 1), and francs (currency 2), and suppose that the balances of payments of the three countries are related to exchange rates according to the equations where the exchange rates are defined in, and the Bi are expressed in, an abstract unit of account (IMF par value units). (Equilibrium exchange rates are unity or any multiple of unity, as the system is homogenous of degree 0.) Let us consider a dynamic system in which the dollar is constant with respect to its par value so that the dollar becomes the effective numéraire. Let the par values of the pound and franc adjust in proportion to B1 and B2, respectively. We then have the following dynamic system: In this system, the Hicks conditions of perfect stability, narrowly interpreted, are satisfied (since b11 = -2 < 0, b22 = -1 < 0), and and the system is dynamically stable regardless of the (positive and finite) values of kl and k2 . Consider, however, a system in which the par value of the franc is fixed so that it becomes the "key currency " instead of the dollar. The dynamic system then becomes for which the Hicks conditions are not satisfied, It is dynamically stable or unstable according to whether k0 >< 4kl . This result could be predicted at once by applying the general conditions as given in the stability triangle (32). The sum of the coefficients in (34a) are positive, so the genera

as the system is homogenous of degree 0.) Let us consider a dynamic system in which the dollar is constant with respect to its par value so that the dollar becomes the effective numéraire. Let the par values of the pound and franc adjust in proportion to B1 and B2, respectively. We then have the following dynamic system: In this system, the Hicks conditions of perfect stability, narrowly interpreted, are satisfied (since b11 = -2 < 0, b22 = -1 < 0), and and the system is dynamically stable regardless of the (positive and finite) values of kl and k2 . Consider, however, a system in which the par value of the franc is fixed so that it becomes the "key currency " instead of the dollar. The dynamic system then becomes for which the Hicks conditions are not satisfied, It is dynamically stable or unstable according to whether k0 >< 4kl . This result could be predicted at once by applying the general conditions as given in the stability triangle (32). The sum of the coefficients in (34a) are positive, so the general conditions are not satisfied. The general conditions are necessary conditions for a system to be stable regardless of the currency (commodity) chosen as key currency (standard commodity) and regardless of how quickly the various exchange rates adapt to disequilibrium. This proposition is perfectly general in the sense that it is valid in the n-currency case.16 I shall conclude this book by showing how the Hicks conditions, extended as above, can be useful in devising dynamic mechanisms that are "strongly stable." The problem could be approached from the direction of the correspondence principle, which, in a narrow version of it, suggests that we apply to comparative statics the conditions that the characteristic equation of the systems have negative real parts. The justification for this narrow version lies in the observation that the systems we know are not characterized by instability. But there is no reason, in principle, why stronger conditions could not be applied. We could, following Hicks (and Samuel

l conditions are not satisfied. The general conditions are necessary conditions for a system to be stable regardless of the currency (commodity) chosen as key currency (standard commodity) and regardless of how quickly the various exchange rates adapt to disequilibrium. This proposition is perfectly general in the sense that it is valid in the n-currency case.16 I shall conclude this book by showing how the Hicks conditions, extended as above, can be useful in devising dynamic mechanisms that are "strongly stable." The problem could be approached from the direction of the correspondence principle, which, in a narrow version of it, suggests that we apply to comparative statics the conditions that the characteristic equation of the systems have negative real parts. The justification for this narrow version lies in the observation that the systems we know are not characterized by instability. But there is no reason, in principle, why stronger conditions could not be applied. We could, following Hicks (and Samuelson), require that the system be stable no matter which subsets of market variables are held constant. Alternatively, we could use conditions that the roots be real or complex according to whether we observe cycles in the system under investigation.17 If, for example, we observe an absence of cycles in the real world, we know at once that the Hicks conditions are sufficient conditions for dynamic stability. In the theory of policy (under incomplete information) the problem is often to choose among different dynamic systems, or different degrees of centralization of a given dynamic system; this is often expressed in terms of allocating, dynamically, instruments to targets (the problem of effective market classification), and we may want to construct strongly stable systems: first, because systems near the borderline of stability may become unstable if disturbed by outside shocks; second, because the cost of adjustment may be higher if the system, even though stable, oscillates in its approach to equilibrium; t

son), require that the system be stable no matter which subsets of market variables are held constant. Alternatively, we could use conditions that the roots be real or complex according to whether we observe cycles in the system under investigation.17 If, for example, we observe an absence of cycles in the real world, we know at once that the Hicks conditions are sufficient conditions for dynamic stability. In the theory of policy (under incomplete information) the problem is often to choose among different dynamic systems, or different degrees of centralization of a given dynamic system; this is often expressed in terms of allocating, dynamically, instruments to targets (the problem of effective market classification), and we may want to construct strongly stable systems: first, because systems near the borderline of stability may become unstable if disturbed by outside shocks; second, because the cost of adjustment may be higher if the system, even though stable, oscillates in its approach to equilibrium; third, because slight errors in manipulating rates of changes in instrumental variables (interest rates, exchange rates, and so on) may turn a weakly stable system into an unstable system; and, finally, because the time involved in approaching equilibrium may be less under strongly stable systems and rapid adjustment may be preferred to slow adjustment. We can consider, therefore, the problem of choosing a dynamic control mechanism with "hyperstable" properties, in the sense that variables rise or fall whenever they are out of equilibrium, and show how the Hicks conditions can be of some help in constructing such a system when the precise location of an equilibrium is not known. We take again as our example an international currency system. In a general hyperstable system it will be necessary to vary exchange rates, taking into account the balances of payments of each country. The problem is to find the weights each central bank should give their own balance of payments disequilibrium and that of the other cou

hird, because slight errors in manipulating rates of changes in instrumental variables (interest rates, exchange rates, and so on) may turn a weakly stable system into an unstable system; and, finally, because the time involved in approaching equilibrium may be less under strongly stable systems and rapid adjustment may be preferred to slow adjustment. We can consider, therefore, the problem of choosing a dynamic control mechanism with "hyperstable" properties, in the sense that variables rise or fall whenever they are out of equilibrium, and show how the Hicks conditions can be of some help in constructing such a system when the precise location of an equilibrium is not known. We take again as our example an international currency system. In a general hyperstable system it will be necessary to vary exchange rates, taking into account the balances of payments of each country. The problem is to find the weights each central bank should give their own balance of payments disequilibrium and that of the other countries. Let Bi represent, as before, the balance of payments of the ith country, dependent upon the n exchange rates, according to the equation that will make the system hyperstable. (The "speed" kij can be interpreted as the weight that country i has to give to the condition of the balance of payments of the jth country in adjusting its own exchange rate.) It is readily shown that the system (36) is hyperstable if the k's are chosen so that where alphai is a negative real constant and the Deltaji's are, as before, the cofactors of Delta. The condition (37) means that the hyperstable speeds are weighted elements of the inverse of the price matrix. To prove this proposition we need to prove that the dynamic system But, from the properties of any determinant, the typical term has a value of unity for k = i and a value of zero for k not= i. The system (39) therefore reduces to It is instructive to write out the hyperstable system (38) in detail to see clearly the implications of Hicksian perfect stability for dy

ntries. Let Bi represent, as before, the balance of payments of the ith country, dependent upon the n exchange rates, according to the equation that will make the system hyperstable. (The "speed" kij can be interpreted as the weight that country i has to give to the condition of the balance of payments of the jth country in adjusting its own exchange rate.) It is readily shown that the system (36) is hyperstable if the k's are chosen so that where alphai is a negative real constant and the Deltaji's are, as before, the cofactors of Delta. The condition (37) means that the hyperstable speeds are weighted elements of the inverse of the price matrix. To prove this proposition we need to prove that the dynamic system But, from the properties of any determinant, the typical term has a value of unity for k = i and a value of zero for k not= i. The system (39) therefore reduces to It is instructive to write out the hyperstable system (38) in detail to see clearly the implications of Hicksian perfect stability for dynamics: We shall also find it convenient to consider a reduced system in which we choose the alphai, the rate at which each pi is restored to equilibrium (with a negative sign), to be equal to the corresponding Hicksian conditions of imperfect stability as given in (9), that is, we equate Two observations can immediately be made about (44). First, if the elements of the inverse matrix all have the same sign, hyperstability implies that positive weights be assigned to each balance of payments. Thus, "Britain" should depreciate (appreciate) more rapidly the greater the deficits (surpluses) in the balance of payments of other countries, for any given deficit in her own balance (this implies corresponding changes in the U.S. balance). But from Mosak's theorem the elements in the inverse will all have the same sign if the original currency matrix [bij] is a gross substitute matrix provided [bij] is Hicksian; and it will be Hicksian provided the dollar is also (reciprocally) a substitute for all other currencies. T

namics: We shall also find it convenient to consider a reduced system in which we choose the alphai, the rate at which each pi is restored to equilibrium (with a negative sign), to be equal to the corresponding Hicksian conditions of imperfect stability as given in (9), that is, we equate Two observations can immediately be made about (44). First, if the elements of the inverse matrix all have the same sign, hyperstability implies that positive weights be assigned to each balance of payments. Thus, "Britain" should depreciate (appreciate) more rapidly the greater the deficits (surpluses) in the balance of payments of other countries, for any given deficit in her own balance (this implies corresponding changes in the U.S. balance). But from Mosak's theorem the elements in the inverse will all have the same sign if the original currency matrix [bij] is a gross substitute matrix provided [bij] is Hicksian; and it will be Hicksian provided the dollar is also (reciprocally) a substitute for all other currencies. The second point to notice about (44) is that " Britain" should attach less weight to the balance of payments of other countries' currencies than to her own balance if currencies are all substitutes for one another; this follows because every ratio Deltaji / Deltaii < 1 for j not= 1.19 Leaving now the special case of the gross substitutes to return to the more general case represented by equations (42), we can find immediate implications of the Hicks conditions. First, if the Hicks conditions are satisfied, " normal" adjustments are implied in the sense that, ceteris paribus, a deficit in a country's balance of payments suggests depreciation and a surplus appreciation; this follows because every kii = Deltaii /Delta > 0 given the Hicks conditions of imperfect stability and alpha i< 0. But more than this can be said. The following identities have to hold, from our definitions and Jacobi's ratio theorem: the inequality following at once from the Hicks conditions of perfect stability. Proceeding to the last term