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] | Translation and national sovereignty.
The fragility and bias of theory 1
Rada Iveković
.................................
[email protected]
Abstract: The author starts by describing her own relationship to language and
translation, which is the result of her growing up between languages and among
several. She proceeds to explain why she uses elements of “Indian” philosophies
to highlight her point about language and translation, just as she uses elements
of “continental” philosophy, with the advantage that exposing “our” problems
to that “elsewhere” sheds unexpected light on them. She then explains difficulties
in language, translation, and understanding as a result of the division between
“theory” and “practice,” and gives examples (such as those from ancient Indian
languages and writings) of cultures where that division was avoided. The divide
takes sharper contours in the relation between the “west” and the “rest.” As-
sumptions of superiority are based on the tacit cognitive precondition of separating
theory from practice by an insurmountable wall. Historically located polities have
each a general corresponding cognitive order and translation regime. Which means
that whole genealogies of knowledge have remained invisible to European lan-
guages, untranslated, apparently untranslatable to the hegemonic gaze. The con-
clusion points to the disaster of national subjectivation in Yugoslavia, in the
post-Yugoslav states, and elsewhere.
______________
Translation always raises the question of its politics. I will
try to argue for the inevitability of an inter-con-textual and political
approach to translation, quite beyond the textual one.
I start from the observation that any “origin” is located,
therefore oriented, therefore interested, and therefore concealing a
politics; that knowledge is historically informed and that so is there-
fore translation. Language and translation are not neutral: translata-
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
1
This paper was partly written while i was Visiting Senior Research Fellow at the Asia Research Institute,
National University of Singapore, from February to June 2013. I thank ARI and in particular professor Prasen-
jit Duara, ARI’s director, for their input and for giving me the opportunity to carry out this work in excellent
conditions.
53
bility, not only as a possibility, but also as a fundamental mecha-
nism, is already there in any language capacity, even before we can
name the language. Both have associated themselves since moder-
nity with the constitution of the nation.
Translation is both on the side of a metaphor as well as, lit-
erally, of language(s) and of the material production of worlds, in
both cases as political. They involve a declared or hidden politics
of translation. Languages traverse each other, bear one another, and
rub against each other, even beyond our awareness. They are not
mutually excluding. No child is born monolingual. Monolingualism
is inculcated in and through a national horizon and the definition
of a national language. In this sense a world of translation—trans-
lational—is still a transnational world. Because languages are com-
municating vessels decanting into each other, content is never
transferred from a source language into a target language without
rest or excess. Translation cannot be reduced to a binary, and it ac-
tually precedes the definition or establishment of national and lin-
guistic difference. It happens not between but within languages. It
is a complex relationship fleeing in various directions, including
all the way through languages, and it transforms the translator as
well. The writings of protagonists translate to themselves and to
others, but above all, to later generations, their lives, imaginaries
and historical conditions. Understanding them from outside their
context, from a later generation, or from another translation regime
requires some ability of brokering between parallel, circulating, and
intersecting histories, where everything is moving and changing
meaning: translation takes place on uncertain ground, according to
uncertain principles, without guarantee, and gives vacillating, un-
certain results. Translation is inevitable, although its politics is un-
predictable. The question of learning from others’ experience, or
from experience tout court arises. How do we translate from one
regime of sentences (Wittgenstein, Lyotard), or from one world,
into another? But how do we translate from one translation regime
to another?
An example: the impossibility and difficulty to translate
“caste” (as well as many other terms): the concept of caste is a nor-
translation / spring / 2014
mative concept of Western sociology for India. How does it trans-
late into India, and back to and from India? It is a “travelling”
concept, lost between theories and undermining the construction
54
of hegemonic knowledge, which is oblivious of translation regimes
or of the politics of translation. The question concerns a minimum
rhetorical rule: since we can only speak of language from within
language itself, don’t the rules about language also apply to the
would-be metalanguage?
Lost in languages
I was born into Serbo–Croatian which, rather than a clearly
and once-and-for-all standardized language, was a constellation
consisting of a number of different language feelings, stylistic val-
ues, competing standardizations, carrying of course various accents,
some syntactical variations, and multiple vocabulary choices. By
the accidents of life, i was exposed early on to a series of variants
of that language (once going under that common name, though no
more). These corresponded to different places in Yugoslavia. The
language feeling was regional and local rather than national, be-
cause the national/state framework itself was fragmented by ac-
cents, syntax, scripts, writing, and various rival standardizations.
The language could be “more Croat” or “more Serb,” with a grada-
tion and no absolute distinguishing principles. I could read the two
scripts before going to school. Across that nébuleuse of multiple
possible ways of speaking and writing that were however heavily
disputed by politicians and by some language-policing linguists,
and that were used to express other political disagreements, i, like
everyone else, could find my way at large throughout the country,
understand and be understood. Speaking was no issue at all. Pub-
lishing was, however, depending on the linguistic politics of your
editors, of the journal, the publisher, or the local academy. I was
constantly negotiating with editing rereaders—bearers of a great
variety of language views and believers in different standardization
conventions—about my articles and books. We called them “lec-
tors.” Some of them were my great enemies, in general those who
were staunch advocates of a strong official codification of separate
national languages (whether Serb or Croat). You could tell from
their editing (submitted to us before publication for proofreading)
not only their linguistic and translation politics most of the time,
translation / spring / 2014
but their politics tout court (Iveković 2007a).
The result is that i have published, depending on how i man-
aged to negotiate my personal language and how my own relation
55
to it evolved, in a great variety of forms of Serbo–Croatian, com-
pletely “inconsistently” over time. It was never like French, which
you can write in only one way. Not everyone was as fickle as i was,
and most probably adopted the language of his or her social context
at the time of writing. But i moved a lot between Belgrade and Za-
greb and lived in both. You could write according to various codes
and in several ways of which each meant a political statement if
you stuck to it. That language contained a contested, competing,
and disputed inner multiplicity. Yet i couldn’t help but be utterly in-
consistent, not out of carelessness, but on the contrary out of a con-
stant concern for language, meaning, and translation. Such
inconsistency was paradoxically dictated by my continuous con-
stancy regarding language. The very spirit and most important fea-
ture of that language was that it had plural and inconclusive
standardizations as well as plentiful options, and the official rules
for writing (pravopis, which included spelling and some additional
sets of usages) also changed constantly, sometimes due to political
disputes disguised as linguistic disputes. Being consistent either
meant being dogmatic about form and sticking to only one way of
writing, or being inconsistent with the form but consistent with the
spirit of this language that was always in transformation. Great writ-
ers such as Miroslav Krleža and Ivo Andrić had written in different
modes of the language—ekavski and ijekavski—which have only
recently become (and only superficially and, in the final analysis,
wrongly, irrespective of language history) identified respectively
with Serbian and Croatian. People who had not been exposed, like
myself, to various vernaculars and manners of speaking and writing,
could stick to one form, although even there official rules changed
all the time.2
Since i started publishing predominantly in foreign lan-
guages, the fate of my writing is exactly the same: it is corrected,
..........................
2
A number of spellings and writing rules were made official for all during the lifetime of Yugoslavia, and
alternative proposals were occasionally issued by nationalist institutions. One spelling (pravopis) was the
Novosadski pravopis, or “The Novi Sad writing agreement,” of 1954 (and the revised 1962 version), which
focused on similarities, which i had decided to stick to when i started publishing, not so much because it
translation / spring / 2014
was midway between Serbian and Croatian, but rather because i thought it would be good to stick to one
as the rules kept changing all the time. It was contested by linguistic nationalists. Another attempt in 1967,
the Deklaracija o nazivu i položaju hrvatskog književnog jezika, or “Declaration on the name and condition
of the Croatian literary language,” insisted on dissimilarities and announced a first nationalist turn a few
years later (1971).
56
depending on the sensibility of the reader or reviewer, because it is
perceived to be inadequate in terms of an ideal form of the lan-
guage.
Many were those who refuted that multiplicity, who held
monolithic, sovereignist, national politics of language and transla-
tion. That language was many languages at once, or in one, always
itself in the process of translation. It was both one and many. The
comparisons were to me linguistically delectable, ruminating on
language was exciting and sometimes frustrating. The one-and-
multiple language was fluctuating in its definitions, grammars,
spelling, writing codes, and even names, which were occasionally
changed and decreed by academies, uncertain to some, loved and
disputed by many. All styles were cultivated, from the extreme
purism of each “national” language to rather syncretic approaches
where “languages” and their accents or vocabularies were mixed.3
Croatian was much more language sensitive at first sight
in its national language politics and also more concerned about
written form, but it turned out later that Serbian as a national lan-
guage (somewhat more at ease with oral expression) was no less
dogmatic, including in its apparent carelessness about form. What
was later (after the war in the 1990s) called Bosnian was more flex-
ible, less standardized, and fluctuating between the two other forms.
Yugoslavia was this peculiar country composed of six re-
publics, two “autonomous regions,” two scripts, and half a dozen
main languages, of which several were Slavic, and where Serbo–
Croatian was the most widespread, spoken in four of the federal
states (Bosnia–Herzegovina, Montenegro, Croatia, Serbia) and
taught at school in all. Serbo–Croatian was thus imposed on every-
one and was also the lingua franca. All instructions on Yugoslav
goods were in all Yugoslav languages, including minority lan-
guages. These are now all considered and named as four different
national languages, linked to the idea of each national state, and
more could appear at any time, with theoretically possible, though
..........................
3
Naoki Sakai (2013): “I do not think that difference at stake in this instance can be subsumed under the
concept of species difference.” It is worth emphasizing the fact that the determination of the species dif-
translation / spring / 2014
ference is offered as a solution to the initial problem of us being at a loss, in response to the perplexity we
come across in such a locale.” “[I]t is imperative to keep in mind that it is not because some person or
people are different—in the sense of species difference—from me or us that we are at a loss. On the
contrary, it is because we are at a loss or unable to make sense in the first place that we attempt to deter-
mine this encounter with difference within the logical economy of species and genus.”
57
now less likely, further partitions. The other two Slavic languages
were Slovenian and Macedonian, to a great extent understandable
with a little good will at least to neighbors, speakers of Serbo–Croa-
tian, who, however, did not learn them at school. Important minor-
ity languages were Albanian, Hungarian, Italian, and Romani, and
many other languages also circulated. The distinction between
Macedonian and neighboring Bulgarian responds to the same pat-
tern, and is a matter of convention, a convention governed by the
political stand on the nation. In Yugoslavia and successor states,
the language of Macedonia was and is Macedonian. But that may
change for those Macedonians who now opt for Bulgarian citizen-
ship (and get it) because it gives them an easy entrance into Europe.
There is no doubt about the hegemony of Serbo–Croatian, which,
by the end of Yugoslavia, caused a lot of bitterness in particular
with the Slovenes (the small difference) and the Albanians (the big-
ger language difference). In Yugoslavia, the languages flanked Yu-
goslavia’s constitutive “nations” and “nationalities.” 4
Only where languages are distinguished can the unity of
one language be established, says Naoki Sakai (2013). Languages
and nations tend to construct each other reciprocally in an endless
process (Iveković 2008).
I have always doubted the existence of the language i was
born into. “Lectors” often made you believe that your own language
was violating some “pure” form. Competing and coexisting stan-
dardizations did so too.
When i started university in Zagreb, i enrolled at a “general
linguistics and oriental studies” department where i read “Indian
studies,” to a great extent from a linguistic and philological per-
spective, quite old-fashioned. I came to philosophy through “In-
dian” philosophy, “in the reverse” as it were if compared to a usual
European trajectory. The nonaligned political orientation of the
country that came to introduce such and similar studies after the
1961 Belgrade first summit of leaders of the Non-Aligned coun-
tries, in view of its nonaligned and third-world friendships and pri-
..........................
translation / spring / 2014
4
“Nations” and “nationalities” (narodi i narodnosti) were supposed to be constitutive and equal, and most
had a federal republic that went by their name, while more-mixed-than-the-others Bosnia-Herzegovina
was a conundrum of its own. “Nationalities” (national minorities) had a more complex status: they were
supposed to be constitutive in their main national body as nations, in another Yugoslav republic or abroad,
as was the case for Albanians in Kosovo or Hungarians in Vojvodina.
58
orities, still relied to a great extent on an Orientalist reading,
notwithstanding the decolonization wind blowing in the 1960s that
had reached our shores with, especially, much empathy for the Al-
gerian war of liberation. We studied Sanskrit, Pāli, and Hindi,
among Indian languages, and read secondary literature not only in
our language5 but also in German, French, and English, while i soon
read Max Weber on Asia in Italian, because that seemed to be the
only available edition, or translation.
I started translating ancient texts from Sanskrit and Pāli into
Serbo–Croatian,6 besides translating contemporary philosophy
from European languages. The technical problem of transcription
and transliteration presented itself immediately with Indian sources,
and came to feed our engagement with scripts, language, writing
of foreign names and words (disputes among several options sup-
ported diversely by the script). Sanskrit has a declension of eight
cases, while Serbo–Croatian has seven. How do you decline a San-
skrit noun in Serbo–Croatian? How—and where—do you add suf-
fixes from the Serbo–Croatian declension to Sanskrit nouns? There
were many different usages and clashes over them. Sanskrit has the
sonant “r,” which operates like a syllable-forming vowel, that we
also have in our language. But English and French language tran-
scription conventions require “ri”: should we do the same, or should
we write simply “r” as we do in our language in words like “prst”?
In that case we should write (and we did) “sanskrt.” Consider ṛ (“r”
with a dot underneath) as is done in some transcriptions? Should
we write, as the English transliteration does, ś and sh, or, as the
French one does, ç and ṣ? Or should we write, in analogy with our
ć and č (two distinct sounds that foreigners usually do not differ-
entiate in our names), ś and š, something that speakers of Serbo–
Croatian understand immediately by analogy? We used to do the
..........................
5
“Our [language],” naški, has become a most widespread and neutral appellation of the common language
without naming it, since the partition of Yugoslavia, with nonnationalists. It indistinctly denotes Bosnian,
Montenegrin, Serbian, Croatian, or any future split-off language that may come. The Indian–Pakistani anal-
ogy would be de and de i. NB: i deliberately have no use for the word “dialect,” which has no meaning
outside a national vertical hierarchy of languages. Languages and dialects are of course the same, as much
as nations and ethnicities, fixed constructs within a regime of rigid “identities.”
translation / spring / 2014
6
At that time, the correct and official appellation of that language in Croatia, where i studied and started
writing (though my first book came out in Sarajevo), was “Croato–Serbian,” simply called “Croatian” in
popular parlance, just as “Serbian” was shorthand for “Serbo–Croatian” in the Serbian context. In order
to avoid further complication, i do not use the form “Croato–Serbian” when writing in English or French,
where it is in fact unknown.
59
latter, and immediately created problems for ourselves with any
quotation or reference we introduced from Western Indology, and
with local nonacademic usages.
The language problems from Sanskrit transposed into
Serbo–Croatian were a direct continuation of the language dynamics
and complications we had with our own language. Sanskrit and Pāli
became for me inner problems of Serbo–Croatian, and of the same
kind. And again, i had to deal with more or less understanding
rereading and editing. The problems raised by the alternative script,
Cyrillic, can be added to these. Cyrillic makes foreign words and,
above all, names, unrecognizable, and by the same token it also
erases some of the historic depth and traces from the written word.
Other subterfuges are needed when writing or publishing in Cyrillic,
and they, too, are diversely (non)standardized. So my experience
with mediating Indian culture in Yugoslavia and dealing with Indian
languages only continued my experience with the now nameless
language, one-and-multiple.
Since very early infancy, too, and again without any merit,
i was deeply exposed to other languages—French and Italian at first
as my parents were living in Belgium and Italy. I spoke Serbo–Croa-
tian, French, and Italian with different people surrounding me. Those
languages never left me, although they went and returned with ab-
sences or vacations, and Italian was somewhat neglected. I then
went to a French school in Germany, where i spoke French and lis-
tened to German. Later at school in Belgrade, from grade 5, i took
English as a foreign language. From there on, other European lan-
guages came through reading or listening. They also came through
the other languages and thanks to them, sometimes weighing against
each other. They came particularly thanks to Serbo–Croatian into
which i tended to translate the new words and to compare them. The
welcome diversity of those languages somehow mirrored my own
multiplicity, rather than their “national” limitations. It was only nat-
ural for me to continue between languages, understood both as
medium and mediator. I believe that the diversity, profusion, exten-
sion, complexity, burgeoning, and abundance those languages gave
me through their simultaneity and intertwining were suitable pat-
translation / spring / 2014
terns structuring my thinking and work, somehow never in straight
lines. I could not be disciplined. When writing in French or English,
i continued the same passionate relationship to language that i had
60
with Serbo–Croatian, brokering styles and writing conventions with
more or less success.
The world has changed vertiginously since i was born into
Serbo–Croatian. Not only have i been brought to learn other lan-
guages, but i have also come to construct with others intersecting
spaces of many languages with which i dealt at various levels. It is
not my merit. Estranged at a mature age from my first language, es-
pecially for publishing and work, since the dismantlement of Yu-
goslavia, i am in the—regular—situation of constantly hesitating
between languages and always being beside a language, or at a
crossroads of several languages. Stumbling, faltering, forgetting,
double and even treble consciousness help us overcome the double-
talk rhetoric, the frozen language (langue de bois), the officialese
of the pensée unique. It is a condition of epistemological diversity
and of ontological uncertainty, but it is also some kind of normalcy
and way of life. I now write in the language i was asked for a paper,
which is mainly French or English, and only rarely Serbo–Croat.
The dilemma is devastating not regarding articles, but when it comes
to fictional writing: here, no language suits me any more.
But why the hesitation, since displacement is the rule? Un-
certainty is critical and part of the technology of becoming in dis-
placement. It is part of a translated world. It may not be the easiest
thing to live and it doesn’t guarantee any progressive politics, but
we are lucky it is there and lucky to be able to mold a world without
absolute translation (Iveković 2007a, 21–26; 2007b). Stumbling
ushers us into the wasteland, the terrain vague, that will give the
hors champ, the off camera, the tiers instruit (Serres 1991), the dis-
tance necessary for writing, translating and working. Uncertainty
comes as the necessary third “language” or other, the third element,
an operator and broker.
Brahmā’s Net
Brahmā’s net is the name Buddhists give to ideology.7
Avijjā, ignorance about both the origin and the functioning
of the world, keeps us within that net. In a very early linguistic turn
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
7
Brahmā-jāla: Brahmā’s net is also “the all-embracing net of views,” a hegemonic point of view that, in
the eyes of the Buddhist, would be Brahmanistic. There is a speech attributed to the Buddha, Brahmajāla
Suttam (Dīgha-nikāya 1, 1), which deconstructs under that name different doctrines, including unorthodox
ones, existing at that time. Višṇu, Śiva, Brahm are the Trimūrti, the “troika.” Like all three, Brahm is a
61
in Indian philosophy (6th–7th century BCE), Buddhists discovered
that language couldn’t say it all, being itself part of that whole.
There is no metalanguage different from language. The “beginning”
being unknown, Buddhists cultivated cognitive uncertainty and
self-decentering.
Let me, however, clarify that i do not take Buddhism as a
model to follow, nor do i preach it. I only take it as arguably the
clearest example, possibly with Daoism, of a series of ancient
“Asian” epistemes having certain characteristics highlighted here
through the example of Buddhism. Some of these features are: not
cultivating the putative split between subject and object (which is
really a capturing apparatus of hegemony), between theory and prac-
tice, or between sovereignty and exception—amongst others. This
does not mean that Buddhism, much as any other philosophy, cannot
be used and misused to enhance nationalistic politics—as it has been
in many examples, particularly Japan, or recently more locally in
Myanmar and Sri Lanka, if these things can be measured. So Bud-
dhism doesn’t give any guarantee for an equitable translation
regime, nor should it be idealized. No philosophy carries within it-
self the guarantee of its infallibility.8
I use elements of “Indian” philosophies to highlight my
point just as i use elements of “continental” philosophy, with the ad-
vantage that exposing our problems to that “elsewhere” sheds un-
expected light on them.
Untranslatability is a paradox: there are untranslatables (Bar-
bara Cassin 2004; Lyotard 1983; Balibar 2009); there are also con-
ditions of (un)translatability. What is untranslatable according to one
translation regime, may be translatable in another. There is no ab-
solute translation. There are degrees between untranslatables and
translatables (Iveković 2002a, 121–145; also at Iveković 2002b), in-
dicative of a multitude of options. There are levels and registers of
translation, which all point to the circulation of (non)intended mean-
..........................
masculine figure and, although without rites, he is also the anthropomorphic personification of the Brah-
manist universalist ideal brahman (n.), the absolute. I distinguish between Brahmanic and Brahmanist, the
latter involving ideology and a universalist project.
translation / spring / 2014
8
I would like to thank Naoki Sakai for pointing out to me the danger that talking about Buddhism may
lead to some kind of its idealization: this is not the intention here, nor am i pleading for any kind of indi-
genism. We should also meditate on the fact that this is very difficult to get through under the ordinary
hegemonic translation regime. I am not dealing with the existing political instrumentalizations of Buddhism,
but with the Buddhist conceptual apparatus.
62
ing and implications, with possible incalculable gaps between the
two. Because we have the option between an infinite number of
translations (including impossibility and unwillingness), and an
equally infinite number of methods, we either translate in sheer ig-
norance of our subject-position as translators/mediators, or we must
have a politics of translation and know or ignore that we do.
Lyotard’s Le Différend (1983) was a turning point in con-
tinental philosophies as these opened to the possibility (not the
guarantee) of other epistemes in principle. Since any utterance re-
leases myriad possible worlds,9 as Lyotard would have it after
Wittgenstein; and since a concatenation of sentences is inevitable
although there is no guarantee or predictable indication—theoreti-
cally—concerning their contents and “sentence regime,”10 we must
count with the coexistence (and confusion) not only of sentence
regimes, but of “translation regimes” as well. We might be under a
sentence regime unwittingly, or apolitically, but we can also form
a politics of translation by choosing this or that translation code.
There are translation regimes even when there is no “translation”
as such, since there is no zero degree of language, of translation,
or of the human condition, including in extralinguistic matters. But
then, for humans, as Buddhist philosophy knows, there is no ex-
tralinguistic condition, except outside Brahmā’s net, a very unlikely
although possibly desirable ambition, as in nirvāṇa. Some transla-
tion from one condition to another is always at work.
The difficulty of theory
There is some problem with the concept of theory. One
could indeed invoke Kant here, but here is a simpler approach. The
problem comes from the paradox of the concept of theory’s origi-
nation in the West, yet its propagation everywhere as a normative
idea in science especially with modernity, and from its vertical hi-
erarchy. Theory is a must. It is a contentious notion dividing the
West from the rest (see Sakai 2010a; 2010b; 2011a; 2011b; 2011c;
Mignolo 2011; 2012), assigning ideological advantages to the West
in keeping the monopoly of theory.
..........................
translation / spring / 2014
9
One and the same utterance may open up many diverse universes, as “open the window,” which may be
a command or a prayer, may imply that it is cold, that it is hot, that there is an earthquake, that there is a
bat in the room, that Romeo is waiting outside etc.
10
Sentence régimes, régimes de phrases: performative, imperative, interrogative etc.
63
How to translate from one episteme to the other without es-
sentializing them?11 We may temporarily forego the philosophical
self-critical breakthrough achieved in principle regarding the lin-
gering, but eventually receding, superciliousness of Western
thought, ridden with immunity. In principle, for “Western” philoso-
phers, self-critique is self-understood. They have even theorized
this self-critique as the achievement of Western modernity, and
claimed that theirs is the only self-critical episteme. Non-Western
scholars have repeated this, though it may be questionable whether
anyone is non-Western at all by now (Chakrabarty 2012). The prob-
lem remains. Assumptions of superiority are based on the tacit cog-
nitive precondition of separating theory from practice by an
insurmountable wall, an abyssal line. This division has a normative
function. It grounds the ideology of western superiority but presents
this as neutrality.
Assumptions of preeminence sharply separate subject from
object, theory from practice, “civilized” from “uncivilized,” “us”
from “others.” Such divisions are characteristic of modern Western
knowledge inasmuch as it is colonial, its coloniality being concomi-
tant and coextensive with the historical construction of capitalism.
Such bipolar structuring of knowledge serves a predatory purpose,
the purpose of appropriative sciences at the service of nations and
states.
Academic disciplines and status–knowledge, which differ
from language to language, are constructed in collusion with hege-
monic colonial knowledge, which is still to a great extent operative
in spite of the post-Cold War devolution into a network of biopo-
litical control through various outsourcings of state prerogatives.
Disciplines are circularly based on the nation, and reproduce it.
Historically located polities each have a general corresponding
cognitive order and translation regime, with variations, intercon-
nections, interferences and overlaps.
On the other hand, there is in general no separating subject
and object, body and soul, theory and practice in most of ancient
Asian philosophical systems or other extra-European knowledge
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
11
In the next three paragraphs, i draw on my as yet (2013) unpublished paper “The immunity paradigm’s
contradictory / complementary facets” from the conference Except Asia: Agamben’s Work in Transcultural
Perspective, Department of English, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei, June 25–27, 2013.
64
configurations. Something of this cognitive condition is still avail-
able culturally although refuted by modern sciences, coming
through in various new assemblages—(post)modernity, and “West-
ern” hegemony not withstanding. What has been the condition of
Western understanding of the relationship sovereignty–subjectivity,
namely the separation between subject and object or theory and
practice, has been neither the condition of the making of politics in
the “rest” nor that of sovereignty, and has not been understood as
being at the root of the becoming of political subjects in the “rest.”
Which means that whole genealogies of knowledge have been kept
invisible to European languages, untranslated, indeed apparently
untranslatable to the hegemonic gaze. But untranslatability (like
absolute translatability) is also a politics.
In another conceptual and translation regime, experience
and “practice” can outweigh ontological consideration, theory, the
latter being in any case only an attribution, a random predication
onto some reified object. The implications of śūnya-vāda (the teach-
ing of naught in Buddhism) are even more radical: This “theory”
(śūnya-vāda) is really here an antitheory invalidating in advance,
by an implacable logic, any economic reason, material interests,
selfish vital interests, any speculation trusting language and reason
or daring ontological qualifications and metaphysical judgments.
But both the Brahmanists, who resorted to the absolute,
who believed in unconditional given knowledge (Veda), as well as
the philosophically nuanced Buddhists, refused building separately
such concepts as “subject” or “object.” This is the advaita, nondu-
alism, in both, which however doesn’t amount to monotheism. It
is a disposition that is decisive even today, and present in art, liter-
ature, aesthetics, much of philosophy, in some political dispensa-
tions, in forms of life, and in general culture. The historical
distinction subject–object known to the West and disseminated all
over the world for modernity-useful purposes, is part of an appro-
priating conceptual and language apparatus that always has the ten-
dency to reappear. It is part of a pursuit limited and burdened by
the vital interest, situated within the horizon of “lower” knowl-
edge.12
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
12
Buddhist philosophers introduced the somewhat problematic but philosophically rich distinction between
ordinary and higher knowledge. The two are intertwined and the former leads to the latter, which allows
65
The preoccupation with subject and subjectivation, specific
to “Europe” and the “West,” stems from monotheism. It emerges
as a Mediterranean particularity, and becomes all-pervasive,
through colonial history. But there were originally no comparable
monotheisms in Asia (except for a late Islam). Something of the
mahāyānian Buddhist philosophy can be extrapolated to most
philosophies of Asia: The subject–object relationship together with
the realm of politics is part of the experiential, conventional truth,
limited by language and within “Brahmā’s net.” We perceive the
world as plurality through the appropriational mode.
Reluctant theory and unreflected theory. Théorie malgré elle
If we agree that “theory” is a normative, somewhat para-
doxical concept, difficult to sustain and to prove since subsequent
ones will correct any theory, and if we agree that it is a normative
concept originating, again, in the conceptual “West,” we then must
admit that “theory” is a fragile concept.
If there is no neutral theory, the normativity in a theory will
be its political bias depending on its ideological, geographical, cul-
tural, class, gender etc. interests. It will have an origin in a specific
concern that can be defined as political and vital, with a tendency
to be universalized if possible and neutralized in order to pass un-
noticed.
Sundar Sarukkai (2013)13 mentions examples that identify
ideological biases of theories, particularly in the area of history and
of philosophy of science, and also their critique. We couldn’t agree
more with him, principally as he argues “that non-Western philoso-
phies might actually contribute more usefully to the understanding
of the complex scientific description of reality compared to the
tools available in dominant western traditions” (Sarukkai 2013, 6).
Indeed, there is a blatant incapacity of philosophy and of history
of science to translate from one cultural register to another. I
would call this failure political, a politics with a deep historic con-
dition. I must quote Sarukkai extensively, before suggesting some
comments and complements to his excellent work.
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
for an unphilosophical jump to esoteric knowledge in popular Buddhism and elsewhere, later. But it also
allows important philosophical speculation.
13
I would like to thank Sundar Sarukkai for letting me engage with his important paper here.
66
What is striking about these [Western or after the Western pattern] discussions is that
there is no mention of the non-European traditions in all these debates about H[istory
of] S[cience] and P[hilosophy of] S[cience]. Even in the invocations of “tradition” and
the “ever-changing fabric of human culture” there is no mention of the possible histories
of the non-West which might be of interest to this debate. (Sarukkai 2013, 3)
Sarukkai displaces his argument on the political terrain
without announcing it. He switches from the HS and PS level to
the political. Indeed, silencing a discourse is a political act, besides
being a cognitive one. The two registers (scientific and political)
come in the same wording, but have different implications. Yet as
Sarukkai expects an answer from history of science and philosophy
of science, he withdraws from the political register again (although
a broader reading would have both history of science and philoso-
phy of science as political, but this is not Sarukkai’s option.)
Elsharky14 makes the important observation that it was the creation of the new disci-
pline of history of science that begins to propagate a global ideology of science based
on universal values. This effort, beginning before WW I, began to use a new ideology
of internationalism in order to reshape the idea of science. Using notions such as Sci-
entific Revolution, this discipline departed from the earlier syncretic model in order to
frame the new global science which became synonymous with western science.
(Sarukkai 2013, 5)
Here, Sarukkai acknowledges a political and ideological
dimension to history of science and philosophy of science, and he
would be right in expecting an answer in political terms. But he
stops short. He fails to acknowledge the national character and
framework of the discipline of history of science—part and parcel
of the international and colonial configuration of “Western sci-
ence.” History, be it of science, was born as the foremost national
discipline.
If, as enough work in H[istory of] S[cience] clearly shows, colonialism and imperialism
influence the very creation of the larger historical and philosophical themes associated
with modern science then why is there still appreciable resistance to a critical engage-
ment with other scientific traditions in the world? Ignoring them only continues this
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
14
Referenced by Sarukkai as M. Elshakry, “When Science Became Western: Historiographical Reflections,”
Isis 101, 2010. See also Jack Goody (2007).
67
process of colonialism and imperialism and this is more dangerous since it is now done
implicitly. (Sarukkai 2013, 5)
But the “other scientific traditions in the world” are also
national, since the nation has prevailed as an organizational princi-
ple even retrospectively, when we say “Indian philosophy” or
“Greek philosophy,” meaning antiquity. We are now clearly on po-
litical terrain. But where does the identified “resistance to critical
engagement with other scientific traditions” occur? Presumably,
again in history and philosophy of science only, which are also
pointed to by the author as coming from the Western cognitive
hegemony. Why not seek alliances where doors are open, in (some)
political philosophy? Why not break out of a limiting discipline,
discourse, and translation regime?
Sarukkai further remarks that philosophy of science ignores
Indian logic because the latter doesn’t distinguish between the em-
pirical and the formal (Sarukkai 2013, 7), or indeed between theory
and practice. This observation is fine, but the problem is now defin-
ing “Indian logic” as if it were a fact given once and for all, as some
kind of retroactively operating national logic. If we wish to over-
come historical unfairness due to the national construction of
knowledge and its transmission, the solution cannot be to claim
fairness for one nation or “national” science, “ours,” but only to
critique that general national blueprint of knowledge construction.
In the Indian case, the extensive work on Indian metallurgy, chemistry and mathemat-
ics—to give a few examples—have conclusively proved the presence of an active the-
oretical and practical engagement with activities that seem to be similar to other such
activities in early Greek and later Europe. However, this does not mean that there was
a universal way of doing and creating science. (Sarukkai 2013, 7, italics mine)
Again—the comparison is national for all examples, and
the nations fixed and defined as preexisting the translation opera-
tion. More importantly, Sarukkai doesn’t link whatever he notes in
the just quoted paragraphs with the absence of divide between the-
ory and practice in “Indian” philosophy (reproached by “Western”
views to “Indian” thought). Surprisingly, he invokes it without clar-
translation / spring / 2014
ifying the relation between “theory” and “practice,” without defin-
ing them or tracing their genealogy. But the divide between theory
and practice (a marked hierarchy too) is originally a typically mod-
68
ern Western one. Why would it oblige Sarukkai to conform in any
way, if he contests the latter’s logic? There is a
skewed mainstream history of science which does not take into account non-Western
contributions in the creation of science (ironical considering the work in H[istory of]
S[cience] which questions this view!). We need to take this ideology of the mainstream
history of science seriously for the harm it has created to non-Western societies—the
harm extends from their students to government policies and indeed has had a great
impact on these cultures. An exclusivist history of science that keeps the possibility of
the scientific imagination within a constructed Greek and European history does great
violence not only to other non-Western cultures but also to the very spirit of the scien-
tific quest. (Sarukkai 2013, 8)
It is the national configuration of knowledge that needs to
be overcome. One step further is needed. Why not combat Western
history and philosophy of science with the help of “Western” and
“non-Western” political philosophy and other disciplines of the
kind that take into account those other epistemologies? Why not
draw a broader picture involving a critique of the logic of the epis-
teme? If we do that, we will also find that an episteme is coexten-
sive, coexistent, and enmeshed with a mode of production, forms
of life, a political regime, a construct of culture and language, and
that we need to look for a broader context. As Solomon writes,
“One of the qualities that distinguishes the West as a paradigm of
the modern apparatus of area is the institutionalization of transla-
tion-as-cultural transference through the disciplinary control of
bodies of knowledge” (Solomon 2013).
[T]he social formation that we have come to know as ‘the West’ is precisely that form
of community that reserves for itself, among all other forms of human community, the
key position in the speciation of the human, the place where the epistemological project
is articulated to the politico-ontological one. Seen in this light, the West aspires to be
the sole community that is self-aware, through scientific knowledge, of humanity’s ac-
tive participation in its own speciation. Yet it is not simply by virtue of a proprietary
claim over knowledge that the West has been able to form itself as the pole or center
or model of human population management in general. In order to occupy this position,
it has been necessary to construct out of the contingency of historical encounter (colo-
nialism) a political system for effective population management (effective from the
point of view of capitalist accumulation). (Solomon 2013, n. p.)
translation / spring / 2014
I argue that the separation reproduced by Sarukkai between
hard sciences on the one hand as well as the social sciences and po-
69
litical philosophy on the other coincides with the problematic dis-
tinction between theory and practice mechanically taken over from
positivism and from some unsophisticated forms of Marxism. It is
itself “Western” in origin and manner, but, what is more important,
it belongs to appropriative knowledge. It has also become quite uni-
versal by now. History of science
still draw[s] on philosophical concepts that are also available in alternate philosophical
traditions. There is no reason to believe that these philosophical ideas are irrelevant to
these contemporary concerns of philosophy of science. (Sarukkai 2013, 8)
I agree.
Connective history of science will by necessity have to deal with and incorporate al-
ternate worldviews and philosophical concepts. (Sarukkai 2013, 8)
I agree, but additional efforts are needed to achieve this and
get out of the system.
Connective history of science is a move towards a “global history of local science.”
(Sarukkai 2013, 9)
Agreed, but it is also a move towards a “global history of
science” tout court, since the local–global distinction reproduces
the other divides that are at the basis of objectal, and eventually
predatory knowledge—particularly congenial to globalized capi-
talism. Such knowledge was alien to and discarded by ancient
“Asian” philosophical systems. Although this has been revised as
modernity made its way, refusing objectal, appropriative knowledge
instrumental to production has nevertheless persisted as an alter-
native scientific temper in “India” and generally in Asia as well as
elsewhere. But Sarukkai only insists that Indians did have all the
rationality needed for modern industry, and that their knowledge
was merely stolen by the British through distinguishing between
“theory” and “practice.” That is surely only part of the story.
When the British encountered many Indian inventions in science and technology, they
translation / spring / 2014
made use of them in order to establish their own industries but refused to acknowledge
that these processes were part of scientific rationality. Claims that these Indian inven-
tions were more a product of “doing” rather than “knowing,” specifically a theoretical
70
mode of knowing, made it easy for them to reject the claim of science to almost all in-
tellectual contributions from India.” (Sarukkai 2013, 9)
How can we project India back, a later and national forma-
tion, onto ancient science? The fact that Western philosophy has
always done exactly that with ancient Greek thought does not jus-
tify the mimetic gesture. That would keep us within the system in-
stead of showing ways out. We need some other “scientific” and,
eventually, political imagination. A useful investigation here, in line
with Sarukkai’s attempt, would be to probe into the parallel, inter-
twined, interrelated structures of knowledge, power and produc-
tion.
About the normativity of science and theory: “One of the
primary ways by which the title of science is denied to non-Western
intellectual traditions is through the invocation of terms such as
logic, scientific method, evidence, prediction and so on” (Sarukkai
2013, 9).
While discovering the normativity of hegemonic forms of
knowledge, Sundar Sarukkai fails to investigate the relationship be-
tween knowledge, production and political system, and thus de-
prives himself of the help that political thought could bring,
including a consideration of the terms of translation. He remains
riveted to a world with fixed identities, which reduces translation
to a sterile bipolar exercise that ignores the fluidity of relations.
Sarukkai further significantly argues that western mathe-
matics are irreparably linked to Platonism, unlike Indian mathe-
matics. This makes it impossible for the former to recognize the
latter. From seeing the trees, Sarukkai doesn’t see the forest! His
claim about Platonism is extremely important: It implies the body-
and-soul, theory-and-practice divisions. It will become systemic
and institutionalized through monotheism (Christianity) among oth-
ers, and hence, in modernity, through the grounding of state sover-
eignty and all this implies. Platonism will pervade all spheres of
life, labor, and culture, not only mathematics, so that understanding
and deconstructing it will require social sciences, one step further
from the history and philosophy of science because these too need
translation / spring / 2014
to be questioned (not that social sciences are in any way a guaran-
tee). It is the whole framework, the regime of translation that re-
quires interrogation.
71
What is really so mysterious (a word used by Einstein in this context) about the use of
mathematics? The major reason for this mystery is Platonism. If mathematical entities
exist in a nonspatiotemporal world then how do we spatiotemporal beings have knowl-
edge of them? For these scientists, who viewed mathematics along such a nonempirical
axis, the use of mathematics was surprising. Its “natural match” with physical concepts
was a source of mystery only if we first begin with a clear disjunction between math-
ematics and the world.15 (Sarukkai 2005, 11)
Very well: a clear disjunction between subject and object,
theory and practice, body and soul, man and woman could also be
stated in the same line. The disjunction between mathematics and
the world corresponds to that between body and soul of the Chris-
tian episteme. It has been the main apparatus of capturing the ma-
terial world by the vested interests of dominant classes, and thus
of hegemony. Sarukkai proceeds:
It is precisely this point which Indian mathematics would challenge. Mathematics is
essential to this world; it arises from this world and through human action. The puzzle
of applicability will take on a completely different form if we begin with the assumption
that mathematics is enworlded and embodied. Interestingly, this is a position that has
now gained some ground through the framework of cognitive studies but in a pre-
dictable replay these approaches also make no mention of such approaches in non-
Western traditions. (Sarukkai 2005, 11)
The disjunction of mathematics with the world also implies
that of theory with practice, of soul with body, of man with woman,
as it entails hierarchical normative relations. One could be more
ambitious than Sarukkai, while supporting his critique, and claim
that it is not only mathematics but the whole episteme which is af-
fected by such disjunctions; and that these do not appear, or not to
the same extent, in extra-European epistemes—that is, in non hege-
monic epistemes (except for the universal divide, diversely imple-
mented, between men and women). There is a historic reason for
this: these extra-European epistemes, far from being more right-
eous, have not been able to impose themselves as hegemonic, con-
sidering the colonial leaning and attraction for power involved in
any knowledge. No answer can come solely from traditional phi-
losophy of science or history of science here, but rather through a
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
15
The author’s reference here is Sarukkai, 2005.
72
more comprehensive approach and critique of translation regimes,
by way of political philosophy, or through an all-encompassing ap-
proach that will question the whole hegemonic episteme and con-
crete national epistemes too, their genealogy and apparatus.
Sarukkai convincingly argues that contributions of “Indian
philosophies and sciences” to science in general have been occulted
and obscured, impoverishing the history of science of important
parts of its heritage. He also gives examples of how varied and rich
“Indian physics” or metaphysics (considerations of matter, sub-
stance, nature, elements, quality, inherence, motion, etc.) have been
ignored, how different schools of “Indian logic” have been uncared
for, while similar views from “Greek” philosophy have become the
only reference and terminus even though “Indian” examples could
have been offered. This additionally left out of sight original “In-
dian” contributions. Sarukkai therefore proposes the method of a
connective history of science which would take into account the
philosophical context of the different historic configurations where
all contributions to “global science” would be acknowledged, help-
ing the advancement of both science and its history. But without
an extra step, he will remain within the system he pledges to cri-
tique. Sarukkai has the enormous merit of identifying the non-Pla-
tonism in “Indian” sciences, which has earned it nonrecognition on
the side of “Western” universalized knowledge.
Another important characteristic may be mentioned con-
comitantly here that added to “Indian” philosophies being rejected
by the “Western” ones, and that has been mediated especially
through Buddhism: the purposeful nonrecognition of any kind of
subject (or any kind of subject/object divide) on the “Indian” side,
and thus the not grounding of any kind of (state) sovereignty at the
other end of the scale (Iveković, 2014). While i share Sarukkai’s
observations about the configuration of “Indian” philosophies and
while i think that they can be enlarged and applied to other areas
of knowledge, i would also suggest that it would be more than nec-
essary to define or discard terms such as “Indian,” “Indian science”
etc. in the way of deconstructing the national scaffolding, if we
wish to overcome the given national and transnational framework
translation / spring / 2014
and inner logic we critique.
73
For a critical (Anti)Theory of Translation: competing transla-
tion politics
Theories are built by subjects and sovereigns, and when
successfully hegemonic, also in support of sovereignties. Sover-
eigns need to have a monolithic national language that is also the
language of command and of maintaining the system. Theories are
linked to conjuncture, to places, to specific and interested readings
of history, to fending for the dominant regime of thinking, of lan-
guages, of translation, and, once they prevail, for mainstream.
Today it is global capitalism. The reluctant “theories” we are nev-
ertheless practicing as processes, for better or for worse, can at best
attempt to deconstruct the national framework of knowledge as well
as of its transmission (theory), through inventing new politics of
liberation and new imaginaires of translation. It must be understood
that translation does not guarantee freedom of any kind, and that it
can be as much a politics of conquest, capture, exploration-and-
exploitation,16 and colonialism, whether inner17 or outer. But poli-
tics of translation may be invented. Since they will necessarily be
forever amendable, such politics of translation may rather not re-
spond to the high name of theory. They will be checked by transla-
tion practices in view of their resistance to new enclosures within
an “unsurpassable” capitalist horizon.
Theory tends to correspond within knowledge, in a figure
of co-figuration,18 to the sovereignty of the political sphere. It
tends to be absolutized, to produce transcendence and an absolute
other. It has also been historically self-attributed, self-complacent,
and reserved by the West to itself. This construction originally
comes from the monotheistic Mediterranean context where god
as the supreme subject (sovereign) is the necessary condition to
the projection of the human (epi)subject: no god, no subject. The
theory has its modern developments and versions. One of the sub-
ject’s declensions will be the nation. Theory is a kind of (barely)
..........................
16
One and the same word, exploração appropriately denoting “exploitation” and not “exploring” in Por-
tuguese.
translation / spring / 2014
17
By inner colonialism i mean the treatment of such groups as women, Roma, migrants, minorities, or
whoever the excluded beyond the abyssal lines (Boaventura de Sousa Santos) or subordinated of one time
are. See de Sousa Santos (2000) and de Sousa Santos (2007).
18
Sakai’s important term in a slightly different application. See N. Sakai (1997).
74
secularized cognitive variant of divine transcendence.19
“Scientific knowledge” has been intertwined with and in-
separable from theology. Theory will sustain the sovereign
(whether godly or human) and its emanation, the subject, as well
as their separation from life experience. The subject (and, in its/his
stead, derivatively, the epi-subject), custodian of Revelation (San-
skrit: śruti), kicks a “beginning” as if it were absolute. The multiple
genealogies, origins, and inheritances of theory, however carefully
hidden and silenced, resurface again and again, disputing its high
and unique status. In fact, what is hidden is the whole apparatus of
theory-established hierarchies and exclusion—that is, the mecha-
nism of its sovereignist claim (see Solomon 2013). Theory’s tools
are language and narration, just as in less theoretical matters. In
South Asian ancient philosophies in Sanskrit, this corresponds to
the hammered—but really constructed and ideological—difference
between śruti and smṛti.
Theory will also distribute names and set grades, in which
its function—as well as that of language through master-narra-
tives—is not very different from that of foundational myths (smṛti).
The Greek divide and constructed abyssal gap between logos and
muthos (taken over into the Christian religion in corresponding
form, and parallel to the developing split between theory and prac-
tice) reinforces and maintains the coloniality of knowledge and
power: all “others,” whether inner or outer, have systematically
been reduced to muthos and nontheory (mere “practice”), as irra-
tional and incapable of science. This separation, downgrading, ex-
ception, is also an exemption from sovereignty. “Others” were
deemed bereft of autonomy out of their own limitation: other con-
tinents, women, and any other group, form of life, or translation
regime under that label. Theory, as much as god, designates the
other.
There are certainly ways, and historic experiences, of not
complying with such a diktat, that amount to “other possibilities of
the spirit.” François Jullien says that such “other possibilities” are
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
19
See François Jullien (2012, 107): “[L]es ‘Grecs’ ont-ils jamais existé? N’ont-ils pas été forgés par nos
Humanités?” A similar point is made in Prasenjit Duara (forthcoming). I would like to thank Duara for al-
lowing me to read chapters of his work in progress.
75
not always played out, and he goes on unveiling them by “compar-
ing” Greek, Christian, and Chinese thinking histories: they become
particularly visible when various civilizational options are rubbed
against each other. We mentioned some, stemming from what
would ultimately be known as (ancient) “Indian” philosophies,
while Jullien has been showing it for the Chinese worldviews. Chi-
nese or “Indian” philosophies did not delve the insuperable gap
between logos and muthos, or theory and practice. No grand nar-
ratives were therefore constructed in China, according to Jullien:
China had no need to posit god, and the word is not foundational
there (see Jullien 2012, 68, 69, 70, and 98).20
Jullien pleads in favor of reading a system of thought “from
outside,” through “contrasting parallels” (which is not a dichotomic
hierarchical comparison of the classical Western type, and does not
presuppose prior categorization), through letting go, letting play
parallels, through yielding, through detachment from one’s
own/unique culture. The contrastivity, letting the effects of a gap
work, will shed light on avenues of thought that have not been ful-
filled (Jullien 2012, 65 and following). He calls the contrasting of
Chinese and Western thought “entering a way of thinking” (entrer
dans une pensée). Such an entry is not afforded through a narrative
or a subject behind it. It is operated from a declension or inclination
of the reader, of the translator, of the one who approaches a “way
of thinking,” who is changed in the process: the translator is trans-
lated as she discovers the unthought (l’impensé) lying at the base
of thought. It would be difficult to translate this into Sakai’s trans-
lation theory, but, like the latter, the former doesn’t believe in neu-
tral translation or a neutral ground between contrasted elements. In
both, this entails concrete political responsibility from case to case.
Discarding one’s armature of thinking, deconstructing and dislo-
cating the national construction and fixed framework of knowledge
(see Iveković 2007b; 2009–2010) is a necessary precondition and
way of doing this.
Contrasting without establishing categories and hierarchies,
without heeding disciplines (molded by national cultures and insti-
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
20
Although an “Asian” disposition, this does not fully correspond to Brahmanic (consider the Veda, Ma-
habharata, and Ramayana) or Hindu thought (see Rada Iveković 1992).
76
tutions), may be particularly helpful in highlighting unexpected
possibilities, unfulfilled options, or eschewed results. Given that
disciplines denote borders of theoretical territories, ignoring them
sometimes allows passing beside, below, above, or through dividing
lines. This might be a possible way indeed in systems where there
is no dominant narrative or vertical epistemological hierarchy, no
historic construction of sovereignty and of the concept of a subject
(Iveković 2013), such as is sometimes the case in Asia or elsewhere
in once colonized continents, or where there has been some consti-
tutive (even merely) structural resistance to monolithic national
narratives. Times of crises put an accent on the subject’s wavering
(Europe today), but can prompt these other thinking options where
the concept of a subject was purposely avoided.
The great writer and philosopher Radomir Konstantinović
wrote about the tension resulting from the inner cleavage of the cit-
izen and of the communist, important figures of the subject in twen-
tieth-century Yugoslavia (but metaphorically, also elsewhere),
ending in the failure of both (Konstantinović 1981).21
Konstantinović’s pessimistic message concerning Western
modernity in general was that the political subjectivation of the cit-
izen may end in nationalism/Nazism.22
He exemplifies it with the Serbian case. His optimistic
message comes with, in principle, open possibilities (the blank of
the borderline spirit of the crisis, palanka) and through the split
subject. Paradoxically, this is best shown in art, writing, and trans-
lation, as in the self-fulfilled prophecy of the novel or drama that
can only signal the impossibility of a novel (as the form par excel-
lence of national citizenship) or of drama: in the same way in which
the only possible subjectivation from perhaps the end of the 1960s
is—the impossibility of constituting a subject.
Did Yugoslavia not implode because of that impossibility,
having no middle class and no nation, supposed to be only a secu-
larized administrative, common post-national frame? No drama
was to oppress its nonsubject citizens, who were to be spared the
..........................
translation / spring / 2014
21
See also French excerpts in Konstantinović (2001a), Konstantinović (2001b), and Konstantinović (2001c).
Other French excerpts can also be found in Becket and Konstantinović (2000), and Iveković (1998).
22
Konstantinović talked about modernity as such, irrespective of whether capitalist or socialist: the pattern,
for him, was the same, and socialism was a form of modernity.
77
need to engage in politics (my generation), because everything had
been taken care of by our revolutionary fathers in the Second World
War through resistance to the Nazis? Revolution was “museified,”
drama excluded. Radomir Konstantinović tried to think the non-
subjectified subject of our times,23 the one incapable of, or refusing
translation as exchange and fluidity; the one allowing only for ab-
solute translation (see Iveković 2011), entrenching borders, social
relations and inequalities.24
Naoki Sakai however deems that nation is not a fatality or
a necessity, and that it could have been avoided. What forms in Asia
could have helped such an alternative? It is difficult to imagine
other options, he insists, from within the prevailing one. We could
have had another world, with no nationalities and no nation states.
In particular, it was not the destiny of Asia, which took a very long
time to adapt to the international world. According to Sakai, na-
tionality was not given, being “a restricted and distorted derivative
of transnationality.” Like language being the result of translation
(and not vice-versa), so is nationality the outcome of transnation-
ality that precedes it. “A bordering turn must be accompanied the-
oretically by a translational turn: bordering and translation are both
problematics projected by the same theoretical perspective” (Sakai
2013).
Writing of the scandals with the cartoons of prophet Mo-
hammad, Judith Butler analyses the ways in which, according to
different frameworks (Christian or Muslim), we may diversely un-
derstand the term “blasphemy”: “the translation has to take place
within divergent frames of moral evaluation. […] in some ways the
conflict that emerged in the wake of the publication of the Danish
cartoons is one between competing moral frameworks, understand-
ing ‘blasphemy’ as a tense and overdetermined site for the conver-
gence of differing schemes of moral value” (Butler 2009, 103–104).
..........................
23
See not only Konstantinović (1981), but also downloadable texts by and on him in Serbo-Croatian, in-
cluding Konstantinović (n.d.). The site from which these texts can be downloaded () is an archive of impor-
translation / spring / 2014
tant Yugoslav intellectual and political works and is run by Branimir Stojanović Trša. On Konstantinović,
see also Sarajevske Sveske, an on-line Serbo–Croat journal. See also Klaus Theweleit (1977 and 1988),
and Iveković (2009).
24
On bordering as a process, see Sandro Mezzadra and Brett Neilson (2003) and (2013). See also Sakai in
general, but (2013) in particular.
78
There are thus competing translation codes or regimes, much as
Balibar identifies competing universalisms.25
They may go hand in hand. Wendy Brown has it that cri-
tique (and theory?) have been identified with secularism. As we
know from Balibar (see especially 2012), secularism or cosmopoli-
tanism and religion compete on the same terrain. It is all a matter
of translation.
It is on that contested terrain that various political options
for translation can unfold. Alas, there is “normally” no imaginative
power or political imagination enabling us to think a world without
nations, nationalities and borders, or translating them: in order to
do so, we must step without that frame through our mind’s eye.
This is a contribution towards an attempt to start thinking one. The
question of political translation becomes a concrete one at times of
crisis and reshuffling. We are currently in one such age, and trans-
lation may well be one of the tools.
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
25
Étienne Balibar, from “Les universels” (1997) through “Sub specie universitatis” (2006), develops the
observation of competing universalisms, then, logically, with his paper “Cosmopolitanism and Secularism:
Controversial Legacies and Prospective Interrogations” (2011), that of competing national sovereignties
and competing religions or secularisms. This matter is taken up once again in Balibar (2012).
79
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82
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] | At the Borders of Europe
From Cosmopolitanism to Cosmopolitics
Étienne Balibar ...........................
Kingston University, London, UK
[email protected]
Abstract: The essay addresses uses of “cosmopolitanism” and “cosmopolitics” in
the current global political conjuncture, from a European point of view. Against
the assumption (by Jürgen Habermas in particular) that Europe could become
the typical cosmopolitan continent through a natural continuation of its uni-
versalist traditions, it argues that the universal exists only in the form of con-
flicting universalities. Eurocentrism therefore deserves not only a refutation, but
a genuine deconstruction. Expanding on previous contributions, I focus on the
historical transformation or the “border” as a quasi-transcendental condition for
the constitution of the political, which is paradoxically reflected in its center.
The “central” character of the “periphery” acquires a new visibility in the con-
temporary period. A “phenomenology of the border” becomes a prerequisite for
an analysis of the citizen. I examine tentatively three moments: first, the antithesis
of war and translation as contradictory overlapping models of the Political, which
I call “polemological” and “philological” respectively; second, the equivocality
of the category of the stranger, who tends to become reduced to the enemy in
the crisis of the nation-state; third, the cosmopolitical difficulty of Europe to deal
with its double otherness, regarding other Europeans and non-Europeans who are
targeted by complementary forms of xenophobia.
______________
In this essay, I want to address questions of common inter-
est about the use and relevance of such notions as “cosmopoli-
tanism” and “cosmopolitics” in the current global political
conjuncture, and I will do so mainly from a European point of view.
This might seem a contradiction in terms, since the overcoming of
a certain Eurocentrism forms one of the preconditions for the de-
velopment of a cosmopolitical discourse. I have two reasons for
doing so, both linked to a certain practice of critical theorizing.
The first is that—in spite of some very interesting refer-
translation / spring / 2014
ences to the idea of cosmopolitanism, or its transformation, in so-
called postcolonial discourse—the continuous reference to
cosmopolitanism today seems largely a product of the self-con-
83
sciousness of Europeans seeking to understand, if not to promote,
Europe’s autonomous contribution to the regulation of conflicts in
the new Global order. Habermas’s “return to Kant” (and others as
well, from which I do not except myself) is typical in this respect.
It is as if, after becoming the first imperial “center” of modern his-
tory, Europe could become the typical cosmopolitan continent
through a natural continuation, or perhaps a dialectical reversal,
building its new political figure in this perspective. This implicit
claim, shared by many of us, has to be compared with realities, and
examined as a discursive formation.
The second reason refers to an even more general perspec-
tives of “politics of the universal,” which would take into account
the conflictual character of universality as such, or the fact that the
universal historically exists only in the form of conflicting univer-
salities, both inseparable and incompatible. Universalities become
conflictual because they are built on the absolutization of antithetic
values, but also because they are enunciated in different places by
different actors in the concrete process of world history. From this
point of view, “Eurocentrism” has a paradoxical, if not unique, po-
sition: it is the discourse whose pretense at incarnating universalism
in the name of reason, or culture, or legal principles, is most likely
to become increasingly challenged and refuted, as the history of the
European and “new European” conquest of the world becomes re-
examined from a critical point of view. But it is also a symbolic or
conceptual pattern which is likely to remain untouched while re-
jected or reversed or to become transferred to other imagined com-
munities. As a consequence, Eurocentrism deserves not only a
rejection or a refutation, but a genuine deconstruction—that is, a
critique which dissolves and transforms it from the inside, in order
to produce a self-understanding of its premises and functions. In
this sense, a deconstruction of Eurocentrism performed by the Eu-
ropeans themselves—with the help of many others—is not only a
precondition for the undertaking of any postimperial “cosmopoli-
tics,” it is part of its construction itself.
A distinction of cosmopolitan discourse (or theory) and
practical cosmopolitics seems now to have gained a very wide ac-
translation / spring / 2014
ceptance, and, while I make use of it, I certainly claim no particular
originality. It apparently results from three interrelated considera-
tions. First, from the idea of reversing utopia into practice, or re-
84
turning from the elaboration of a cosmopolitan idea (which could
serve as a regulatory model for the development of institutions) to
the programs, instruments, objectives, of a politics whose actors,
be they states or other social individualities, immediately operate
and become interrelated at the world level. Note that such an idea
can be associated with the consideration of globalized processes in
the field of economy, strategy, communications, in opposite ways.
It can be argued that the overcoming of the utopian moment of cos-
mopolitanism arises as a consequence of the globalizing phenom-
ena themselves. The material conditions would now exist for
cosmopolitanism to pass from utopia into reality, if not “science.”
There would even exist already something like an “actually existing
cosmopolitanism,” to recall the title of one of the sections in Pheng
Cheah and Bruce Robbins’s influential anthology (1998), which
could become politicized or provide a cosmopolitics or Weltinnen-
politik with its practical and affective support. But it can be argued
also that globalization destroys the possibility of a cosmopolitan
utopia, or deprives it of any nonideological function, because cos-
mopolitanism was only possible as an idealized counterpart for the
fact that, however global or transnational its objectives might be,
which is particularly the case of socialist internationalism in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries, actual politics remained rooted
in local, and particularly national, communities (see Balibar 2006a).
This ideal projects a solution or final settlement for the actual con-
flicts, and for that reason would grant a foundational value to the
prospect or project of peace, in particular the establishment of
peace through the implementation of law.
This leads us to another powerful reason for the substitution
of a practical notion of cosmopolitics for the classical ideal of cos-
mopolitanism, which has to do with the broadly shared idea that
the proper realm of politics is conflict. What Globalization has
mainly achieved is a generalization of conflicts of multiple forms,
reviving old ones (for example, between religious and secular
forces) and perpetuating recent ones, displaying them all at the level
of the whole world: and so the ultimate horizon of politics in the
global age, with no predictable end, would be the fighting of con-
translation / spring / 2014
flicts or the attempt at regulating them, but never putting an end to
them. Such an idea is common to many authors today, albeit with
important nuances: it is there in Ulrich Beck’s thesis that the “cos-
85
mopolitical gaze” presupposes that “war is peace” or their respec-
tive realms are no longer fully discernible (Beck 2006). It is there
also in Chantal Mouffe’s representation of an “agonistic pluralism”
that informs the macropolarities of the progressively emerging post-
national political sphere (see Moufffe 2000). And it is there in Eti-
enne Tassin, who along Arendtian lines, but also drawing the
consequences from a postmodernist critique of the notions of po-
litical consensus and collective identities, seeks to articulate differ-
ent concepts of resistance to the destruction of the “common world”
which results from the uncontrolled processes of capitalist global-
ization (see Tassin 2003). But again there is a wide range of dis-
cursive positions here, including a certain equivocity of the use of
the category “conflict.” At one end we have conflict understood as
a specific form of political practice, in a tradition that could be
Marxist but also Weberian and, indeed, Schmittian; at the other, we
have the idea of conflict as matter or object of political intervention,
which takes the form of regulation or, to use the now fashionable
terminology, “governance.” The core of contemporary politics,
which pushes it to the level of “cosmopolitics,” would be to find
how to keep regulating or governing conflict, that is ultimately es-
tablish consensus and hegemonies, beyond the declining monopoly
of the nation–state in its violent or legal capacity to create peace
and order within certain territorial boundaries. Such is clearly the
prospect evoked in the work of David Held, with its opposition be-
tween a growing state of injustices, disorders, and inequalities cre-
ated by Globalization as a counterpart for the universalization of
exchanges and communications, and a global “social-democratic
governance,” whose quasi-legal instrument would be a “planetary
contract” among states and social actors (see Held 2013). But it is
also the horizon of Mary Kaldor’s (2013) idea of the “Global Civil
Society” and its politicization as “an answer to war,” although in a
more nuanced and empirical style.
And finally this leads us to the third interrelated motive that
I believe underlies the current insistence on “cosmopolitics” as the
concrete form of cosmopolitanism or an alternative to its utopian
character, which lies in the primacy of the issue of insecurity or—
translation / spring / 2014
to put it again in Ulrich Beck’s terms—“risk society” at the global
level. This is an additional element because the issue here is not
simply to confront alternative replies to the same insecurity, or to
86
the same dominant form of insecurity (be it terrorism, war, eco-
nomic instability, mass poverty, the destruction of the environment,
and so forth), but more fundamentally, in a sort of generalized
Hobbesian problematic, to define and hierarchize the different
forms of “insecurity” which are perceived and expressed by actors
and power structures in today’s world. It is this second degree in
the political contest on insecurity that, far from remaining purely
theoretical, directly impacts the antithetic positions on the function
of international institutions, inherited from the ancient cosmopoli-
tan ideal, as was plainly illustrated by the controversy between
George Bush and Kofi Annan in 2003 at the opening of the United
Nations’ General Assembly, just before the invasion of Iraq.
Again, I claim no originality in my discussion of these
themes. My specific contribution, which I have been trying to elab-
orate in a more or less explicit manner in the last two decades, has
progressively focused on the historical transformation or the “bor-
der” (or the “frontier”) as a concrete institution which, far from
forming simply an external condition for the constitution of the po-
litical, empirically associated with the hegemony of the territorial
nation–state, represents an internal, quasi-transcendental condition
of possibility for the definition of the citizen and the community of
citizens, or the combination of inclusion and exclusion which de-
termines what Arendt called the “intermediary space,” or Zwischen-
raum, of political action and contestation, where the right to have
rights becomes formulated. In this sense, the border is only seem-
ingly an external limit: in reality it is always already interiorized
or displaced towards the center of the political space. This could
be considered since the origins—even before the emergence of the
modern Nation–State—a “cosmopolitical” element, which pro-
foundly transformed the meaning and institution of borders but did
not invent them. The question then becomes how to understand
why this paradoxically “central” character of the “periphery” ac-
quires a new visibility and a more controversial status in the con-
temporary period, in any case in Europe. The same kind of issue is
currently being discussed and investigated in depth, especially in
Italy, by Sandro Mezzadra and Enrica Rigo from a more juridical
translation / spring / 2014
and constitutional point of view (see Rigo 2006). But I also try to
develop what I call a “phenomenology of the border” as prerequi-
site of an analysis of the globalized citizen, which combines sub-
87
jective experiences with objective structural transformations in a
highly unstable, overdetermined manner. It is this kind of phenom-
enology that I would like to evoke now, by sketching three devel-
opments: first, on the antithesis of war and translation, or
polemological and philological models of the border; second, on
the equivocity of the category of the stranger and the tendency to
reduce it to a figure of the enemy through the development of bor-
der wars against migrants; and third, on what I call the “double oth-
erness” affecting the status and representation of foreigners in
today’s Europe, to reach a final interrogation on the paradoxical
identity of what we might call the “subject of cosmopolitics,” as a
figure determined locally as well as globally. But before that, I must
return, as briefly as possible, to some considerations concerning
Europe, “Eurocentrism,” and the cosmopolitical issue.
It will be easier and also politically revealing, I believe, to
refer here to some well-known propositions by Jürgen Habermas
and the way they have progressively evolved under the impact of
the recent “war on terror.” This is not only a way to pay a well de-
served tribute to a great living philosopher, whose questions and
interventions continuously inform our reflection even when we dis-
agree with his premises or depart from his conclusions, but also a
way to illustrate this self-critical, internal relationship to the “Eu-
ropean” definition of cosmopolitanism that I mentioned at the be-
ginning. It did not remain unnoticed that Habermas’s positions
concerning cosmopolitanism had significantly changed in the last
period, before and after 9/11 and the subsequent new wave of US
military interventions in the world, especially the unilateral inva-
sion of Iraq in 2003 without a warrant from the Security Council.
Many of his declarations and contributions have been internation-
ally widespread, including the declaration from May 2003 reacting
to the statement by European States supporting the US invasion,
which was also endorsed by Jacques Derrida, with the title “After
the War: Europe’s Renaissance,” in which he hailed the simultane-
ous anti-war demonstrations in various European countries as a mo-
ment of emergence of the long-awaited European public sphere (see
translation / spring / 2014
Habermas and Derrida 2003). This was later developed in the ac-
knowledgement of a “split” within the Western liberal–democratic
alliance, arising from the antitotalitarian commitment in the post-
88
World War II period, which separated the unilateralist power poli-
tics of the US from the orientation of the European “core states”
(Kerneuropa) which was supposed to act in the direction of the con-
stitution of a “global domestic politics without a global govern-
ment” (Weltinnenpolitik ohne Welregierung) in the Kantian spirit
(see Habermas 2006). This involved not only a limitation of na-
tional claims to absolute sovereignty, but the equivalent of a “con-
stitutionalization of international law,” subjecting and transforming
the national politics of states through the self-imposed recognition
of the primacy of universal legal and moral rules forming a politics
of human rights.
More recently, Habermas has expressed disappointment
and skepticism with respect to this cosmopolitan function attributed
to Europe, or its historical avant-garde, but he has maintained the
commitment to the same general objective (see Habermas 2009).
This amounted to granting a practical reality and effectivity, in a
critical situation which would appear as a turning point in Modern
history, to the more speculative idea already explained at length in
Habermas’s “post national constellation” essays from the previous
decade: the constitution of a supranational European ensemble, lim-
iting the sovereignty of its member–states without giving rise to a
new imperial superstate, was presented there as a form of “transi-
tion” between the old power politics of states based on their iden-
tification as substantial historical communities, in other terms the
hegemony of nationalism, and the coming of the new cosmopolitan
order where the relationship of individuals to their communities
and allegiances is subjected to the formal and ethical recognition
of universal legal norms. The argument bears analogies with the
manner in which, in Kant’s practical philosophy, the respect for the
moral law or categorical imperative is supposed to impose a con-
straint on the “pathological” affective element of individual per-
sonality, or in Kant’s own terms, to permanently “humiliate” its
power. Accordingly, we would have the unmistakable sign of a shift
from nationalism to the dominance of a pure “patriotism of the con-
stitution” (Verfassungspatriotismus), intrinsically governing the de-
velopment of the European Union, and conferring upon it a
translation / spring / 2014
meaning and an influence widely superseding its local function.
Now, it would be too easy to dismiss Habermas’s views as
utopian and grossly overestimating the cosmopolitan content and
89
capacities of the European construction, and to call for a sobering
return to the facts, showing that the Weltpolitik of the European
Union, or perhaps we should say, rather, its lack of a Global project
of its own in the last period, has patently refuted any illusion of a
progressive function, especially with respect to the creation of a
Global order and a system of international law genuinely independ-
ent from power interests. I believe that a more interesting series of
remarks can be proposed. With a nasty spirit, I was always tempted
to draw a formal analogy between the way Habermas presented the
European construction as an intermediary step between nationalism
and the coming cosmopolitical juridical order and the way, after
the adoption of the idea of “socialism in one country” around which
the world revolutionary movement should gather and redefine its
strategy, the construction of the Soviet Union and the Socialist
camp was presented as a “transitional phase” in the long process
of political transition from capitalism to communism. This is only
a formal analogy indeed, but that testifies to the extent to which
teleological models of historical progress arising ultimately from
the Enlightenment permeate both the cosmopolitan and the inter-
nationalist discourses, or dominate their concepts of history in a
manner that is relatively independent from the divisions between
rival political ideologies. It testifies also to the extent to which such
discourses are inseparable from a deep Eurocentric representation
of history, even when they claim to be critical of something like a
“European nationalism,” or “pan-European ideology.”
But there is more to be said, and namely that such a paradox
also affects discourses which, in the same circumstances, tried to
be more critical with respect to the achievements of the European
construction. I am thinking of the way in which, in their book on
“cosmopolitical Europe,” Ulrich Beck and Edgar Grande (2004)
described the European construction as a “reflective moment” or
the emergence of a “politics of politics” in which the feedback ef-
fect of globalization and its specific problems associated with
“global risks” would progressively transform the very idea of a na-
tional interest and allow Europe to correct its own Eurocentrism
and lack of cosmopolitanism. Accordingly, the intermediary posi-
translation / spring / 2014
tion in which Europe finds itself would dialectically foster its own
internal transformation and allow it to play a crucial role in the
transformation of the global distribution and definition of power.
90
And, if I may invoke my own elaborations here, I am even thinking
of the manner in which, borrowing the dialectical image of the
“vanishing mediator,” I tried to explain in 2003 that Europe as a
society, a new moment in the history of political forms, could only
exist on the condition of becoming the instrument of a resistance
to the polarizations of the War on Terror as well as a multilateral
competition between Grossräume or geopolitical rival entities,
which is centered on a combination of state power and cultural ex-
ceptionalism. It should “decenter” its self-consciousness and ac-
knowledge the extent to which it had become itself transformed
and reshaped by the aftereffects of its violent interaction with the
world, particularly through the postcolonial transformation of its
population and culture (see Balibar 2003a). However “dialectical”
this presentation of Europe may appear (as a potential vanishing
mediator in contemporary politics, which could transform others
on the condition of becoming transformed itself by the others), it
clearly contained an element of European messianism which I
shared with many others.
It is perhaps owing to my self-critical reflection on the ex-
tent to which the messianic idea of Europe as the “vanishing medi-
ator” in fact reproduces or pushes to the extreme the Eurocentric
scheme inherent in other contemporary uses of the cosmopolitan
ideal that I can put into question what I believe is one of the deep
philosophical structures underlying the combination of universal-
ism and Eurocentrism in the cosmopolitan tradition: namely, the
idea that the transformation of the local, particular, national citizen
into a “citizen of the world” through a relativization of member-
ships and borders requires a singular mediation (or even a media-
tor), which turns the empirical interest against itself, performing
the negation of particularity from the inside. There is no doubt to
my mind that the cosmopolitical discourse in its classical form, as
it was elaborated philosophically in Kant and others—including
Marx, in his own way—formed a conceptual system organized
around the transcendental dualism of the empirical individual and
the universal person, or the “generic individual” (as Hegel, Feuer-
bach, and the young Marx would reformulate it), namely the indi-
translation / spring / 2014
vidual who carries within themselves a representation of the
species, therefore also a commitment to the superior interest of the
human community as such. The universal subject can be a “univer-
91
sal class,” or a “universal political project” called post national con-
stellation. In any case the mediation has to be performed by a mem-
bership or a community endowed with the character of a
self-negating subject, which means a community (of citizens) with-
out a “communitarian” collective identity, or not reducible to it,
therefore without exclusionary effects, and with a revolutionary po-
tential of universalization. Such is the case of “cosmopolitan Eu-
rope” in the discourses that I was quoting.
What I am suggesting is, in fact, a reversal of this pattern
(which perhaps in the end will prove to be again one of its
metonymic reformulations). At the same time I am admitting that
the incapacity of Europe to emerge as a cosmopolitical mediation
is not to be separated from its only too obvious current stalemate
as a political project. There is something intrinsically contradictory
in the idea of framing a postnational Europe which is a public space
of conflicts, regulations, and civic participation, although it does
not take the form of constructing a superstate—perhaps especially
if it does not take that form. In a moment I will try to indicate that
this intrinsic contradiction can be linked to the fact that the Euro-
pean construction as such emphasizes all the elements of otherness
inherent in the representation of Europe as a whole, or simply as
an ensemble. But this requires a detour through the consideration
of the role of borders, from which I hope to gain a metamorphosis
in the self-perception of Europe, in which its definition never sim-
ply comes from its own history, but returns to it from outside, from
the consequences of its externalization. This is a point of view that
seems more likely to become adopted in what constitutes the pe-
ripheries of Europe in the broad sense: cultural and political zones
of interpenetration with the rest of the world—Britain or Turkey or
Spain, say, rather than France or Germany, where Habermas im-
plicitly localized the European “core states.” But in reality, owing
to the consequences of colonialism, and later postcolonial migra-
tions and hybridization of cultures, it is also a possibility open for
the whole of Europe that should be discussed in common, passing
from one country to the other and one language to the other.
translation / spring / 2014
Let me now concentrate on what I called a “phenomeno-
logical approach” of the border as institution—and in a sense an
institution of institutions, whose fundamental characteristics appear
92
historically when it determines specific political practices, setting
their quasi-transcendental conditions, as it were. In the the past, an-
alyzing the repressive functions performed by the border especially
with respect to some strangers, but also some nationals, I coined
the formula “a nondemocratic condition of democracy” (Balibar
2003b). I now want to emphasize the ambivalent characteristics of
this condition, which represents both closeness and aperture, or
their permanent dialectical interplay. Thus, a phenomenology of
the border is a very complex undertaking. It is now becoming one
of the major objects of reflection and points of interdisciplinary co-
operation for anthropologists, historians, geographers, political the-
orists, and so on. Even philosophers may have something to say
from within their intellectual tradition and disciplinary logic (see
Balibar, Mezzadra, and Samaddar 2012, and Mezzadra and Neilson
2013). To take the institution of the border as privileged vantage
point in the discussion on cosmopolitics and its tensions does not
produce the same effect as adopting, say, the point of view of cul-
ture, or territory, or urban society—although there clearly are rec-
iprocities between these different paradigms. In previous essays I
suggested, following a suggestion from Kant’s early Latin disser-
tation on the “regions of space,” that borders are never purely local
or bilateral institutions, reducible to a simple history of conflicts
and agreements between neighboring powers and groups, which
would concern only them, but are always already “global”—that
is, a way of dividing the world itself into places, a way of config-
uring the world or making it “representable” (as the history of maps
and mapping techniques testifies). Hence the development of a
“mapping imaginary” which has as much anthropological impor-
tance as the imagination of historical time and is not to be separated
from it. I should add that borders are, therefore, constitutive of the
transindividual relationship to the world, or “being in the world”
when it is predicated on a plurality of subjects. This might already
explain why the imagination of borders has a privileged relation-
ship with utopias, albeit in a very contradictory manner. Either it
works through the assumption of their closure, when utopian soci-
eties are imagined as isolated from the world, or it works through
translation / spring / 2014
the anticipation of their suppression, their withering away giving
rise to a “borderless world” for the whole of mankind. But the bor-
ders are not only structures of the imagination; they are a very real
93
institution, albeit not with a fixed function and status. And as con-
ditions for the construction of a collective experience, they are char-
acterized by their intrinsic ambivalence.
Here I generalize a reflection on the category of the for-
eigner and “foreignness” that I find in particular in Bonnie Honig’s
excellent book (2001), to which I will return. This ambivalence be-
gins with the fact that borders are both internal and external, or
subjective and objective. They are imposed by state policies, ju-
ridical constraints, and controls over human mobility and commu-
nication, but they are also deeply rooted in collective identifications
and a common sense of belonging. We may continue with the fact
that borders are at work within opposite paradigms of the political,
particularly what I call the paradigm of war and the paradigm of
translation, with antithetic models for the construction of the
“stranger,” or the institution of difference between the “us” and the
“them,” which are both exclusive and nonexclusive. As a conse-
quence, while recognizing the importance of the border in the de-
velopment of utopian discourses, I prefer to consider that the border
as such is a heteroropia or a “heterotopic” place in Foucault’s
sense—that is, both a place of exception where the conditions of
normality and everyday life are “normally suspended,” so to speak;
and a place where the antinomies of the political are manifested
and become an object of politics itself. It is borders, the drawing
and the enforcing of borders, their interpretations and negotiations
that “make” or “create” peoples, languages, races, and genealo-
gies… Let me try to indicate three moments of this heterotopic phe-
nomenon of borders from the point of view of their current
transformations, especially across and beyond Europe. The emer-
gence of “European borders” which need to be constantly displaced
or redrawn is indeed one of the main concerns underlying this very
sketchy theorization.
The first element I want to emphasize is the fact that bor-
ders and frontiers are simultaneously defined as functions of war-
fare (or the interruption of warfare in the form of territorial
settlements and an equilibrium of power codified by international
law), and as functions of translation, or linguistic exchange: I call
translation / spring / 2014
this second aspect a philological model of the construction of the
political space—particularly the nation in modern history—where
the appropriation of a collective identity and its equivalence with
94
others mainly rests on establishing a correspondence as tight and
effective as possible between linguistic communities and political
communities. They must have the same boundaries, which are en-
forced and developed through education, literature, journalism, and
communication (as Benedict Anderson famously demonstrated in
his study of “imagined communities” and the becoming hegemonic
of the national form of the state—see Anderson 1983). The con-
struction of borders through war and the suspension of war, and
their interiorization through the community of language and the
possibility of translation (namely the activity that takes place when
one stands on the border itself, either very briefly or for a long pe-
riod, sometimes coinciding with the whole life), are clearly anti-
thetic, but it does not mean that the two models are completely
external to one another. On the contrary they are bound to contin-
uously interfere and merge. In a sense, or in specific circumstances,
war arises about translation and translation remains a war—because
it involves a confrontation with the conflictual difference, or the ir-
reducible “differend” with the other (in Lyotard’s terminology) that
can be displaced but not abolished, returning under the very ap-
pearance of consensus and communication. This reciprocity of war
and translation within the establishment of lasting cultural power
structures or hegemonies has been particularly emphasized by post-
colonial studies which concern both the old peripheries and the old
“centers,” where so called “universal” or “international” languages
have been created and institutionalized, and more recently by critics
of the idea of a “world literature” (see, for example, Apter 2005).
This is one of the major themes in Chakrabarty’s work, Provincial-
izing Europe (2000), where he insists on the conflict between an-
tagonistic ways of “translating” life worlds, or the experience of
the world, into labor (that is, abstraction in the merchant and capi-
talistic sense), and history (that is, majoritarian and minoritarian
traditions and belonging). Perhaps we could suggest that what char-
acterizes our experience of the globalized world, both virtually
common and divided among incompatible representations of the
sense of history, is a new intensity of this overlapping or undecid-
ability of the relationship between war and translation. This would
translation / spring / 2014
come also, on the side of war, from the fact that war has become
immersed in a much more general economy of global violence,
which is not less but more murderous, and in fact includes perma-
95
nent aspects of extermination. Ethnocide or culture wars are part
of this economy.
The pattern of a “global civil war” that is looming in such
diverse interpretations as those proposed by Hans Magnus Enzens-
berger, Negri and Hardt, or Agamben, is useful here but it is also
misleading because it tends to quickly reduce to unity the enormous
heterogeneity of the violent processes overlapping in this global
economy, ranging from so-called “new wars” which involve state
and nonstate actors, and subvert international law, to the seemingly
natural catastrophes which foremost affect the populations targeted
by mass impoverishment and made “superfluous” from the point
of view of the capitalist rationality. On the other side the labor of
translation which permanently confronts the antinomy of equiva-
lence and difference, is a way of acknowledging the irreducible na-
ture of the untranslatable elements: through its confrontation with
this “impossible” task it produces a universal community of lan-
guages, or a “pure language,” as Benjamin explained in somewhat
messianic terms in his famous essay on “The task of the translator”
(on this point, see Balibar 2006b). With the process of globalization,
especially as it is seen “from below”—that is, not from the global
Republic of Letters, but from the working populations themselves,
this labor has also become much more complex and conflictual. In
a postcolonial world the hierarchy of idioms, therefore of possibil-
ities of translation towards the same “languages of reference,”
which serve as general equivalent for all the others, is becoming
less and less indisputable and unilateral; it is therefore continuously
enforced in a brutally simplified manner through the monolinguistic
discipline of internet communication. The association of linguistic
hierarchies with borders and collective identities appears much
more clearly as a structure of national and transnational power:
there is as much violence and latent political conflict, as much ques-
tioning of established sovereignties, in the possibility for Algerian
citizens to simultaneously use their three historical languages (in-
cluding Arabic, French, and Amazigh), as there is for Urdu, Turkish,
Arab, and African languages to become recognized as equal parts
of the “conversation” among the populations of multinational and
translation / spring / 2014
multicultural Europe, therefore granted the same educational and
administrative status as the “genuinely European” national or re-
gional languages (some of which have for centuries been ex-pro-
96
priated—that is, they no longer “belong” to the populations of Eu-
ropean descent). I suspect that similar problems could be raised with
respect to Spanish and Asian languages in the North American
realm.
This brings me to the second aspect of a phenomenology
of borders as preliminary to the cosmopolitical issue. Zygmunt
Bauman, who is certainly one of the great anthropologists of the
cultural side of “globalization” today, emphasized that “all societies
produce strangers, but each kind of society produces its own kind
of strangers, and produces them in its own inimitable way” (Bau-
man 1997). I take this phrase to mark an important step in a story
of sociological and philosophical reflections on the figure of the
stranger and the foreigner (the duality of categories already marking
the difficulty in assessing the priority of the interior or the exterior,
the juridical or the cultural aspect), which derive from the famous
essays by Simmel and Alfred Schutz, and continues today with
Gilroy, Babha, Honig, Spivak. Whether it was the existence of bor-
ders that created the stranger, imposing an institutional mark of oth-
erness on the complexity of cultural and local differences, or the
preexisting difference among nations and genealogies that led to
the institution of borders and the closure of territories, is a question
that was never completely solved. It would seem that the establish-
ment of the new borders of Europe, and the way they are enforced
against the self-determination and the right of circulation of migrant
and refugee populations, with the continuous relocation of these
police demarcations, sheds a brutal light on this issue because of
its discretionary character, as embodied in the Schengen rules.
In previous essays, I intentionally gave a provocative di-
mension to this discussion by suggesting that the introduction of a
notion of European citizenship based on national memberships
within the European Union produces something like a European
apartheid, a reverse side of the emerging of a European community
of citizens, by incorporating anybody who is already a national cit-
izen in any of the member states, and excluding anybody, however
permanently settled and economically or culturally integrated, who
comes from extra-Communitarian spaces. The exclusionary aspect
translation / spring / 2014
arises from the simple fact that differences of nationality, distin-
guishing the national and the foreigner, which formerly applied in
the same manner to all aliens within each nation state, now institute
97
a discrimination: some foreigners (“fellow Europeans”) have be-
come less than foreigners, in terms of rights and social status (they
are no longer exactly strangers), while other foreigners, the “extra-
Communitarians,” and especially immigrant workers and refugees
from the South, are now more than foreigners, as it were—they are
the absolute aliens subjected to institutional and cultural racism. To
this general idea, Alessandro Dal Lago and Sandro Mezzadra
(2002), Didier Bigo (2005), and other sociologists or politologists
who work on the “normalized state of exception” to which migrants
are increasingly subjected in order to uphold the distinction between
legal and illegal categories of immigrants, have added another ele-
ment: the violent police operations (including the establishment of
camps) performed by some European states on behalf of the whole
community (with the help of neighboring client States, such as
Libya or Morocco), amount to a kind of permanent border war
against migrants (see, also, Balibar 2003c). The extent to which
this policy is an intentional one can be disputed, but what I draw
from their analysis is especially the growing indiscernibility of the
concepts of police and war (also present in other forms of sovereign
violence in today’s world): hence the tendency towards a reduction
of the foreigner, or the “real stranger,” to a notion of virtual enemy,
which pertains to a power permanently running behind a lost sov-
ereignty, or the possibility of controlling populations and territories
in a completely independent manner (see Brown 2010).
Reducing the figure of the stranger to that of the enemy is
one of the clearest signs of the crisis of the nation–state, or the his-
torical national form of the state, as was already signaled by Han-
nah Arendt (1951). It shows that the crisis of the nation–state,
focusing on its borders but also continuously dislocating these bor-
ders, does not coincide with a linear process of withering away. On
the contrary, it makes the nation–state, or any combination of na-
tion–states, return to a relatively lawless mode of exercising power,
which strongly suggests a comparison with the early modern mo-
ments in the construction of the monopoly of violence that Marx
interpreted as “primitive accumulation.” They probably have to do
with a new phase of primitive accumulation of capitalism on a
translation / spring / 2014
global scale. But, as Bonnie Honig (2001) rightly suggests, they
also testify for an extremely ambivalent character of the political
process itself: in fact, whole populations of strangers are now os-
98
cillating between a condition of outsiders and insiders in the con-
struction of a postnational and postcolonial order, for which Europe
appears as a violent, conflictual “laboratory.” Strangers could be-
come (and very often actually become), either internal enemies,
who are looked upon with suspicion and fear by the state and the
“majoritarian” population, or additional citizens, whose very dif-
ference enlarges the fabric of rights and the democratic legitimacy
of the institutions. Their inclusion in the domain of the “right to
have rights” would illustrate what French political philosopher
Jacques Rancière called granting the shareless their share (Ran-
cière 1998). Indeed, this symmetry is heavily unbalanced yet never
completely destroyed, or it is at stake in the daily resistances and
vindications of basic rights on the part of the foreigners, making
them members of an active community of citizens even before they
are granted formal citizenship, thus concretely anticipating a cos-
mopolitical transformation of the political.
This consideration may sound very optimistic indeed, and
I will qualify it through adding a third and last point. I became
aware of this when I started reflecting on the consequences of the
failed attempt at establishing a European Constitution in 2005, and
its relationship to the development of so-called “populist” attitudes
in Europe, in fact a revival of nationalist feelings, of which the
strangers are the inevitable victims—not only when they come from
outside Europe, but between its own “peoples.” What is cause and
what is effect in this matter can be disputed, but perhaps it does not
matter so much, and we must develop a symptomatic interpretation.
The French and the Dutch played the role of the bad Europeans in
the story, but shortly after the even former German Chancellor Hel-
mut Schmidt—not a bad connoisseur—expressed his conviction
that, if popular referendums had been called everywhere in Europe,
the result would probably have been a “no” in a majority of coun-
tries, including Germany. I don’t believe this to illustrate the per-
petual conflict between reactionary nationalism and enlightened
cosmopolitanism. I also don’t think that the reason for the failure
of the “federal” project entirely lies in the social and economic
causes that were emphasized by the French Left, when it insisted
translation / spring / 2014
that the draft constitution had been rejected because it completely
endorsed a legitimization of the neoliberal conception of the public
sphere, and a dismantling of collective social rights. Even if this is
99
largely true, which I tend to believe it is, it would not produce a na-
tionalist revival on its own. It could also—at least ideally—foster
the development of pan-European social movements, for which
democratic advances written into the Constitution (notably in the
Charter of fundamental rights) could serve as an instrument. Some-
thing else must be acting as well. I believe this might lie in a vicious
circle created by the addition of different kinds of xenophobia: on
the one hand, negative feelings toward other European peoples, or
“fellow Europeans,” in each European country; and on the other
hand the xenophobia directed against non-European populations
of migrants (or of migrant descent)—with such highly ambivalent
cases as Romanians, Turks, Balkan peoples, or populations of
North African descent who have been part of “European history”
for centuries in a colonial or semicolonial framework.
This is what I call the cosmopolitical difficulty of Europe
to deal with its double otherness, an internal and an external other-
ness which are no longer confronted in absolutely separated spaces.
This is also the difficulty of Europe to completely distinguish be-
tween internal borders (between member states) and external bor-
ders (with the rest of the world, and especially the South), or
abolish this distinction and return to a classical status of the national
border and the definition of the stranger. To put it in one phrase,
European racism directed against immigrant “extra-European” pop-
ulations, which hampers the development of social movements
against neoliberal policies, also results from a projection of the na-
tionalist feeling opposing European nations to one another, which
the European construction in its current form has only superficially
cloaked. It forms a derivative for a repressed mutual xenophobia.
But the reverse is also true: it is the incapacity of European nations,
and the unwillingness of European states, to grant migrants and
populations of migrant descent equal rights and recognition, as well
as the permanent temptation from populist parties and leaders to
exploit antimigrant fears and hatreds for domestic purposes, which
prevents Europeans from imagining that they could address their
most urgent common social and political problems as a single con-
stituency, thus giving rise to a new more “cosmopolitical” moment
translation / spring / 2014
in the history of democratic citizenship. There is something like a
“missing nation” in the middle of Europe, a nation made of several
long-established migrant communities with different histories but
100
a similar final destiny, and also some common cultural characters
easily seen as threats to European culture. Once it might have been
called the “sixteenth nation” when there were fifteen official mem-
ber states, now it could be called the “twenty-sixth nation” (an idea
already proposed by Catherine di Wenden—see Wenden 1997; with
more recent admissions to the EU, including Croatia, one should
perhaps more accurately say “the twenty-ninth state”). And it is this
missing nation in the middle returning in a fantastic manner as a
virtual internal enemy that makes it so difficult for all the other na-
tions to perceive themselves as building a single constituency, au-
tomatically depriving them of the capacity of collectively
influencing the global trends of politics, culture, and the economy.
translation / spring / 2014
101
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translation / spring / 2014
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103
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] | Knowledge on the Move:
Between Logistics and Translation
Brett Neilson ............................
University of Western Sydney, Australia.
[email protected]
Abstract: Translation and logistics are often considered distinct and opposed ac-
tivities. The former is a social practice that produces boundaries and connections
between languages, cultures and forms of life. The latter is a technical operation
that contributes to the production of value by creating efficiencies of communi-
cation and transport. This paper takes translation and logistics as twin analytical
pincers in which to examine the changing politics and economy of knowledge
in the contemporary capitalist world. Particular attention is given to the socio-
technical systems that enable practices of translation and the role of social and
cultural negotiation in facilitating movement along the logistical chains that sup-
port global production. By examining the terms and the limits of the overlap
between translation and logistics, the paper investigates its implications for the
global arrangement of space and time as well as the subjective stakes of labor in
the production of knowledge.
______________
How does knowledge travel? The question is profound to
the point of being banal. Movement is intrinsic to knowing.
Whether the passage is between subject and object, through space
and time, or across the boundaries of disciplines or other gardens
of knowledge, knowledge seems unable to submit to stillness. The
present essay investigates two dimensions of knowledge movement
that have come to the fore under conditions of capitalism and glob-
alization: the first associated with logistical operations and the sec-
ond deriving from translation. The aim is to show the intertwining
and interdependence of these different aspects of knowledge move-
ment, despite the seeming tension between them in terms of open-
ness to political and cultural life, subordination to technological
processes and coordination with economic activity.
Logistics organizes and produces the heterogeneity of
translation / spring / 2014
global space and time. Tuned to the turnover of capital, it mobilizes
material and infrastructural implementations to produce communi-
cation, transport, and economic efficiencies. With its origins in mil-
129
itary supply, it has, since the 1960s, become a software-driven
process that coordinates production and assembly processes across
planetary expanses. No longer an exercise in cost reduction, it has
become integral to the maximization of profit. Essential to its op-
erations is the governance of supply or commodity chains. Logis-
tical networks rely on internal standards and protocols to establish
interoperability between systems and facilitate the movement of
people, goods, and things. Attention to the logistics of knowledge
movement thus requires awareness of techniques and technologies
that enable sorting, classification, distribution, and storage. Increas-
ingly these processes are inseparable from the production of knowl-
edge itself, making it unfeasible to consider them post hoc
arrangements that pertain merely to the movement of already
formed or commodified knowledge. The metaphor of knowledge
transfer, which circulates widely in academic and commercial con-
texts, registers some of the limits and dilemmas associated with
such an approach to knowledge. It signals at once the dream that
knowledge might travel efficiently and unaltered between a source
and a target and the reality that such movement is always inter-
rupted by social and cultural factors. In other words, it shows how
the logistics of knowledge movement is always entangled with the
politics of translation.
Translation is a privileged cultural operation and social
practice that produces bridges and barriers between languages, civ-
ilizations, and forms of life. It is an iterative operation that facili-
tates movement through an active process of mutation in which
difference and incommensurability tend to win over standardization
and protocols. This is to say it is a vernacular or idiomatic practice
that creates social relations within a force field marked by differ-
entials of power, culture, and economy. At once sparking connec-
tions and active in processes of domination, not least those
associated with modern colonialism and global capitalist expansion,
translation is an inherently double-sided political concept and prac-
tice. It can open channels of communication and understanding be-
tween communities and cultures but only at the risk of establishing
boundaries in ways that further a politics of rigidified identity. His-
translation / spring / 2014
torically this has been one of its major functions. When the practice
of translation establishes equivalence between languages or groups
of people, it enforces the idea of distinct communities, nations, or
130
civilizations traveling coevally through time. It thus contributes to
the creation of dominant geopolitical constructs: the West and the
rest, center and periphery, and so on. In the contemporary world,
where such an approach to translation remains prevalent, it plays a
part in dividing the planet into blocs or regions and producing nor-
mative figures of continentalization: the European, the Asian, the
African, et cetera. Yet, as several critical scholars (Sakai 1997,
Iveković 2010, Mezzadra 2010) have emphasized, translation con-
tinues to hold a potential for radical subversion or the unsettling of
established identities, boundaries, and the social relation of capital.
Here is the dilemma. Translation is seen as the cultural op-
eration par excellence, a creative act with the power to rearrange
social relations whether in politically liberating or constraining
ways. By contrast, logistics is widely understood as a set of tech-
nical operations driven by algorithmic processes and subordinated
to the imperatives of capital or war. Attempting to shift these es-
tablished views is perhaps a futile exercise. The current paper holds
these shibboleths in place, even as it questions them by probing the
borders between the cultural and the economic, and querying the
separability of the creative and the technical. The argument is de-
ceptively simple: without logistics no translation, and without trans-
lation no logistics. This is an analytical and political claim rather
than a logical proposition or dialectical formulation. The intertwin-
ing of translation and logistics comes into view with the histori-
cization of these practices. Particularly in current conditions of
capitalism (where cooperative networks are crucial to systems of
production, and value creation depends ever more on distribution
and access to knowledge), translation and logistics have developed
in ways that make them increasingly indistinguishable. This article
explores the terms and limits of this overlap, investigating its im-
plications for the global arrangement of space and time as well as
the subjective stakes of labor in the production of knowledge.
Traveling Theory
In an article entitled “Traveling Theory” (1983, 226), Ed-
ward Said identifies “a discernible and recurrent pattern to the
translation / spring / 2014
movement” of ideas and theories. Although widely read within crit-
ical and postcolonial circles, the paper’s delineation of four distinct
stages of “travel” reads like a familiar narrative of immigration and
131
acculturation:
First, there is a point of origin, or what seems like one, a set of initial circumstances in
which the idea came to birth or entered discourse. Second, there is the distance trans-
ferred, a passage through the pressure of various contexts as the idea moves from an
earlier point to another time and place where it will come into a new prominence. Third,
there is a set of conditions—call them conditions of acceptance or, as an inevitable part
of acceptance, resistances—which then confronts the transplanted theory or idea, mak-
ing possible its introduction or toleration, however alien it may appear to be. Fourth,
the now full (or partly) accommodated (or incorporated) idea is to some extent trans-
formed by its new uses, its new position in a new time and place. (Said 1983, 226–227)
Said’s essay focuses on the geographical movement of
ideas and theories, which, although part of knowledge, are not the
whole of it. Yet the typology he offers provides a schema by which
to assess the evolution of knowledge movements across the past
three decades. A distinct absence from his analysis is an account of
the material forces and technical factors that compel knowledge to
move. Said recognizes a “commerce of theories and ideas” but does
not interrogate the economic and material processes that underlie
this trade or exchange (226). The movement of knowledge, in this
account, seems almost disconnected from economic forces or tech-
nical parameters. It is the result of patterns of influence between
prominent thinkers.
Said’s primary example is the transfer of Lukács’s concept
of reification into the works of Lucien Goldmann and from there
into the writings of Raymond Williams. Although he examines the
conditions of acceptance, pressures, and resistances that surround
this transplantation of ideas, he does not explore the material con-
duits that make it possible. The movement of knowledge between
the works of these figures is attributed to patterns of “indebtedness”
and “use” (235, 242). There is little attention to histories of publi-
cation, translation, or dissemination—say, in the manner of Franco
Moretti’s (1999) rewriting of the history of the European novel.
Said mentions that Goldmann was Lukács’s student and that
Williams heard Goldmann deliver two lectures in 1970. But in his
account, the transfer of knowledge is almost entirely restricted to
translation / spring / 2014
philological and hermeneutic concerns. As a result “Traveling The-
ory” has little to say about how the movement of knowledge is
linked to infrastructural conditions of transport, communication,
132
memory, or economy. Implicit in Said’s argument is the claim that
Lukács’s concept loses its revolutionary potential as it travels, a po-
sition he revises in a later essay entitled “Traveling Theory Recon-
sidered” (1994) by considering Frantz Fanon’s reception of Lukács.
In both of these pieces, however, the focus is on matters of concept
production, reading, and reception. Transplanted knowledge is sub-
jected to pressures of context and interpretation but the exact man-
ner in which it moves through space and time remains obscure.
This is surprising given Said’s (1978) writings on how ori-
entalist knowledge practices have shaped and in turn been shaped
by colonial adventures in Asia and the Islamic world. Following
from this work, there has been an ongoing concern across a number
of disciplines with the material and discursive practices that have
led to the emergence (and maintenance) of a distinction between
the West and the rest. One result of this is a/the growing attention
to how the practice of translation facilitates the circulation of
knowledge across geopolitical and social boundaries. As Irrera
(2013, 2) explains, the “notion of translation, although rarely men-
tioned by Said, is actually at the very heart of the cultural practices
of Saidian humanism.” At stake is partly an emphasis on transla-
tion’s capacity to create mutual understanding and reciprocity be-
tween human groups. In a late article published in the Egyptian
newspaper Al-Ahram, for instance, Said (2001) argues against a
campaign to stop the translation of Arabic books into Hebrew on
the grounds that greater availability of Arabic writings in Israel will
better enable Israelis to understand Arabs “as a people.” But as a
practitioner of comparative literature, a discipline that maps lin-
guistic differences over bodies of expression and thought, Said
would have been aware of the ambivalent position of translation as
both a border-breaking and border-making practice. Although com-
mitted to humanist precepts and the opening of world-historical
horizons, he remained acutely aware of the politics of cultural im-
perialism and the capacity for translation to serve the ends of dom-
ination and separate populations into distinct identity groups.
The limit of Said’s work for understanding current knowl-
edge movements lies less in its muted engagement with translation
translation / spring / 2014
than its neglect of what today is called knowledge management—
that is, the codification and collection of processes and devices for
governing the production, circulation, and utilization of knowledge.
133
“Traveling Theory” was written at a time when the rise of a knowl-
edge economy oriented toward services, intellectual property rights,
innovation and information technology was just getting underway.
Thirty years later, the implication of translation in practices of lo-
gistical calculation that pertain to the production and transfer of
knowledge has become a crucial part of globalizing capitalism.
There is a need to move beyond the paradigm of traveling theory
with its cultural and exegetical bias and to probe translation’s role
in the production of subjectivity and the making and unmaking of
worlds. This means investigating translation’s entanglement with
operations of capitalism. The capacity of capital to translate het-
erogeneous forms of life into the homogenous language of value is
only one aspect of this entanglement. Efforts to make capital’s
turnover productive also invest practices of translation, whether
they take a linguistic, cultural, or more generally social form. Only
by disentangling translation from these efforts can we begin to dis-
cern a knowledge politics adequate to the invention of new modes
of social cooperation.
The Logistics Revolution
If Said’s “Traveling Theory” supplies an icon of thinking
about knowledge movements and translation without a developed
account of relevant logistical arrangements, there is a plethora of
approaches that do the opposite. Logistics is a technological and
pragmatic field, increasingly driven by computational modes of
control and forever pushing deadlines. It is hard to imagine logis-
ticians entertaining an interest in the subtleties of translation theory
or its implications for issues of economy and politics. Nonetheless
the transfer and sharing of knowledge is crucial to logistical
processes, particularly when they connect up supply chains in
which efficiencies can be established through the implementation
of standards or other mechanisms of internal governance. Accord-
ing to Ballou (1992, 5), the “mission of logistics is to get the right
goods or services to the right place at the right time, and in the de-
sired (right) condition, while making the greatest contribution to
the firm.” This definition, with its identification of the firm as the
translation / spring / 2014
exemplary logistical subject, registers the commercial imperatives
that drive contemporary logistical practices. Yet this was not always
the case. Until the mid twentieth century, logistics was primarily a
134
military practice associated with the supply of food and arms to
fighting forces.
This is not the occasion to explore the history of military
logistics and its implications for the relation of war to politics (Neil-
son 2012). Suffice it to say that logistics was considered one of the
three arts of war alongside strategy and tactics. Prominent nine-
teenth-century military thinkers such as Carl von Clausewitz (2007)
attributed a lesser role to logistics insofar as it was understood as a
preparatory exercise that established the conditions for these more
warlike arts. As technological innovations such as the introduction
of railways and the use of fossil fuels changed military campaigns,
logistics became a central part of modern warfare. Meanwhile, with
the spread of the industrial revolution, practices of transport and
spatial economics drew mounting interest in the civilian sphere. In
seminal publications such The Theory of the Trace (1900), the Ger-
man civil engineer Wilhelm Launhardt built on the mathematical
formulations of Pierre de Fermat to derive efficiency criteria for
commercial transport networks with regard to topography. This
work was replicated and extended by Alfred Weber, the younger
brother of Max, in his Theory of the Location of Industries (1929).
Weber’s book closed with a mathematical appendix, written with
Georg Pick, which offered a formula purporting to derive the opti-
mal location for an industrial plant based on variables such as the
cost of transport, the agglomeration of industrial facilities and the
cost of labor across different sites. These are among the earliest
precedents for a mathematical approach to logistics. It is not until
the 1960s, however, that the introduction of a systems analysis ap-
proach to transport and distribution management began to remake
geographies of production and circulation at the global scale, giving
rise to the distinct economic sector of logistics.
Scholars who study the evolution of the field call this the
logistics revolution (Allen 1997). Changes in this period and its af-
termath include the spatial reorganization of the firm, the perform-
ance monitoring of labor, the interlinking of logistics science with
computing and software design, the introduction of the shipping
container, the formation of business organizations and academic
translation / spring / 2014
programs for the production and dissemination of logistical knowl-
edge, the building of global supply chains, and the search for cheap
labor rates in poorer areas of the world. Logistics moved from being
135
an effort of cost minimization to become an integrated part of
global production systems and a means of maximizing profit. The
myth that production stopped at the factory gates, challenged in
feminist theory and politics, was shattered in the mainstream world
with the evolution of more efficient transport and communication
systems. The assembly of goods across different global locations,
with objects and knowledge constantly moving between them,
served to blur the processes of production and distribution. Logis-
tics also made the organization of global space more complicated
and differentiated. Geographical entities such as special economic
zones and logistics hubs sprang up to attract investment and organ-
ize the business of global production. Increasingly, logistics also
came to play a role in service economies and production processes
not involving the manufacture of material goods. From financial
operations to television production, translation services to the for-
mation of global care chains, the logistical organization of work
and mobility became central to the expansion of capitalist markets
and logic.
The technological and representational systems that en-
abled this shift have seen vast changes since the 1960s. The evolu-
tion of supply chain management and just-in-time production
would have been impossible without the controlled feedback of lo-
gistical data into production and distribution systems. Enterprise
Resource Planning (ERP) and Electronic Data Interchange (EDI)
software platforms aided efforts to digitally record, communicate,
and analyze every aspect of production, transport, display, and
sales. This resulted in more expansive and articulated logistical sys-
tems that sought to continuously map out the position and trajectory
of objects in motion. The real-time integration of these systems pro-
vided an unprecedented ability to rationalize labor at every point
along the chain, intensifying the pace and squeezing workers for
greater productivity. But the desire to match ideals of lean produc-
tion to agile and adaptable logistical processes proved elusive. The
reduction of costs, elimination of waste, and optimization of flow
could only be pushed so far without jeopardizing the robustness
and flexibility of production systems. Issues of supply chain re-
translation / spring / 2014
silience sparked efforts to minimize contingency by simulating the
decisions of actors on both supply and demand sides of the equa-
tion. Today complex techniques of scenario planning, sometimes
136
involving the use of software adapted from financial market appli-
cations, are deployed to smooth out discrepancies and interruptions.
The challenge of achieving interoperability between systems and
building “fault tolerance” into them has underscored the difficulties
that underlie programs of standardization. Nonetheless, the internal
governance of supply chains continues to demand protocols of hi-
erarchy, codifiability, capability, and coordination (Gereffi, Hum-
phrey, and Sturgeon 2005).
To some extent, the problem of interoperability can be con-
ceived as one of translation. The attempt to coordinate discrepant
systems, smooth out glitches, and exchange data via common for-
mats means working across gaps and connections to relationally
produce, arrange, and conceptualize information. Often this in-
volves the creation of standards to which different systems must
conform to enable the transfer of information between them. In
such instances, translation is flattened out and directed toward a
single and tightly controlled set of protocols. But such standards
are hard to create, technically and in terms of the time, labor, and
resources that must be invested in them. They also tend to prolifer-
ate, leading to a situation where standards conflict with other stan-
dards. Even in cases where technical interoperability has been
established, social and cultural factors tend to interfere, making the
task of translation tricky and unstable. This is not an observation
made only by social and cultural thinkers such as the anthropologist
Anna Tsing (2005), who writes about the “friction” that inhabits
the global supply chains of contemporary capitalism. Engineers
also recognize the cultural and social barriers to interoperability,
writing of the need to establish “cultural interoperability” and of
the imperative to establish “supply chain integration” by facilitating
“the exchange of knowledge across dissimilar cultures and in dif-
ferent native languages” (Whitman and Panetto 2006, 235-36). It
is in this sense that logistics must reckon with the politics of trans-
lation. The question is whether such a politics provides resources
for smoothing out the operations of capital or whether it supplies
methods for organizing against current practices of exploitation and
dispossession.
translation / spring / 2014
137
In the Translation Machine
The proximity of the social practice of translation to the
worlds of the technologist, engineer, and logistician is evident not
only in discourses about “cultural interoperability” and supply
chain integration. It is also present in processes of translation them-
selves, which are increasingly powered by algorithmic technologies
and codes. Any attempt to reckon with the politics of translation
must confront the rising prevalence of machine translation, which
submits the social practice of translation to logistical protocols and
software routines that purport to accomplish direct transfers be-
tween languages. Think of the interface of online translation plat-
forms such as Babelfish or Google Translate. Two text boxes of the
same size face each other. One can write (or more usually cut and
paste) into the first, choose the language into which the text is to
be translated, and click the button. The program has the capacity
to detect the input language. Such a technique of translation pow-
erfully reinforces what Sakai (1997) calls the schema of cofigura-
tion. The copresence and equal size of the text boxes suggests a
parallel between languages that are conceived as separate prior to
and independently of the act of translation. Rhetoric and context
fall away. The screen divides source from target, incomprehensible
from comprehensible. As the user’s eyes are drawn from left to
right, she is sealed as member of one language community as op-
posed to another. As much as this is a machine for translation, it is
also a machine for the production of what Jon Solomon (2013) calls
the “speciation of the human”—the division of the genus human
into distinct and fixed blocs of identity and culture. From philology
to imperialism, comparative literature to algorithms, the movement
is seamless and seemingly instantaneous.
Yet there is a glitch. As anyone who has used these plat-
forms knows, the results are patchy. Machine translation offers an
antidote to dreams of a pure or universal language, such as that of-
fered by Walter Benjamin (1968, 80) when he describes the trans-
lator’s task as releasing “in his own language that pure language
that is under the spell of another.” Benjamin’s impulse is theolog-
ical, but the dream of machine translation has equally been driven
translation / spring / 2014
by a vision of universal language, albeit one that is much more in-
strumental. The cyberneticist Warren Weaver (1955), a pioneer in
the field, writes: “When I look at an article in Russian, I say: ‘This
138
is written in English, but it has been coded in some strange sym-
bols. I will now proceed to decode’” (18). He also described the
need to “descend, from each language, down to the common base
of all human communication—the real but as yet undiscovered uni-
versal language—and then re-emerge by whatever route is conven-
ient” (23).
Such an approach, which treats language as code, has
proved a dead end in machine translation (see Kay 2003, Neilson
2010). Today rule-based methods have all but been replaced with
corpus-based approaches, which deploy statistical techniques and
huge libraries of translated texts to move between languages. The
results are sketchy and often only partly legible. It as if culture has
taken its revenge against logistics. But what is the politics of all
this?
Benjamin’s vision of a universal language may have been
undermined by machine translation techniques but his writing sup-
plies us with at least one powerful image to describe the fate of
contemporary translation. In the first of his “Theses on the Philos-
ophy of History” (1968, 253), he writes of an “automaton” that can
play a winning game of chess. The contraption, which makes it ap-
pear as if the game is being played by a “puppet in Turkish attire,”
actually conceals an “expert chess player” who guides “the puppet’s
hand by means of strings.” Benjamin uses this image to argue for
the role of theology in supporting and driving historical material-
ism. Today, when the theological drive toward a universal language
has been displaced by machine translation, this image of the me-
chanical Turk has a much more cynical connection to the business
of translation. In 2005, Amazon opened its platform Mechanical
Turk (https://www.mturk.com/mturk/), a web-based service that of-
fers users the possibility to bid to perform paid work by completing
various tasks that cannot be fulfilled by artificial intelligence. As
the FAQ for the site explains, “[t]oday, we build complex software
applications based on the things computers do well, such as storing
and retrieving large amounts of information or rapidly performing
calculations. However, humans still significantly outperform the
most powerful computers at completing such simple tasks as iden-
translation / spring / 2014
tifying objects in photographs—something children can do even
before they learn to speak.” Not surprisingly, this model of micro-
contracting, pioneered by Mechanical Turk, has also found its ap-
139
plication in the translation world, particularly via sites such as
http://ProZ.com, which allow translators to submit quotes to per-
form translation jobs, often cleaning up the results of machine
translations. The site claims to serve “the world’s largest commu-
nity of translators” and to be the “number one source of new client’s
for translators.” In this way, the glitches in machine translation rou-
tines have become occasions for the crowd sourcing of labor in the
most precarious and flexible of circumstances.
In his article “The Freelance Translation Machine,” Scott
Kushner (2013, 2) explores how online translation platforms such
as ProZ.com negotiate “the encounter between the computational
and the human in the service of capital.” He is interested in how
“algorithmic power” harnesses “human thought, precisely because
it does not conform to machine logic.” The task of the translator,
in the context of sites like this, is to “complete the algorithm” in a
way that obscures the act of translation or makes it appear auto-
mated, despite the fact that the translator exists in a social world
(4). Kushner explains that ProZ features social networking tools
that allow clients to rate the work of translators. The 300,000 free-
lance translators who work on the platform pay for membership,
bid for jobs, accumulate a record of ratings and have the opportu-
nity to display credentials and qualifications on the site. Vendors
are granted easy access to a global workforce by filling out a sub-
mission form that specifies language pairs, number of words, and
deadlines. This has allowed ProZ to emerge “as a temporary stand-
in for the ultimate translation dream: friction-free machine transla-
tion” (12).
Platforms like ProZ reinforce what Sakai (1997) calls ho-
molingual address, posing as if it is possible to translate seamlessly
between languages that are conceived as always already separate
entities. At stake is “the idea of the unity of language,” which makes
it possible “to systematically organize knowledge about languages
in a modern, scientific manner” (Sakai 2009, 73). In observing that
“such an idea is essential for any standardized, automated, algo-
rithmic approach to translation,” Kushner (2013) draws an inter-
esting parallel. ProZ, he comments, is interested not in the contents
translation / spring / 2014
of translation but rather in the protocols that allow it to occur in as
frictionless a manner as possible. To this extent, translation be-
comes a logistical proposition: “ProZ.com is no more interested in
140
a translation project’s contents than a barge captain is in the con-
tents of the shipping containers piled upon his deck.” Furthermore,
the “smooth functioning of the translation industry under global-
ization demands conceptual containers (‘unified languages’) just
as transoceanic transport requires uniform containers.” With this
parallel between container shipping and the workings of online
translation platforms, Kushner suggests a strong relation between
the protocols and algorithms of the global logistics industries and
the protocols and algorithms that facilitate the “do loops” of con-
temporary freelance translation practice. He is fully aware, how-
ever, that platforms like ProZ require humans to tease out “the finer
points of language and its social wrappings” and recognizes that
these “social wrappings are the stuff of Sakai’s (1997) ‘heterolin-
gual address.’” He thus understands the freelance translation ma-
chine to develop “an interface connecting (and simultaneously
separating) the homolingual and the heterolingual, the machine and
the human” (Kushner 2013, 13). But what are the politics of this
implied association of the homolingual with the machine and the
heterolingual with the human? Is the politics of heterolingual ad-
dress something more or less than an attempt to salvage humanitas
from logistical operations?
On Seamlessness
Writing with Sandro Mezzadra, I have posed the question
of the politics of translation as one of the rubbing up of concepts
against material circumstances. Taking our cue from a comment by
Gramsci on a speech delivered by Lenin in 1922, Sandro and I seek
to derive a political concept of translation that reaches beyond the
linguistic and cultural dynamics usually implied by the term. In
particular, we are interested in how the question of translation be-
comes constitutive for political organization in a globalized
world—an aspect of translation that is strongly evident in political
struggles concerning migration and border crossing. We also seek
to understand “the role of translation in the operations of capital”
to provide a “framework for analysing the conditions under which
translation can become a tool for the invention of a common lan-
translation / spring / 2014
guage for contesting capital” (Mezzadra and Neilson 2013a, 276).
Capital is a social relation that reduces all differences to a homo-
geneous measure of value, and, to this extent, it functions like a
141
regime of homolingual translation. The heterogeneity of labor—
which means its fragmentation beyond the figure of the waged in-
dustrial worker—offers a counterpoint to this homogeneity but also
poses the problem of organization across different borders and so-
cial, cultural, and economic boundaries. The challenge of translat-
ing between disparate and divergent struggles is one of the most
pressing political tasks of the day.
Logistical supply chains provide a privileged point of in-
tervention for this challenge. This is because they organize and con-
nect labor forces in the name of capital. The aim of supply chain
management is to make the operations of such chains as efficient
as possible. Software optimization is a crucial part of these efforts,
which must continually balance the leanness of the chain, or its
ability to eliminate redundancies and function in a responsive just-
in-time manner, against its agility, or capacity to route around dis-
turbances such as resource shortages or labor strikes. As Tsing
(2009) writes, supply chains focus “our attention on questions of
diversity within structures of power” (149). They link up dissimilar
firms, distant locations, and distinct labor forces, showing “that di-
versity forms a part of the structure of capitalism rather than an
inessential appendage” (150). Logisticians dream of creating a
seamless world, where borders and differences become not barriers
to be overcome but parameters within which to establish efficien-
cies. In practice, however, they know that designs and programs
encounter obstacles and frictions of all kinds and even contribute
to their creation, from traffic bottlenecks to unruly workforces. The
analytical temptation is to associate such disturbance with the
human element in logistical transactions. Society and culture be-
come interruptive forces that disrupt the efficiency of capital’s lo-
gistical operations, playing havoc with relations of interoperability
and value creation.
Earlier I outlined how the question of interoperability re-
lates to that of translation, but it is important also to register the
link between translation and the production of value. In the Grun-
drisse, Marx famously draws a parallel between translation and the
role of money in facilitating circulation and making possible the
translation / spring / 2014
universal exchange of commodities. He writes about “ideas which
first have to be translated out of their mother tongue into a foreign
language in order to circulate, in order to become exchangeable”
142
(1973, 163). This is a familiar metaphor but it is worth considering
how this logic of exchange relates to the question of capital’s
turnover, or the process of circulation by which it turns through
commodity production to resume its original monetary form. It is
this process of turnover that logistics seeks to optimize or render
more profitable. The dream of seamless production is strongly
linked to that of smooth and efficient circulation. Indeed, in con-
temporary global production networks, where objects and knowl-
edge move constantly between distant sites, these processes become
ever more indistinguishable. It thus seems to make sense to equate
or draw a parallel between the homogenizing logic of capital’s ex-
change and the creation of logistical standards and protocols that
facilitate its turnover. The concept of homolingual translation pro-
vides a powerful tool for understanding both of these movements.
There is limited analytical grip, however, in equating ho-
molingual translation with a mechanical action that is upset by the
unpredictability of the human. The example of translation platforms
like ProZ, already discussed above, shows how the social context
of translation can contribute precisely to the appearance of a seam-
less movement between supposedly distinct and comparable lan-
guages. Perhaps here the Deleuzian notion of the machine, which
describes a complex assemblage that crosses the human and the
technical, is more applicable than that of the mechanism, which
designates a technical apparatus. In any case, the social dynamics
of translation and logistical operations appear inextricably linked.
This link becomes evident in the historical context of contemporary
capitalism, in which the production and transfer of knowledge is a
privileged domain of value creation.
I do not wish to suggest that logistics provides the primary
or the only ambit of contemporary capital’s operations. As I have
argued with Sandro Mezzadra (Mezzadra and Neilson 2013b), it is
crucial to approach the logistical dimension of global capitalism in
the context of its financial and extractive operations, which inter-
sect the logistical domain in complex ways. This article points to a
privileged link between the dynamics of translation and those of
logistics. Doubtless it would be possible to make a similar argument
translation / spring / 2014
about the workings of finance or extraction. But the case of logistics
is interesting in this regard because it is a practice that enables and
drives the material forms of global mobility that have made trans-
143
lation a pressing social and cultural issue. To insist on a relation
between translation and subjectivity in the context of logistics is to
raise the question of the labor of translation. It is to highlight the
unrest, energy, and movement that are constitutive of translation as
well as the bodily and cognitive relations that make it possible. It
is also to emphasize the susceptibility of such labor to processes of
abstraction and measure which are enmeshed in capital, state, and
law. The tension between such abstraction and what Marx calls
labor’s “form-giving fire” (1973, 361) not only crosses bodies and
minds but also shapes the heterogeneity of global space and time.
Piecing apart these tensions and uncovering their political poten-
tialities requires an analytical attention to the intersection of trans-
lation and logistics.
translation / spring / 2014
144
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146
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15508 | [
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] | The Eventfulness of Translation:
Temporality, Difference, and Competing
Universals
Lydia H. Liu ........................
Columbia University, USA
[email protected]
Abstract: The article seeks to develop a new angel for translation studies by re-
thinking its relationship to the political. It begins with the question “Can the
eventfulness of translation itself be thought?” Since neither the familiar model
of communication (translatable and untranslatable) nor the biblical model of
the Tower of Babel (the promise or withdrawal of meaning) can help us work
out a suitable answer to that question, the author proposes an alternative method
that incorporates the notions of temporality, difference, and competing universals
in the reframing of translation. This method requires close attention to the
multiple temporalities of translation in concrete analyses of translingual practices,
or what the author calls “differentially distributed discursive practices across
languages.” The author’s textual analysis focuses on a few pivotal moments of
translation in global history—chosen for their world transforming influences or
actual and potential global impact—to demonstrate what is meant by the “event-
fulness of translation.” These include, for example, the nineteenth-century Chi-
nese translation of Henry Wheaton’s Elements of International Law or Wanguo
gongfa, the post-World War II multilingual fashioning of the Universal Declara-
tion of Human Rights with a focus on P. C. Chang’s unique contribution, and
the Afro-Asian writers’ translation project during the Cold War.
______________
Imagine a poem fluttering down from the sky and somehow
falling into your hands like snowflakes. You might think that this
scenario comes from a surrealist movie, but I am referring to neither
surrealist fantasy nor a writer’s delirium. It is related to one of the
scandals of translation in modern history. The scandal gripped my
attention when I first learned that the Central Intelligence Agency
of the United States had prepared a Russian translation of T. S.
Eliot’s poem Four Quartets and airdropped it onto the territory of
translation / spring / 2014
the Soviet Union in the Cold War (see Stonor Saunders 2001, 248).
This minor escapade quickly passed into oblivion, but the CIA’s
and IRD’s (Information Research Department of the British spy
147
agency) worldwide promotion of post-War modernist art and liter-
ature appears singularly effective in hindsight—so effective, in fact,
that Frances Stonor Saunders, who researched the CIA archives,
came to the conclusion that the West won the Cold War mainly by
conquering the world of arts and letters with weapons of the mind
rather than with the arms race or economic sanctions that allegedly
brought down the Socialist bloc.
Critics need not accept Saunders’s conclusion to heed a few
curious consequences of the cultural Cold War. One of them is that
the majority of CIA-backed artists and writers—and there is a long
list of them—have made their way into the modernist literary and
artistic canon of the West and have systematically been translated
as “world literature” around the globe where, for instance, George
Orwell’s 1984 and Animal Farm are read and taught in more lan-
guages than Michail Aleksandrovich Sholokhov’s And Quiet Flows
the Don, even though the latter, in the opinion of a literary critic
like myself, is a superior writer. And as we turn to twentieth-century
poets, T. S. Eliot is perhaps taught in more languages of the world
than are Pablo Neruda, Federico García Lorca, Nâzım Hikmet, and
Bei Dao combined. It seems that the bets the CIA placed on Eliot,
Orwell, abstract expressionists, and other writers or artists they fa-
vored—airborne or subterranean—paid off handsomely. Critics
sometimes attribute their success to the sophisticated taste and fore-
sight of CIA and IRD covert operators and their collaborators.
There may be some truth to this, but taste or aesthetic judgment can
be mystifying. It cannot explain, for example, the remarkable co-
incidence whereby many of the writers blacklisted by Senator Mc-
Carthy and disfavored by the CIA on non-artistic grounds during
the Cold War have simultaneously been marginalized in contem-
porary literary studies or dropped out of the canon altogether after
World War II (see, for example, Goldstein 2001, and, on blacklist-
ing in the UK, Hollingsworth and Norton-Taylor 1988). Why is it,
then, that aesthetic judgment takes a backseat when it comes to ex-
cluding certain writers but would play a decisive role when it comes
to including other writers in the literary canon? This begs the fur-
ther question of where politics stands in regard to literature, an old
translation / spring / 2014
or perhaps not so old a question. Is the making of the literary canon
fundamentally political? Or is it merely a case of politics interfering
with literature? What role, if any, does global politics play in the
148
struggle over literary productions and their chances of survival in
the modern world?1 Can such politics throw fresh light on some of
the blind spots in the field of translation studies?
These questions have prompted my study of translation as
a political problem in this article as well as in my earlier work. The
more I learn about the cultural politics of the Cold War, the less I
feel inclined to treat global politics as outside interferences. Rather
than closing off the boundaries of literature and politics and ren-
dering them external to each other, I propose that, first, we examine
the dynamic interplay of forces and circumstances that precipitate
the act of translation as an act of inclusion and exclusion. Such
forces and circumstances are not so much external to translation as
prior to any translator’s determination of texts to be chosen and
translated while excluding other works. To anticipate my argument,
the study of these processes can help illuminate the meaning of the
political better than citing the intentions of writers and translators,
or their idiosyncratic tastes.
Secondly, there is a formidable obstacle to overcome if we
decide to undertake this line of investigation in translation studies.
The obstacle, which often stands in the way of our understanding
of the political, is the familiar mental image of translation as a
process of verbal transfer or communication, linguistic reciprocity
or equivalences, or an issue of commensurability or incommensu-
rability. It is almost as if the promise of meaning or its withdrawal
among languages were the only possible thing—blessing or catas-
trophe—that could happen to the act of translation.2 I have critiqued
these logocentric assumptions in translation studies elsewhere (Liu
1995, 1–42; Liu 1999, 13–41) and will not reiterate my position
here. To do so would take us through another round of critiques of
linguistics, philology, theology, the philosophy of language, and
cultural anthropology which would take us too far afield. I should
..........................
1
Most scholars of literature who are familiar with Pierre Bourdieu’s work would probably
concur that canon formation cannot but be political. I find Bourdieu’s notion of the lit-
erary field useful in a national setting but limited for thinking across national borders,
especially when it comes to international politics in cultural life. See Bourdieu 1993.
translation / spring / 2014
2
Although more sophisticated than that of other theorists, Walter Benjamin’s concep-
tion of translation in “The Task of the Translator” ultimately endorses this manner of
reasoning. In his notion of Pure Language, translation holds out a promise of meaning
in messianic time, if not in secular temporality. See my critique, in Liu 1995, 14-16.
149
mention briefly, though, that when I proposed the idea of translin-
gual practices twenty years ago, I was grappling with epistemolog-
ical issues about how we study translation and deal with conceptual
pitfalls in philological methods (see Liu 1995). One question I came
very close to asking but did not ask in the mid-1990s was “Can the
eventfulness of translation itself be thought?” This question, as it
now appears to me, may lead to a more promising approach to the
study of translation than either the communication model or the
biblical model.3 And in the context of my essay in this special issue
on translation and politics, such a question allows me to develop a
new critical method for discerning and analyzing the political in
regard to translation.
I have long felt that a new method and a new conceptual
framework are necessary because the problem of translation trou-
bles not only the study of language, literature, philosophy, and cul-
tural anthropology but also cuts across other disciplines and fields.
In molecular biology, for example, the idea of translation is ubiq-
uitous and appears in the guise of a metaphor—unquestioned and
under-theorized—that is used to conceptualize the biochemical
processes of DNA and RNA. The mobility of this metaphor in the
hands of scientists and social scientists has greatly outpaced our
ability to think clearly about the idea, much less come up with a
method to analyze its discursive behavior across the disciplines. In
short, translation is no more just a linguistic matter than can lin-
guistic differences be reduced to cultural differences. I believe we
have reached the point where the eventfulness of translation itself
must be interrogated.4
In the first section, below, I introduce my methodological
reflections and try to develop some ideas about the multiple tem-
poralities of translation in what I call differentially distributed dis-
cursive practices across languages. This analysis leads to a
discussion of universalism and cultural difference in the second sec-
..........................
3
The story of the Tower of Babel has hitherto dominated our framing of translation as
a theoretical problem. I am doubtful that an endless rehashing or deconstruction of this
biblical story will get us any closer to a better understanding of translation. For earlier
translation / spring / 2014
critiques of the biblical story, see George Steiner 1978; Paul de Man 1986, 73–105; and
Derrida 1985, 165–208.
4
In recent decades, new approaches have been developed here and there to open up
the field beyond established translation studies. See, for example, Naoki Sakai 1997
and Liu 1995.
150
tion, which focuses on the multilingual making of one of the best-
known documents of the post-War period: the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights (hereafter, UDHR) of the United Nations. Here I
examine P. C. Chang’s contribution as Vice-Chair on the Drafting
Committee of the UDHR document—along with Chair Eleanor
Roosevelt and other members—and analyze his philosophical con-
testation of parochial universalism at the UN in 1947–1948. I turn
next to a remarkable vision of competing universalisms with a focus
on Afro-Asian Writers, Conferences and their translation projects
in the 1950s. The third section shows how some of these projects
were organized and pursued in response to the post-War geopolitics
of that time. I conclude with some final reflections on translation,
and literary diplomacy and internationalism in the Cold War.
1. In light of my initial question—“Can the eventfulness of
translation be thought?”—I would say yes, but not until we begin
rethinking the relationship amongst text, interpretation, and event.
If all acts of translation—and by extension, all textual work—take
place within specific registers of temporality and spatiality, do all
translated texts qualify as events? The answer hinges on how the
idea of “event” is defined or philosophically worked out, but such
is not the task of the present essay (I assume that the reader is fa-
miliar with Alain Badiou’s rigorous philosophical work on the sub-
ject—see, especially, Badiou 2005 and 2009). Instead of indulging
in exercises of pure thought or compulsive definitions which belong
elsewhere, I choose to focus on the multiplicity of differentially
distributed discursive fields as the site—spatiality and mobility—
of any translated text and explore their temporalities as instances
of events. For no event that is worthy of the name—as naming is
always part of the process—could possibly exist outside of the dis-
cursive practices that organize it and make it emerge as such, much
less the event of translation which always presupposes the multi-
plicity of discursive fields across different languages. The first step
toward a fruitful understanding of the eventfulness of translation,
therefore, is to develop a conceptual framework to analyze the in-
terplay of temporality and discursive practices across languages.
translation / spring / 2014
Before we contemplate the possibility of such a framework,
we must address a potential objection: What is to be achieved with
the proposed study of the eventfulness of translation? Why not be
151
content with our good old philological methods? Is it not sufficient
to analyze, say, a word for word rendering of a poem from English
to Russian, or the case of a mismatched verb in translated text? I
would not rule out the value of this kind of philological work so
long as it does not limit our understanding of how a work of trans-
lation is brought into being in the first place and why a writer is
deemed worthy of translation into foreign languages more than
other writers. As a matter of fact, T. S. Eliot found himself com-
pelled to address these issues when he accepted the Nobel Prize in
Literature. In his acceptance speech at the Nobel Banquet in Stock-
holm in 1948, Eliot states:
If this were simply the recognition of merit, or of the fact that an author’s reputation
has passed the boundaries of his own country and his own language, we could say that
hardly any one of us at any time is, more than others, worthy of being so distinguished.
But I find in the Nobel Award something more and something different from such
recognition. It seems to me more the election of an individual, chosen from time to
time from one nation or another, and selected by something like an act of grace, to fill
a peculiar role and to become a peculiar symbol. A ceremony takes place, by which a
man is suddenly endowed with some function which he did not fill before. So the ques-
tion is not whether he was worthy to be so singled out, but whether he can perform the
function which you have assigned to him: the function of serving as a representative,
so far as any man can be of thing of far greater importance than the value of what he
himself has written. (Eliot 1948)
Eliot’s disavowal of his unique accomplishment as a poet
could have been motivated by real modesty but it inadvertently
touches on the truth of what it means to “fill a peculiar role and to
become a peculiar symbol” or to “perform a function” and serve
“as a representative.” And of what is he a representative? When the
poem Four Quartets leapt over the spatial, linguistic, and ideolog-
ical divide of the Cold War to fall from the sky—let’s hope not di-
rectly into rivers— the Russian translation was probably taken by
covert operators to represent good poetry from the Free World as
opposed to the dogma of socialist realism. In that case, the poet
could do very little about the idiosyncratic decisions of those oper-
ators who instrumentalized his work under the circumstances.
It is interesting that Eliot is keenly aware of his own pas-
translation / spring / 2014
sivity when it comes to being selected, being endowed, being sin-
gled out, being assigned by others, and so on. To emphasize his
passive role is not to extricate him from the complicity with the CIA
152
but to point out that, in spite of himself, Eliot’s name and poetry do
indeed float around like a symbol, perhaps more mobile and air-
borne than other symbols, but nevertheless a symbol, which is often
beyond his control but which he must live up to. Furthermore, the
symbol called T. S. Eliot is assigned to function in a multiplicity of
languages and discursive fields that inevitably mark a literary work
for translation and international distribution. This preferential mark-
ing, I emphasize, holds the potential of turning a symbol into an
event, or an event into a symbol, back and forth.
In this sense, the question as to which translated or trans-
latable text qualifies as an event, or even a global event, depends
very much on the ways in which we analyze the temporality and
spatiality of its discursive mobility, hence its historicity. To bring
the eventfulness of translation into critical view, one must stop
thinking about translation as a volitional act of matching words or
building equivalences of meanings between languages; rather we
should start by taking it as a precarious wager that enables the dis-
cursive mobility of a text or a symbol, for better or for worse. The
wager releases the multiplicity of the text and opens it up to an un-
certain future, more often than not to an uncertain political future.
The confluence of forces that enable the discursive mobility of a
text or those forces that can mobilize the energy of translators or
cause a poem to be airdropped from the sky should give us the first
clue regarding the political in translation.
This is something I have learned from my previous study
of the first Chinese translation of international law—Henry
Wheaton’s Elements of International Law (1836)—by the American
missionary W. A. P. Martin and his Chinese collaborators in 1863-
1864. In The Clash of Empires, I analyzed the military and political
conflicts of the Second Opium War to understand who determined
the selection of Wheaton’s text and how its translation Wangguo
gongfa (literally, “Public law of ten thousand countries”) was
brought to fruition in 1863–1864 (see Liu 2006, Chapter Four). Re-
flecting on the temporalities of this translation and its dissemination,
I was immediately struck by its peculiar eventfulness and realized
that this translated text was by no means a singular event—I saw at
translation / spring / 2014
least a triple event at the moment of its creation.
What do I mean, though, by the triple event of the Wangguo
gongfa? The first and immediate event was the creation of the Chi-
153
nese text itself, a textual event that required a great deal of negotia-
tion and compromise among the Chinese translators and the Amer-
ican missionary. Words and their meanings were made up,
suspended, substituted, or banished in the course of translation. Next
came the diplomatic event. As a matter of fact, the textual and diplo-
matic events became inextricably entangled before there was even a
translated text. For example, the act of preferential marking in regard
to which text of international law ought to be selected and which ex-
cluded from translation mirrored the diplomatic conflicts among the
imperial powers in China. The timely interventions made by the
American ministers William B. Reed and Anson Burlingame and by
Sir Robert Hart—the second British Inspector-General of the Impe-
rial Maritime Custom Service of the Qing—all played into the hands
of Prince Gong and his Foreign Office Zongli yamen in Beijing, who
agreed to sponsor the translation project. Even more interesting is
the third aspect of this happening, which I have called the epistemo-
logical event, because the historical unfolding of the Wangguo
gongfa was predicated on a certain view of the global that was yet
to come. That process requires a somewhat different temporality—
spanning the late Qing through the Republican era up to our own
time—before the geopolitical consciousness could emerge among
the Chinese elite. I attribute the rise of so-called global (and belatedly
national) consciousness in East Asia to this triple event. In this sense,
the multiple temporalities of the Wangguo gongfa as one of many
translations of Elements of International Law vastly complicate our
understanding of translation and its historicity. These temporalities
were thoroughly embedded in the precarious wager I suggested ear-
lier. Through the discursive mobility of the Wangguo gongfa, the
wager in the realm of international politics unleashed the linguistic
multiplicity of Wheaton’s text from English to Chinese, then from
Chinese to Japanese, and so on to open it up to an uncertain political
future. That future, in hindsight, converged in the Japanese annexa-
tion of Korea, Taiwan, Manchuria, and other colonial enterprises, all
worked out in the legal terms of the Wangguo gongfa or Bankoku
kōhō (Japanese pronunciation for the kanji characters).
But what about cultural differences? Are cultural differ-
translation / spring / 2014
ences not more central to the work of translation than the problem
of temporality and spatiality? Do these differences matter? My an-
swer is yes, they do matter, but no more and no less than the uni-
154
versalist aspirations that inspire any acts of translation or episte-
mological crossings through languages in the first place. As I ar-
gued elsewhere (Liu 1999, Introduction), universalism thrives on
difference; it does not negate difference so much as absorb it into
its familiar orbit of antithesis and dialectic. The situated articulation
of cultural difference has been embedded in the universalizing
processes of past and present all along, which determine what
counts as difference and why it should matter. Such processes can
indeed tell us a great deal about how cultural differences are dif-
ferentially distributed through the eventfulness of translation and
how these differences undergo discursive markings—inclusion, ex-
clusion, comparison, dispersion, cutting, abstraction, et cetera—
before they appear as such from the vantage point of the universal.
Indeed, it is the struggle over the universal where the political as-
serts itself persistently with respect to cultural differences. And as
we turn our attention to the twentieth century, what could be more
universal than the claims of the Universal Declaration of Human
Rights? In the next section, I discuss the drafting of this important
document at the United Nations in 1947–1948 to illustrate how the
dialectic of universalism and cultural differences is played out in
translations where the struggle over words and concepts across lan-
guages becomes the very site of international politics.
2. The UN Commission on Human Rights began its discus-
sion informally in the spring of 1947. John P. Humphrey (1905–
1995), the first Director of the UN Secretariat’s Division on Human
Rights, recalls that the Chairman of the Human Rights Commis-
sion, Mrs. Eleanor Roosevelt, undertook the task of formulating a
preliminary draft international bill of human rights, working with
elected Vice-Chairman Peng-chun Chang (1892–1957) and the
Rapporteur Charles Habib Malik (1906–1987) with the assistance
of the Secretariat. On Sunday February 17, 1947, Mrs. Roosevelt
invited Chang, Malik and Humphrey to meet in her Washington
Square apartment for tea and discuss the preparation of the first
draft of the UDHR by the Secretariat. Humphrey records a snippet
of their conversation below:
translation / spring / 2014
There was a good deal of talk, but we were getting nowhere. Then, after still another
cup of tea, Chang suggested that I put my other duties aside for six months and study
Chinese philosophy, after which I might be able to prepare a text for the Committee.
155
This was his way of saying that Western influences might be too great, and he was look-
ing at Malik as he spoke. He had already, in the Commission, urged the importance of
historical perspective. There was some more discussion mainly of a philosophical char-
acter, Mrs. Roosevelt saying little and continuing to pour tea. (Humphrey 1984, 29)
This seems to be the uncertain first moment of what would
become decades of conversations and intellectual debates that even-
tually gave birth to the International Bill of Human Rights in three
landmark documents in the history of mankind: the UDHR (1948),
the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (1966),
and the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural
Rights (1966).
Malik was a Lebanese Christian and Thomist philosopher.
He had studied philosophy in Europe before World War II working
briefly with Heidegger before arriving in the United States to com-
plete his doctoral degree in philosophy at Harvard University.
Malik was a man of strong convictions, and his Christian person-
alism was the main source of his universalism, even though his life-
long passion was anticommunism.5 By contrast, Chang was a
secular humanist, musician, and a man of letters. Educated in China
and the United States, he was thoroughly bilingual and bicultural.6
Chang and Malik had different upbringings and were steeped in
very different intellectual traditions, but they both were scholar–
diplomats and hailed from the non-Western world. At the UN, they
were joined by other non-Western members of the eighteen-mem-
ber Commission on Human Rights, including Filipino diplomat
Carlos Romulo, Indian feminist educator Hansa Mehta, and Latin
American delegates who made important contributions to the con-
ceptualization of the International Bill of Human Rights (see Glen-
don 2002, and Morsink 1999, 2245-2248).
..........................
5
Malik was Edward Said’s uncle by way of his marriage to Said’s mother’s first cousin.
Said’s reminiscences show some mixed feelings about Malik’s politics and personality.
See Edward Said 2000.
translation / spring / 2014
6
P. C. Chang (or Zhang Pengchun, in the pinyin Romanization system) was born on April
22, 1892, in Tianjin. He was the younger brother of P. L. Chang (Zhang Boling), who was
the founder of Nankai University and one of the most preeminent educators in the Re-
public of China. Both brothers studied at Columbia University. For Chang’s life, see Cui
Guoliang and Cui Hong 2004, 615–710.
156
Upon his election as Vice-Chairman of the UN Human
Rights Commission, Chang resolved to refashion the idea of
“human rights” into a universal principle—more universal than
ever before—and he envisioned the ground of that universalism
somewhere between classical Chinese thought and the European
Enlightenment. Records of the drafting processes involving the
Declaration suggest that Chang was impatient with cultural rela-
tivism and engaged in a relentless negotiation of competing uni-
versals between Chinese and European philosophical traditions.
His method was that of a translingual reworking of ideas across
these traditions—a constant back and forth—to open up the uni-
versal ground for human rights. And he did so by crossing the con-
ceptual threshold of linguistic differences in the face of an old
conundrum of incommensurability: Does the idea of the “human”
in English mean the same thing in a language that does not share
its linguistic roots or philosophical traditions? On the one hand,
Chang takes a pragmatic approach to the question of cultural dif-
ference and incommensurability in order to bring about consensus
among member states on the Human Rights Commission and on
the other hand—philosophically more interesting for us—he makes
a wager of commensurability through a mode of intellectual per-
suasion and translation that required an unwavering commitment
to his vision of universalism.
The numerous interventions Chang made in the drafting of
the UDHR illustrate this commitment very well. Take Article 1, for
example. The language of this article reads: “All human beings are
born free and equal in dignity and rights. They are endowed with
reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a
spirit of brotherhood.” This statement is deceptively straightfor-
ward; in actuality, the finalized words are the outcome of one of
the most contentious debates on the Third Committee concerning
God and religion. In what is known as the Geneva draft, which was
produced by the Second Session of the Commission on Human
Rights in the Geneva meetings on December 2–December 17,
1947, the draft article states: “All men are born free and equal in
dignity and rights. They are endowed by nature with reason and
translation / spring / 2014
conscience and should act towards one another like brothers” (ital-
ics mine; see Glendon 2002, 289). The words “by nature” in the
Geneva draft were introduced by the Filipino delegate as a deistic
157
reference to natural law.7 While the Lebanese philosopher Malik
wanted to substitute the words “by their Creator” for “by nature,”
other delegates tried to introduce similar references to God in the
UDHR (see Glendon 2002, 89). Johannes Morsink’s study shows
that when the Third Committee began its meeting in the fall of
1948, two amendments were proposed to insert overt references to
God in Article 1. The Brazilian delegation proposed to start the sec-
ond sentence of Article 1 thus: “Created in the image and likeness
of God, they are endowed with reason and conscience.” The Dutch
delegation came up with a similar assertion of religious faith:
“Whereas recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and
inalienable rights of all members of the human family, based on
man’s divine origin and immortal destiny, is the foundation of free-
dom, justice and peace in the world.” These amendments led to in-
tense debates. In the end, neither of the amendments was voted on,
although the Third Committee did vote to remove “by nature” from
Article 1 (the proposal was approved 26 to 4, with 9 abstentions—
see Morsink 1999, 287).
Mary Ann Glendon has noted (2002, 146) that on that oc-
casion it was Chang who carried the majority by reminding every-
one that the Declaration was designed to be universally applicable.
His intervention and reasoning were essential to the decision of the
Third Committee to remove the phrase “by nature” from the
Geneva draft. Chang’s argument was that the Chinese “population
had ideals and traditions different from that of the Christian West.
Yet [...] the Chinese representative would refrain from proposing
that mention of them should be made in the declaration. He hoped
that his colleagues would show equal consideration and withdraw
some of the amendments to article 1which raised metaphysical
problems. For Western civilization, too, the time for religious in-
tolerance was over.” The first line of Article 1, he suggested, should
refer neither to nature nor to God. But those who believed in God
could still find the idea of God in the strong assertions that all
human beings are born free and equal and endowed with reason
..........................
translation / spring / 2014
7
The same theological reference also framed the language of the Virginia Declaration
of Rights (1776) and the American Declaration of Independence (1776), as well as nu-
merous other documents on the rights of men which were promulgated before World
War II and served as templates for the UDHR.
158
and conscience, but others should be allowed to interpret the lan-
guage differently. (See Third Committee, Ninety-sixth meeting on
October 7, 1948, 98 and Third Committee, Ninety-eighth Meeting
on October 9, 1948, 114) Obviously, Mrs. Roosevelt was per-
suaded by his argument, for she adopted the same language when
she had to explain to her American audience why the Declaration
contained no reference to the Creator (Glendon 2002, 147).
Chang urged the Third Committee not to indulge in meta-
physical arguments and succeeded in sparing the Committee from
having to vote on theological questions. Rather than debating on
human nature again, he asked the Committee to build on the work
of eighteenth-century European philosophers and ancient Chinese
philosophy. From this, Morsink (1999, 287) speculates that the
motivation behind Chang’s support for the deletion of “by nature”
was that some delegates understood the phrase as underscoring a
materialistic rather than a spiritual or even humanistic conception
of human nature. I am inclined to think that Chang’s argument is
remarkably consistent with what he had termed the “aspiration
for a new humanism” (Twiss 2009, 110). His new humanism goes
so far as to attempt to overcome the conceptual opposition be-
tween the religious and the secular and that between spiritualism
and materialism.
That vision emerged early on in one of the most interesting
interventions Chang made to the Cassin draft of the UDHR. The
Cassin draft was based on the first draft of the Declaration written
by Humphrey the Secretariat. Article 1 of the Cassin draft was very
different from what it has since become. It states: “All men, being
members of one family, are free, possess equal dignity and rights,
and shall regard each other as brothers” (consult “The ‘Cassin
Draft,’” in Glendon 2002, 276). In June 1947, when the French del-
egate René Cassin presented this draft to the Drafting Committee,
the group revised the language of Article 1 to read: “All men are
brothers. Being endowed with reason and members of one family,
they are free and equal in dignity and rights.” In the course of dis-
cussion, Chang found the implied concept of human nature limited
and biased, so he proposed that Article 1 should include another
translation / spring / 2014
concept as an essential human attribute next to “reason.” He came
up with a literal translation of the Confucian concept he had in
mind, namely ren 仁 which he rendered as “two-man-mindedness”
159
(Glendon 2002, 67).8 Drawing implicitly on classical Chinese
sources, Chang glossed this written character as a composite of the
radical for “human” 人 and the written character for number “two”
二 . Interpreting ren as “two-man-mindedness” through his epi-
graphic analysis of the discrete parts of the written character, Chang
sought to transform the concept of “human” for human rights by
regrounding that idea in the originary plurality of humanity rather
than in the concept of the individual.
Yes, no equivalents of this classical Confucian concept ex-
isted in English or French to help Chang explicate the meaning of
this important concept which can be traced back through the mil-
lennia-long philosophical tradition in China. That tradition, in my
view, has produced an overly abundant discourse on the concept of
“human,” its ethical being, and so on, but had almost nothing to say
about “rights” until the second half of the nineteenth century.9
Chang, straddling both traditions, found himself in a strange, pre-
carious situation of having to use words like “sympathy” and “con-
sciousness of his fellow men” to convey what he had in mind (see
Commission on Human Rights 20 June 1947). That effort misfired,
and it certainly fell flat on Cassin, Mrs. Roosevelt, and all other
members of the drafting committee who promptly accepted Chang’s
proposal but agreed to let the word “conscience” translate the idea
of ren. That word was added to the word “reason” to make the sec-
ond line of Article 1 read: “They are endowed with reason and con-
science…” With great insight, Glendon writes that “that unhappy
word choice not only obscured Chang’s meaning, but gave ‘con-
science’ a far from obvious sense, quite different from its normal
usage in phrases such as ‘freedom of conscience’” (Glendon 2002,
67–68). Not surprisingly, the metropolitan languages were not about
to surrender themselves to the Confucian term to produce a novel
concept in English or French, thus missing an extraordinary oppor-
tunity to reimagine what it means to be “human” in other terms.10
..........................
8
Chang’s epigraphic reading derived from the Shuowen jiezi (100 CE), the first dictionary
of Chinese written characters compiled by the Han dynasty scholar Xu Shen.
translation / spring / 2014
9
The language of “rights” and “human rights,” like “sovereignty,” was first introduced
to China via the 1864 translation of Wheaton’s Elements of International Law discussed
above.
10
I used the word “surrender” in Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s sense. In “The Politics
160
Perhaps all is not lost in translation. Anyone who has had
the opportunity to peruse the Chinese version of UDHR prepared
by the United Nations will be surprised to learn that the Confucian
concept has somehow worked its way back into the document
through the delegation of another term, liangxin (see http://www.
un.org/zh/documents/udhr/). The word liangxin is made up of two
written characters 良心 , the character liang for “innate goodness”
and the character xin for the “mind/heart.” This translation openly
takes the place of “conscience” and interprets the English word
back into Chang’s classical term ren, which articulates a more fun-
damental sense of what makes a human being moral than the idea
of “conscience.”11 The concept liangxin is closely associated with
that of ren in Confucian moral philosophy, denoting the empathetic
endowment of the human psyche toward another human being prior
to the formation of individual conscience. In the Chinese version
of the UDHR, Chang’s original explication of ren as “two-men-
mindedness”—though lost to the English and French texts—is re-
found through an associated concept.12
I have covered only one of numerous textual examples to
be gleaned in the multilingual making of that historic document. In
fact, a good number of languages besides Mandarin and classical
Chinese contributed to the making of the UDHR, and these lan-
guages opened the document to the radical multiplicity and translin-
gual plurality of the philosophies and cultures of the world, first in
its moment of genesis and then in subsequent translations. If we
but lend an ear to the plurality of voices and substitutions across
numerous multilingual editions of this document, we are bound to
encounter other temporalities and universals that are waiting to be
rediscovered and mobilized for the benefit of future politics. The
fact that Chang’s pluralist vision of the universal “human” fails to
register in the texts of hegemonic metropolitan languages and
..........................
of Translation,” she argues that the translator must “surrender to the [original] text.”
See Spivak 1993, 179–200.
11
The notion liangxin was elaborated by ancient Chinese philosopher Mencius (ca. 372–
ca. 289 BCE) to explicate Confucius’s concept ren and was subsequently developed
translation / spring / 2014
by Song dynasty philosophers for the Neo-Confucian theory of moral personhood.
12
The official languages at the UN were initially English and French, while Russian, Chi-
nese, and a couple of other languages were soon added to the list of official languages,
rendering the linguistic landscape extremely variegated.
161
philosophical traditions suggests that it will take more than indi-
vidual scholar–diplomats, no matter how resourceful they are, to
overcome the tremendous odds of East–West or South–North dis-
parity in the arbitration of moral discourse. Within less than a
decade after the UN adopted the UDHR, however, self-determina-
tion or national independence movements swept across the globe
and, suddenly, another extraordinary opportunity emerged where-
upon the peoples of Asia and Africa began to stage their competing
universals worldwide. Following the 1955 Bandung Conference, a
number of worldwide events played a critical role in this episode
of Afro-Asian solidarity to which we now turn.
3. I first developed an interest in Afro-Asian Writers, Confer-
ences while researching the origins of the literary journal Shijie
wenxue [World Literature] that began publication in the People’s Re-
public of China in 1959.13 As I was going through the past issues of
Chinese translations of poets and writers from around the world, the
Nigerian novelist Chinua Achebe’s name caught my attention im-
mediately. His novel Things Fall Apart (1958) was printed in the
February issue of 1963 (select chapters) and was read in Chinese
translation long before this novel became known to the mainstream
readership of the West, and certainly long before Achebe’s works
were relegated to so-called Anglophone literature. I was struck by
the fact that Achebe had been recognized first as a distinguished
Afro-Asian writer in China, Egypt, India, the Soviet Union, and other
countries before he became a postcolonial Anglophone (African)
writer, as he is currently known and taught in the English depart-
ments of American academia and elsewhere. And there is a world of
difference between these two modes of recognition. To my mind,
that difference lies mainly in the forgotten history of post-Bandung
Afro-Asian writers’ interactions and solidarity in 1958–1970. I
should emphasize that a great deal of its politics lies in the work of
translation and its organization in the name of world literature.
The first of the Afro-Asian Writers’ Conferences—an off-
shoot of the newly formed Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Organi-
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
13
The journal was originally called Yiwen [Translations] when it was founded in 1953
and changed its name to Shijie wenxue in 1959 after the first Afro-Asian Writers’ Con-
ference in Tashkent in 1958.
162
zation which had been inspired by the Bandung Conference and
met in Cairo on December 26, 195714—took place in Tashkent,
Uzbekistan, in Soviet Central Asia in October 1958. Asian and
African delegates and Western observers flew in from all directions
and landed in the new airport of Tashkent. Reporting on the arrival
of these airborne poets and novelists, one journalist observed:
“[W]e had come to meet the writers of Asia and Africa, gathering
for the first time. A new airport; a smiling reception committee; a
drive along avenues of acacia and poplar hung with coloured lamps
and banners lettered in Chinese, Arabic, and Hindi” (Parker 1959,
107–111).15 The conference was attended by leading writers of
thirty-six countries, including renowned Turkish poet Nâzım Hik-
met, Yashpal, Mulk Raj Anand and Tarasankar Bandyopadhyay of
India, Ananta Toer Pramoedya of Indonesia, Burma’s U Kyaw Lin
Hyun, Cambodia’s Ly Theam Teng, Vietnam’s Pham Huy Thong,
African American writer W. E. B. Du Bois, and Mao Dun and Zhou
Yang who led a delegation of twenty-one members from China.
Interestingly, W. E. B. Du Bois and his wife Shirley were
invited to Tashkent as the honored guests of the first Afro-Asian
conference in October 1958. Long deemed a dangerous radical in
the eyes of the US government, Du Bois drew the only standing
ovation to an individual from the Asian and African authors at the
conference. In an informal discussion of African unification prob-
lems with writers from Nigeria, Madagascar, Ghana, Somaliland,
Senegal, and Angola, Du Bois told them that “a socialist Africa was
inevitable” (Horne 1985, 321). Such was the optimism of the
Tashkent conference.
Still, the Third World delegates represented a broad spec-
trum of literary and political persuasions. They came together not
to debate about their national or political priorities but to discuss
an agenda that concerned them all. First, what role would the de-
velopment of literatures and cultures in different Asian and African
countries play in the progress of mankind, for national independ-
..........................
14
On the history of the Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Organization and China’s role in
it, see Neuhauser 1968.
translation / spring / 2014
15
For the day-to-day events, see the diaries of Guo Xiaochuan, who served on the
preparatory committee of the Tashkent conference in Guo Xiaochuan in 2000. See also
Sh ichi Kat ’s (1999) reminiscence of his representation of Japan on the same prepara-
tory committee.
163
ence against colonialism, for peace and freedom throughout the
world? Many writers commented on how colonialism has destroyed
traditional cultural ties between Asia and Africa. Efua Theodora
Sutherland, representing the Ghana Society of Writers, saw that oc-
casion as “a step towards the reunification of the disrupted soul of
mankind,” further remarking that
It is up to us to seek practical ways and means of strengthening our cultural links. There
is a need to channel to our continent some of your best literary contributions. We need
to know the works of Asian and African writers, to be in touch with the wider horizon
which those works represent, and which have hitherto been unavailable in our country.
(quoted in Parker 1959, 109)
Her enthusiasm was shared by all and it was decided that a
Permanent Bureau of Afro-Asian Writers would be set up for the
purpose of maintaining future interaction and activities and that its
headquarters would be located in Sri Lanka, then still known as
Ceylon (these were moved to Cairo a few years later).
Unlike the scholar–diplomat P. C. Chang, who staged a lone
battle at the UN to recast the moral concept of “human” on the basis
of plurality (ren, “two-human-mindedness”) before granting uni-
versal validity to the concept of human rights, the Asian and African
writers pursued a much more ambitious course of action. They
mounted a full range of activities, forming international alliances,
setting up transnational institutions, and creating journals to educate
themselves and educate each other through translations, conversa-
tion, and so on. In the following decades, for example, the Bureau
coordinated numerous meetings, translations, and publications.
There were, no doubt, attempts made by the Soviet Union and
China to set the political agenda, either for the purpose of pushing
the world revolution or undermining each other when the relation-
ship between the Kremlin and Beijing deteriorated. But, just as in
the Afro-Asian People’s Solidarity Organization over the years,
these attempts often met with resistance from the United Arab Re-
public (Egypt), India, and other Third World countries (on this his-
tory, see Shinn and Eisenman 2012, 60–61, and Larkin 1971).
Clearly, no one wanted a USSR-front organization. Egypt and India
translation / spring / 2014
played a central role in the Permanent Bureau. After the second
Afro-Asian Writers’ Conference in Cairo, the Bureau started a quar-
terly called Lotus in Arabic, English and French and launched a
164
prize for African and Asian literature—named the Lotus Prize—to
honor distinguished poets and writers from Asia and Africa. Nov-
elists and poets honored by this prize include Chinua Achebe from
Nigeria, Ousmane Sembène from Senegal, Ngugu wa Thiong’o
from Kenya, Malek Haddad from Algeria, and Mahmoud Darwish
from Palestine. It is often forgotten that that these Afro-Asian writ-
ers—now thoroughly canonized as Anglophone or postcolonial
writers in English Departments across North America and else-
where after the Cold War—first emerged within a global socialist
intellectual network where their recognition by the West as “post-
colonial” writers was neither necessary nor important. Instead, the
Afro-Asian writers were striving toward a new humanism—a uni-
versalism about life and liberty—that was pitted against colonial
violence.
This was unequivocally expressed by Mulk Raj Anand who
led the Indian delegation to the second Afro-Asian Writers’ confer-
ence in 1962. In his speech, Anand elaborated the new humanism
as follows:
Our literatures and arts are thus the weapons of a new concept of man—that the sup-
pressed, the disinherited and the insulted of Asia and Africa can rise to live, in broth-
erhood with other men, but in the enjoyment of freedom and equality and justice, as
more truly human beings, individuals, entering from object history, into the great history
when there will be no war, but when love will rule the world, enabling man to bring
the whole of nature under self-conscious control for the uses of happiness, as against
despair. (Arora 2007, 17–18)
Interestingly, Garcia Lorca’s poem “Ode to Walt Whitman”
was evoked to express the sentiment of the socially engaged writers
from Asia and Africa:
I want the strong air of the most profound night
to remove flowers and words from the arch where you sleep,
and a black child to announce to the gold-craving whites
the arrival of the reign of the ear of corn.16
Anand states that the mission of the writer is to
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
16
Here I have substituted a translation of this poem by Stephen Spender and J. L. Gili,
in Lorca and Allen 1995, 135.
165
act as the conscience of the people aware of their pain. To have a creative vision of all
that affords joy in life, to release the vital rhythms in the personality, to make man more
human, to seek apperceptions of freedom from all forms of slavery and to give this
freedom to other people throughout the world—in fact to awaken men to the love of
liberty, which brings life and more life. (Arora 2007, 18)
This call for freedom was not empty rhetoric but was
echoed by writers from the socialist bloc as well as from the newly
independent nations of Asia and Africa. To those who had person-
ally experienced slavery and racial and economic exploitation
under colonialism, liberty had a specific meaning: it meant decol-
onization, national liberation, and world peace in the spirit of the
Bandung Conference.
The Afro-Asian Writers’ Conference in Tashkent made a
tremendous impact on China. Almost immediately, the journal
Yiwen (Translations), which used to predominantly feature Soviet
and Western authors, began to shift focus and publish works by Iran-
ian, Iraqi, Egyptian, and Mozambique writers. In January 1959, the
journal was renamed Shijie wenxue [World literature] and began to
devote its bimonthly issues to systematic translations of Afro-Asian
writers, African American writers, and, later, Latin American writ-
ers. By 1962, more than 380 titles from over thirty Asian and
African countries had been printed in its pages. Irene Eber’s survey
indicates that by 1964 and 1965, Afro-Asian and Latin American
writers began to outnumber Western authors. The October 1964
issue was specifically dedicated to black literature, which included
African writers as well as African American writers such as W. E. B.
Du Bois and Margaret Walker (on this, see Eber 1994, 34–54).
Following the Tashkent conference, the Chinese Writers
Union extended invitations to their Afro-Asian friends and, over
the years, many of them visited China more than once. The great
Indonesian writer Pramoedya Ananta Toer made his second trip to
China after the Tashkent conference. His interactions with Ding
Ling, Mao Dun, Guo Moruo, Zhou Yang, and other Chinese writers
were frequent and helped transform his ideas about what a writer’s
responsibility was toward society. Hong Liu’s study suggests that
translation / spring / 2014
Pramoedya’s contact with the Chinese delegation and the Chinese
embassy goes back to as early as the 1955 Bandung Conference.
After that, Pramoedya began to follow the works of Chinese writers
166
and came to admire the social prestige enjoyed by socialist writers
in the PRC, “where literature is considered to be one of the political
and economic forces” and where writers were paid generously for
their publications, in stark contrast with conditions in Indonesia
(see Liu 1996, 124).
Pramoedya regarded Mao Dun and Lu Xun as the foremost
writers of modern China, and he not only translated some portions
of Lu Xun’s short story collection Diary of a Madman but also pub-
lished his translation of one of Ding Ling’s long articles, “Life and
Creative Writing.”17 Perhaps more than anyone else in Indonesia,
Pramoedya took the socialist credo of “living with peasants and
workers” to heart and fervently believed that writers should go into
social life and live with the people. He himself “went down” to the
countryside of the Banten area to investigate the lives of peasants
and miners.
Conclusion
I began my discussion by trying to raise some new ques-
tions about translation and its relationship to the political. My ap-
proach has been to work through the ideas of event, temporality,
difference, and competing universals as a conceptual alternative to
the familiar model of linguistic communication or the theological
model with which we are all familiar in translation studies. The al-
ternative method I have developed involves analyzing the multiple
temporalities of translation in differentially distributed discursive
practices across languages. To bring such a method to bear on con-
crete analyses of the eventfulness of translation, I have taken the
reader through the nineteenth-century translation of Henry
Wheaton’s Elements of International Law in Chinese, the post-
World War II multilingual fashioning of the Universal Declaration
of Human Rights with a focus on P. C. Chang’s contribution as well
as the Afro-Asian writers’ collective translation projects during the
Cold War.
..........................
translation / spring / 2014
17
See “Duer Fanwen Ji” (An interview with Toer), Hsin Pao (Jakarta), November 17,
1956; cited in Liu 1996, 125. It is unclear if Pramoedya’s translation of Lu Xun’s short
story collection (Catatan Harian Orang Gila) was published, although his translation of
Ding Ling’s “Hidup dan Penulisan Kreatif” did appear in the journal Indonesia 7,3 (March
1956): 102-110.
167
Just as I was about to bring my reflections to a close, one
of Benedict Anderson’s observations about Pramoedya came back
to haunt me. Anderson has been familiar with Pramoedya’s work
and communicated with this Indonesian writer on numerous occa-
sions. One afternoon, as I was reading Anderson’s discussion of
Pramoedya in Language and Power, I was struck by this statement:
“More broadly, Pramoedya gave me an inkling of how one might
fruitfully link the shapes of literature with the political imagination”
(Anderson 1990, 10). What could Anderson have meant by “the
political imagination”?
This question has led me to speculate whether Anderson’s
personal correspondence with Pramoedya had touched upon the
Afro-Asian Conference in Tashkent, where Pramoedya had been
the leader of the Indonesian delegation. I wonder further if Ander-
son became aware of Pramoedya’s extensive interactions with Mao
Dun and Ding Ling and of his published translation of the Chinese
writers. It is interesting that Anderson has translated Pramoedya for
the English-speaking audience just as the latter had translated Ding
Ling or Lu Xun for his Indonesian audience. These unexpected
crossings of translations suggest that the future itself might be the
ultimate preserve of multiple temporalities. I am hopeful that the
legacies of the Afro-Asian Writers’ Conferences— their political
imagination, their encouragement to think differently about the fu-
ture of universalism, their ambitious translation projects along with
their reinvention of world literature—will live on through the tem-
poralities of potential translations yet to come.
translation / spring / 2014
168
References
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170
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15511 | [
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] | The Postimperial Etiquette and
the Affective Structure of Areas
Jon Solomon .............................
University of Lyon, France
[email protected]
Abstract: This essay examines the role of translation in building the affective
structure of postcolonial/postimperial areas, identifying ressentiment, erudition
and disavowal, and homolingual address as the three main aspects to be studied.
The postimperial etiquette is an agreement concerning the recognition of “le-
gitimate” subjects and objects formed in the crucible of the apparatus of area in-
herited from the imperial–colonial modernity. This agreement functions as an
ideology for contemporary cognitive capitalism. The essay ends by suggesting
strategies for transforming the postimperial etiquette and proposes that energy
be redirected away from both resubstantialized objects and anthropocentric sub-
jects towards social relations that are both the point of departure for and the
final determination of intellectual work.
______________
Translation as a “Bridging Technology” with Ideological
Functions
There is a series of terms beginning with translation that
needs to be mapped out and connected, end-to-end. This is the se-
ries that runs through translation–culture–nation–race/species and
can be rehearsed as follows: Translation is what enables people
from different cultures to bridge the gaps that separate them, yet in
the age of nation–states, culture has been appropriated by the prac-
tices and discourse of national identity. As for the modern nation
itself, none of its claims to natural, organic status can hide its birth
in colonial theories of race and species (which I shall denote by the
term “anthropological difference”). Though translation therefore
bears some intrinsic historical connection to anthropological dif-
ference, how are we to understand it today?
The culture–nation–race/species nexus takes us directly to
translation / spring / 2014
the heart of historical capitalism. If we follow Elsa Dorlin as she
charts the birth of the French nation in colonial theories and prac-
tices of anthropological difference, then we will agree that these
171
theories arose principally as a historical response to the new and
accelerated practices of human migration growing out of mercan-
tilism and colonial conquest (Dorlin 2009, 211). Dorlin’s analysis,
which is too interested in bringing our attention to the sadly over-
looked connection between gender and race to make room for a full
consideration of capitalism, draws my attention for one further rea-
son whose importance to this essay will become greater as we pro-
ceed: the role of the body. The transition from royal to popular
sovereignty was accomplished, according to Dorlin, by substituting
the body of the nation, composed of supposedly natural traits (what
would later be called “national character”), for the royal individual.
The need for these nationalized traits to be “natural” unleashes an
essential imbrication between race and gender that forms the core
of Dorlin’s important account, leading her to conclude that “[t]he
question of the nation constantly refers back to its corporeality”
(Dorlin 2009, 208). My interest in citing this passage will be to
show how translation operates today as a somatic technology, teth-
ering bodies to the apparatus of area that hides the matrix of an-
thropological difference by naturalizing the nation–state.
Following the new and growing visibility of the “constant
crisis” that is the state at the end of the twentieth century, a broad
spectrum of theorists, activists, and artists have been interested in
exploring the potential of a nonrepresentational politics. My interest
in nonrepresentational politics is limited exclusively to its potential
ramifications for disrupting the schema of anthropological differ-
ence that forms the backbone of our common, global modernity.
This article assumes that representational politics, that is, the poli-
tics of identity, is invariably tied to the state. The state is the point
of reference that makes it possible to imagine complete congruence
between taxonomies of anthropological difference, social organi-
zation, and divisions of knowledge without which identity politics
would be meaningless. Hence, a nonrepresentational politics is by
nature insurrectional, which means that it must fight against the
“agents and agencies active in the invention of the ideological prac-
tices of everyday life in support of the reproduction of state power”
(Kapferer 2010, 5). In relation to translation I would argue, in other
translation / spring / 2014
words, that it must be considered in light of the reproduction of
stateness (which is a way of producing and managing “anthropo-
logical difference” for the sake of capital accumulation), and that
172
it (translation) plays a crucial role in the management of the tran-
sition to a new type of world order based on the “corporate–state.”
While an analysis of the world order imposed among and
by corporate–states is beyond the purview of this essay, it will be
helpful to offer a quick review of the period prior to this time, the
period of a world order constructed around the nation–state. If we
follow Antony Anghie’s work on the colonial origins of the modern
world system based upon state sovereignty, we are struck by his
assertion that international law instantiates or “postulates” a “gap”
within the global human population and then, having naturalized
this gap, proceeds to enumerate for itself the task of developing all
manner of techniques to bridge the gap (Anghie 2004, 37). Of
course, you will immediately see the irony of a technique that is it-
self responsible for the problem that it is supposed to solve. (Per-
haps Anghie has found the most economical definition of
humanism around.) The reason that irony has remained largely hid-
den, we may conclude after reading Anghie, is to be found, with
regard to the discipline or field of international law, in the ideology
of cultural difference. As long as the “gap” of cultural difference
was assumed, as the field of international law asserted, to preexist
the practices of colonial encounter (just as the practices and insti-
tution of modern state sovereignty supposedly developed in Europe
were assumed to preexist colonialism), the only viable question left
for the development of that field of practice concerned the appro-
priate types of political and social technologies to bridge that gap.
Now, this is exactly the role that translation has been called upon
to play in the modern era of nation–states. Operating at a quotidian
level, with a reach equal to or perhaps greater than law, translation
has been a crucial technique for the establishment and consolidation
of areas—that quintessential apparatus of modernity that correlates
via a system of geo-mapping subjective formation to hierarchical
taxonomies of knowledge and social organization.
I say it is a quintessentially modern apparatus precisely be-
cause of its importance to the fundamental project of modernity.
According to modernity’s self-definition, the “modernity-project”
should be defined through the principles of liberty, equality, and
translation / spring / 2014
reason, but I think that we are now ready to admit that there is an-
other side to the project of modernity, the succinct definition of
which would be: a belief that technological progress and aesthetics
173
can be joined together in a single effort to develop the perfect
race/species. Modernity is thus a project in species–being the work
of which is manifested or located exactly in the body. This body
should ideally be understood as the physical manifestation of an
area, which is neither climate (Hippocrates) nor temperature (Aris-
totle), but is rather an instrument of endogenous genotechnology
(Dorlin 2009, 209). This “area” is hardly a unitary phenomenon,
but rather a series of nodal points relayed in constantly shifting as-
semblages among bodies, tongues, and minds. These assemblages
are then grouped into populations. Hence, the project of perfecting
the species through a concrete population of bodies grouped into
areas invariably has to posit a split within the human species. This
split, which was also present in Kant’s contradictory definition of
“humanity” as both a universal quality shared by all members of a
species and an ideal that was nevertheless unequally realized by
different members or populations, has been a core component of
the “modernity-project” throughout its history. I see a precursor of
this Kantian strategy in Anghie’s description of Vitoria’s charac-
terization of native peoples, who share universal reason but are bur-
dened by a “personality” (which will later be called, once again,
“national character”) that causes them to deviate from the universal
norm. I do not wish to dwell on this history, but merely call atten-
tion to the need to provide a critical counterhistory that will provide
an account of the political and governmental technologies invented
and mobilized, as translation has been, “to bridge the gap,” when
they were in fact participating in the consolidation and prolongation
of the entire anthropological edifice of the colonial/imperial moder-
nity (a racism vaster than any phenomenon known by that name
today, for it includes virtually all other manner of social difference).
It is my hypothesis that we do not see (or at least have not seen up
to now) the ideological effects of these technologies precisely be-
cause we are (or at least have so far been) so deeply invested in the
apparatus of area. These technologies, such as translation and in-
ternational law, hide the essential strangeness of the areas into
which the globe has been divided, as a means of population man-
agement for the benefit of capital accumulation, through the history
translation / spring / 2014
of colonial/imperial modernity.
Ostensibly resembling the latter-day inheritors of premod-
ern empires, kingdoms, feudalities, et cetera, these areas (typified
174
by the nation–state) could best be understood as an enormous ap-
paratus of capture designed to subsume the productive capacity of
society into the needs of capital. Within the organizational structure
of the nation–state, the work of perfecting the race/species is always
an aesthetic question as much as a technological one. Hence, we
might refer to the anthropological work of modernity as perfiction-
ing (a neologism that combines the two words “perfection” and
“fiction”) inasmuch as it invariably involves a typology of fanta-
sized images concentrated around, or projected upon, the link be-
tween bodies and nations.
As capitalism transitions to a new historical form, the role
of the area–apparatus is undergoing a concomitant change. Today’s
areas are designed not so much to capture as to “pool” populations
within. As capitalism moves from its industrial phase to a cognitive
phase, the “pooling” of population takes on its greatest significance
within the emerging bioeconomy of semiocapitalism and the cor-
porate surveillance state. The call-word of this configuration is “life
is code, primed for transaction.” 1 Although the contemporary con-
figuration draws its symbolic resources from the cultural imaginary
of the imperial–colonial modernity, its greatest ideological use is
to cover up the total subsumption of population into the bioinfor-
matic economy. No longer a source of surplus value simply through
its role as labor, population is becoming a source of value through
its role as an inexhaustibly mutable source of bioinformatic code.
Population is, other words, pooled not just as labor—that is, pro-
ducers—nor even just as consumers, but also for its role as source-
code. The reason why the corporate-state “needs” to put just about
everybody under surveillance ultimately amounts to the potential
of all source-code to be “pirated.”
Translation today continues to play the role of ideology,
preventing us from seeing how the “bridging technologies” are in
fact prolonging the agony of the domination under which we live,
labor, and perish. In the hope of providing elements for a critique
of this ideology, I attempt in this essay to describe the affective
structure of area, typified today by what I call the postimperial eti-
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
1
My thanks to Julian Elam for this phrase, which he developed in our seminar “The Ap-
paratus of Anthropological Difference and the Subjective Technologies of Speciation,”
held at Université Jean Moulin (spring, 2013).
175
quette. I propose that one part of the insurrection-to-come against
the postimperial etiquette of the corporate surveillance state will
emerge out of the subjectivity of the translator–subaltern.
Translation and Subjectivity
Naoki Sakai has been telling us for a long time that trans-
lation is a social practice (Sakai 1997). In it, the essential indeter-
minacy, hybridity, and openness of social relations is evident. Yet,
Sakai also tells us, the dominant form of sociality established
through the regime of translation in the modern era deliberately ef-
faces such originary hybridity. The technical term that is used by
Sakai to denote this form of sociality is the “schema of cofigura-
tion,” which is premised upon the representational practices of the
“homolingual address.” The identities created out of cofiguration
are posterior to the translational encounter and mutually codepen-
dent, yet claim to be anterior and autonomous. This is the form of
sociality that is essentially codified in the homogenizing machine
of the nation–state, which would always like to present itself as an
organic, historical entity when it is in fact an apparatus of posterior
superimposition. The reason Sakai uses the term figuration is be-
cause the figure stands for an absent totality that cannot be grasped
experientially and for which the imagination substitutes a schematic
figure, like a map, that is essentially aesthetic. It is important to re-
member that in Sakai’s account the totality does not correspond to
anything other than the schema itself. Rather than absent, it is fic-
tive, in an active, generative sense. The power of this fiction is that
it enables originary difference to be captured and plotted onto a
grid of identifiable positions. Hence the schema of cofiguration is
much more about establishing a field of representation in which
identities are constructed in such a way that they appear to precede
the establishment of the representational field upon which they de-
pend (and within which they will certainly be organized in hierar-
chical fashion) rather than being about the content of specific
identities.
Against representation, Sakai invites us to engage in the
“heterolingual address.” Seen in light of Sakai’s critique, the dif-
translation / spring / 2014
ference between the hetero- and homolingual forms of address as-
sumes the character of a political choice, bearing clear ethical
dimensions. The ethics of national language, which Sakai identifies
176
with racism, exemplifies the stakes involved. It might be useful to
point out, however, that the ethics of national language is not a char-
acteristic unique to this or that particular language but rather a com-
mon denominator shared by all languages when they are “counted”
according to a “Romantic Ideology” (Agamben 2000, 65) of cul-
tural individuation (Sakai 2009). This understanding views both
language and people as individualized, determinate entities, and as-
sumes an organic link of equivalency between the two. The
“schema of cofiguration,” as described by Sakai, is precisely the
means by which the “Romantic ideology” of language and people
is transformed into an ethics and an aesthetics of everyday, lived
experience. To engage in the practice of heterolingual address con-
stitutes a refusal of the aesthetico-ethical constellation of cofigura-
tion and a desire for liberation from it.
The Affective Structure of Area and the Postimperial Etiquette
If, as Balibar writes, “the emancipation of the oppressed
can only be their own work, which emphasizes its immediately eth-
ical signification” (Balibar 1994, 49), then the emancipation from
the apparatus of area, which oppresses all or else oppresses none,
can only be undertaken collectively. Yet by the same logic, the re-
pression of emancipatory movements against the apparatus of area
can be expected to have a definite collective face as well. This is
the difference between complicity and cooperation. Bearing in
mind recent discussions that underscore the displacement of this
problem at an ontological level by contrasting different forms of
collectivity (often positing the state/people pairing against that of
the Common/singular), I would like to direct our attention to the
problem of affect, where it immediately becomes evident that the
practice of ressentiment is by far the most ubiquitous response on
both sides of the colonial/imperial divide to a refusal of cofiguration
and an exodus from the apparatus of area.
The phenomenologist Max Scheler, who devoted a mono-
graph to the subject of ressentiment, argues that one of the reasons
it arises is because one side or the other in a typical social dyad
(such as Master and Slave, or Male and Female) experiences the
translation / spring / 2014
existence of the other in terms of existential foreclosure: since I can
never have/be/feel what the other has/is/feels, I am motivated by
an insatiable rancor. The critique of “egalitarianism” at the heart of
177
Scheler’s work, which mistakes social equality for exchange value 2
rather than indeterminacy (and leads Scheler to see Jews, women,
and socialists as representative sources of ressentiment), is not the
subject of my concern here. Rather, I would like to suggest that
there is another form of ressentiment undetected by Scheler, the
type that arises not between the terms of a dyadic pair, but in the
relation of complicity that unites them. In the midst of their differ-
ence and relative struggle, they nevertheless work together. Al-
though their mutual fear is undeniably real and strong, it is not as
strong as their mutual fear and anticipation of the emergence of
something new, something that neither falls within the dyadic pair
nor is part of its trajectory. It is, rather, this form of ressentiment—
a form of crisis management that aims to sustain a certain regime
of biopolitical production—that is most common today. Ressenti-
ment is not a personal psychological problem; it is an affective
structure peculiar to the institutions of national translation in which
we work, and it opens up subject positions for bodies placed within.
Those who pretend that they are free from this structure are pre-
cisely the ones who contribute, through their disavowal, to the
structure’s reproduction—even when they are deemed to be “fight-
ing the good fight.”
The reasons why this form of ressentiment is now evident
but was not yet visible a century ago when Scheler was writing are
as much historical as methodological. Besides the revolution within
phenomenology led by Martin Heidegger in the first part of the
twentieth century that led to the rise of the philosophies of differ-
ence in its latter half (paving the way, in effect, for the ontological
shift to which we alluded above), there is also the progression of
geopolitical events that brought a formal end to colonialism and
destabilized the sovereignty of the nation–state, gradually replacing
it with the transnational corporate–state. As the philosophies of dif-
ference began to infiltrate humanistic disciplines outside of philos-
ophy, the foundational oppositions of civilizational difference and
national sovereignty were being thrown into disarray by the col-
lapse of the Eurocentric system of international law that had dom-
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
2
Ironic, since Scheler bemoans the effect that exchange value has wrought upon social
relations. To understand how equality can be understood as a form of indeterminacy in
the social, it is necessary to link it to liberty, forming an inherently contradictory and
unstable pair that Étienne Balibar calls the proposition of equaliberty. See Balibar 1994.
178
inated the world system throughout several centuries of colonial/
imperial modernity. In other words, the “constant crisis” that is the
state (Kapferer 2010) became visible. With the visibility of this cri-
sis it suddenly became possible to imagine, in the concrete arena
of history, subjectivities and relations that were completely unfore-
seen by the old oppositions between the “West” and the non-
“West,” or between the native and the foreign.
Yet alongside these historical openings, we also undoubt-
edly see today a reinforcement of those anachronistic oppositions
that take the form of complicity. A particular feature of capitalism,
one which was undoubtedly present throughout its history but
which has become easily visible today, lies in its penchant for cre-
ating profitable crisis. Under neoliberal “biocapitalism,” crisis has
become a more or less permanent mode of operation for capitalist
accumulation, so much so that there is a greater interest in the pro-
longation of crisis through regimes of permanent crisis manage-
ment than there is in the resolution of crisis.
Within that context, academic exchange and the modes of
address in today’s world are characterized by a relation that I would
like to call the postimperial etiquette.3 My hypothesis is that the
postimperial etiquette constitutes an affective structure, or subjec-
tive technology, that plays a crucial role in the contemporary biopo-
litical production.
Ressentiment, as I have proposed, is the first of its essential
affective structures. The second element essential to the affective
structure of postcolonial etiquette is an investment in the homolin-
gual address, such as I have previously analyzed in twentieth cen-
tury thinkers such as Michel Foucault (Solomon 2010, Solomon
2011), Jean-Luc Nancy (Solomon 2013), Giorgio Agamben
(Solomon 2014), and Ernst Cassirer (Solomon 2009). The regime
of translation constructed through the homolingual address lures
even these great figures of twentieth century thought into projecting
between retroactive and proactive alternatives: the images of a past-
that-never-happened and those of a future-that-will-have-to-be-
abandoned—that is, the West as both a tradition and a destiny.
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
3
Although it is a postcolonial/postimperial phenomenon, for the sake of convenience I
will use the term postimperial.
179
Recently, I have been trying to work out the implications
of Sakai’s critique of translation with respect to a phenomenon,
which I call speculative superimposition, that is characteristic of
modern postcolonial/postimperial societies in general (Solomon
2012). Here, we may refer to the affective trait of mournfulness ex-
pressed by deconstructive authors such as Philippe Lacoue-
Labarthe when faced with a world beyond the apparatus of area. In
a 1992 conference in Strasbourg, “Thinking Europe at Its Borders,”
Lacoue-Labarthe centers his intervention on the question of “after-
wardsness” (l’après-coup 4): “In its most abrupt, and hence most
paradoxical, definition, afterwardsness designates the belated—but
recognized—manifestation of something that did not happen or did
not have even the slightest chance of happening. Of something that
took place, thus, without taking place” (Collectif Géophilosophie
de l’Europe 1992, 74). I am hardly persuaded that the “retroactive”
quality identified by Lacoue-Labarthe as the philosophically essen-
tial movement of European modernity can be simply contained
within and ascribed exclusively to an area called “Europe.” On the
contrary, this is, I would argue, a characteristic of the modern logic
of area in general. As much as the modern nation–state would like
to claim organic anteriority, it is always both an internal imposition
and an expropriation from the outside. (This predicament is what
eventually disqualifies the distinction between constituent and con-
stituting powers, forcing the search for “destitute” powers instead—
see Nowotny 2007.) The same “afterwardsness” is evident in the
construction of the “West,” which relies on translation to superim-
pose upon the image of spatiality a temporal process that leads to
“exceptionally universal,” metaphysical subjects. The deconstruc-
tive school of the postwar philosophies of difference that formed
the locus in which Lacoue-Labarthe and other philosophers, such
as Jacques Derrida and Jean-Luc Nancy, worked was steeped in an
historical awareness of the “end” of the “West.” Hence it is no won-
der that Lacoue-Labarthe warns us (or is it invites us to lament?):
“afterwardsness can also, quite simply, take the form of regret or
repentance” (Collectif Géophilosophie de l’Europe 1992, 76). Re-
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
4
Lacoue-Labarthe explicitly takes up the Freudian–Lacanian theme of Nachträglichkeit.
English translations of this term are either “deferral” or “afterwardsness,” neither of
which is fully satisfactory.
180
gret differs from repentance with regards to the recognition of guilt
and the desire for repetition. One may regret the past not just be-
cause of some regrettable action, but simply because it is past, or
has been fantasized as past, and hence desire its repetition without
the slightest iota of contrition, much less repentance. Nostalgia for
the bonds of a fantasized “lost community” that never really existed
(or has been idealized and turned into an image) forms, according
to Jean-Luc Nancy (1991, 9), one of the essential structures of
modernity.
The phenomenon of “afterwardsness” through which areas
are constructed finds expression in the postimperial etiquette
through the affective quality of ressentiment. The reason why we
use the French term, instead of an English translation such as “re-
sentment,” is because of the etymological structure of the French
word, which emphasizes a temporal dimension (re-) of repetition.
Re-sentir: to feel again and again what one has not really experi-
enced (which is the same as turning experience into a phenomeno-
logical fetish). Ressentiment plays such an important role in the
affective structure of the postimperial etiquette precisely because
it is intrinsically related to the temporal construction of the modern
area–apparatus.
The regime of translation constructed through the homolin-
gual address lures subjects into projecting between retroactive and
proactive alternatives: the images of a past-that-never-happened
and those of a future-that-will-have-to-be-abandoned.
The past-that-never-happened refers to the representation
of translation as an encounter between two discrete languages.
Sakai shows how this idea can only be retrospectively superim-
posed upon the translational exchange as a schema or an image.
What this superimposition effaces is the essential hybridity and in-
determinacy seen in the position of the translator, as well as the pe-
culiar interruption of linear temporality in translation. This aspect
of the translator corresponds to the problem of individuation, which
makes it impossible to speak of language(s) as one would speak of
countable nouns (Sakai 2009).
The future-that-will-have-to-be-abandoned refers to the
translation / spring / 2014
way that the homolingual address guides action towards the future.
Sakai explains:
181
By the schema of cofiguration, I want to point out the essentially “imaginary” nature
of the comparative framework of Japan and the West, since the figure in cofiguration
is imaginary in the sense that it is a sensible image on the one hand, and practical in its
ability to evoke one to act toward the future on the other. (Sakai 1997, 52)
The “future” that is thereby constituted is reduced, accord-
ing to the figural logic of the schematism, to a spatialized repre-
sentation. The dimension of future temporality as irruptive
discontinuity is effaced. “This is why,” writes Sakai, “difference in
or of language that incites the act of translation comes as a repre-
sentation only after the process of translation. Involved in transla-
tion is a paradox of temporality that cannot be accommodated in
the worldly time of the past, the present and the future” (Sakai
2009, 86). Acting toward the future according to the schema of
cofiguration constituted by the homolingual address produces a
spatialized representation that effectively cuts off the temporality
of the future as unrepresentable negation and creation. It eliminates,
in other words, the possibility for new subjectivities that do not cor-
respond to the oppositions installed by the schema of cofiguration.
As an affective structure, the homolingual address operates exactly
like that “angel of history” seen in Paul Klee’s painting and fa-
mously described by Walter Benjamin as being propelled “into the
future to which his back is turned, while the pile of debris before
him grows skyward” (Benjamin 1969, 258). The “future” promised
by this form of sociality, typical of the apparatus of area, is a future
of ruins. One of the characteristic symptoms of this mode of cap-
turing the future particular to the apparatus of area is the peculiar
dialectic between historical preservation and environmental de-
struction everywhere in evidence today. One does not have to look
to ancient Mayan temples in the Guatemalan rain forests, regularly
“mined” for gravel by developers to see the concrete nexus of this
opposition. A much more potent example could be seen, for in-
stance, in postwar France, one of the active world-leaders in the in-
stitutionalization of historical monument preservation and which
holds it to be an absolute human value essential to collective iden-
tity. Yet as a nation that derives ¾ of its energy needs from nuclear
translation / spring / 2014
power and is one of the main exporters of nuclear technology
around the globe, France can be said to be playing an active, if
ironic, role in the production of the ultimate form of “preserva-
182
tion”—the radioactively contaminated wasteland.
The third element in the affective structure of area to which
I would like to draw attention is erudition. In the meaning to which
I would like to ascribe to this term, it refers not just to the problems
of access and class mobility, but also more generally to the socially
meaningful qualification of “knowledge” and the distribution of it
among bodily bearers. Erudition operates through division—the di-
vision of labor, to begin with, but also the disciplinary divisions of
knowledge, the economic divisions of affect, and finally the indi-
viduating divisions of the body. Translation and address play an
important role here, too, as erudition excludes or devalorizes certain
kinds of knowledge that cannot be “translated” into the quantitative
forms and standardized denominations to which the definition of
“knowledge” is limited. In today’s neoliberal regime, such exclu-
sion is exercised through the standards set by financially motivated
evaluation bureaucracies. In today’s neoliberal regime, such exclu-
sion is exercised through the standards set by financially motivated
evaluation/surveillance bureaucracies, intellectual property
regimes, and disciplinary boundaries.
Erudition is time-consuming. It signals both an unprece-
dented expropriation of the intellectual worker’s time, such that one
is never fully off work, as well as a consumption of time by making
affective experience a direct source of value (“consumers hungry
for new experience”). Working-too-much, often under precarious
conditions, is fast becoming the main way in which subjective dis-
avowal, a fetishism of the object under the sign of erudition, is in-
stituted, even among those of us who would otherwise like to be
alert to the problem of disavowal. The technical term that Marx
uses for “working-too-much” is absolute surplus value, typically
produced by extending the worker’s labor time. Several decades
ago, Gayatri Spivak used Marx’s technical term globally to char-
acterize relations between the West and the non-West in the post-
colonial era (Spivak 2009b, 123). Today, it would appear that the
extraction of absolute surplus value through excessive labor time
is fast becoming one of the principal ways to assure not just a hier-
archy of relations but the unquestioned acceptance of the field of
translation / spring / 2014
oppositional terms through which hierarchies are constructed and
reversed. What is being forgotten is that the terms of specific dif-
ference, such as the West and the non-West, always contain a core
183
component of negativity, freedom, indeterminacy, and antagonism,
and are never simply given.
Due to a Cartesian habit, we might not think of erudition
in terms of affect, but under the definition that I would ascribe to
it, affect “sneaks” into erudition through the particular way it indi-
viduates the body. Erudition constitutes a singular appropriation of
the relation between body and knowledge by granting exclusive le-
gitimacy to the abstract, accumulational form that we call, in Eng-
lish, the body of knowledge. The affective form that is closely
related to this appropriation of the multiplicity of the body is the
sense of knowing. Nationalism is precisely the modern political
form that turns knowing into affect. While foreigners can know
about the other nation, they cannot understand it in the same way
as nationals; they cannot, in other words, partake in knowledge as
an affective structure of feeling that is based in “experience” and
shared among members of an imaginary community. Yet the cate-
gory of experience-that-can-be-shared-sympathetically is deter-
mined in advance by the arena that capitalism, in the process of
appropriating the state, establishes for the process of valorization.
This is the arena of exchange value. Sympathetic knowledge, or
national knowledge, is the form of exchange value that is being ap-
plied to the act of knowing understood in terms of fantasy—the
fantasy of shared experience reflected in knowledge.
As an apparatus of fantasy, erudition’s most important role
is found in recoding the body. It is not simply that distantiation,
based on the Cartesian stance of objectivity, becomes the principle
mode of relation, with all of its known symptoms. Erudition is also
a means of maintaining an attitude of indifference or disavowal.
The most common form of this attitude of indifference with regard
to knowledge in the postimperial configuration can be seen in the
institutionally sanctioned assumption that issues related to anthro-
pological difference fall under the purview of specific disciplines
or fields within the human sciences—what are commonly termed
“area studies” in North America. The matrix of anthropological dif-
ference per se as an organizing principle for the human sciences
must never be brought into question at an organizational level. The
translation / spring / 2014
organization must be naturalized so that participants never see their
own disciplinary commitments, including language and object-
choice, in terms of the history of social relations under conditions
184
of colonial population management. It is not simply that objects re-
flect the desires and tastes of certain kinds of subjectivity (forming
in effect a socially instituted form of prejudgment or simply preju-
dice), but rather that objects become means of disavowal by which
people can ignore and forget the mediations and negations that con-
stitute subjectivity as a social practice.
As an affective form, erudition is thus characterized by ob-
ject-obsession and subjective disavowal. It is globally institution-
alized and legitimized through the supposedly “natural”
correspondence between disciplinary divisions in the order of
knowledge and various social divisions in the order of political or-
ganization. And while it may look as if the university institutions
in North America, in which greater anxiety about the status of ob-
jects is often seen (accompanied by all kinds of institutional inno-
vations to accommodate interdisciplinary approaches), has an
advantage in this respect, the truth is rather that an imperial nation-
alism, such as seen today in the United States, invariably calls forth
performative gestures, such as transdisciplinary object-anxiety, in
order to garner the sacrifice of minority populations for the benefit
of the capital-state nexus. Disciplinary rigidity and obsession with
the legitimacy of “pure” objects as seen in the other nations today
outside North American high academia is not a sign of their “back-
wardness,” but simply the function of cultural nationalism formed
in relation to imperial nationalism.
In short, the regime of erudition oversees the silent articu-
lation of the reproduction of cleavages (reason vs. myth, speech vs.
writing) and identities inherited from the imperial/colonial moder-
nity to the neoliberal production of value through affect. The bearer
of various forms (racial, ethnic, national, gendered, sexual, linguis-
tic, et cetera) of social domination and exploitation that have ac-
companied modernity, erudition is above all concerned with bodies
of accumulation. Whereas capitalist accumulation produces the
bodies coded by political economy and translational accumulation
produces bodies coded by civilizational and anthropological differ-
ence, erudite accumulation produces normalized bodies of knowl-
edge as well as bodies normalized by knowledge.
translation / spring / 2014
It is through a process of identification with the body of
knowledge as a site of accumulation associated with specific
“areas” that intellectuals continually abstract themselves from the
185
production of knowledge as translational, social practice. In the
postimperial scholar, this is seen most readily in the prolongation
of disciplinary divisions and linguistic competencies and homolin-
gual modes of address that form the obverse complement of the
postimperial area studies specialist. The postimperial specialist of
philosophy, for instance, is not expected to acquire linguistic and
affective competencies associated with postcolonial areas, and typ-
ically relies on the homolingual address to negotiate anthropolog-
ical difference. Or again, the postimperialist specialist of racism
studies does not have to negotiate the composition of her classes
and articles in relation to the demands of an academia-publishing
industry complex in a postcolonial language organized by a post-
colonial state that is itself composed through various forms of in-
stitutionalized racism.
Given the recent demonstrations of admiration for public
intellectuals in the “West” whose politics are characterized by their
admirers with epithets such as “fuck off!” (Rancière),5 or who gain
notoriety for scandalously scatological humor (Žižek), it might be
necessary to explain just what we intend to get at by a critique of
“etiquette.” Etiquette is part of the “immunitarian” apparatus de-
scribed by Alain Brossat in his critique of modern liberal democ-
racy. The English usage of the word, which is associated with “good
breeding” (Merriam–Webster), underscores its relation to the theme
of racial exclusion that forms the hidden backbone of liberalism
(Cole 2000)—and modern sociality in general (Quijano 2000). As
such, it is a biopolitical technology, for which Brossat offers a won-
derfully succinct description: “the distribution of bodies in a dense
space, via the mediation [truchement] of a system of rules named
etiquette” (Brossat 2003, 36). In the dense space of knowledge, the
trio of erudition, homolingual address, and ressentiment constitutes
the affective structure according to which bodies of knowledge are
constituted and areas populated. It is immunitarian to the extent
that it protects the anthropological matrix that supports capitalist
accumulation in the colonial–imperial modernity from being over-
turned.
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
5
http://critical-theory.com/who-the-fuck-is-jacques-ranciere/ accessed on May 20, 2013.
186
Brossat uses the French word truchement to speak of a me-
diating role played by a “system of rules.” Although the term’s
usage here certainly refers to a general effect of mediation, it is
worth noting an older, yet still current, literary usage of the term
that refers to a translator and translation. We might thus take this
usage as an invitation to think about what would happen were we
to substitute traduction for truchement—that is, “translation” for
“mediation.” Doing so, we would find that etiquette is precisely the
governmental technology that uses translation as a means of dis-
tributing bodies across dense space—that is, the space delineated
by the apparatus of area. This definition of etiquette approximates
Naoki Sakai’s understanding of translation based on homolingual
address. As such, it constitutes the main operation of capture exer-
cised by the apparatus of area.
Can the Subaltern Translate?
The importance of subjective transformation in the postim-
perial/postcolonial age was highlighted at the beginning of North
American postcolonial studies in 1988 by Gayatri Spivak in her fa-
mous essay “Can the Subaltern Speak?” (Spivak 2009a). In that
work, Spivak deftly displaces the practice of cultural knowledge
production in the wake of colonialism and capitalism away from
the image of objects, no matter how marginalized or “illegitimate”
in the eyes of dominant representations they may be, towards the
production of subjectivity. It is the role of intellectual elites—on
both sides of the imperial/colonial divide—that is targeted by the
critique of subjectivity in Spivak’s essay.
As usual, translations of the postimperial discourse into a
postcolonial context can be extremely helpful for understanding the
stakes involved. In the discussions of Spivak’s article in Taiwan,
two of the most common translations of “subaltern” are 庶 民
(shu4min2) and 賤民 (jian4min2). These are classical terms that both
share the same cognate min2 as part of there two-character com-
pound. Skipping over the possible parallels between min2 and the
Latin-derived word “people,” what the two Chinese terms share in
common is a description of the people as common or low. In other
translation / spring / 2014
words, what we have here are translations that add a biopolitical el-
ement to the original term subaltern (which describes not a people
but a quality of subjugation, and is hence technically limited to the
187
element of politics). The biopolitical translation risks resubstantial-
izing the term “subaltern” through the matrix of anthropological
difference—which, as I will show, is precisely what Spivak fights
against. Needless to say, this resubstantialization has received priv-
ileged institutionalization in the postimperial academic world, and
it is precisely here that a look at translation becomes especially in-
formative.
Let me explain this message by citing another variant trans-
lation of the term “subaltern” that I have seen circulating within
Taiwan: 從屬階級 (cong2shu3 jie1ji2) , the “class of subordinates.”
Once again, this translation runs afoul of the reading of Spivak’s
article that I favor. The inclusion of the word “class” (jie1ji2) in the
translated term effectively reintroduces the very point that Spivak’s
essay problematizes: people are something else before they are a
class or a type or a figure—before they are a people, which is al-
ways what the state elites and their prefab minorities want them to
be. “Subalterns” share aspects of the “unrepresentable”—except
that they do not stand heroically “outside” the register of represen-
tation guaranteed by the state form of social organization, but are
rather hidden or silenced in the biopolitical warehouse of the indus-
trial reserve army, the “pool” of a genetic population, or the sweat-
shops and brothels of illegal migrant labor. Here, representation is
not a formalistic problem, but a practice connected to capital’s ap-
propriation of species–being precisely at the point where the mode
of production meets the mode of subjection. Hence the necessity
Spivak felt to remind her readers of the difference between relations
of domination and relations of exploitation, and the need to read
across both registers without conflating the two in a schema of rep-
resentation. Needless to say, a recuperative reading of the subaltern
that reinstates the original Gramscian formula (“subaltern class”)
that Spivak had explicitly attempted to rework (by eliminating, first
of all, the term “class,” which always refers us back to the state), is
hardly a problem limited to Chinese translations. Indeed, the exis-
tence of such a translation can only be explained by the realization
that it is, of course, a translation not of “the text itself,” but rather
of the way in which the North American university-publishing com-
translation / spring / 2014
plex has bestowed upon it the honor of domestication by canoniza-
tion. So, it is not a mistranslation at all, but a translation that is
coldly accurate. The subjective effects of this domesticating canon-
188
ization become all too apparent when one considers the frequency
with which the term “subaltern” becomes conflated with or simply
substitutes for “the non-West,” leading to the use of nonsensical
terms such as “the non-subaltern” to refer to the West.
For Spivak, the precise location of this appropriation cannot
be identified, it can only be reconstructed as it were, on the basis of
a rift in subjective formation. Through a series of brilliant readings
of Marx, Foucault, and Deleuze, Spivak shows that there exists a
split in subjective formation that corresponds to the two meanings
of the English term to represent (which are treated, in the vocabu-
lary of German philosophy utilized by Marx, through the two verbs
vertreten and darstellen). These two meanings correspond to the
difference between the subjects formed in relations of domination
and those formed in the relations of exploitation. The former re-
quires an analysis of relations to power, the latter an analysis of re-
lations to production. It is the modern state—which of course can
now include suprastate organisms and nonstate ones as well—that
offers the promise of “fixing” the relation between the two, offering
a precise location, as it were, such that two projected images seem
to merge, just as happens in the optical viewfinder of a coincident
rangefinder camera. The image, or fiction, of this “place” in which
location and identity, past and future, language and people coincide
is an essential feature of the aesthetic representation crucial to the
modern apparatus of area. Spivak’s essay thus contributes to the
classic Marxist notion of class, which is summarized, as Jacques
Bidet would say, by the formula “the state is always a state of class.”
Spivak shows, by displacing domination and exploitation, that the
notion of “class” must be expanded (without losing the specificity
of “class”) far beyond the limits of political economy to accommo-
date a vast tableau of dynamic, minoritarian relations (of which gen-
der is only the tip of the iceberg) within the construction of
anthropological difference. The “subaltern” is thus the name for the
spacing that is undecidably both the concrete body of this or that
downtrodden and marginalized individual and the possibility of a
being that can no longer be configured through the matrix of an-
thropological difference. Not “humanity,” not species–being, not an
translation / spring / 2014
inheritor of the entire anthropological project of the colonial–im-
perial modernity devoted to perfictioning, but a true (and truly car-
ing) stranger.
189
From the perspective of a concern with translation, the rea-
sons for the necessity of this expansive analytic find themselves in
the correlation between the history of linguistic transformations
under the auspices of the modern nation–state and the transitions
of capitalist “development.” Although the creation of national lan-
guage in Europe was linked to class through the rise of the bour-
geoisie and their need to create a political community opposed to
that of a kingdom, this narrative obfuscates that part of the Euro-
pean nation that was forged, as Elsa Dorlin shows, in the colonies.
There, the class element was concomitantly fused to an anthropo-
logical element (beginning with race and gender). “Europe” and its
nations only became “European” through this process of fusion (be-
tween gender, race, class, language, ethnicity, sexuality, et cetera)
that established the anthropological matrix of modernity and natu-
ralized it via the apparatus of area.
The crux of Spivak’s essay lies, as we have said, not with
the identification of objects and their historical deconstruction, but
rather with the constitution of subjects, particularly the subjects of
knowledge forming under the shadow of capital and the state in the
apparatus of area. For this reason, I must confess that the one thing
that is strangest to me in the extraordinary reception this widely
circulated essay has received is that so many commentators have
looked at the subaltern as a problem to be solved or an idea to be
applied, rather than, as Spivak writes in an entirely different context
(one that is actually about translation), a locus to inhabit (Spivak
2005, 95)—or, as an invitation to cohabitation. We need, in other
words, to develop practices of “being there” that are different from
those normally catalogued under the Apparatus of Area.6 This is
not a call for a new aesthetic piety of place, but rather a plea to de-
finitively end the essential project of modernity: the idea that tech-
nological progress and aesthetics could be allied together in the
creation of a perfect species—what I want to name by the neolo-
gism “perfictioning.”
..........................
translation / spring / 2014
6
I do not think that I have yet compiled a complete catalogue, but there are several se-
ries whose importance is evident: 1) typology: character–figure–image; 2) ontology: ori-
gin–individuation–hylomorphism; 3) anthropology: animal–human–milieu; 4) economy:
production–exploitation–accumulation; 5) statistics and logistics: temporality–event–
control
190
While her emphasis on unrepresentability leads Spivak to
conclude that the subaltern by definition cannot speak (which
means that the subaltern always disappears under the weight of rep-
resentation when subjects are made to conform to identities that ig-
nore their constitutive, originary difference), she does not consider
her startling answer from the perspective of translation. Or, more
precisely, the position of the translator. The translator, of course, is
in the position of someone who speaks without ever meaning any-
thing herself. She is never authorized to say “I.” Strategies based
on the disclosure of the “invisibility of the translator” (Venuti 1995)
are important to the politics of translation, and for that very reason
they ultimately amount to a reinvestment in the nexus between
modes of production and modes of subjectification through the cat-
egory of identity. In lieu of invisibility, Sakai (1997) calls attention
to the hybridity and indeterminacy of the translator, and he proposes
a practice of heterolingual address that accounts for discontinuity
as a constitutive moment of the social. This outline of the position
of the translator leads me to suggest that for the professional uni-
versity-based intellectual the ethical response to the problem of
subalternity will not be found in speaking or listening, but rather
in “translating.”
To suggest that an ethics of subalternity can be found in
translation is quite different from suggesting either that the subal-
tern “herself” translate or that intellectuals translate “for the subal-
tern.” A negative example will help to illustrate my point, and
prevent the confusion that might occur by modifying an idea that
was first described in a remarkable text by a North American grad-
uate researcher in political science, Jay Maggio, titled “Can the
Subaltern Be Heard?” (Maggio 2007). This article, which demon-
strates formidable familiarity with Spivak’s oeuvre, proposes trans-
lation as a viable means of displacing Spivak’s original question.
The genius of Maggio’s formula is, however, not well
served by its elaboration. Symptomatically, the article falls into the
well–populated ranks of those respectables who have assigned
themselves the task of finding “a possible solution to the Spivakian
puzzle” (Maggio 2007, 438). More disturbingly, the author relies
translation / spring / 2014
upon a notion of cultural translation, whose presuppositions of ho-
molingual address we do not share, to “advocate a benevolent trans-
lator in the West who offers a sympathetic reading of the subaltern”
191
(Maggio 2007, 437). Although the rhetoric of benevolence and
sympathy—as well as “respect” (Maggio 2007, 435)—offers a fine
opportunity to remind ourselves about the merits of Christiane Vol-
laire’s (2007) more materialist analysis of the politics and aesthetics
of humanitarian aid in its relation to war, the arms trade, and the
politics of “regime change,” I would like to focus our attention on
this idea of being “in the West.” In spite of the unmistakable spirit
of charity and humility that characterizes this text, the one reform
that is not contemplated is subjective—the crucial one, as far as
subalternity is concerned. If “the translator must recognize the im-
plicated relationship of the Westerner and the subaltern” (Maggio
2007, 434), the translator in Maggio’s text never dislodges itself
from its self-assurance about identity. In order to get a sense of the
magnitude of this self-assurance, I would ask the reader to bear
with a lengthy list of textual citations that refer to the “West,” in-
cluding: “Western discourse,” “the Western translator,” “the West-
ern academy,” “Western thought,” “the intellectual Western
scholar,” “a Western critic (citizen),” “Western philosophical tra-
ditions,” “the Western approach,” the “Western viewer,” “the West-
ern self,” “the modern Western subject,” “Western metanarratives,”
“a uniquely Western notion of the subject,” “the very Western con-
cept of an active speaker,” “the careful Western [sic.],” et cetera.
Such self-assurance might be taken in this postimperial era as the
sign of humility and respect; countless theorists of much greater
sophistication than myself and Maggio have been known to engage
in the same repetitive obsession. Essentially a catalogue of trans-
lational tropes, this manner of invoking the West inevitably leads
the author to ask, halfway through the article, “how can the Western
scholar study the subaltern?” (Maggio 2007, 431).
My response to this question is to repeat the mantra “away
from the study of objects and back to the formation of subjects and
social composition.” The lessons that the subaltern has to teach us
about representation and its objects extend equally to the translator.
Even the longest list of supposed civilizational traits combined with
the most well-intentioned discourse that “recognizes the conditional
nature of the constitution of both the dominant group as well as the
translation / spring / 2014
subaltern” (Maggio 2007, 436) cannot immunize the translator
against her own essential hybridity—much less against what Fou-
cault dryly terms the “form of a relation with power” (Foucault
192
2000, 162). Hence it is no surprise to find discussions of subalter-
nity, among those who would like to treat it as an ethical relation
to objects of study, conducted in a confessional mode whose ulti-
mate effect is to reinstantiate identity as a subject of representation.
Undoubtedly, there is a postimperial etiquette at work here. Given
that the history of colonialism is seen as a massive project of ex-
propriation, the postimperial scholar signs on to a pact (the postim-
perial etiquette), in which his identification with the West is to be
taken as the sign of a historic eschewal of the politics of imperialist
expropriation. An overwhelming proportion of today’s postimperial
scholars—even the ones who specialize in postcolonialism—have
embraced this ethics of positionality associated with their respectful
acceptance of the area in which they are supposed to be assigned.
It is precisely at this point that Naoki Sakai’s unique ac-
count of the position of the translator really shines. What is revealed
here is an essential, original hybridity and indeterminacy, present
in every social relation, yet whose presence can never be fully rep-
resented or conveyed or captured. I would like to suggest that it is
this “position” that is the only viable option for the intellectual of
any location on today’s postcolonial/postimperial geocultural map
who is concerned about the ethics of subalternity. So, for profes-
sional intellectuals, it is a question of becoming subaltern with re-
gard to the postimperial etiquette, and then of using this process of
becoming to expand the ranks of subalternity without end. This
process of becoming must not be viewed through the terms of sym-
pathy, much less appropriation; it must not, in other words, become
an aesthetic project of mimesis and figuration through which the
modern project of perfictioning, or fabricating racial/species per-
fection, can be realized technologically! Instead, the process of be-
coming subaltern has to be directly aimed at the apparatus of area,
which is the main impediment to the maximization of subalternity
without end. That injunction means that intellectuals will have to
undertake or commit to a series of revolutionary changes in the op-
positions that structure the “area–institutions” in which they work,
beginning, in the context of a discussion about translation, with the
valorization of authorship over that of translation, and extending
translation / spring / 2014
beyond that specific context to the affective economy that is mobi-
lized in support of the apparatus of area. The invention of new
forms of inhabitance outside of the apparatus of area—or, to use a
193
less jargonistic language, the abandonment of the postimperial/
postcolonial, civilizational state and the exodus from the future-
ruins and past-images in which it has trapped us—is, to my mind,
the only way to “adequately address the damage done by colonial-
ism” (Maggio 2007, 431). Which is to say, of course, that the only
form of reparation that makes any sense in the face of that unre-
payable debt is to recyle the affective debris of area into a being
that does not accumulate, but grows through shedding.
Transforming the Postimperial Etiquette
A collective pact concluded precisely over the apparatus of
area could never function without an affective component. In a re-
cent work, Franco “Bifo” Berardi has described what he sees as
the major affective traits of “semiocapitalism” (Berardi 2009a).
Chief among them is the pendulum that swings between depression
and panic, from bear market to bull market. Berardi talks about in-
terrupting the obsessive repetitions in order to create alternate re-
frains. My very un-Spinozist response to Bifo is that we replace
depression with sadness. In the context of this essay, I will define
this as the positive affirmation associated with carefully observing
the way in which the trio of homolingual address, ressentiment,
and erudition entraps us and prevents our liberation from the ap-
paratus of area. Such sadness becomes the platform not for reject-
ing the affective structure of area, perhaps claiming ourselves to
be liberated from it while others languish (or revel) within, but for
embracing it within the transformations of the collective bodies–
tongues–minds assemblage(s). In other words, while depression is
individual, sadness is transindividual. Depression is the form that
sadness takes as it goads us into individuating in the retroactive–
proactive way that is typical of the apparatus of area. Sadness is
affirmative in the sense that it restores depression to its transindi-
vidual element.
Undoubtedly, this transformation of affect from the indi-
vidual to the noncollective transindividual is part of an ontological
shift. Scheler’s text on ressentiment, for example, can be read, as
Olivier Agard’s neat analysis of Scheler shows (Agard 2009),
translation / spring / 2014
through the twin themes of an antihumanist problematization of hy-
lomorphic anthropology and resistance to capitalist modernity. First
published in 1912 and rereleased in an expanded, revised edition
194
in 1915, Scheler’s work in this text presages his incursions in the
1920s into the debates over philosophical anthropology taking
place in the Weimar Republic. Agard’s excavation of Scheler’s
work reveals a philosopher who stands, problematically, at the cen-
ter of a paradox between an “anthropocentric tendency” and an “in-
verse tendency towards a rupture with anthropomorphism” (Agard
2009, 185). As both the “measure of every reality” and a “cultural
construction” or bit of “stardust,” summarizes Agard, “man is both
central and decentered at the same time” (Agard 2009, 185). In Res-
sentiment, Scheler bemoans the way in which modern capitalist so-
ciety perverts the Christian notion of love, directing it towards
humanity in its generic qualification as a species (Scheler 1994,
99). Under capitalism, “the will of the species” substitutes itself for
the good, which is reduced to a function of utility. As a result, a
“new man” is produced. The new man is a hylomorphic type, de-
fined by his relation to animality (not God). For Scheler, it is pre-
cisely this sort of hylomorphism (a word that he does not use, as
far as I am aware) that creates of man a figure that oscillates be-
tween the “overman” and the “overanimal” (Scheler 1994, 105; my
translation of Übertier). Even as Agard warns against conflating
Scheler’s antihumanist problematization of anthropology with the
likes of Michel Foucault (leaving aside the details of Agard’s fas-
cinating, yet brief, comparison between the two thinkers), his de-
scription of Scheler implicitly recalls the Foucaultian critique of
man as an empirico-transcendental doublet. Agard concludes that
“[t]his dilemma remains valid today” (Agard 2009, 185). The con-
clusion I take from his analysis is that, at its base, ressentiment
arises when the nonhylomorphic pair “Common/singular” (Virno
2009) is diverted to serve the interest of accumulation, becoming a
state–people nexus instead. When Scheler speaks of affect in terms
of a contrast between being a “passive feeling” (what is translated
into French as a “state”) as opposed to an “action” and “movement”
(Scheler 1994, 93), he betrays the productive negativity in his an-
tihumanism and falls back into anthropology. The vocabulary of
state, act, and movement is political as well as physical. Behind
this physics of power lies a Hobbesian anthropology. In place of
translation / spring / 2014
this classical political physics and its attendant anthropology, it
would be well to recall what Bifo says about power: it is not a force,
but a field of relations (Berardi 2009b, 118).
195
With regard to reclaiming erudition, the most stubborn ob-
stacle to a reappropriation of this relationship today is the coloniza-
tion of time. I feel embarrassed to admit that the only strategies I
can propose in the face of this time-consumption system are the re-
fusal of work and volunteerism. The latter is undoubtedly a com-
promise, and bears an uncomfortably close resemblance to the way
in which “free” labor is an integral part of the neoliberal model of
labor management. The former is simply not an option for many—
work, in the capitalist logic of surplus population, refuses them.
For these reasons and others, the liberation from the colonization
of time through the refusal of work is only the beginning, and could
never be an end in itself. The most important ways of reappropri-
ating erudition will have to come from transformations in the rela-
tion between knowledge and the body. This is another facet of
permanently leaving behind the anthropological project modernity.
We start by refusing to adopt an exceptional position, such as seen
in the Cartesian split. For professional intellectuals, this means first
and foremost that the construction of disciplinary objects must al-
ways be contested, if not refused. First, by questioning codes of
domination in the objects presently considered “legitimate”; sec-
ond, by questioning and rejecting the institutional imperative to de-
vote one’s work to disciplinary objects at all. In place of disciplines
devoted to objects that accumulate in the body of knowledge, we
need disciplines devoted to knowledgeable practices of subjective
transformation.
By way of conclusion to this section, let me quote a passage
from a fascinating work on the capitalist mobilization of affect by
a member of the French Regulation School, Frédéric Lordon: “[I]t
is once again Spinoza who gives us perhaps the definition of true
communism: exploitation of affect will come to an end when men
know to direct their common desires—and form an enterprise, yet
a communist one—towards objects that are no longer material for
unilateral capture, or, in other words, when they understand that the
true good is that which wishes that others possess it at the same time
as I” (Lordon 2010, 195–196). Lordon is expressing nothing less
than an ontological revolution away from possessive individualism.
translation / spring / 2014
For Lordon, this means going beyond the notion of objects as “ma-
terial for unilateral capture.” Yet, based on my experience engaging
in and reading through a critique of the apparatus of area, Lordon’s
196
formula still leaves too much room for the subjective investment in
objects that is known as disavowal. No longer taking the individual
as the legitimate unit of analysis means precisely rethinking the na-
ture and status of objects. Ultimately, the constative part of the in-
tellectual sphere rejoins the performative part. Social relations enjoy
the singular position of being the nonrepesentable, practical fulcrum
between those two moments: they are both the originary point of
departure and the element of determination-in-the-last instance.
Armed with this sort of awareness, our interest in objects, be they
disciplinary or transdisciplinary, pales in comparison to our eager-
ness to embrace the realm of cooriented ontology, “neither a return
to the substantial object nor a so-called necessary anthropocentrism
[but] an existentialism resolutely opposed to all homogeneity, to all
ontological flattening as to all foreclosure of the common—an ex-
istentialism without reserve” (Neyrat 2013, 25). The critique of area
studies shows that what is crucial to the transition to a world that
has nothing to do with colonialism, and perhaps capitalism, is nei-
ther the accumulation of critically powerful troves of knowledge
about specific objects nor so-called maturation and growth in the
sphere of the subject, but rather the simplicity of thinking relation
before the emergence of the two terms of which it is supposedly the
expression—something like what the philosopher Jean-Luc Nancy
calls Mitdasein.7
Once we focus firmly on relations, all those “bridging tech-
nologies” can no longer operate their ideological functions. Just as
the citation above is a passage from Spinoza to Lordon, now it be-
comes here a passage of mine and yours. The wish to be as numer-
ous as possible in the sharing of indeterminate relations is a vow
that befits the practice of the translator–subaltern, and the multi-
tude(s).
Areas in the Age of the Logistical Population
The postimperial etiquette’s function is to leave the appa-
ratus of area intact. This is what “being tactful” in the era of post-
colonial/postimperial globalization means: it is an affective
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
7
Unfortunately, it is precisely in the relation between the constative and the performa-
tive elements that Nancy’s philosophical writings sometimes most grievously betray
his ontological discovery of the importance of being-in-common. See Solomon 2013.
197
economy that obviates the need to link a radical reorganization in
the mechanisms of accumulation to subjective transformation. This
understanding of the postimperial etiquette is corroborated by Gay-
atri Spivak’s observation that “a hyperreal class of consolidated so-
called international civil society is now being produced to secure
the post-statist conjuncture” (Spivak 1999, 399). Although the
postimperial etiquette promises to mitigate the possibility that his-
torical resentment will break out into open struggle, it does so at
the cost of instituting a highly normative regime. Clothed in an os-
tensibly ethical discourse of respect for “cultural difference,” the
postimperial etiquette prolongs racism, in the broadest sense of the
term, by naturalizing the apparatus of area.
Transnational complicity is acquiring a new face in the age
of global semiocapitalism and biocapitalism, while the institutions
and practices that constitute areas are changing rapidly. As we move
from the age of the nation–state to the corporate–state, fueled by
unprecedented privatizations of state functions, one has to be con-
cerned that the postimperial etiquette today may well be operating
as an ideological “justification” for the political legitimacy of the
neoliberal corporate–state. Given the increasing integration of
biotechnology, information technology, and nanotechnology within
the context of capitalist accumulation, the meaning and role of pop-
ulation is undergoing vast change. The shift from “statistical pop-
ulations” to “logistical populations” (Harney 2010) takes on its
greatest significance, to my mind, in the apprehension of population
in terms of a “pool.” As biocapitalism identifies life with code and
code with value, populations themselves essentially become ware-
houses of value–code available for the development of virtually un-
limited new products to be advanced by biocapitalism. Genetic
code, as seen in the expression “DNA pool,” is thus the first level
of meaning that I would ascribe to the “pooling” effect of logistical
populations. The second and third levels occur in the moments of
production and consumption. As the products of biocapitalism will
be marketed directly back to the populations from which the value–
code was originally sourced, logistical populations are also com-
posed of a “consumer pool” and a “labor pool,” both of which are
translation / spring / 2014
essentially held captive to, or made targets for, the extraction of
surplus value out of the bioeconomy. Needless to say, the mainte-
nance of discipline and control within each of these pools requires
198
an elaborate security apparatus capable of monitoring in real time
the movements and borders that constitute pooling as such. The
utopian vision behind logistical populations considers the possibil-
ity of aligning in perfect synchronicity the global supply chain with
the food chain of the global biosphere, thereby realizing the tran-
shumanist dream of overcoming the limits of the individual body
to create the perfect species–being. Yet within the context of social
action motivated by the pursuit of surplus value, this utopian vision
functions in the mode of ideological alienation, covering up the
separation between a present and a future whose real function is to
be found not in the promised alignment of cosmic supply and de-
mand, but in the temporal circulation of the capitalist circuit that
transforms money into commodities and then back into money.
In order to see the ways in which logistical populations
function as transactionable pools for the corporate surveillance
state, we will unquestionably need to develops ways of looking be-
yond the ideology of cultural difference and identity that naturalizes
the pooling effect. Even as the state moves away from a classic na-
tional form of organization, the ideology of the nation–state con-
tinues to play an enormously influential role in the mobilization of
affect and the short-circuiting of collective transnational resistance
to the corporate surveillance machine. In view of this situation, I
expect that translation and the heterolingual form of address will
play an increasingly important role in the insurrections-to-come for
a coinhabitable planet.
translation / spring / 2014
199
References
Agamben, Giorgio. 2000. Means Without End. Translated by Vincenzo Binetti and
Cesare Casarino. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota.
Agard, Olivier. 2009. “La question de l’humanisme chez Max Scheler.” Revue germanique
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Balibar, Étienne. 1994. Masses, Classes, Ideas: Studies on Politics and Philosophy
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Berardi, Franco. 2009a. Precarious Rhapsody: Semiocapitalism and the Pathologies
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———. 2009b. The Soul at Work: From Alienation to Autonomy. Translated by
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Dorlin, Elsa. 2009. La Matrice de la race: Généalogie sexuelle et coloniale de la Na-
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Harney, Stefano. 2010. “From Statistical to Logistical Populations.” http://transit-
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http://eipcp.net/transversal/0507/nowotny/en. Accessed September 24, 2011.
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Quijano, Anibal. 2000. “The Coloniality of Power, Eurocentrism, and Latin America.“
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———. 2009. “How do we count a language? Translation and discontinuity.” Trans-
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———. 2010. “The Experience of Culture : Eurocentric Limits and Openings in Fou-
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———. 2011. “Saving Population from Governmentality Studies: Translating Be-
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Jon Solomon was born in the United States and trained at Cornell University. He lived
in east Asia for twenty-five years before relocating to Europe to assume a position as
professor in the Institute of Transtextual and Transcultural Studies, Université Jean
Moulin, Lyon, France. His extracurricular interests include backpacking and Vajrayana
(Tibetan) Buddhism. His current project is to develop a discussion of “area” as an es-
sential operation for the governing capacity of the state in parallel to the question of
translation / spring / 2014
“population,” a form of the investment of state power within life, what might be re-
ferred to as "biopower," following Foucault. Within this project, an examination of the
biopolitics of translation occupies a privileged place for understanding the relations be-
tween anthropological difference, geocultural area, and regimes of accumulation.
201
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15513 | [
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] | Beyond the Regime of Fidelity
............................
Bauhaus University, Germany.
Boris Buden
[email protected]
Abstract: The case of NSA leaker Edward Snowden, accused of treason by the
United States, reveals its true political meaning in the context of a problem with
which the traditional theory of translation is so obsessively concerned—the quasi
dialectics between fidelity and betrayal. To put it more simply: to betray in trans-
lation always means to break a contract in which modern society and its political
container, the nation–state, is ideologically grounded, namely the so-called social
contract. It is because the commonsense concept of translation, whose meaning
Naoki Sakai epitomized in the notion of homolingual address, not only concep-
tually parallels the social contract theory, but is, even in its most recent versions
(Rawls, Habermas), directly involved in the construction of the bourgeois polit-
ical sphere and the modern liberal democratic state. For the same reason, an
abandoning of the regime of homolinguality—that is, traditional understanding
of translation with its crude binarism and its obsession with the question of fi-
delity—cannot be reduced to a simple shift in the paradigm within translation
theory. It implies an agonistic—and therefore genuinely political—act of chal-
lenging the very mode of sociality that is reproduced by the modern liberal dem-
ocratic state. In short, it implies the traumatic betrayal of the very regime of
fidelity on which it is based.
______________
Treason
It didn’t take long for the infamous T-word to appear. Not
only were notorious American conservatives like Dick Cheney
quick to accuse the NSA leaker Edward Snowden of treason, but
they were promptly joined by Democrats like California Senator
Dianne Feinstein and the most prominent John Kerry, Barack
Obama’s Secretary of State. Those rightly shocked by the use of
such a scary word in a public discourse supposed to be governed
by rational argument, a word that not only moralistically sabotages
a possible debate on the problem but is itself heavily charged with
translation / spring / 2014
almost mystical dimensions of guilt, crime, and punishment, just as
quickly responded with a no less irrational rejection of the accusa-
tion of treason. An article in The New Yorker (Herzberg 2013) pro-
104
vides a good example of how desperate such justification strategy
is: first, Snowden has committed no crime. According to the Con-
stitution (Article III, Section 3), the treason against United States
consists only in levying War against them, or in adhering to their
Enemies, which, as it can be easily proved, he hasn’t done. Sec-
ondly, even if he has violated a law (“he is manifestly a law-
breaker”), Snowden is not a traitor. The proof: his intentions were
innocent. Not only did he never intend to damage national security,
but he acted, rather, on the basis of a belief that he was serving the
true interests and highest values of his country. Thus, regardless of
whether he has broken the law or betrayed his country, Snowden is
a true patriot. And finally, guilty or not—a lawbreaker, a traitor, a
patriot or not—he has already been severely punished by sentencing
himself to perpetual exile.
However helpless in its attempt to rationally reject the ac-
cusation, this argumentation succeeds perfectly in foreclosing the
problem it has touched upon. It deals with the symptoms of the in-
toxication caused by the public use of the world “treason”—“the
word is pure poison,” writes Herzberg in the same article—not with
the toxic substance itself. What is actually so poisonous about the
word “treason” is precisely the fact that its meaning transcends far
beyond the moral–juridical discourse that reigns over the public of
today’s liberal democratic regime. The motif of treason and fi-
delity—which is intrinsically tied to it—evokes fundamental ques-
tions on the formation of the social.
More than a hundred years ago, the sociologist Georg Sim-
mel stated that society would not be able to exist for any time at all
without the phenomenon of fidelity, or Treue (Simmel 1908). He
understood fidelity as a “sociological affect” that aims to foster the
persistence of social relations. His favorite example is the well-
known expression “faithful love.” Why is there a need for fidelity,
Simmel asks, if love that once brought two people together still per-
sists in their long-lasting relationship? Fidelity is obviously needed
when the cause that initiated the relationship at the very beginning
has in the meantime disappeared. It is, for instance, what makes an
erotic relationship survive even if the physical beauty that brought
translation / spring / 2014
it about diminishes and turns into ugliness. This is why Simmel sug-
gests that the notion of “faithful love” simply be replaced by a more
appropriate one: “enduring love.” It is precisely because of the mat-
105
ter of time, or, rather, of endurance that “fidelity and its opposite
become important […] as the bearer of the existing and self-pre-
serving kinds of relationship among members.” It is “one of the
most universal patterns of action significant for the most diverse in-
teractions among the people” (Simmel 2009, 517).
“Fidelity and its opposite,” writes Simmel, where by “its
opposite” he obviously means “betrayal,” which in this context ac-
quires an unexpected meaning. To stay within Simmels’s example:
the expression “betrayal of love” makes no more sense than the al-
ready mentioned “faithful love.” Behavior that appears to us, and
is often described, as “betrayal of love” is nothing other than an ef-
fect of the simple absence of love. How can we say that a person
who leaves his or her partner, or begins a love relationship with an-
other, has betrayed the love of this person, if the fact that this love
vanished before is precisely what brought about the demise of the
relationship? Paradoxically, one can betray only a former love, or,
more precisely, one can betray what has been brought into existence
by this love—be it marriage, family, children, friendship, or similar.
It is in this context that Simmel questions the well-known truism
“that it is easier to destroy than to build.” It doesn’t actually hold
for certain human relationships. While it is true for a relationship
that it requires certain conditions to come into existence, this doesn’t
mean that the subsequent loss of these conditions will necessarily
cause its collapse. Once it has begun, it doesn’t permanently rely
on the feeling or practical occasion without which it would not have
arisen in the first place—as long as it relies on the fidelity that com-
pensates for the absence of these conditions and keeps the relation
unchanged in its social structure. This is why it is sometimes harder
to destroy than to build.
But what does this tell us about the case of Snowden’s “trea-
son,” which has shocked public opinion the world over? First of all,
it tells us that the whole juridical dimension of the accusation of
treason, including its rejection, completely misses the point—its
temporal meaning. Although juridical discourse correctly addresses
the agonistic character of the problem by situating it in the relation
between friends and enemies—“Treason against the United States,
translation / spring / 2014
shall consist only in levying War against them, or in adhering to
their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort,” states Article Three
of the United States Constitution—it understands treason and im-
106
plicitly addresses fidelity primarily in terms of belonging to a
friendly inside that automatically presupposes loyalty and is op-
posed to a hostile outside that deserves no such feelings. This quasi
dialectic between fidelity and treason is based on a spatial percep-
tion of political and cultural entities. Precisely as such, it reminds
us directly of the commonsense view of translation and its obsession
with the same subject.
According to this view, translation takes place between two
already existing languages that automatically imply two different
cultures, respectively two separate social and political entities—
mostly a nation and a nation–state—each enclosed in a homoge-
neous, often also clearly demarcated space. The task of translation
in this situation is then to bridge linguistic and other differences so
as to facilitate communication between the two entities. Once we
have accepted this view, the proper position of translational practice
becomes problematic. It can, in fact, never occupy a location equi-
distant from the two sides, one of which is always defined as orig-
inal while the other is a sort of secondary production—that is, its
translation.1 This circumstance is the source of an endless discussion
about which side to adhere to—either the linguistic and cultural
realm of the original, or the respective one of its translation. Since
in either case there is always at stake more than a simple correspon-
dence of linguistic meaning—namely cultural but above all social
and political effects of translational practice—such discussion as-
sumes dimensions of much greater importance that go back to the
very formation of the social. The already-mentioned quasi dialectic
between fidelity and treason is nothing but a moralistic—and in this
sense ideological—expression of a simple truth according to which
translation has always been more than a purely linguistic issue, and
namely a social and political act.
As in the case of the accusation of treason leveled against
Snowden, this endless moralistic discussion about whom a transla-
..........................
1
One of today’s widely preferred solutions to this problem is to declare “inbetween-
ness” as a cultural space in its own right, endowed with authentic emancipatory po-
translation / spring / 2014
tential. Precisely in promising an easy escape from the crude binarism of the traditional
concept of (cultural) translation, it fosters the illusion of an emancipation without a rad-
ical conflict with the powers that have themselves generated this same binarism. To
challenge an imposed “either/or” implies an even more decisive “either/or,” of which
the case of Edward Snowden is the most cogent proof.
107
tor should be faithful to has an ideological function, which is to sup-
press the problem it tackles, and in this way support the social re-
lations that inform the existing reality.
Security or Freedom
As is well known, the public debate surrounding recent
cases of leaking classified information—not only in Snowdon’s
case, and not only in the USA—is generally framed by the alterna-
tive “security or freedom” that is typical for the whole debate on
“terrorism.” Rastko Močnik 2 compared it with Lacan’s concept of
vel, or a “forced choice” (Močnik 2003, ix). Confronted with some-
one who says “your money or your life,” we actually have no alter-
native. If we choose money we lose both. So there is no other option
than to choose life (without money). Something similar happens in
the “security or freedom” alternative. If we choose security, we will
have security without freedom; if we choose freedom, we will lose
both.
In the case of Edward Snowden, it seems at first sight that
he has crossed a fine line that demarcates a proper relation between
freedom and limitations to this freedom imposed in the name of se-
curity. In a democratic society, such a line is supposed to be drawn
as a result of a rational public debate, which cannot be decided a
priori and is in itself endless. Yet we have seen that such a debate
was quickly interrupted by the accusation of treason and deterio-
rated into an a posteriori sophistry on individual guilt and inno-
cence.
So it seems that Snowden mistook “security or freedom”
for a true alternative, while it was, in fact, a vel—a non alternative.
..........................
2
At this point, an editor at a typical publisher’s or journal would ask me to further specify
who this name actually refers to, expecting me to provide additional information usually
comprising profession and geopolitical location. In this particular case, this information
would probably read “Slovenian philosopher.” This would most certainly help readers
quickly orientate themselves on the map of today’s global production of knowledge,
yet the question is, what sort of orientation is this in point of actual fact? It opportunis-
tically follows the model of representation and classification of epistemological subjects
that is fully in accordance with today’s still dominant picture of the world as a colorful
translation / spring / 2014
cluster of nations and ethnicities located in their own, clearly demarcated linguistic, cul-
tural, and political spaces. But this is precisely the model that supports—and is sup-
ported by—the traditional concept of translation and the corresponding regime of
fidelity, which are the object of criticism here. This is why I refuse—at least in the main
text—to provide any such “stylistic” specification.
108
By choosing freedom, it had to end in treason. But why was his the
wrong choice? The answer seems obvious: Snowden seems to be a
naive essentialist. In his decision to reveal to the general public clas-
sified details of the mass surveillance programs put in place by the
US and UK governments, he actually addressed and claimed a
value—freedom manifested as civil liberty—for which he believed
to be the very essence of the society and the state he served, or as
we would rather put it today, an essential part of the US American
identity. The fact that the addressee responded with the accusation
of treason proves that this value has already evacuated its political
embodiment, the institution of the state as well as the decisive part
of civil society both still claiming to have originated in this value.
This is the reason why there is a need for fidelity. It alone is capable
of preserving the duration of a social relation beyond the presence
of the values and forces that once initiated it. Fidelity assures that
this social relation, including the whole institutional edifice built
on it, will outlive these values and forces with the same synthesizing
effect. What Snowden did not know is that by choosing freedom
instead of security he has claimed a former freedom whose place
within the American imaginary has in the meantime been occupied
by security.
By the same token, we might say more generally that the
accusation of betraying the so-called American values—or, for ex-
ample, “Western values”—does not make much sense. One can only
betray what has been created by and built upon those values and
now persists after they have passed. The same applies to the accu-
sations of betraying love of country as well as the attempts to justify
such a betrayal—a claim, for instance, that Snowden in his “wrong-
doings” was actually motivated by a genuine love for his country.
The moment a patriotic feeling becomes a matter of fidelity, then
the so-called love of country has already vanished.
This, however, does not mean that an endless public debate
over the proper dose of love of country or a harmonic coexistence
of freedom and security makes no sense whatsoever. Such discus-
sions, as Močnik argues, have a clear ideological function—to re-
produce the relation between the state and individual in the
translation / spring / 2014
immediacy of this relation. At stake is a situation that has been con-
ceptualized in the grounding myth of the modern bourgeois state,
in the so-called social contract theory. As is well known, it explains
109
the establishment of political order, above all of its most important
institutional form, the state, as a result of a contract among individ-
uals. It also presupposes that these individuals, before they enter
into the contract, were not bound by any social relation. They enter
into the contract directly, as it were, from the state of nature, as
purely natural beings, so that the social character of their mutual re-
lations is nothing but a retroactive effect of the contract itself. There
is also an element of gain and loss in the social contract, at least in
its Hobbesian form, where individuals have to surrender some of
their freedoms to their ruler in exchange for protection of their re-
maining rights, a meaning that brings us back to the topic of free-
dom and security, or, respectively, of treason and fidelity. Seen from
this perspective, treason is simply a violation of that original con-
tract by which an individual egoistically usurps too much freedom,
thus jeopardizing the security of others. As a response, society can-
cels the contract with this particular individual and excludes him.3
Translation and Social Contract: a Parallel
At this point, we should draw a parallel between the theory
of social contract and the already mentioned commonsense concept
of translation, whose meaning Naoki Sakai has epitomized in the
notion of homolingual address (Sakai 1997, 1–17). Sakai shifted at-
tention from the paradigm of communication in which translation
appears as the transferring of a message from one language to an-
other to the problem of address, which reveals the linguistic en-
counter that takes place in translation as essentially a social relation.
What he calls the regime of homolingual address is a particular rep-
resentation of translation in which one side of the translational en-
counter addresses the other as though both are representatives of
different linguistic communities. It reduces the initial situation of
not understanding, which prompts translation, to one single differ-
ence between two language societies. Thus, the already mentioned
commonsense notion of translation according to which translation
always takes place between two separate languages perceived as
enclosed, homogeneous, internally transparent linguistico-cultural
spaces—and necessarily implies the whole drama of fidelity and
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
3
It either prosecutes a traitor like Bradley Manning, or leaves him in a quasi-stateless
limbo by canceling his travel documents, as in the case of Snowden.
110
treason—is in fact a retroactive effect of the homolingual mode of
address.
At stake is a constellation that, as mentioned above, is rem-
iniscent of the social contract, that fairytale regarding the formation
of state and society. First of all, the relation between languages and
language communities, as structured under the regime of homolin-
gual address, resembles the relation between individuals in the so-
cial contract. As is well known, individuals enter into the original
contract directly, as it were, from the state of nature—that is, as
though they have never before been involved in any sort of social
relation. In other words, they become social beings only and for the
first time at the moment of entering into the contract. Is this not sim-
ilar to the perception of languages and language communities that
enter into translational encounter? It makes an impression that they
have never encountered each other before and have no traces of for-
mer relations, no shared experiences, no history of mutual hy-
bridizations, no memories of being in the past mere moments of
same linguistic continuities. Like individuals at the moment of en-
tering into the social contract, languages and language communities
appear at the moment of translation in their absolute isolation and
solitude, a condition that is constantly reproduced under the regime
of homolingual address.
It is therefore probably even wrong to say that this regime
suppresses the fact that translation is a social relation. Rather, it
completely usurps and monopolizes the very sociality of linguistic
practice. Translation appears as the only social relation a language
is able to articulate, but as a relation between languages not between
humans. Now there are languages that, as isolated monads, socialize
freely among themselves thanks to translation. Humans who speak
these languages, who understand, misunderstand, or do not under-
stand them, who therefore cannot but constantly translate and hence
reproduce their linguistic praxis (a praxis of which translation is an
unavoidable element) and themselves through it, are supposed to
socialize too—but only within the enclosed space of one single
“own” language. Do they have any social life beyond that? No. Out-
side of this space there is nothing but a (linguistic) wilderness, a
translation / spring / 2014
presocial state of language qua nature. Once again, we are describ-
ing a reality that is retroactively structured as such through a certain,
historically particular, and ideologically framed perception of trans-
111
lation based on the paradigm of homolingual address. It would be
wrong to say that it simply desocializes translational praxis. Rather,
it seizes the social truth of translation and redistributes it according
to its ideological function. Its modus operandi is dehistoricization.
In order to achieve its ideological goals, the homolingual address
imposes a sort of structural oblivion on the translational praxis.
It is only after having got rid of its history, which is the his-
tory of its social relations, that translation in the homolingual mode
of address can feature its three main characteristics, typical of a
commonsense understanding of translation. The first is its posteri-
ority, the impression that translation enters the scene only after the
two languages have already completed their development and
reached their final form—that is, as though they meet for the first
time without having had anything to do with each other before. This
automatically has another effect: the externality of translation. It
appears that it confronts an already existing, enclosed, and internally
homogenous linguistic space from its outside. So the perception of
such a language–space excludes translational praxis in both way
temporally and spatially. Finally, these two features merge into one
for the traditional understanding of translation’s essential feature,
its secondary character. At stake is the notorious binary relation be-
tween the so-called source and target language, which implies a
qualitative difference between the original in one language and its
secondary production in another.
It is also on the grounds of this same dehistoricization that
the regime of homolingual address in principle doesn’t recognize
any qualitative difference between and among languages. Rather,
it presupposes an abstract equality of all of them and grants each
the freedom to enter into relation with any other language according
to its own need or will. In this sense, too, it repeats the logic of the
modern bourgeois political sphere that is imagined as emerging out
of the social contract and consisting of abstract, mutually separated
individuals that are all “free and equal.” In fact, we can think of the
regime of homolingual address as a linguistic pendent to the bour-
geois political sphere. It also creates a homogeneous space, clearly
differentiated from other spheres of life, in which, instead of indi-
translation / spring / 2014
viduals, languages and respective language societies appear in trans-
lational encounter as free and equal—only after and because they
have been radically separated from each other, which actually
112
means separated from their social relations and the history of their
social interactions.
But beyond the abstract postulate of equality among lan-
guages, the reality of translational praxis looks quite different. The
statistical data on international flows of translated books show how
the world system of translation is hierarchically organized (see, on
this point, Heilbron 2010). The so-called hypercentral position is
occupied by one single language. Almost sixty percent of all trans-
lated books in the world are translations from English. Only two
languages, German and French, have a central position each with a
share of about ten percent of the global translation market. It is fol-
lowed by seven to eight languages in a semicentral position, each
with one to three percent of all translated books (Spanish, Russian,
Italian, etc). The remainder of almost two hundred languages,
among which quite large ones such as Chinese or Arabic (from
which less than one percent of all translations worldwide are un-
dertaken), are peripheral (Heilbron 2010, 2).
As in the case of the social contract, the regime of homolin-
gual address does not simply hide the reality of hierarchies, hege-
monies, and relations of domination and submission. It is, in fact,
like the bourgeois political sphere that is retroactively constructed
by the social contract, an institution of domination itself. The rela-
tion of domination is intrinsic to the very formation of such a sep-
arate homogeneous sphere of abstract linguistic equality, which is
why there is no space for an alternative within its horizon.
Good, Bad, Faithful
The conceptual and ideological alliance between the regime
of homolingual address and the social contract theory can also be
historically traced down to German Romantic translation theory. As
is well know, it is still praised for its so-called welcoming of the
foreign (see Berman 1992). In the perspective of German Roman-
tics, the foreign (das Fremde), which should be clearly perceptible
in translation, is a sort of added value that is supposed to refine the
language of the translator and the spirit of his or her nation, or as
we would say today, its culture. Concretely, in their case it was a
translation / spring / 2014
classical quality that German originally lacks and can acquire only
through translations from the classical languages—Greek and Latin.
This, however, implies a certain original form of the German lan-
113
guage that could be imagined as a kind of linguistic state of nature,
a condition of language before its first encounter with other lan-
guages. We can think of it as a state of language prior to its first
translation. Precisely as such it again clearly resembles the concept
of an individual existing before its first encounter with other indi-
viduals in the abstractness from any social relations, that is, before
the emergence of society—a constellation akin to the concept of the
social contract.
In relation to the principle of fidelity that implies a for-
eignizing of the language and culture of translation, both emphati-
cally preferred by German translation theorists—in contrast to the
so-called French school, which proclaimed the principle of license
and domestication—the German Romantic concept of translation
operates according to the following scenario: a language, respec-
tively a language community, represented through the figure of the
translator, gives up a part of its natural originality and accepts con-
tamination by the foreign in order to achieve the state of culture.
But the translator, in accomplishing this cultural mission, must
therefore also sacrifice part of his or her freedom and stay faithful
to a certain cultural task, which is always already a social and po-
litical one—the task of nation-building. Accordingly, the fidelity of
translation is not a matter of its quality in terms of a degree of faith-
fulness to the original, but, rather, a matter of loyalty to the linguistic
community, and, concretely, to the nation. It refers directly to a so-
cial relation that must be preserved and developed beyond any given
essence, or to recur to Simmel’s notion of fidelity, it refers to a social
relation that must be constantly cultivated after the pregiven origi-
nality—as it is retroactively projected into the state of nature—has
been replaced by culturally generated sociality. Thus, not being
faithful in translation does not mean betraying the original text, or
any sort of original essence, but betraying the social relation that
has been cultivated upon and beyond this originality. In the final
analysis, this means betraying a very specific and a very specifically
binding political commitment.
The consequences of such a betrayal, of course, run far
deeper than the consequences of an inaccurate or bad translation.
translation / spring / 2014
In fact, the differentiation between a good and a bad translation is
itself ultimately a political issue. So, Antoine Berman (1992, 5) de-
fines bad translation as an ethnocentric translation that systemati-
114
cally negates the strangeness of the foreign work. It is clearly the
fidelity to a particular political cause—here, obviously, a commit-
ment to what we may call liberal inclusivism—that makes such an
assessment possible. However, Berman cannot admit a political and
ideological bias. Rather, he insists on a purely ethical position, ar-
guing that translation gets its true sense only from the ethical aim
by which it is governed. Moreover, he is convinced that defining
this ethical aim will liberate translation from “its ideological
ghetto,” which is for him one of the tasks of a theory of translation.
For Berman, ethics is what translation is all about, not politics or
ideology. What he calls the “ethics of translation” consists of deter-
mining the pure aim of translation as such. It consists, finally, “of
defining what ‘fidelity’ is” (Berman 1992, 5).
That such an expansion of the ethical dimension of transla-
tion has itself an ideological function, namely to avoid confrontation
with the political meaning of translational praxis and the role fi-
delity plays in it, is already revealed by opening the historical di-
mension of translation. Referring to Leonard Forster’s research on
multilingualism in literature, Antoine Berman reminds us himself
that the lettered public of the sixteenth century used to read a literary
work in its different linguistic variants, which is why it ignored the
issue of fidelity and treason (Berman 1992, 4). How, then, has this
issue become, since the eighteen century, of such crucial importance
for different translation theories and is even believed to determine
the very essence of translational praxis? People started to hold their
mother tongue sacred, says Berman. Not only that, we can add. Peo-
ple began to think of the origins of their social order, the state, and
their very sociality in terms of contractual relationships, which sig-
nificantly raised the importance of the ethical dimension of social
and political life including the issue of fidelity and treason. More-
over, people started to imagine their common being in cultural
terms. They began to create nations, unique national cultures, and
languages enclosed in homogeneous, clearly differentiated spaces.
It was in the age of Enlightenment in the seventeenth and eighteenth
century that the ground was laid for the most important political in-
stitution of our time, the nation–state, and for the political structure
translation / spring / 2014
of the modern world, the so-called Westphalian order. Needless to
say, both translation and fidelity have important roles in this
process, which they have played up to the present. The best example
115
is one of the most prominent political philosophies of the liberal
age—John Rawls’s theory of justice, a modern revival of the clas-
sical social contract theory.
No Justice Without Translation: a Proviso
John Rawls introduces the notion of translation at the most
traumatic point of his concept of a liberal democratic society, at the
dividing line between the private and the public, which in our age
of radical desecularization has become a true frontline along which
today’s societies threaten to break apart and fall back into the con-
stant war of all against all, as is the case today with the sinister af-
termaths of the so-called Arab spring.
This historical event is in a way a double failure of transla-
tion. First, the translation of an allegedly universal concept of West-
ern democracy into a local, “predemocratic” idiom of a non-Western
world, supposed to be deeply contaminated by tribalism, ethnocen-
trism, religious fundamentalism, and authoritarianism—a transla-
tion that undoubtedly follows the track of the old imperialist
expansionism—resulted in chaos and violence. It only rearticulated
this particular non-Western location as historically belated, con-
cretely, not yet mature for democracy. But at the same time the po-
litical concept of translation that was built into the very project of
Western liberal democracy as the instrument of its universal trans-
latability, designed to deal with particular claims of all sorts, espe-
cially with those of different religious communities, has also failed,
revealing a corrupt element within the original itself that renders its
translation impossible.
As is well known, in his conceptual reenactment of the old
social contract theory, Rawls constructed the so-called original po-
sition, an imaginary standpoint projected behind what he calls “the
veil of ignorance,” an imagined boundary that makes all particular
facts like ethnicity, gender, class, religion, and so forth external to
our reasoning that now, protected from and cleansed of all the par-
ticularities, can arbitrate between rival parties out of the only knowl-
edge available within this sphere—the knowledge of the general
principle of justice.
translation / spring / 2014
Rawls later revised this argument—making concessions to
the ever stronger ideology of liberal multiculturalism—and included
the so-called proviso, which allows for the expression of religious
116
arguments in public debates so long as they can be translated into
the language of public reason (see Rawls 1997).
Thus, the bourgeois political sphere falls apart into two lin-
guistic spaces that are at the same time separated and connected
through translation, which articulates and controls the divide within
this sphere and at the same time provides for its homogeneity.
In his own dealing with the problem of desecularization,
Jürgen Habermas (1989) basically adopted Rawls’s “translational
proviso.” He, too, believes that religious citizens—whom he calls
“monolingual citizens” (!) since their religious language is the only
one they understand—should be allowed to use their religious ar-
guments in the public sphere as long as these are translated into a
language that is accessible to all citizens. But he also explicitly
states who is supposed to undertake this translation, namely the sec-
ular citizens, and precisely where it should occur—at what he calls
the “institutional threshold,” a boundary that separates the so-called
informal public sphere, which allows for articulation of religious
arguments and which is therefore contaminated with private rea-
sons, from another that informs a sort of pure, or primal, public
sphere, the sphere of parliaments, courts of justice, ministries, pub-
lic administrations, et cetera.
Within the informal public, which we can imagine after the
multicultural model as a sphere of linguistic diversity, prevails a ca-
cophony (Habermas calls it the “babble of voices” of public com-
munication) of mutually incomprehensible languages of different
religions, or, as Rawls would put it, comprehensive doctrines. Placed
on the threshold to the institutional part of the public sphere, where
no religious arguments are allowed, translation, which Habermas
explicitly compares with a filter, lets pass only secular inputs,
cleansing the language of religious particularities and turning it into
a homogenous, totally transparent language of the secular state.
The political sphere of a bourgeois democratic society is
thus multilingual. It speaks many languages, of which only one is
considered to be its original language—the mother tongue of a lib-
eral secular state. From the point of view of this proper language of
the state and society, all its other languages appear foreign, which
translation / spring / 2014
is why they must be translated. And yet this translation is a one-
way translation. Is the proper language of the public sphere sup-
posed to be accessible to all, thus requiring no translation?
117
The source of this ambiguity actually lies in the fact that
Habermas understands translation according to an a priori, given
homolinguality—that is, in terms of a preexisting linguistic unity.
He thus reduces its meaning to the function of linguistic purification
and homogenization. This is only possible on the assumption of a
homogenous target language, the language of a public reduced to
an exclusively institutional realm. However, this language doesn’t
seem to preexist translation. Rather, it appears to be its product, a
performative result of the homolingual address, in which Haber-
mas’s idea of translation is grounded. This is why this ultimate lan-
guage of the political public—purified from any sort of religious or
doctrinaire particularity, a language into which all the languages of
the “informal public” can be and should be translated—itself eludes
any further translation. It is a language in which all foreignness is
finally sublated, which makes it the mother tongue of a society en-
closed in a democratic, secular state. It alone is able to generate a
total transparency of the political public in which, in the sense of
an act of self-reflection, society as society is grounded. We should
not forget that Habermas, in his Structural Transformation (1989,
24–29), already starts from the assumption that public debates are
fully comprehensible and linguistically transparent.
On the other hand, the linguistic heterogeneity that is as-
cribed to the informal public turns out to be a mere plurality of the
already existing, homogenous languages of a particular religion, a
political doctrine, or a Weltanschauung. From the point of view of
the mother tongue of the society—that is, on the part of a presumed
total transparency of the proper, institutional political public—the
linguistic diversity of the informal public appears as a domain of a
specific clandestinity, the clandestinity of the so-called alien word.
Translation: a Return of the Repressed
We should, at this point, recall the “grandiose organizing
role of the alien word” of which Vološinov writes in Marxism and
the Philosophy of Language (1973).4 He defines the “alien word,”
or the “foreign-language word,” primarily as a word that eludes gen-
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
4
In this section, I rely on Nowotny’s “Kontinua der Verwandlung. Sprachphilosophische
und linguistische Aspekte der Übersetzung.” See Nowotny 2008, 95–131.
118
eral use; it hides within itself a secret that can be deciphered and is
administrated by “rulers” or “priests” who alone have at their com-
mand its “true meaning.” It is not difficult to recognize here a ho-
mogenous religious language of Habermas’s informal public. This
also explains his translational proviso. What religion has alienated
from general use must now be made “generally accessible” again
through translation at the institutional threshold.
This becomes clear if we remember that Habermas, in fact,
conceives of translation according to the psychoanalytic model (see
Habermas 1987, and, for a more detailed consideration, Buden
2005, 85–89). Its primal task is not simply to enable understanding
between two partners who speak different languages, but rather to
sublate the suppression (Verdrängung), which he understands as the
splitting-off of one part of the language from public communica-
tion—in other words, the privatization of one part of its meaning.5
The goal of psychoanalytic cure, which Freud already explicitly
compares with translation, (see Freud 280) is to enable the self-re-
flection, that is the reappropriation, of a previously privatized part
of public language—made foreign and clandestine due to mental
illness—so that the self can restore itself in its totality and trans-
parency.
This generally explains Habermas’s model of seculariza-
tion: religious language is allowed to take part in the articulation of
the public sphere because it is in principle understood as a split-off
part of this same public sphere, a language that is alienated from
society, which, precisely as such, obscures one part of the social
self-formation process (Bidlungsprozess) that is closely connected
with the public sphere. Just as the patient reappropriates alienated
parts of the history of her development in performing translation/
self-reflection together with the analyst, so too does society recon-
struct its own self-formation process in performing translation/self-
reflection cooperatively via secular and nonsecular citizens, thus
establishing itself in its totality and transparency.
This clearly confirms that translation for Habermas has a
primarily socially formative function, concretely playing a crucial
translation / spring / 2014
..........................
5
Here, we should not forget that psychoanalysis is not an auxiliary means of commu-
nication for Habermas, but rather the paradigm of communicative self-reflexion.
119
role in the Bildungsprozess—not only a process of both collective
and individual self-creation, but also a process in which society and
culture inextricably merge.
However, precisely in fulfilling its social function, transla-
tion opens up a paradox similar to the one of the theories of the so-
called social contract, in which liberal political concepts still try to
ground society. Louis Althusser has pointed to this problem in deal-
ing with Rousseau’s contrat social concept: at the moment of the
conclusion of the contract, as a contract between individuals and
the community, the second contractual partner, the community,
doesn’t exist since it is only its product (Althusser 1987, 146 and
following pages). Thus, the result of the contract—the community
that does not preexist the contract—is preinscribed in the very con-
dition of the contract.
This completely applies to Habermas’s translational pro-
viso, which presupposes that translation occurs between two lan-
guages—a religious language articulated in the so-called informal
public and the language of the proper political public that is spoken
behind the institutional threshold. Namely, at the moment of trans-
lation one of these languages, the “mother tongue” of the liberal,
democratic state, does not exist yet since it should first emerge as
the product of this translation. In terms of the filter metaphor—as
has been said before, Habermas explicitly compares the institutional
translation with a filter that extracts only secular reasons—this lan-
guage has the form of a “language filtrate.” The perception that it
was already there before the translation is, in fact, an effect of a par-
ticular representation of translation that necessarily compels us to
the assumption of preexisting, distinct, and closed linguistic enti-
ties—in short, the performative effect of what Sakai calls the ho-
molingual address.6 So both the existence of homogenous religious
communities and the existence of a secular, liberal democratic so-
ciety are grounded in the ideological perception of a homogenous
linguistic unity. This is the reason why we say that translation has
..........................
translation / spring / 2014
6
See Nakai (1997, 2): “[I]t is not because two different language unities are given that
we have to translate (or interpret) one text into another; it is because translation artic-
ulates languages so that we may postulate the two unities of the translating and the
translated languages as if they were autonomous and closed entities through a certain
representation of translation.”
120
a socially formative function. It is translation that finally makes out
of a diversity of different, religious, ethnic, doctrinaire, and so forth,
linguistic communities a homogenous secular society.
This society, too, is a linguistic community, yet it does not
originate in “natural”—or, from the perspective of the secular state,
alienated, privatized—languages, but in a linguistic extract filtered
out of these natural languages, which is considered the mother
tongue of a liberal democratic society enclosed in the secular state.
The nature–culture difference, which is clearly heard here, again
evokes the theory of the social contract. One can easily imagine
what Habermas and liberal theory would expect to happen to a so-
ciety that ignores the translational proviso and does not properly
guard the boundary between private and public—a regression into
the state of nature, into a Babylonian confusion of tongues and lin-
guistic communities that can no longer agree on any common in-
terest, since they only speak languages that are foreign to one other.
In short, a society without the internal border between private and
public, without a borderline drawn by the translation–filter would
collapse and end in some sort of Hobbesian bellum omnium contra
omnes.
Come Home and Face the Consequences
Referring to the impossibility of literally translating the fa-
mous Italian aphorism on translation traduttore traditore into Eng-
lish as “the translator is a betrayer,” Roman Jakobson suggests that
this rhyming epigram be translated in the form of “a more explicit
statement and to answer the questions: translator of what messages?
betrayer of what values?” (Jakobson 2000, 143).
Let us avoid being seduced by the allegedly high stakes of
“messages and values.” There is more at stake here: fidelity and be-
trayal in translation refer directly to the socially formative role of
this linguistic practice. As we have tried to show here, under the
regime of homolingual address—which is precisely the name for a
historically contingent, ideologically functional, and politically
pragmatic form of translational practice—the meaning of linguistic
translation, as well as the meaning of fidelity and betrayal in trans-
translation / spring / 2014
lation, cannot be separated from the concept of social contract. To
betray in a translation does not mean to send a wrong message or
to violate a precious value but to break a social contract and in this
121
way jeopardize the existing form of social being—that is, con-
cretely, a particular society enclosed in a nation–state and defined
primarily through its identity that implies a unique culture, history,
ethnicity, and language.
The regime of homolingual address, which almost uncon-
testedly dominates present-day understanding of translation, struc-
turally and historically corresponds to the formation of the
bourgeois political sphere, which still provides the backbone for the
system of actually existing democracy. Moreover, the concept of
translation, forged under the same regime, plays a crucial role—as
we have seen in Rawls’s and Habermas’s theories of the secular
state—in the way this system creates and maintains the values in
which it sees itself grounded: the rule of law, civil liberties, legal
equality, secularity, human rights, et cetera. In other words, what is
at stake is not only how the concept of translation based on homolin-
gual address performatively reproduces the social and political con-
ditions of its possibility, the “objective reality” of separate
languages, linguistic communities, and nation states, but rather how
the system of actually existing democracy—which implies this “ob-
jective reality” of separate languages, linguistic communities, and
nation–states as the condition of its possibility—ideologically re-
produces itself through this same concept of translation. It plays a
crucial role in the strategy of its self-legitimation. We would prob-
ably not be exaggerating if we were to say that removing this con-
cept of translation from the ideological construction of the liberal
democratic state—abandoning, for instance, the homolingual mode
of address implied in it—would bring the whole edifice down. Can
we imagine a secular democratic state without translation at the
threshold between its separate spheres that is a necessary precondi-
tion for its values claims? Can we imagine a democracy without the
claim to transparency and rationality of its political sphere that is
provided through translational filtering on its boundaries? Can we
imagine a society and its nation–state without its mother tongue that
is created through homolingual translation, both in linguistic and
political terms? And, finally, can we imagine a democracy, or what-
ever might replace it for the better, beyond the homosociality of the
translation / spring / 2014
nation–state and its claims to a unique cultural, linguistic, or ethnic
identity? No we cannot—as long as we obey the regime of homolin-
gual address. It has captured our (political!) imagination, disguised
122
as a natural, self-explanatory concept of a relative humble form of
linguistic practice called translation. It has also morally blackmailed
our political will, pressing it into the irrational and terrifying limbo
between fidelity and treason. There is therefore no other escape but
to betray it. And face the consequences.
This is precisely what American television journalist Bob
Schieffer said in his commentary on CBS News to Edward Snow-
den: “Come home and face the consequences.” In his view, Snow-
den is not a hero like Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King Jr. who
led the civil rights movement, broke the law, and suffered the con-
sequences. They didn’t put the nation’s security at risk, run away
and hide in a foreign country, like Snowden did.
For Schieffer, there is no value—such as civil rights for in-
stance—without “home.” One cannot claim one without claiming
the other. His heroes of the civil rights movement sacrificed them-
selves for their home, or more precisely for a value they believed
would make this home better. For them, therefore, the whole drama
of fidelity and treason was not an issue. But it has now become an
issue in the case of Snowden, where the value he claimed has de-
tached itself from “its” home. Now fidelity is needed—to preserve
a home without value, or, as Georg Simmel once put it, to preserve
a social relation after the reasons that initiated it have disappeared.
This is why Schieffer calls on Snowden to come home. He wants
him to reconcile value and home and to revive the old harmonic
unity of both from the time of the American civil rights movement.
And this is also why Schieffer maliciously accuses Snowden of
being motivated by his private pathology: he is “just a narcissistic
young man who has decided he is smarter than the rest of us.” Not
only does he deny any social relevance to Snowden’s act, he sees
nothing socially relevant outside of home. So he could easily stage
the drama of fidelity and treason and cast the NSA leaker in the role
of repentant traitor. “Come home and face the consequences” is
merely an empty, moralistic blackmailing ploy that relies on no val-
ues whatsoever, except on an equally empty appeal to honor. Yet,
brought together, honor and fidelity make for a poisonous mixture:
Meine Ehre heißt Treue (“My honor is fidelity”) was the motto of
translation / spring / 2014
the Nazi Waffen Schutzstaffel (SS) organization, and was engraved
on its members’ belt buckles.
123
Dare to Betray!
Before bringing this story to an end, we should not forget
to ask ourselves what actually made Snowden a traitor. Was he truly
a freak who naively mistook public transparency for an essential
American value? In fact, as a person working for state institutions
(the NSA and the CIA) he occupied—in terms of the languages spo-
ken in the public sphere—a contradictory position. On the one hand,
he was clearly situated in the midst of what we have called the
mother tongue of the liberal democratic state, the language of the
state institutions that is, according to Habermas, supposed to be un-
derstandable by all citizens. At the same time, it was a place of total
clandestinity, of a language that is completely excluded from public
use since it originates in a secret that can be administrated only by
the rulers themselves, regardless of whether they are democratically
elected or not.
Kant was already familiar with the contradictory character
of such a position. In his famous essay on the nature of the Enlight-
enment (Kant 1996), he states that those who occupy a civil post or
office entrusted to them are actually destined to use their reason pri-
vately, meaning not freely, since they are bound by the interest of
the community whose affairs they have to deal with. So it is pre-
cisely the position within a state institution that automatically pre-
vents a person from using their reason publicly. What Kant calls the
public use of one’s reason takes place only when a person as a
scholar (Gelehrter) makes use of it before the entire public of the
world of readers (Leserwelt). Only this public use of reason is free,
precisely in terms of a freedom that is required for the Enlighten-
ment.
But the difference between private and public use of reason
can also be understood in terms of a difference in the mode of ad-
dress. One makes private use of reason insofar as one addresses
one’s own political community and its particular interests. In polit-
ical terms, we might call it a homosocial mode of address, and it
consequently implies its linguistic correlate, homolingual address.
The use of reason in this case is limited within the scope of one par-
ticular society that is almost automatically perceived as a particular
translation / spring / 2014
language society. So it is limited within one—mostly national—
language and within the idea of its exclusive transparency as well
as its exclusive political impact. In other words, one addresses the
124
public privately when, in doing so, one assumes a position that is
representative of a particular political and linguistic community. It
is this limit that not only renders our addressing the public private,
but also deprives it of freedom.
A public use of reason, on the contrary, knows no such lim-
its. We use our reason publicly when we address the world of read-
ers beyond any particular society or language. And we do so, as
scholars, not as representatives of this or that political or linguistic
community, and not even as representatives of this or that academic
community. It is the mode of address here that defines scholar, not
a particular professional competence. A scholar is someone who ad-
dresses an entire world whose boundaries are drawn only by liter-
acy. Since the literacy in this case is supposed to transcend all
linguistic and cultural differences as well as political demarcations,
it obviously presupposes the praxis of translation. This then also
means that we have to deal, here, with some sort of translational lit-
eracy that is performatively evoked in the scholar’s mode of ad-
dress.
This throws new light on Snowden’s treason. It certainly
consists in his breaking the social contract in which today’s norma-
tively dominant political form of sociality—the liberal democratic
nation–state—is still ideologically rooted. The question is, however,
how has he done it? Obviously, by performing another mode of ad-
dressing the public that transcends the limits of his own political
community and its interests as well as the limits of one single lan-
guage. Concretely, Snowden has addressed a value, which has aban-
doned that particular universe called home—a transparency that has
spilt over from the enclosed space of a single society, from a clearly
demarcated area of an alleged cultural originality, from the concep-
tual frame of a democracy locked up within the container of the na-
tion state, from the vocabulary and the grammar of a single national
language and its respective community. But he has addressed a
transparency, too, that has liberated itself from the quasi-dialectical
clinch with its “mirror-value,” the secrecy that is constitutive of any
institutional articulation of the so-called national interests; a trans-
parency that at the same time liberates both him as the addresser
translation / spring / 2014
and his addressee, the Kantian “world of readers” or what Naoki
Sakai nowadays calls the “nonaggregate community of foreigners,”
from the confines of a privately enclosed public.
125
In radically going public, Snowden’s treason also clearly
consists in his using reason publicly in the original Kantian sense.
Does this then mean that precisely in committing his treason he also
acted as a Kantian scholar? Why not? His treason is a political act
par excellence, yet such that it simultaneously produces and dis-
seminates knowledge. It implies and fosters an emancipatory hy-
bridization of a radical democratic politics and knowledge
production whose effects recall the forgotten ideals of the Enlight-
enment. It is a treason that performatively evokes what it norma-
tively addresses—a translational literacy: an ability to act politically
and comprehend cognitively beyond the homosociality of the na-
tion–state, beyond the homolinguality of a language society but also
beyond the gated communities of cognitive competence.
As is well known, for the Enlightenment project to work, it
had to rely on what Kant called maturity (Mündigkeit). He defined
it as the emergence from self-imposed immaturity and dependence
whose cause lies not in a lack of intelligence but in a lack of deter-
mination and courage to use one’s own intellect freely and inde-
pendently, without the direction of another. Kant summed up this
idea in the famous slogan of the Enlightenment: Sapere aude!, or
“Dare to know! Dare to think independently!”
It is precisely in terms of Kant’s maturity that we should
think of Edward Snowden’s treason. It presupposes his liberation
from a self-imposed regime of fidelity. However, to accomplish it,
determination and courage are needed. The slogan of the emanci-
patory transformation the leakers like Manning and Snowden have
announced would therefore read: Prodere Aude!—“Dare to betray!”
(see Buden 2008).
translation / spring / 2014
126
References
Althusser, Louis. 1987. “Über Jean-Jacques Rousseaus ‘Gesellschaftsvertrag’. Die
Verschiebungen.” In Machiavelli - Montesquieu - Rousseau. Zur politischen
Philosophie der Neuzeit, Schriften volume II, translated by Henning Ritter
and Frieder Otto Wolf, 131–172. Berlin: Argument.
Berman, Antoine. 1992. The Experience of the Foreign: Culture and Translation in
Romantic Germany. Translated by S. Heyvaert. Albany: State University of
New York Press.
“Bob Schieffer To Snowden: Come Home And Face The Consequences.” 2013.
http://www.realclearpolitics.com/video/2013/06/16/bob_schieffer_to_snow-
den_come_home_and_face_the_consequences.html. Accessed August 2013.
Buden, Boris. 2005. Der Schacht von Babel. Ist Kultur übersetzbar? Berlin: Kadmos.
———. 2009. “A Tangent that Betrayed the Circle: On the Limits of Fidelity in Trans-
lation.” http://translate.eipcp.net/transversal/0608/buden/en. Accessed Au-
gust 2013.
Freud, Sigmund. 1982. Traumdeutung. Studienausgabe Band II, edited by Thure von
Uexküll and Ilse Grubrich-Simitis. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch
Verlag.
Habermas, Jürgen. 1987. Knowledge and Human Interest. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press.
———. 1989. Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere. Translated by Thomas
Burger. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press.
Heilbron, Johan. 2010. “Structure and Dynamics of the World System of Translation.”
http://portal.unesco.org/culture/en/files/40619/12684038723Heilbron.pdf/H
eilbron.pdf. Accessed May 10, 2013.
Herzberg, Hendrik. 2013. “Some Dare Call It Treason.” The New Yorker, June 28.
Jakobson, Roman. 2000 [1959]. “On Linguistic Aspects of Translation.” In The Trans-
lation Studies Reader, edited by Lawrence Venuti, 138–143. Oxon–New
York: Routledge.
Kant, Immanuel. 1996. “An Answer to the Question: What is Enlightenment?” In Im-
manuel Kant. Practical Philosophy, translated and edited by Mary J. Gregor.
Cambridge UK: Cambridge University Press. http://www.marxists.org/ref-
erence/subject/ethics/kant/enlightenment.htm.
Močnik, Rastko. 2003. Tri teorije: Ideologija, nacija, institucija. Translated by Branka
Dimitrijević. Beograd: Vesela nauka.
Nowotny, Stefan. 2008. “Kontinua der Verwandlung. Sprachphilosophische und lin-
guistische Aspekte der Übersetzung.” In Boris Buden and Stefan Nowotny,
Übersetzung: das Versprechen eines Begriffs, 95–131. Vienna: Turia und
Kant.
Rawls, John. 1997. “The idea of public reason revisited.” The University of Chicago
Law Review 64 (3): 765–807.
Sakai, Naoki. 1997. “Introduction: Writing for Multiple Audiences and the Heterolin-
translation / spring / 2014
gual Address.” In Translation and Subjectivity. On “Japan” and Cultural
Nationalism, 1–17. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press.
Simmel, Georg. 1908. “Treue: Ein sozialpsychologischer Versuch.” Der Tag n. 225,
Erster Teil: Illustrierte Zeitung (Berlin), June 10.
127
———. 2009. Sociology: Inquiries Into the Construction of Social Forms. Translated
and edited by Anthony J. Blasi, Anton K. Jacobs, and Mathew Kanjira-
thinkal. Leiden: Brill NV.
Vološinov, V. N. 1973. Marxism and the Philosophy of Language. Translated by
Ladislav Matejka and I. R. Titunik. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press.
Boris Buden is a writer, cultural critic, and translator based in Berlin. He studied philos-
ophy in Zagreb (Croatia) and received his Ph.D. in cultural theory from Humboldt Uni-
versity, Berlin. His essays and articles cover topics relating to philosophy and politics
as well as art and cultural criticism. He has translated some of Freud’s most significant
works into Croatian, and has authored several books, including Der Schacht von Babel
[The Pit of Babel] (2005) and Zone des Übergangs [The Zone of Transition] (2009). Buden
translation / spring / 2014
is currently visiting professor at the Faculty of Art and Design, Bauhaus University,
Weimar.
128
| Unimi Open Journals |
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] | translation speaks to
Vicente L. Rafael
translation editor Siri Nergaard met with Vicente Rafael in Misano Adriatico, Italy in May
2013 at the Nida School of Translation Studies where he gave a series of three lectures.
During the conversation, Rafael explains how he, as a historian, became interested in
translation and how he sees translation in connection to war and weaponization. The imperial
ideology of translation to gain control over linguistic plurality and diversity is threatening
translation, he says, and can be seen as a war of both and on translation. The control over
linguistic plurality through English is our own contemporary example of the United States’
imperial project of dominating the world, according to Rafael.
The conversation continues with Rafael’s telling about his interest in translation play as an
opposite mechanism to war, enabling an undoing and reconfiguration of the power relations
between languages and cultures. Via the example of the Philippines, the talk touches upon the
role colonial education plays in regulating language, creating a linguistic hierarchy, and how
translation nevertheless appears in surprising forms and expressions.
The interview with Rafael was recorded and can be accessed at the journal’s website:
http://translation.fusp.it/interviews
NERGAARD: Hello, Vicente
RAFAEL: Good Morning
NERGAARD: Since our journal translation has the subtitle “a transdisciplinary
journal,” you are really the perfect person for us to talk to in this interview
for our journal: you are not a traditional scholar of translation studies, but
you work deeply on translation from your perspective as a historian.
Translation offers a unique perspective on, or a new way to analyze, colo-
nialism, power, and language, especially in the Philippines, and even
today in the United States. I would like you to tell the story of how trans-
lation became such a central theme for you.
RAFAEL: Well, like all good things in life it happened quite accidentally.
By accident I mean that when I was in graduate school two
things—one I [was] looking for a topic to do and I got interested
in the early modern period, sixteenth century, looking at the
Spanish colonization of the Philippines among other things. I
noticed that there were very, very few sources written by colo-
nized natives themselves. Most of the history was written by
Spanish missionaries. I was also quite surprised to see that a lot
of the writings of Spanish missionaries had to do with problems
translation / spring / 2014
of translating the gospel because they had to preach in the native
languages in order to be understood, which is much easier than
translating the native languages into Spanish. It is much easier
for the missionaries to learn the local languages than for the na-
203
tives to learn Spanish. And this is, of course, a practice consistent
with what they had been doing in Latin America, so I got very
interested in this topic and asked myself what would happen if
one were to take a look at native languages as historical agents.
Because we often think of historical agents as human beings, but
there is a certain way in which you can also think of language as
a historical agent that is somehow free of human control, in excess
of human control, and that’s exactly what happened. One result
is that I wrote my book, Contracting Colonialism, where I talked
about the centrality not just of translation, but the relationship
between translation and Christian conversion. And it turns out
that in the missionary tradition the two are in fact almost syn-
onymous. To translate and to convert are very closely related. And
these in turn were absolutely essential for carrying out a kind of
imperial project of colonization. So from then on it seemed like
translation, conversion, and colonization seemed to all resonate
with each other as part of a continuum, and that has been a re-
curring obsession on my part, where I started looking at my sub-
sequent work. In my later work I started looking at the American
empire and the American colonization of the Philippines. But I
also became very, very interested lately in the emergence of Eng-
lish as a kind of hegemonic language. So those are the things that
have led to my becoming very interested in translation. Origi-
nally, the interest in translation grew out of my interest in larger
historical issues relating to empire and colonialism.
NERGAARD: As a historian this attention to language and translation in relation
to history became a kind of obsession, as you said. How did the institu-
tions, the universities react to this? The departments of history have not
paid so much attention to language—the role of language and translation.
So how was your work accepted, how was it received in the universi-
ties?
RAFAEL: First of all I think you are absolutely right. Not just history,
but in many other Social Sciences, even in the Humanities, trans-
lation has been ignored.
NERGAARD: Even Comparative Literature ignored translation for many years…
RAFAEL: It is for the same reason that there is a tendency to see language
in purely instrumental terms, as a means to an end, as if thought
was possible without language—as if actions were possible with-
out language. I was very, very lucky again to be at the conjunction
translation / spring / 2014
of things. I started my graduate training in the late ’70s and I
went to Cornell, which is in upstate New York, and at that time
the United States was just opening up to a fresh wave of Conti-
nental theory, mostly from France and Germany. Everything
204
ranging from Hermeneutics to Deconstruction, to French Fem-
inism—all of which paid close attention to the workings of lan-
guage. So it was a time that was very hospitable to what they used
to call the Linguistic Turn and so it allowed me space and re-
sources to do my own work. But it is still a struggle. In other
words, the question of language is not something that is easily
thought about in the historical profession. In that sense, my work
is still sort of idiosyncratic, but that is OK because then I always
feel like I have something different to say than what most other
historians have to say. I am not doing the same old thing. I have
got something different to contribute. There are certain advan-
tages to being on the margins. One just has to know how to take
advantage of that position.
NERGAARD: You are speaking about a period in which the so-called Linguistic
Turn took place in philosophy, but it also ignored translation.
RAFAEL: There is another aspect in my case to what I was doing that
made translation absolutely essential—that I was involved in the
US in what was called Area Studies, which is this thing that
emerged in the post-Cold War period. The United States was
very interested in competing with the Soviet Union, and one of
the things that they did was try to extend not just their military
influence, but their cultural influence around the world. Part of
that was to fund universities to put up what they called Area
Studies so they would study different regions of the world and
develop a kind of scholarly expertise in these areas. Very similar
to what Britain and France and Holland and all the other Euro-
pean countries had done. And in the process of funding these
Area Studies programs they began to emphasize language training
and of course that brought out the question of translation. So
people became very adept, or at least there was a whole generation
of Area Studies experts that emerged from these centers that de-
veloped fluency in the languages and some of them became in-
terested in the problem of translation. This included two of my
advisors at Cornell—one of whom was Benedict Anderson, an-
other of whom was James Siegel—and they had written particu-
larly on problems of translation around the emergence of things
like nationalism, the emergence of authoritarianism in various
parts of Southeast Asia. So, in a way, again I was very fortunate
to be working with people who already assumed the importance
of translation. In my case, as I said, translation emerges organi-
cally from the very sense of the problems I was looking at, be-
translation / spring / 2014
ginning with religious conversion and then later on with... more
lately thinking about problems of counterinsurgency and milita-
rization and so forth, where once again language and the attempt
to tame language through translation becomes absolutely crucial.
205
NERGAARD: In the last works you mentioned, you introduced new terms and
a new vocabulary with which to discuss translation studies. War of trans-
lation, translation in wartime, weaponization of translation, targeting
translation in the counterinsurgency. This is really a new vocabulary and
it is quite strong.
RAFAEL: Well it’s not so much that it is new. The other day I was reread-
ing The Translation Studies Reader by Lawrence Venuti. It is very
interesting to read his historical introduction about translation
studies in which he talks about, for example, Roman Antiquity
and the status of translation as it was understood by the late
Roman writers—Cicero and Horace and others. I am not very
familiar with that history, but I was very surprised to realize that
even then there were competing notions of translation. For ex-
ample, a part of the idea of translating Greek authors into Latin
in part had to do with the late Roman desire to rival the legacy
of Greece. Not only were they appropriating Greek literature and
Greek writing and Greek thought, they also wanted to, as it were,
conquer it in the sort of imperial vein and so you realize that the
idea of translation, at least in the West, was always implicated in
the idea of rivalry, competition—which is another word for war.
Not only that, but there has always been a contest between
rhetorical approaches to translation and grammatical approaches
to translation—word-for-word, sense-for-sense—and that ten-
sion has animated, for example, translations of the Bible from St.
Jerome to Luther. And, of course, it has figured in the history of
missionary translations of the gospel all the way up to today. At
the Nida School of Translation Studies we are talking about this.
So it is not surprising translation should figure in imperial proj-
ects of all sorts including the latest one, which is the United
States’ project to maintain their dominant position in the world.
So in a sense what I am doing is simply reminding people of a
feature of translation that tends to get lost, which is it tends to
turn on not just the transfer of meaning, but also on the struggle
to control that process of transferring meaning. It relates to all
sorts of tensions around procedures, around the limits of what
can be translated. In that sense, translation is always fraught, so
it is always at war, as it were. And, finally, something I was trying
to talk about yesterday is that there is what Derrida calls a kind
of logocentric tradition in Western thinking, which tends to priv-
ilege thought over speech and then, of course, speech over writing
and so, for instance, there is this hierarchical chain of signs. And
translation figures very prominently there because within the lo-
translation / spring / 2014
gocentric context, as I have tried to argue, translation becomes a
means to an end. And that end, at least in the Western logocen-
tric context, is the end of translation, so you can say the end of
translation is the literal end of translation—the point where peo-
206
ple will feel like everything is so transparent that there is no need
to translate. That itself is part of this war of domination that is
going on.
NERGAARD: And it is almost always there as a ghost, as if that transparency
was the ideal, where translation is not necessary any more.
RAFAEL: Yes, exactly.
NERGAARD: With that transparency—the end of translation—we would lose
everything. We would lose plurality. We would lose meaning. We would
lose everything. Nevertheless, that’s the kind of ideal ghost right there.
RAFAEL: Right.
NERGAARD: As if we could avoid difference.
RAFAEL: And it not so much, really, to avoid difference or to avoid plu-
rality. It is to be able to have total control over linguistic plurality,
to make this control totally mechanical. And that is the dream,
for example, of automatic translation systems. Now, the attempt
to develop automatic translation systems, which I have also writ-
ten about, is precisely to make everything perfectly equivalent to
everything else, which of course is the dream of capitalism. This
would be a perfectly capitalized world where everything could
be exchanged for a single medium and measure of exchange, and
in this case that medium and measure of exchange is increasingly
English. English is now becoming the equivalent of the dollar,
the capitalist “sign par excellence.” So, again, it is not so much
the disappearance of difference—it is about the ability to control
the production and circulation of differences that this imperial
ideology of translation, in my opinion, has set out to do. And,
of course, there are all kinds of resistances to that, and that is part
of the story that I am very, very interested in: to try and plot the
way in which not only this war on translation is progressing—
that is, the war of as well as on translation—but also the way in
which this war is being evaded, the way this war is being dis-
placed, the different responses to this war in such a way as to
make the kind of final victory impossible. So what you get, in-
stead, is the emergence of what I call ongoing insurgency, lin-
guistic insurgencies of all sorts: puns, jokes, the creation of slang.
And there is, of course, the most important arena for linguistic
insurgency, which I believe to be literature. So long as you have
translation / spring / 2014
literature you have hope. Because so long as you have literature,
you have the need for translation. It works both ways: to the ex-
tent that you have translation, literature becomes possible, and
to the extent you have literature, translation becomes essential.
207
NERGAARD: Necessary and essential.
RAFAEL: Right, to that extent you cannot have a single ideology of trans-
lation controlling the production of difference, because differ-
ence will always proliferate beyond the control of any particular
translation ideology, thanks to literature.
NERGAARD: Thanks to literature…
RAFAEL: Yes, so literature is a principle of hope as far as I am concerned,
or I should say a resource, a resource of hope in a world where
translation tends to get reduced to merely instrumental terms,
such as, for example, when the US Department of State calls
translation a complex weapons system.
NERGAARD: Very interesting. And the connections to other areas in translation
studies becomes clear. But I still suggest that you introduce a new vo-
cabulary. With postcolonial criticism we are familiar with concepts like
“power” and “conflict,” but you use “war.” You use other concepts, too,
such as “weaponization”...
RAFAEL: In part, that grows out of the influence of the events of the last
ten years, including the “Global Wars on Terror,” the kind of
brazen attempt at colonial occupation on the part of the United
States in Afghanistan and in Iraq as well as interventions in places
like Syria, Yemen, Lebanon, and so forth. Not to mention, of
course, the occupation of the Palestinian territories by Israel,
which would not be possible without the aid of the United States.
All of that has placed the question of war, I think, in a lot of peo-
ple’s minds, and my attempt to talk about translation in terms
of war grows out of my concern with more recent events. There
is also another aspect to it, which is that there is a way in which
war has always played a central part in the formation of social re-
lations and the formations of society. When you think about how,
for example, modern national states have arisen, almost every sin-
gle modern state has arisen precisely in the wake of, or in the
process of, engaging in war both against other nation–states, as
well as against certain peoples within that particular nation–state.
So I would think that, to the extent that war is constitutive of
social relations, it would then also have a constitutive role in the
processes of translation, as indeed one can see by looking at the
history of translation, showing how it is always fraught, it is al-
ways involved in all sorts of conflict. That there is, just as Derrida
translation / spring / 2014
many years ago said about the violence of writing, so too I think
there is a violence that is intrinsic to every act of translation. I
think in certain cases it helps to think about translation in those
terms. I do not, of course, assume it is an appropriate way to
208
think about translation in every possible context, but, especially
in contexts I have been looking at, I think the connection be-
tween translation and war is very useful.
NERGAARD: You probably could relate this to what Antoine Berman says—
that all translation is naturally ethnocentric. So you sense this violence
again, because you want to change what is foreign and make it look more
like what you are familiar with.
RAFAEL: I mean, I agree with that to a certain extent in that the trans-
lation might begin in a sort of ethnocentric vein, but to the extent
that translation also signals a kind of ineluctable opening to the
other, it also initiates a kind of ongoing alterity. Its war-making
powers, as it were, invariably become attenuated. Again, as I sug-
gested yesterday in my talk, the other possibility in thinking
about translation as war is translation as play, and the question
of play then turns conflict, violence, and so forth in a different
direction. It is about the displacement of conflict. It is not the
banishment of conflict, but the reformulation of conflict as a kind
of indeterminate, ceaseless displacement that allows for the desta-
bilization of any particular power relations. And play, this is
something I would like to explore further. I have only just begun
to think about this question of play and of course there is an
enormous literature about this. But the question of play as that
which attenuates, not just a particular kind of dialectical conflict,
which is at the heart of war, but the question of play is that which
opens up into other possibilities, the possibilities of the literary,
for example, as I was trying to suggest yesterday. Play as that
which is connected to the question of freedom. Why do we play?
We play because in some sense play offers a kind of escape. It of-
fers a kind of release. It opens up an alternative world where noth-
ing is stable, where no one is permanently on top, no one is
permanently on the bottom, where there is a certain kind of joy
and happiness in being able to not just control the world, but
also in allowing oneself, as it were, to be controlled by the world;
so there is a kind of delight in the loss of identity, or the fluidity
of identity.
NERGAARD: But you have to be empowered with language before you can
allow yourself to play in such a fashion.
RAFAEL: Well, you have to know the rules, of course, you have to know
the rules before you can play the game, so it also brings in a cer-
translation / spring / 2014
tain kind of discipline, but a discipline that is not about surveil-
lance. It is a discipline that is not about submitting to a particular
power. It is a discipline that enables you precisely to participate
in the loss of power, if you will. So much of play is predicated on
209
this loss of power, and, as I said, a kind of opening up to a certain
kind of freedom. It is to think about translation as that which is
connected to an emancipatory project. That is the other side. So
on the one hand translation is war, which is to think of transla-
tion as ineluctably implicated in power relations, but on the other
side of it is translation as play, which is to think of translation as
that which also has the potential to undo and reconfigure, and
perhaps do away with these power relations in the name of a more
just and a more free world.
NERGAARD: Yesterday, during your talk at The Nida School in Misano Adriatico,
you were discussing the school system back in the Philippines. Can you
tell us a bit more about that situation in which local languages are pro-
hibited and the use of a foreign language is imposed?
RAFAEL: What I was talking about yesterday was colonial education and
the role colonial education plays in regulating language and in
the creation of what I have been calling a linguistic hierarchy. I
think this is typical with all, not just in a colonial context. I think
this is typical of all schools, the majority of schools, where the
idea of going to school, among other things, is the idea of learn-
ing how to behave in a certain socially acceptable way. And in-
trinsic to that mode of behavior is the ability to be able to speak
in a certain accessible way. So one is educated, but one is educated
in a particular way, so one becomes recognizably “grown up,” be-
comes developed. There is this whole developmentalist philoso-
phy that is, I think, intrinsic in all modern educational systems,
colonial and postcolonial. And that has to do with being able to
speak in a certain way. Speaking in a certain way, speaking in a
way that is educated, as they say, and this is something that can
be empirically verified in lots and lots of different situations. But
this idea of appearing to be, or sounding to be, educated means
being able to speak language in a kind of standardized conven-
tional way. That often entails repressing the more idiomatic, more
colloquial, more dialectical versions of that language. So one
speaks Italian correctly, which means not speaking the local di-
alects. This is intensified and amplified in the colonial situation.
The colonial situation I was talking about yesterday, where Fil-
ipino students were expected to speak English, but in the process
of speaking English, they were expected to repress the vernacular.
And then, of course, the question becomes to what extent is this
repression successful? Or does the repressed always return? And
obviously in the case of the Philippines that is what happens. It
translation / spring / 2014
returns to haunt, as it were, various attempts to speak in a stan-
dardized conventional fashion. How do we know this? Very sim-
ply, we know this because of the persistence of accents. To the
extent that people still speak with accents is the extent to which
210
their speech is always marked by the very thing they were sup-
posed to suppress. And what is that very thing they were sup-
posed to suppress? They were supposed to suppress their mother
tongue, which is their origin, right? So the origin always comes
back, as it were, in displaced fashion. In the form of an accent,
and I think this is true every time people speak, they always speak
with accents and those accents always betray where they came
from, their accents always betray another speech. Deleuze has this
wonderful short essay called “He Stuttered,” where what he says
about stuttering we can say about accents. Stuttering, he says, re-
veals the existence of another language within language. And he
goes on to talk about this in another register when he talks about
style. He says style is the foreign language that dwells within con-
ventional speech, and to the extent that we all have our own style
of speaking, that we try to develop our own style of speaking
when we speak with an accent, is the extent that we are always
speaking another language within the language that is socially ac-
ceptable. So that means we are always translating whenever we
speak, whether our own or another’s language.
NERGAARD: And can I use the accent because I want to keep my identity,
too? It is not that I am not able to speak proper English, but I keep my
accent because that is part of my origin.
RAFAEL: Yes, perhaps, perhaps. As you know the sounding of accents is
always the sign of translation at work, so another way of thinking
about accents is that accents are always the points where transla-
tion occurs, where it fails or it succeeds, right? Now, I don’t know
how you do this, but for example in my case, my English would
be standard American English, but when I go to the Philippines
I cannot speak like this. If I spoke like this people would have
difficulty understanding me, or they would think that I was put-
ting on airs, that I was trying to be better than them because I
spoke a different, more Americanized English, and so they would
expect me to speak in the local register. I would have to change
accents and usually within a day or two I am speaking entirely,
as it were, “native.” I have to “go native,” right? Perhaps this hap-
pens to you too when you go to Norway? And this usually is the
case, so we are always translating back and forth, not only be-
tween languages, but between accents, because accents are ways
of marking our identity, which is to say, difference, right?
NERGAARD: Exactly, exactly. I was thinking about the history of Norway when
translation / spring / 2014
the Danish dominated Norway and the official language was Danish. Our
written language was Danish, but the accent persisted: no Norwegian
speaker used the Danish pronunciation. These languages are very close,
so you have the language, the nonlanguage and the in-between, and the
211
Norwegians were still always in-between—they wrote in Danish, but the
pronunciation was Norwegian.
RAFAEL: Fantastic, fantastic. And there is a question of whether or not
it is a matter of intention. We like to think it is a matter of in-
tention. We like to think we are in control of our accents, but in
fact, to the extent that we always speak with an accent, is the ex-
tent that we cannot help but speak with an accent. That suggests
that there is something physiological about speech that is beyond
intentionality. Which is to suggest, if you take it one step further,
that there is something about translation that is beyond our in-
tention. There are different ways to think about it. One can think
maybe translation is hardwired into our body. We must translate,
we have no choice but to translate within language, across lan-
guages, within accents, across accents. It is precisely something
that we are compelled to do, which is to say it is compulsive. It
is beyond our intentionality. That is the other interesting thing,
too, about accents: we find it is not just the sign of translation at
work, it is also the sign of a certain kind of resistance to inten-
tionality. Right?
NERGAARD: That’s very interesting. That’s another area that has not been ex-
plored in translation studies at all. The psychological aspect of it, too, de-
serves study, so I will look forward to your next book, Vicente.
RAFAEL: It will be on accents.
NERGAARD: Of course. Thank you very much.
RAFAEL: You are very welcome. It has been a pleasure.
NERGAARD: Thank you.
Vicente L. Rafael, is Professor of History at the University of Washington in Seattle.
Much of his work has focused on such topics as comparative colonialism and national-
ism, translation, language and power, and the cultural histories of analog and digital
media especially in the context of Southeast Asia, the Philippines, and the United
translation / spring / 2014
States. His books include Contracting Colonialism: Translation and Christian Conversion
in Tagalog Society Under Early Spanish Rule (1993); White Love and Other Events in
Filipino Histories (2000), and The Promise of the Foreign: Nationalism and the Technics
of Translation in the Spanish Philippines (2005).
212
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15515 | [
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] | Introduction
After an interruption of almost two years, due to a change of
pub-lisher and additional complications, I am delighted to
announce that translation: A transdisciplinary journal is back—
stronger and better than before. Thanks to a collaboration with
the publisher Eurilink University Press located in Rome in Italy,
we are finally able to take up all the threads we had fashioned
and, more importantly, are creating anew.
We owe all our readers sincere apologies for the inconvenience
this delay has caused many of you—readers who have been wait-
ing for new articles and issues to peruse; authors who have been
waiting to see their articles published; subscribers who have paid
to receive the journal in print, online, or both; the community fol-
lowing us online. Thank you for your patience and faith in our
shared project that is translation.
To get back on schedule as soon as possible, we will be pub-
lishing issue 6—a special issue devoted to Memory and guest edit-
ed by Bella Brodzki and Cristina Demaria—immediately after the
present one.
Before I introduce the exciting content of this issue, let me pres-
ent a few new entries and changes in the journal’s staff. Carolyn
Shread (Mount Holyoke College, USA) is the journal’s new assis-
tant editor, and Giuliana Schiavi and Salvatore Mele (both Scuo-
la Superiore Mediatori Linguistici, Vicenza, Italy and members of
FUSP—Fondazione Universitaria San Pellegrino) are new mem-
bers of the editorial board. In truth, they are not really new, since all
three have served at the journal since 2014; but this is the first time
they are officially connected to a new issue of the journal, and are
presented to the readers. It is also thanks to Carolyn, Giuliana, and
Salvatore that the journal is now reappearing.
Loc Pham Quoc (Hoa Sen University, Vietnam), who has al-
ready appeared in the journal as author, will in the future serve as
translation /
9
the journal’s new reviews editor. He will be responsible for the
reviews published on the journal’s website (translation.fusp.it).
Reviews will include not only books, but also events, conferences,
and other initiatives and publications related to translation.
I look forward to a stimulating collaboration with these four
fine scholars and friends. (Please find their bio presentations in the
last pages of this issue, and on the journal’s website.
A journal’s board is important to establish its editorial identity,
to guarantee continuity, and to conceive innovative and original
issues, but what gives a journal its body is its content. This is en-
sured by the authors and their articles and contributions, and I am
proud to present this new issue’s particularly strong and innovative
content.
First of all, we are happy to continue the tradition of hosting
lectures presented at the yearly Nida Translation Studies Research
Symposium in New York. The current issue is therefore publish-
ing Bella Brodzki’s “Autobiography, Memory, and Translation”
and Suzanne Jill Levine’s response, “Autobiography/Translation:
Memory’s Losses or Narrative’s Gains?” It is a particular pleasure
to include these two scholars’ contributions, since both serve on the
journal’s advisory board and have sustained the journal since its
foundation. From the same symposium, we also publish an article
by Christi Merrill presented below.
Bella Brodzki’s point of departure is a strong statement: She
argues that “autobiography is a modality of translation” since it
translates “experience.” The autobiographer, in other words, is a
“translator of her own life experience or past, whose meaning is
created through the interpretive act of remembering.” Brodzki’s
essay develops ideas presented in her groundbreaking Can These
Bones Live?: Translation, Survival and Cultural Memory (2007),
in which she so convincingly demonstrates how connected mem-
ory and translation are, since all translations reconfigure, redefine,
and excavate a past, relying on memory and remembering. As
mentioned above, Brodzki will be developing the theme of Mem-
ory for our next issue as guest editor with Cristina Demaria. In
this issue she looks at one special form of memory—autobiogra-
phy—and analyzes three very different examples of autobiography
translation /
and their special mode of creating a memoir, conceived here as a
self-reflexive mode of translation. The subject of autobiography is
10
therefore both a translator and a translation; the autobiographee is
being displaced, carried over, “shifting shape and form, becoming
other to herself.”
As the translation process of the psychic content of self-re-
flection and memory is a characteristic for autobiography, and
“all memory is mediated and motivated,” Brodzki turns to Freud,
electing him as a guiding spirit in her inquiry. Freud, himself a
paradigmatic figure of translation, provides an interpretive frame-
work for her analysis. The role of autobiography and translation in
Freud is present in the essay as a kind of fil rouge, and, as Suzanne
Jill Levine puts it in her response to Brodzki, “Autobiography and
Translation come together logically and intuitively in Freud whose
early work as a translator helped create his career as a scientist and
hence the persona whose theoretical work was practically based on
autobiographical as well as clinical reflection.”
Brodzki’s first example is Nabokov’s Speak Memory, a book
that in itself is particularly interesting also because it is a result
of multiple translation processes between Russian and English.
Brodzki’s next example is the Guadeloupean author Maryse
Condé, whose texts are translated into English by her transla-
tor–husband Richard Philcox. Here, Brodzki demonstrates how
the couple “enact the ongoing, defining, and productive tension
within translation studies, of the paradox of untranslatability
on the one hand, and translatability on the other.” Alison Bech-
del’s graphic memoir, Fun Home: A Family Tragicomic (2006)
is Brodzki’s final example of another variation on the theme of
“how techniques of translation are implicated in the act of mate-
rializing, textualizing, and visualizing the autobiographical sub-
ject.”
In her response to Brodzki’s lecture, Levine draws attention
to parallels between autobiography and biography, asking wheth-
er both of these forms of biographical writing, as well as other
forms of narrative—fictional and nonfictional—can be considered
as having a translational nature. “Are we perhaps speaking of a
translational paradigm for narrative in general?” she asks.
Analyzing the case of Dalit literature, “a phenomenon in and
of translation,” Christi Merrill suggests we “think more carefully
about the relationship of translation studies to postcolonial theo-
ry.” Her article explores the ways Dalit consciousness is a multi-
translation /
11
lingual issue, connecting it to the multilingualism that is so central
in India that one can speak about a “translating consciousness”
consisting in an “‘open’ daily negotiation along a continuum of
mutual understanding.”
Let me add a personal note here: for me, as a European grow-
ing up in an ideologically monolingual society, going to India for
the first time last year to attend the international conference on
Plurilingualism and Orality at the Indraprastha College for Wom-
en, University of Delhi, organized by Babli Moitra Saraf, one of
our board members, and with the participation of this journal, it
was an incredible surprise to experience how people used several
languages simultaneously in a continuous translation movement.
It struck me that if the dominating Eurocentric Translation Studies
discourse had looked further outside its boundaries, and specifical-
ly to the Indian tradition, it would have developed very differently
and might have freed itself from the shackles of a binary hierarchy
grounded in monolingualism, and the very idea of one necessary
original of which any translation is derivative would not have had
such a dominating position. The “translating consciousness” of
which Merrill speaks is inherently multilingual, which automati-
cally opens an alternative vision of what translation is about.
In regard to Dalit literature, Merrill demonstrates how this
multilingual negotiation is all but simple and peaceful; rather, it
is connected to domination and repression. Since the language of
dominance is predicated on caste, Merrill agues the translating
consciousness is a more complex one then the colonizer–colonized
binary.
Merrill’s interesting contribution originated as a response to
Robert Young’s lecture “Freud on Translation and Cultural Trans-
lation” at the same New York symposium at which Bella Brodzki
presented her paper. Young’s lecture—not included in this issue
since it was committed to another publication—was dedicated to
the concept of translation in Sigmund Freud’s work. Merrill works
Young’s thematics into the problematic of the translating con-
sciousness of Dalit literature in fascinating ways. For instance, in
discussing catharsis as a multilingual project, she creates a parallel
to Freud’s idea of psychoanalysis as a translation not only into an-
translation /
other language, but as a translation of the unknown.
If the job of the psyche is to “translate” or displace traumatic
12
experience into a language foreign to the individual subject, the
work of psychoanalysis is then to interpret that idiosyncratic lan-
guage and “de-translate” it back into a language shared with the
analyst.
Merrill also sees clear parallels between the idea of cultural
translation as explained by Young and Dalit literature, in that “it
offers, for example, a possible way of reading the invisible, the
subaltern.”
Valeria Luiselli’s essay “Translating Talkies in Modernist
Mexico. The Language of Cinemas and the Politics of the Sound
Film Industry” represents a new and innovative way of looking
at how translation may occur through cultural models such as ar-
chitecture and movies, and how different “translation practices”
represent cultural production and exchange. She tells the story of
when the first talkies appeared in Mexico, and analyzes the way
in which the introduction of sound movies represented a twofold
translation, both spatial and cultural. In examining the arrival of
sound film technology, Luiselli looks at the relationship between
“the modern architectural language of movie theaters and some
of the dominating cultural politics of the burgeoning sound film
industry in Mexico.” Her question is whether there was a conso-
nance or a dissonance in the relation to the discourse of modernity
between sound film technology and architectural perspective, and
how they contributed to the formation of ideas of modernity. What
emerges is that modernist translation was actually “a way of ap-
propriating new forms and thus a creative locus of innovation.”
Luiselli discusses different forms of translation, from dubbing and
the politics of film translation to the movie theaters as concrete
spaces of translation, or even as translators, thus operating with a
refreshingly broad concept of translation.
Although Luiselli’s essay does not discuss this theme, I would
suggest that this modernist translation practice was particularly
prosperous in South America. The parallels between the thinking
on translation expressed by authors such as Borges, De Paz, and
especially Haroldo de Campos with his idea of translation as tran-
creation and even “irreverently amorous devouring,” invite further
investigation.
Luiselli describes the fascinating story of how Spanish-speak-
ing dubbers and voice actors were introduced in Hollywood films
translation /
13
to counter the threat of English-language domination not only with
their voices but also with “their entire body.” The introduction of
American films in Mexico was complicated, however, and all man-
ner of different options were explored in the process—including
subtitling, dubbing, simultaneous “remakes,” and printouts of film
dialogue. All of this cinematic innovation took place in buildings
that were also subject to translational practices, such as the famous
Teatro–Cinema Olimpia, for example, which was originally a con-
vent. This movie theater plays a central role in the introduction—
translation—of the modern experience to the Mexican audience,
and was, in Luiselli’s words, a “translator made of concrete and
stone.” Luiselli’s essay anticipates and opens a discussion that will
be pursued in the future issue of this journal devoted to spaces and
places, guest edited by Sherry Simon and Federico Montanari.
Enquiries about translation in connection to places are also
present in Sherry Simon’s essay “At the Edge of Empire: Rose
Ausländer and Olha Kobylianska,” in which she examines “the
work of translation at the edge of empire” through the two Czer-
nowitz authors—the Ukrainian Olha Kobylianska (1863–1942)
and the German–Jewish Rose Ausländer (1901–1988) viewed as
translators of their border city. Luiselli’s broad concept of transla-
tion, applied to cultural practices and movements, are developed
by Simon in other both social and physical directions, for instance
in the political and geographical borders of a multilingual city.
To translate at the edge of empire—of which Czernowitz is
an example in relation to the translational relationships developed
through German—is to be especially aware of the ways in which
boundaries can accentuate or attenuate difference. Political borders
hypostatize cultural and linguistic differences, while geographical
borders often show difference to be gradual. The multilingual-
ism of border zones problematizes the activities of translation as
source–target transactions.
Drawing on a suggestion in Coetzee’s novel Waiting for the
Barbarians, in which the distinction between enemy and citizen,
alien and human beings is blurred, Simon looks at “another site of
translation at the edge of empire,” a border city that has represent-
ed a wall against the alien, discovering similar elusiveness and in-
translation /
stability of the borders. Czernowitz is intensely multilingual with
the particularity of German as prominent and autonomous, and no
14
language apparently dominating over the others. In the search of a
more realistic—and less idealized—understanding of the multilin-
gualism of Czernowitz, Simon starts by defining it as translation-
al, thus underscoring the “connections and convergences across
language and communities” that might be much less peaceful and
friendly than expected.
Literary transactions express this translational terrain, and one
of them is the tendency among many authors at the beginning of
the twentieth century to move away from German to other minor
languages. One such writer is Olha Kobylianska, who embraced
the Ukrainian national cause and translated her texts from German.
Her writing can be referred to as “translational writing—a product
of the particular mélange of cultures particular to the Bukovina
and Czernowitz.”
The other author analyzed by Simon, Rose Ausländer, on the
contrary, “returns” to German after her permanence in the writing
in English. But this choice “is less a one-way and definitive em-
brace of the authentic tongue than a renewed practice of translation,
as she brings back to Germany the long experience of exile, expe-
riencing new forms of displacement within the German-speaking
world.”
The eternal question of the relation between original and trans-
lation is discussed in Alfred Mac Adam’s “Translating Ruins.” In
an interesting perspective, he analyzes three sonnets that are direct
or indirect derivations of Ianus Vitalis’ (1485–1560) epigram De
Roma (1552) on the theme of Rome’s ruins. The “poem is a fasci-
nating irony,” Mac Adam argues: “A poem in Latin on mutability
that seeks to avoid the mutability of vernacular tongues” results in
vernacular translations and imitations of which there exist over a
dozen.
The three sonnets compared by Mac Adam are Joachim du Bel-
lay’s 1558 version and the two of which is progenitor or source,
namely Edmund Spenser’s 1591 version of Joachim du Bellay and
Francisco de Quevedo’s 1648 sonnet. The three sonnets are “si-
multaneously the same and different, translations and originals”
while they are in different relations to the distinction between
translation and adaptation. They are all new poems, “appropriate
for their language and culture, but none replicates De Roma in a
vernacular language.”
translation /
15
Each of translation’s issues includes an interview. We are hap-
py to continue this tradition since interviews permit a different
form of reflection from essays in that they are dialogic, “thinking-
out-loud” texts. Lydia Liu—who has already published an article
with us in our special issue on Politics guest edited by Sandro
Mezzadra and Naoki Sakai (issue 4) and who will be present in a
future issue (issue 7) with the lecture she gave at last year’s New
York symposium—was interviewed by Carolyn Shread, transla-
tion’s assistant editor. In the course of their conversation, Liu’s
work against nationalism emerges as a strong starting point for
her thinking on translation, which in many respects runs count-
er to current ideas circulating in translation studies. Not only vo-
cabulary, but intellectual discourse, political theory, and script are
among the “foreign” elements that interrogate national literature
and national identities in general. Script, and the technology con-
nected to its reproduction such as the telegraph and the typewriter,
actually “put pressure on all East Asian societies to reform their
scripts.” The paradox consists in the fact that the typewriters’ lim-
itations “[l]ed to campaigns that targeted the native script [. . .] as
a backward writing system.”
In regards to Liu’s ideas on the political dimension of trans-
lation, this conversation with Liu offers an excellent explanation
of the ideas she expressed in her article in issue 4 of this journal:
Liu recalls her research on the Opium Wars through which she
discovered how translation “could provide an illuminating angle
for understanding international politics.”
Contrary to what people generally think, Liu argues that the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights is not a Western docu-
ment. It is, rather, a document that registers “competing univer-
sals.” According to Liu, translation is an event, not just reduced to
one instance of textual transfer, and needs to be reconceptualized
in terms of situatedness in time and place. “Eventfulness allows
temporalities to give any particular text a new mode of life in a
new language,” she argues.
I hope you enjoy reading this issue’s articles!
SN
translation /
16
| Unimi Open Journals |
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] | Autobiography, Memory, and Translation
Bella Brodzki Sarah Lawrence College,
USA
Abstract: The article traces a range of ways in which autobiography (self/life/
writing) and translation are mutually implicated in processes of displacement,
recontextualization, mediation, and even comparison. Freud, paradigmatic fig-
ure of translation and archeologist of memory, is the guiding spirit of this study.
Its broad psychoanalytic framework situates three exemplary autobiographi-
cal narratives and the modes of translation they perform: Vladimir Nabokov’s
Speak, Memory, Maryse Condé’s La vie sans fards, and Alison Bechdel’s Fun
Home.
The point of departure of my talk today is that autobiography is a
modality of translation. Both autobiography and translation propel
change, involve movement, recontextualization, mediation, even
comparison. What is aptly named and fits under the rubric of auto-
biography—meaning self/life/writing—refers to a broad range of
self-referential maneuvers and practices, and is at base a Western
genre predicated on a notion of the individual self as at once au-
tonomous and relational, and capable of being both “the observing
subject and the object of investigation” (Smith and Watson 1998,
4). Autobiography claims a venerable and variable tradition that
begins roughly with St. Augustine’s conversion narrative Confes-
sions and includes slave narratives, testimonios, and such recent
examples of the Küntzlerroman as Patti Smith’s Just Kids. A useful
working definition (if joyfully and consistently revised) of autobi-
ography for scholars in the field comes from Philip Lejeune: “a ret-
rospective narration produced by a real person concerning her/his
own existence, focusing on the development of her/his own life, in
particular the development of her/his personality” (Lejeune 1989,
4). What the French theorist calls “the autobiographical pact” is
the assurance given the reader by the signature on the autobiogra-
translation /
17
phy’s cover that the author, the narrator, and the protagonist of this
narration share a common identity. Autobiography—or what is re-
ferred to quite commonly, in the wake of post-Enlightenment the-
ories of the subject and postcolonial discourse, as “life writing” or
“life narrative”—is, in any case, not limited to the written, but can
be performative, visual, filmic, or digital. What is interesting in all
modes of life narrative is that the referential relationship between
the origin and the translation, as it were—as well as between the
autobiographer and the reader—is contractual.
Please keep in mind as well that even, or especially, in autobi-
ography studies, the very elements that comprise the constellation
of self/life/writing are all culturally contested and problematized
today. Put another way, and critical rigor notwithstanding, the va-
lence of the various theoretical terms relevant to the autobiograph-
ical enterprise, including such marketplace labels as “memoir,”
changes depending on the specific discursive context. Much can
be at stake ideologically, at least for literary critics and scholars
of autobiography; what is a nuanced distinction in one instance is
a major conceptual marker in another, a most obvious example of
which being the ontological/epistemological difference between a
“self” and a “subject”. The former term has metaphysical conno-
tations, the latter is a discursive construction, and my view lies
somewhere between the two—I don’t link “selfhood” with pleni-
tude, transcendence, or authenticity, but nor do I consider the “I” to
be merely a linguistic effect. How terms are implemented and in-
terpreted, then, is itself a matter of translation, and heavily depen-
dent on reception, on audience, on readership. Though I will use a
variety of terms today, most of which are modifiers of “self,” this
is not an indication of their interchangeability within a prescribed
category or lexical field; rather it is an effort on my part to gesture
towards the richness of the genre and its ongoing generativity.
Returning to my opening assertion that autobiography is a
modality of translation, let us consider that the autobiographer or
producer of an autobiographical event is engaged in a process of
subjective displacement, a carrying over of an idea or a notion
of a life and/or selfhood. In the act of being inscribed or narra-
tivized, the autobiographer is being translated. Being translated
translation /
for an autobiographer means shifting shape and form, becoming
other to her/himself, as s/he distinguishes her/himself from others
18
through language. Another critical dimension of the autobiogra-
phy/translation nexus is that translators inscribe their subjectivity
into their versions, most acutely, into the views on translation they
espouse and the strategies they deploy. Just as the autobiographer
is reading herself/himself otherwise, so is the translator inscribing
herself/himself through an other’s voice and text, into another lin-
guistic or signifying form. To write is to be written, to narrate is to
be narrated, to translate is to be translated.
In my talk I shall be exploring a few of the myriad ways a
subject verbalizes, materializes, and textualizes the process of
self-analysis, self-reflection, and self-inscription in both autobiog-
raphy and translation, as reflections on each other. I do not mean
to suggest, however, that the self—as source material—is a giv-
en, that it is transparent to itself, or that it is anterior to any act
of interpretation. Precisely, I shall explore how various facets of
the translation complex play out in three dissimilar and distinctive
autobiographical projects. My literary examples are modern and
contemporary, yet they differ widely from each other. As a com-
paratist, I take seriously the conceit that seemingly strange juxta-
positions can be most productive and illuminating. My first liter-
ary example is text based: Russian polyglot Vladimir Nabokov’s
exemplary, self-translated autobiography Speak, Memory (1947).
The second concerns the intriguing and divergent autobiographical
positions of Guadeloupean author Maryse Condé and her British
translator–husband Richard Philcox regarding their embedded sit-
uation (although I will make some reference to La vie sans fards,
published in 2012, her most recent, and as yet untranslated autobi-
ography), where most of my commentary will concern them as a
translation couple and its implications for the global literary mar-
ketplace. The third is also text based, but transgeneric: American
cartoonist Alison Bechdel’s graphic memoir Fun Home (2006). In
each case, the autobiographer is implicitly, and often explicitly—
depending on the various modes and languages involved—a trans-
lator of his or her own “life experience” or past whose meaning is
created through the interpretive act of remembering.
As a paradigmatic figure of translation, Freud is my guiding
or informing spirit into this area of inquiry: Freud as an object of
translation; as a translator himself; and as a theorist, especially
in the early essay “Screen Memories” (1899), in itself a selection
translation /
19
of his own childhood recollections, disguised in dialogic form.
The translation history of the writings of Sigmund Freud is one of
the most fascinating, controversial, and overdetermined instanc-
es of the power of a particular translator to influence indefinitely
a target culture’s reception of a major body of thought. As some
Anglophone readers of Freud are aware, the copyright on James
Strachey’s twenty-four volume Standard Edition expired in 1989,
provoking debates worldwide on the consequences of retranslating
Freud’s works, not only for those reading in English, but in all
foreign versions, since many are translations from the English and
not the original German. On the one hand, Strachey’s monumen-
tal endeavor has been admired for its homogeneous lucidity and
consistency; on the other, it has been excoriated for effectively in-
tegrating and synthesizing what Freud left fragmentary and “pro-
cessive,” most glaringly for imposing Ancient Greek and Latin ter-
minology onto everyday German words in the service of making
Freudian discourse sound more “scientific.” Even as Freud (and
his daughter Anna) approved of Alix and James Strachey’s, along
with Ernest Jones and A. A. Brill’s, systematizing of psychoanalyt-
ic terminology, however, he continued up until his death to use the
same rich range and variety of ambiguous, and often contradictory,
terms to describe the most elusive and intimate workings of “psy-
chic life”—as he had always done.
At the risk of committing the intentional fallacy, can we in-
fer that Freud privileged dissemination over fidelity in translation,
that his conception of language as figurative and fluid, and transla-
tion as a pervasive medium of human experience, was broadly in-
tercultural and transhistorical, consonant with his desire to attract
the widest possible foreign readership for his radical creation—
psychoanalysis—thus securing its status in history, as he put it, as
the third revolution, after those of Copernicus and Darwin? As we
well know, if it is almost impossible to overstate Freud’s influence
on modernity, it is not in the realm of science that he made his im-
pact (though this may be changing again, as neuroscientists uncov-
er the brain’s relationship to the unconscious), but in the domain of
culture, and the individual’s relation to it, as evidenced by the way
those very archaisms for which Strachey was criticized have infil-
translation /
trated every aspect of our speech. All the more interesting, then,
that the Freud who is universally invoked is, in fact, linguistical-
20
ly and culturally specific. As the essays in Darius Gray Ornston
Jr.’s edited study Translating Freud show, many of the challenges
raised by translating Freud are not only theoretical or conceptual
in nature, but have to do with his extraordinary gifts as a stylist
who enjoyed and exploited the rhetorical, aesthetic, and expressive
qualities of language, especially that of his native German, which
was inflected by his inveterate erudition and cosmopolitanism.
Freud was an autobiographer, too, drawing on his own inte-
riority as a source text to be interpreted and analyzed as he wres-
tled with his developing “science of the mind“ (Freud 1995a, 30),
whose purview, he claimed, was no longer only psychopathology,
but its relevance to what we now call “the neurotic normal.” He
wrote “An Autobiographical Study” in 1924, at the age of six-
ty-eight. An account of the internal development of psychoanal-
ysis as well as its external history (Freud 1995a, 30), the autobi-
ographical essay was published as a contribution to a volume of
“self-portraits” by prominent physicians. Far less personal than his
case studies, his correspondence with Fleiss, the seemingly minor
“Screen Memories” (1899), the monumental The Interpretation of
Dreams (1900), or The Psychopathology of Everyday Life (1901),
“An Autobiographical Study” is nonetheless a revealing document
and has substantial explanatory power. Freud used this essay as an
occasion to present an introduction or overview of his ideas as they
evolved, and of their reception in the international scientific com-
munity. As a self-portrait of the investigator, it tempts the reader to
surmise that in Freud’s mind “la psychanalyse, c’est moi!”
Translation is central to the story Freud tells. In the early days
of his career, he recounts, the planes shifted considerably when,
as a foreign student and auditor in Paris, he offered to translate “a
new volume of [Charcot’s] lectures into German.” Freud translated
not only the third volume of Charcot’s Lessons on Diseases of the
Nervous System (1886) and Tuesday’s Lessons at the Salpêtrière
(1887–1888), but five entire books in all, from French and English
into German. Though he had a position as a lecturer in pathology
in Vienna, it was his work as a translator that gained him entry into
Charcot’s circle of personal acquaintances and full participation in
the activities at Salpêtière Clinic (Freud 1995a, 6).
According to Patrick Mahony, “Freud made translation a uni-
fied field concept” (Mahony 2001, 837). Mahony elaborates that
translation /
21
in psychoanalysis the patient may be psychically conceived as a
succession or accumulation of translations, with the analyst as-
suming the complementary role of a translator. By means of trans-
lations—psychic material is itself already a translation in need of a
second order translation—“the analyst effects a translation of what
is unconscious into consciousness” (Mahony 2001, 837); that is,
dreams translate what the dreamer dreams to what the dreamer re-
members and reports, translates from mental image to verbal nar-
ration. Mahony also gives the following specific examples of what
Freud deemed to be translations: dreams; generalized hysterical,
obsessive, and phobic symptomatology; parapraxis (this term for a
slip of the tongue is itself a wonderful example of a Strachey clas-
sical archaism); fetishes; the choice of suicidal means; and the an-
alyst’s interpretations (Mahony 2001, 837). Freud’s autobiograph-
ical study is also a form of translation of his life and career as a
scientist and a defense, even an apologia, of his intellectual legacy.
I hope that these broad psychoanalytic insights will provide us
with an interpretive framework for thinking figuratively and rhe-
torically about the autobiographers and translators we are about to
discuss.
Vladimir Nabokov
Nabokov’s Speak, Memory (1947) is a virtuosic synesthetic, trans-
lingual, transmodal, transcultural performance. I will barely pierce
the surface of its many layers and textures today. By making the
reader of the foreword privy to the many stages of rewriting,
reframing, and recasting of what he calls “a systematically cor-
related assemblage of personal recollections ranging geographi-
cally from St. Petersburg to St. Nazaire, and covering thirty-sev-
en years, from August 1903 to May 1940” (Nabokov 1947, 9),
Nabokov might be giving us too much, before the first page of
the autobiography proper has even been accessed. The detailed
paratextual information, much like the exquisite meditation on
the nature of a privileged life as only a consummately privileged
polyglot consciousness could render it, is daunting and some-
what overwrought. Translated into French, German, Spanish,
and Italian by other translators, Nabokov explains that “for the
translation /
present, final edition […] I have availed myself of the correc-
tions I made while turning it into Russian. This re-Englishing of
22
a Russian re-version of what had been an English re-telling of
Russian memories in the first place” (Nabokov 1947, 12–13) is
likened to the kinds of multiple metamorphoses familiar to but-
terflies, but previously untried by humans. If in the foreword he
posits himself as remarkable among his species, those very liter-
ary and linguistic feats are grounded in a principle of translation
that treats every change in form as a new thing to be celebrated,
but not at the expense of preserving or immortalizing moments
or stages of perfection. And yet, the exiled writer’s essay on the
challenges of translating Pushkin’s Eugene Onegin into English
reveals a translator hostile to a free-form, target-friendly version
of a classic. His rarefied, academic, heavily annotated translation
privileged its own elite audience, reflecting, as Lawrence Venuti
puts it, Nabokov’s “deep nostalgic investment in the Russian lan-
guage and in canonical works of Russian literature while disdain-
ing the homogenizing tendencies of American consumer culture”
(Venuti 2012, 110–111).
Is there a connection between Nabokov’s protectionist views
of the role of a literary translator and the way he translated his
own life? A self-declared “chronophobiac” (Nabokov 1947, 19),
his disclaimer about any affection for the psychoanalytic method
might suggest there is:
I have ransacked my oldest dreams for keys and clues—and let me say at once that I
reject completely the vulgar, shabby, fundamentally medieval world of Freud, with
its crankish quest for sexual symbols… and its bitter little embryos spying, from their
natural nooks, upon the love life of their parents. (Nabokov 1947, 20)
Doth he protest too much? It is not my intention here to put
little Vladimir’s psyche on the couch, despite the wealth of ma-
terial he provides throughout this text (and elsewhere in his oeu-
vre), only to indicate that while Nabokov is reacting to the most
reductive and vulgar version of Freud in terms of symbolic con-
tent, he is also using hermeneutic instruments in ways that strongly
resemble Freud’s methods. Each embodies qualities of both the
scientist and the poet, and both are formalists of the first order.
Indeed, as masterful interpreters of signs and symptoms, and de-
coders of patterns, both are drawn to structural repetitions, as well
as to what escapes those structures and strictures. Critics, among
them Jeffrey Berman and Jenefer Shute, have addressed why the
translation /
23
figure of Freud looms so large—and so negatively—for Nabokov,
as well as the implications for an understanding of his fiction, es-
pecially Lolita. It seems to me that what Nabokov rejects in Freud
is his primordial pessimism about human nature, and that what he
negates is the general principle that he—that is, Nabokov—might
not be master of his own mind.
If the opening chapter of Speak, Memory is about anything, it
is the eros/thanatos dialectic, as is the book’s final chapter, which
focuses on intergenerational transmission and the transcendent or
redemptive power of the aesthetic imagination. But my aim now
is to direct attention to the associative method of forming com-
posite events that Freud and Nabokov share, and which serves as
Nabokov’s template or creed for turning one’s life into a work of
art. What Nabokov calls “the match theme”—the Freudian germ
of which is a verbal or imagistic link revealing a thematic or sym-
bolic correspondence—is exemplified in two fabulously dramatic
events drawn from his childhood. One of those themes is the tragic
irony of history, as illustrated in the destiny of a certain General
Kuropatkin, a friend of Nabokov’s father, who in one scene, while
playing a “match” game with young Vladimir in which he “depicts
the sea in calm and stormy weather,” (Nabokov 1947, 27) is in-
formed that he will lead the Russian Army against the Japanese in
the 1905 War. Fifteen years later, disguised as a peasant, he comes
across Nabokov’s father in flight from the Bolsheviks, and asks
him for a match.
Though his childhood was indeed blessed, Nabokov’s message
to his attentive reader above all is that the art of living is less a mat-
ter of being endowed with rich original content than it is a matter
of a perceiving intelligence imposing sensorial and cognitive mas-
tery over the flux and chaos of the world. “The match theme” is a
lesson in how to work with one’s source material: tracking, tracing,
and linking across time and space seemingly unrelated episodes or
events through a metonymic/metaphorical leap that brings them
together and thereby raises them to a higher level of meaning, a
threshold for further reflection, interpretation, and commentary.
(It is, for example, a lesson in linking the moves on a chessboard
with the assassination of his beloved father, not as the outcome of
translation /
a duel the child dreads, but at a public lecture, when it was least
expected and he was shielding the body of a more likely politi-
24
cal target.) Nabokov’s technique for critical reading is the model
for translating a life, and it is, then, primarily aesthetic in nature.
That is, it foregrounds the structural and formal aspects of even the
most spectacular and catastrophic of human experiences without
divesting the events of any of their wondrous or devastating force,
identifying—or, rather, creating—patterns, establishing affinities
and thematic correspondences amidst/across what would other-
wise remain inchoate, separate, isolated ephemera. “The following
of such thematic designs through one’s life should be, I think, the
true purpose of autobiography” (Nabokov 1974, 21). After Speak,
Memory, not only is it impossible to read autobiography the same
way again, but it is impossible to live autobiographically—that is,
to think about one’s life as a thematic design—in the same fashion
once one has internalized Nabokov’s model.
The opening passage of Speak, Memory—beginning with “The
cradle rocks above an abyss” on page 19—offers one of the most
striking images and meditations on mortality to be found in the
annals of autobiography. Yet the genesis of Speak, Memory was
what is now the book’s fifth chapter, written originally in French
and titled “Mademoiselle O.” That Nabokov was both worldly lit-
erate and deeply imprinted by Russian literature is made manifest
in the portrait which serves as the premise for this chapter. Its de-
clared purpose is to reclaim through memory the destiny of his
old French governess, whom he felt he had betrayed by having
previously turned her into a fictional character, thus denying her
the independent existence that rightfully belonged to her.
Nabokov’s revisitation of the Swiss governess “Mademoi-
selle” begins with her arrival by sleigh to the Russian country-
side in the winter of 1905–1906. Though of his many tutors and
governesses she was the object of some ridicule and derision, he
now pays selective tribute to her “lovely” French and its impact
on his appreciation for French literature. I have chosen to focus on
this recontextualized portrait of the hapless, enormous, miserable
figure, because indeed she may not be substantial enough on her
own terms to support the attempt “to salvage her from fiction”
(Nabokov 1947, 117). And this is not, despite the reasons he ini-
tially gives, Nabokov’s prime motive for memorializing her. The
autobiographer announces straight away that he is imagining the
scene, that he is seeking recourse in fiction once again: “I was not
translation /
25
there to greet her; but I do so now as I try to imagine what she saw
and felt at that last stage of her fabulous and ill-timed journey”
(Nabokov 1947, 98).
The memorialist’s conjuring of poor Mademoiselle—who
remains a rather disdained and pathetic character in this portray-
al—has been culturally, linguistically, and, of course, physically
displaced to the Russian steppes from her native Switzerland. The
overarching image is of snow.
Very lovely, very lonesome. But what am I doing in this stereoscopic dreamland?
How did I get here? Somehow, the two sleighs have slipped away, leaving be-
hind a passportless spy standing on the blue-white road in his New England snow-
boots and stormcoat. The vibration in my ears is no longer their receding bells, but
only my old blood singing. All is still spellbound, enthralled by the moon, fancy’s
rear-vision mirror. The snow is real, though, and as I bend to it and scoop up a
handful, sixty years crumble to glittering frost-dust between my fingers. (Nabokov
1947, 100)
A symbolic identification grounds Nabokov’s authorial/auto-
biographical position in this classic Russian novelistic scene in
which, laying his devices bare, he inserts himself at the end as
both observing subject (“passportless spy”) and object of reflec-
tion (“But what am I doing […] ? How did I get here?”) through
the temporal and spatial displacement of “snow,” and Nabokov
and Mademoiselle, who now occupy virtually equivalent or trans-
posable positions in relation to the other’s estrangement. His un-
derlying resistance to the idea that perhaps there was more to Ma-
demoiselle than her lack if finesse is made clear to him belatedly,
through his own experience of exile and loss, primarily as a result
of the Russian Revolution. In an act of literary mediation and em-
pathic projection he comes to understand the gravitas of her life
story as a key to understanding his own. With retrospective insight
he says at another point in the chapter that this is something “I
could appreciate only after the things and beings that I had most
loved in the security of my childhood had been turned to ashes or
shot through the heart” (Nabokov 1947, 117).
Nabokov’s insight, shared with Freud, is that all memory is
mediated and motivated, and dependent on a dynamic imagina-
translation /
tion; because the psychic content of original memory is not avail-
able, whether because of absence or inaccessibility, it cannot be
26
restored without being translated to later experiences, desires, and
needs.
Maryse Condé
Maryse Condé, Guadeloupean author of several novels about Ca-
ribbean heroines in Africa, slavery in the Antilles, the Salem witch
trials, and even a revisionary reading of Wuthering Heights, has
written two autobiographies: Tales from the Heart: True Stories
From My Childhood,1 and the recently published—but still un-
translated—La vie sans fards (2012). Self-identified as a classical-
ly-schooled Francophone Caribbean writer, by which I mean that
her readership would typically comprise Continental French and
Antillean readers, she has attained preeminent status in the literary
marketplace as a global Caribbean writer—in the company of Der-
ek Walcott, Caryl Phillips, Edouard Glissant, Patrick Chamoiseau,
Rafael Confiant, and Edwidge Danticat—as a result of translation.
Being translated, especially into English, has enabled Condé’s
work—albeit in altered form—to exceed its linguistic and cultural
boundaries and live beyond its own spatial and temporal borders,
however they have been constituted. In short, it has brought her the
widest possible reception.
And yet Condé’s translation complex is of a special order, espe-
cially when read in a context—familial and erotic—that so readily
invites a psychoanalytic interpretation; I am not going to undertake
such a reading here. La vie sans fards is devoted primarily to the
years she spent in West Africa during the politically promising pe-
riod of decolonization, and then the corruption, hypocrisy, and re-
pression of the postindependence regimes. This experience, which
she consistently recounts in amatory language, “occupied a central
place in my life and in my imagination” (Condé 2012, 16; transla-
tion mine); but it was a painful disappointment, a doomed affair. Her
less than positive depiction of African life, as seen in both her fiction
and memoir, has made her a provocative and somewhat controver-
sial figure in postcolonial literary circles. The continent couldn’t at-
tract her sufficiently or compel her enough—despite long and varied
opportunities during her sojourns in Guinea, Ghana, Ivory Coast,
1
Originally published in French in 1999; translated into English by Richard Philcox in 2001. In-text
reference will be to the 2001 English edition.
translation /
27
and Senegal—to learn to speak Malinké, Fulani, Peulh, or Wolof. In
this failed intercultural encounter in which France, the Caribbean,
and Africa are not reduced to the points they occupy in a colonial
constellation, Condé represents herself as untranslatable, unable to
be taken on her own terms in a different context. Conversely, her
inability to find reflections of herself in Africa, to be recognized as
herself and not a “toubabesse” [white woman, because Antillaise,
for example], reinforces her sense of isolation and exclusion, wheth-
er it be a result of history, racial identity, and/or cultural and class
values. It is an otherness to which she clings and which she reads as
immutable.
This paradoxical sense of her own untranslatability drives the
narrative, as the autobiographer depicts herself struggling against
forces and structures that threaten her integrity, as metaphorically
and literally understood. The critical matter pertaining to translation
and memory here is not the authenticity or veracity of the self-por-
trait as the autobiographer renders it, but the conditions of its re-
ception, as she has experienced it. Distinguishing her motivations
from the idealizing ones most often attributed to the conventions of
recounting a life, Condé proclaims her passion for “unvarnished”
truth-telling in the introduction, as she stakes a claim for her sin-
gularity while also invoking a more abstract, albeit gendered, uni-
versality. She inscribes herself squarely within the French Enlight-
enment and Romantic traditions from the outset: “I want to display
to my kind a woman in every way true to nature, and the woman I
portray shall be myself” (Condé 2012, 12; translation mine).
Despite Condé’s resolute individualism, feisty independence,
and political risk-taking, her lively and sometimes harrowing nar-
rative is framed, on its first and last pages, by her two husbands, the
Guinean Mamadou Condé and the English Richard Philcox, whom
she met in Senegal. Her marriage to Philcox will take place out-
side the narrative, but she pays homage to their first meeting and
telegraphs what is to follow. “He was the one who would change
my life. He would take me to Europe and then to Guadeloupe. We
would discover America together. He would help me gently sep-
arate from my children and resume my studies. Above all, thanks
to him, I would begin my career as a writer” (Condé 2012, 334;
translation /
translation mine).
Condé herself is an accomplished English speaker and scholar
28
of English literature, who taught for many years at Columbia and
other esteemed universities; but she seems to consider translation
at best as a mechanistic exercise or practical necessity, not a cre-
ative practice worthy of her critical attention. Her manifest lack of
interest in translations of her work, when the stakes are, ironically,
so high, sound disingenuous for many reasons—not the least of
which is that she lives on such intimate and privileged terms with
her translator. One could conceive such indifference as a matter of
blind trust, and a convenient division of labor, since—in addition
to being her translator—Philcox also handles all of her negotia-
tions. Ironically, however, their embedded relation seems to ensure
that instead of being on the same page regarding translation, their
perspectives as a translational couple remain absolutely divergent.
As is evidenced in a fascinating 1996 interview with Doris
Kadish and Françoise Massardier (the authors of Translating Slav-
ery) conducted in French with Philcox (with Condé present) in
which he describes his training, strategy, and evolution as a trans-
lator, Philcox sees his role as quite important. He valorizes the
complex process of “recreating” a text and bringing the writer to
a different cultural—that is, Anglophone—audience (Kadish and
Massardier, 751). Not only does he believe there is an affinity be-
tween the original and the translation, but he also maintains that
he is “communicating the author’s writing in another language, in
another culture” (Kadish and Massardier, 751; translation mine).
Moreover, his translation practice is patently target-oriented; he
seeks to make the author, as he says, more “transparent” to the
reader, but not at the price of displacing “the geography of the
text,” whatever it may be. The challenge for him may be less a
question of linguistic specificity than of Condé’s “esoteric” cul-
tural references; he even acknowledges being “market-driven” on
her behalf. Rather than feeling diminished or constrained, Phil-
cox concedes that he feels liberated by Condé’s indifference to
his practice, as well as his product (Kadish and Massardier, 755).
And he ultimately attributes his progress over the course of his
career as a translator, interestingly enough, not to years of living
with Condé, his author–wife, or to the cumulative experience of
translating her work, but to studying translation theory (Kadish
and Massardier, 755–756). That Philcox is sensitive to the gender
question—“Do I have the right to translate a novel written by a
translation /
29
woman? This question has greatly haunted me” (Kadish and Mas-
sardier, 756)—reveals not only a great deal about his own refined
and acute sensibility, but also attests to the primacy of gender as a
marker of identity for Condé; whereas race seems to figure little, if
at all, as a factor of difference for either of them.
It is, of course, quite possible that Condé’s antitranslation
posture is purely performative; but, if so, what is its value and
what are its implications? What Condé stands for in this trans-
lation couple is the irreducible difference between languages.
Thus, whereas the translator, invested in global transmission and
reception, considers his work to be coextensive with the origi-
nal author’s work, she—dedicated to perfecting her own liter-
ary style in her own tongue—considers them to be distinct. As I
have said, Condé has stated her position on many occasions: that
translation, being a transforming principle, doesn’t regard her,
that she is “othered” in translation, both culturally and linguis-
tically. Her insistence on this fact is consonant with what would
seem to be the overarching message of her autobiographical oeu-
vre. In a conversation with Emily Apter, which was conducted
in French—“transposed,” not “transcribed” (Apter’s words) and
translated into English, and which appeared in 2001—Condé
puts a fine point on what I have described above:
I have never read any of my books in translation… In translation, the play of lan-
guages is destroyed. Of course, I recognize that my works have to be translated, but
they are really not me. Only the original really counts for me. Some people say that
translation adds to the original. For me, it is another work, perhaps an interesting one,
but very distant from the original. (Apter, 92)
Beyond the intriguing and alluring personal and domestic im-
plications of Condé and Philcox as a translation couple, together
they enact the ongoing, defining, and productive tension within
translation studies, especially in relation to world literature and the
global marketplace. Whatever the psychological source of Condé’s
alienation or iconoclastic individualism, her view of translation as
(1) radical difference and of untranslatability as (2) an act of per-
sonal or even political resistance, actually coexists, of course—as
it has throughout history—with the enduring, competing reality
translation /
of multilingualism. The inherent paradox of untranslatability in
translation is what makes cultural memory possible. What this
30
translation couple reminds us of is that we must remain vigilant
in the face of world literature’s instrumentalist, ever-serviceable
view of translatability as an unproblematic given.
Alison Bechdel
Translation is the major operative principle in comics, defined for
our purposes today as a juxtaposition of words and images that
create a sustained narrative within deliberately sequenced bor-
dered panels. In its particular interplay of the visual and the verbal,
comics are not the verbal representation of visual art—ekphrasis—
nor a representation of the world, but an interpretation; indeed, as
Douglas Wolk puts it in Reading Comics, “Cartooning is a meta-
phor for the subjectivity of perception” (21). Perhaps it is the pre-
mium placed on personal drawing style, indeed of handwriting, in
comics that makes it an especially interesting instance of autobi-
ographical memory as a process of translation; since the object of
our attention is self-perception and self-inscription across different
cultural, social, and discursive contexts. I shall not be discussing
comics or graphic narrative generally here, but graphic memoir,
or what Gillian Whitlock calls “autographics” or “autographies”
(Whitlock 2006, 966) as yet another variation on the theme of how
techniques of translation are implicated in the act of materializing,
textualizing, and visualizing the autobiographical subject.
In chapter 4, which is roughly the center of Alison Bechdel’s
critically acclaimed, densely and riveting inter/intratextual graph-
ic memoir Fun Home: A Family Tragicomic (2006), the author
foregrounds the book’s metaperformative processes, making ex-
plicit what W. J. T. Mitchell describes as “the relation between
the seeable and the sayable, display and discourse, showing and
telling” (Mitchell 1986, 47). The astute reader already recognizes
that comics are a language; this chapter declares that the memoir is
a self-reflexive mode of translation, which also situates its autobi-
ographical project within a comparative network of signifying sys-
tems, most overtly Modernist literature and family photographs,
but also the künstlerroman and lesbian coming-out stories. The
canon of references comprises Camus, Fitzgerald, James, Stevens,
Wilde, Joyce, Colette, and Proust. What characterizes such a nar-
rative as “intra-” as well as “inter-” textual is that the images do
not only transact with words, but they also engage with each other.
translation /
31
In what Hillary Chute describes as a “cross-discursive” medium,
intertextuality itself is rendered figuratively/pictorially as well as
literally/verbally, showing how textual and visual forms and rhe-
torical strategies interact to make latent psychic matter manifest,
as in dreamwork. With her deft deployment of displacement and
condensation, metaphor and metonymy, Bechdel makes the reader
wonder, in the spirit of Jacques Lacan, if the unconscious isn’t
structured like a cartoon.
Bechdel’s intricately drawn, hyperliterary account of growing
up in Middle America in a hothouse of aesthetic expression and
erotic repression is constructed around her complex, ambivalent
relationship with her authoritarian, fastidious, secretive father who
bonded with her over books—while he slyly eludes another primal
identification they also shared. An expert in historic architectural
preservation, director of a family funeral home business, and high
school English teacher, her father Bruce died when Bechdel was
nineteen, leaving her to decipher the rich but troubling legacy of
similarity and difference that defined their relationship—left her,
in other words, to translate the scrambled codes she inherited from
him. Indeed, Bruce’s closeted homosexuality and the circumstanc-
es surrounding his ambiguous death—was it an accident or sui-
cide?—generate this multilayered work.
If in verbal autobiography “a lived life” as mediated through
memory is the source text, in an autographic work—because its
medium is patently visual—the source text would be assumed to
be the same; however the relation between content and form is
not integrated, synchronous, or organic in comics. If anything,
the contiguity between content and form calls attention to the gap
between them, to the space between image and words. Indeed, a
graphic memoir challenges the primacy of verbal language as the
source material, however coded or abstruse, or conveyer of both
self-referential and extrareferential truth about that life. Comics
are certainly a form of intersemiotic translation, as defined by Ro-
man Jacobson: “transposition from one system of signs into an-
other, e.g. from verbal art into music, dance, cinema, or painting”
(Venuti 2012, 118). But that formulation seems too one-sided for
this case. Though there are clearly two systems of signs, it may
translation /
be impossible to determine which is the source text and which the
target, on the level of verbal versus visual signs.
32
Understanding the deceptive simplicity of comics is counter-
intuitive for serious readers of literature who are unaccustomed
to having to process words and images within the same bounded
space in a self-conscious, extensive fashion. What determines the
order of reading of the panels, and how does size and shape matter?
Horizontal or vertical? What about the blanks between the panels?
How are they to be understood? While not exactly functioning as
negative space, these blanks, called “gutters,” are also the borders
outlining the images. What happens in that space? And, how is
that space to be filled in? These elements are—pardon, the expres-
sion—graphic reminders that comics, like verbal narrative, leave
out more than they put in. It may initially seem as though the pic-
tures are easier to grasp than the text, thus requiring less critical
scrutiny, but this assumption does not take into account the density
of information the pictures actually convey, some of which might
be purely aesthetic or formalist in nature, and not content-driven
or plot-enhancing at all. (No less so than in literature, virtuosity is
a virtue in comics.) Thus the reader of comics who privileges the
words at the expense of the images has failed to understand what is
intrinsically, internally translative about comics; and, conversely,
though it is necessary to possess what is known as “visual litera-
cy,” that alone is also terribly insufficient for understanding com-
ics. Comics are dependent on the dynamic, irreducible interplay
between its verbal and visual components.
Bechdel’s precise, fine-line, cross-hatch pictorial style, espe-
cially her drawing of interiors, corresponds to her verbal dexterity.
In terms of overall conceptual structure and design, the autobi-
ography is relentlessly interpretive; experiences presented as dis-
tilled or symbolic abstractions are mined not for their retrospective
meaning, but for their present value as sources of speculative po-
tential. “What if” begins many a sentence. Critics Hillary Chute
and Julia Watson call Bechdel’s narrative strategy “recursive,”
meaning that it is distinctly nonlinear, turning back in on itself,
finding its closure in reversals, transversals, and coincidences
(Chaney 2011, 149). In the service of creating a sustained narra-
tive, not to mention a satisfying story, an autography selects and
combines the panels that relate to one another associatively (that
is, metaphorically) and/or temporally (that is, metonymically), as
in memory. Following a series of events that Bechdel recalls, one
translation /
33
of which includes an encounter with an actual snake, a panel in
which she ponders the symbolism of phalluses and their creative
and destructive powers, leads next to the scene, as she imagines
it, of her father’s death, which occurred as he crossed Route 150
carrying a large bundle of brush and was hit by an oncoming truck.
The image in the wide panel is of lush foliage—foliage is perva-
sive in this narrative—lining an empty stretch of road with one
lone leaf lying in the middle, suggesting her father’s last trace.
The text box reads, “…You could say that my father’s end was my
beginning. Or more precisely, that the end of his lie coincided with
my truth” (Bechdel 2007, 117).
In an interview with Hilary Chute, Bechdel refers to the entire
enterprise of Fun Home as “involuted introspection,” pointing out
that with the exception of the subplot of her own coming out story,
“the sole dramatic incident in the book is that my dad dies” (Chute
and Bechdel 2006, 1008). In other words, “the end of his li[f]e”
compels a psychic and artistic internalizing process of ghostly re-
membrance that can be regarded as a “retranslation of the self.”
As I have elaborated elsewhere, translation in such a context of
intergenerational transmission, whose knowledge is posthumous
and always belated is, in the Benjaminian and Derridean sense, a
passing down, a passing away, and a passing over of the foreign as
well as the familiar, a living on through others, differently.
The panel below the drawing of the road invoking her father’s
death shows Alison and her father traveling in the family car
(which is a hearse); Bruce’s eyes are on the road, while Alison’s
head is barely visible as she peers out the window. The caption or
text box reads, “Because I’d been lying too, for a long time. Since
I was four or five” (Bechdel 2007, 117). What is the connection
between these two panels? Everything hinges on the word “be-
cause,” suggesting both causality and motivation. Bechdel’s mem-
ory of accompanying her father on a business trip to Philadelphia,
and stopping at a luncheonette, is a motivated one because, as she
says, “WE [emphasis mine] saw a most unsettling sight.” Initially
deprived of authorial perspective, the reader/viewer has no idea
what the object of their gaze might be. On the following page,
there are two unequally-sized panels. The dominant one shows
translation /
a masculine-looking woman wearing men’s clothes. Both father
and daughter gaze at her; Alison expresses to the reader/viewer
34
the great surprise she experienced at this phenomenon. The text
box below turns it into an instance of uncanny translation: “But
like a traveler in a foreign country who runs into someone from
home—someone they’ve never spoken to, but know by sight—I
recognized her with a surge of joy.” In the panel below, Bechdel
recounts, “Dad recognized her too.” In her memory, he challenges
her: “Is that [author’s emphasis] what you want to look like?” (Be-
chdel 2007, 118). In the next panel, on the following page, with the
image of the woman writ large, she asks rhetorically, “What could
I say?” But to her father, she replies, “No.” This is followed by a
panel in which father drags daughter, who is still looking back, out
of the luncheonette.
This instance of perfect translatability—a memory trace in
which both Alison and Bruce, displaced from their own familiar/
familial context, recognize another outsider not as a stranger but as
someone familiar to them on the basis of an implicit, shared sexu-
al/gender difference—is reconstituted as a primal scene from Be-
chdel’s childhood, and one of the most charged in the entire auto-
biography. The cartoonist puts a fine point on it in the next panel
when she discloses to the reader, “But the vision of that truck-driv-
ing bulldyke sustained me through the years” (Bechdel 2007, 119).
At the moment of Alison’s “recognition,” she didn’t know what a
bulldyke was; the signifier may have “sustained” her, but its sig-
nification eluded her until later in life. Of course, Bechdel is pro-
jecting backward: her superimposition of the term bulldyke onto the
genre-bending truck-trucker announces itself as belonging to a cur-
rent linguistic/cultural/political context in which gender identity is
understood to be performative and provocatively appropriated. This
is a current context her father did not live to fully appreciate, but one
she wishes him to assume now. As Madelon Sprengnether puts it, in-
voking Freud, “[M]emories from childhood vividly recalled in adult
life bear no specific relation to what happened in the past. Rather,
they are composite formations—elements of childhood experiences
as represented through the distorting lens of adult wishes, fantasies,
and desires” (Sprengnether 2012, 215).
Freud’s final paragraph in “Screen Memories,” which is an in-
ternal dialogue or self-analysis, an example of life-writing mas-
querading as a narrative with an interlocutor, views memory as a
process of construction:
translation /
35
the concept of a “screen memory” as one which owes its value as a memory not to
its own content but to the relation existing between some other that has been sup-
pressed… It may indeed be questioned whether we have any memories at all from
our childhood; memories relating to our childhood may be all that we possess. Our
childhood memories show us our earliest years not as they were but as they appeared
at the later periods when the memories were aroused. In these periods of arousal, the
childhood memories did not emerge; they were formed at that time. And a number of
motives, with no concern for historical accuracy, had a part in forming them, as well
as in the selection of the memories themselves. (Freud 1995b, 126)
What is at stake in this primal scene which Bechdel has recon-
structed because it comes to play a determining role in her com-
ing-out story, is relationality of all kinds, grounding all autobiogra-
phy and translation: the relation between the visual and the verbal
(between what is seen and what is not said); between a father and a
daughter who witness together, and who share a sense of complic-
ity, but then suppress that bond of knowledge and affinity; between
recognition and self-recognition; between lying and truth-telling.
It is above all the circuits of deception and self-deception that Be-
chdel seeks to rewire and overwrite.
Coyly titled “In the shadow of young girls in flower,” after
the French title of the second volume of Proust’s Recherche, the
end of the chapter calls the reader’s attention to the fact that the
previous translation of À l’ombre des jeunes filles en fleurs—
Within a Budding Grove—shifts the emphasis from the botanical
to the erotic. However, Bechdel interjects, “As Proust himself
so lavishly illustrates, the two are pretty much the same thing”
(Bechdel 2007, 109). That cavalier conflation serves Bechdel as
a metaphor for her father’s love for flowers and her own devel-
oping identity as a lesbian, unleashing a cluster of critical con-
vergences interpreted from a current vantage point. Chapter 4, in
as much as it invokes Proust’s term “inversion,” is about reading
generic and gender indeterminacy, but if Proust serves as the the-
matic intertext, Freud has certainly provided us with the method
for understanding how the bulldyke scene functions in the nar-
rative and why resurrecting this memory now is so critical for
Bechdel’s enterprise.
Bechdel’s father started reading Proust the year before he died,
translation /
and it was after his death that Lydia Davis’s retranslation of À la
recherche du temps perdu came out; though she prefers the “liter-
36
alness” of In Search of Lost Time, Bechdel laments the fact that
perdu and lost are not simple equivalents: that perdu also connotes
“ruined, undone, wasted, wrecked, and spoiled” (Bechdel 2007,
119). Bechdel’s point about what is literally as well as figurative-
ly “lost in translation” when this source word in French is trans-
ferred to English, is a metacommentary on what is irretrievable.
“The complexity of loss itself” (Bechdel 2007, 120) is lost, despite
translation’s capacity to recuperate and redeem difference over
time and even space. Some differences are irreducible variants;
they belong to the realm of the untranslatable.
The translation strategy that propels Fun Home, however, ul-
timately valorizes affinity and proximity by domesticating differ-
ence through regeneration. The last page of chapter 4 comprises
two unequally sized panels, both devoted to drawings taken from
a box marked “family photographs” that Bechdel found after her
father’s death, including one revealing her father’s transgressive
past activities with a former male babysitter. (In her interview with
Chute, she attributes the genesis of this book to the discovery of
this photograph.) The reader remembers the smaller top photo-
graph as the snapshot of an adolescent girl posing in a bathing suit
which is the chapter head image; it serves as a kind of illustration
of its title, “In the Shadow of Young Girls in Flower.” This time,
however, Bechdel alerts the reader that the image in the redrawn
photo is not of a girl (Alison, one might have speculated), but of
her young father in drag, and looking, as she says, “not mincing or
silly at all. He’s lissome, elegant” (Bechdel 2007, 120). In the large
panel, that top photo is mostly obscured by the text box.
What grabs the reader’s attention is the juxtaposition of two
portraits, and their striking similarities: one of her twenty-two-
year-old father sunbathing on the roof of his frat house, the other
of Alison on a fire escape on her twenty-first birthday. She won-
ders if this was taken by his lover, as hers was. For Bechdel, the
autographer, the uncanny resemblance between the two figures
and their two poses—“the exterior setting, the pained grin, the
flexible wrists, even the angle of shadow falling across our fac-
es”—is “about as close as a translation can get” (Bechdel 2007,
120). Where is the original or source? What, about the structur-
al or formal aspects of this strategic arrangement, calls up an act
of translation, one in which the points of contact are so acutely
translation /
37
identifiable? Obviously, in this visual commentary there is some-
thing beyond a merely shared physical, familial resemblance, even
across gender lines. Indeed, it is precisely the fluidity of sexual ori-
entation, gender identification, and polymorphism à la Proust that
reveals the configuring of father and daughter identities here as a
transposition or displacement, alternatively, of a simple replication
of difference (which is one definition of translation). Rather, Bruce
and Alison are to be recognized on the page as “inverted versions
of each other in the family” (Watson 2008, 135). In this particular
act of intergenerational transmission which celebrates the materi-
ality of self-presentation, Bechdel is memorializing a connection
that was often resisted in life by both Alison and her father, but
which is now reenvisioned through art.
Conclusion
By identifying Nabokov’s, Condé’s, and Bechdel’s autobiograph-
ical projects as distinctive modes of translation, I have hoped to
show that translating a life requires a particular strategy or tech-
nique of self-reflexiveness. The art of self-translation, with its
perils and projections, is a highly mediated and motivated act of
intimacy that takes place not in a vacuum, but within a set of cul-
tural determinants. By wrestling with questions of familiarity and
strangeness, assimilation and resistance, appropriation and deflec-
tion, the autobiographer/translator and the translator/autobiogra-
pher remind us that neither life nor language is self-contained. In
their very existence, autobiographies—which are translations of
“experience” and, therefore, subject to infinite and relentless in-
terpretation—serve as testimonies to existential lack and linguistic
incompleteness. Invocations of other lives and other voices—re-
pressed, resisted, and reclaimed—autobiographies are translations
in search of an original. Thus it is the drive to recuperate what may
be always utterly lost—because of the foreignness in ourselves as
well as in languages—that endows the autobiographer/translator
with the greatest agency of all.
translation /
38
References
Apter, Emily. 2001. “Crossover Roots/Creole Tongues: A Conversation with Maryse
Condé.” Public Culture 13, no. 1: 1–12. doi:10.1215/08992363-13-1-1.
Bechdel, Alison. 2007. Fun Home: A Family Tragicomic. New York: Houghton Mif-
flin.
Chaney, Michael, ed. 2011. Graphic Subjects: Critical Essays on Autobiography and
Graphic Novels. Madison: University of Wisconsis Press.
Chute, Hillary L., and Alison Bechdel. 2006. “An Interview with Alison Bechdel.”
MFS Modern Fiction Studies 52, no. 4: 1004–1013. doi:10.1353/mfs.2007.0003.
Condé, Maryse. 2012. La vie sans fards. Paris: JC Lattès.
Freud, Sigmund. 1995 a. “An Autobiographical Study.” The Freud Reader. Edited by
Peter Gay. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. 3–41.
––––––. 1995 b. “Screen Memories.” The Freud Reader. Edited by Peter Gay. New
York: W. W. Norton & Company. 117–126.
Kadish, Doris Y., and Françoise Massardier-Kenney. 1996. “Traduire Maryse Condé:
Entretien avec Richard Philcox.” The French Review 69, no. 5: 749–761.
Lejeune, Philippe. 1989. On Autobiography. Translated by Katherine Leary. Madi-
son: University of Wisconsin Press.
Mahony, Patrick. 2001. “Translating Freud.” American Imago 58, no. 4: 837–840.
doi:10.1353/aim.2001.0022.
Mitchell, W. J. T. 1986. Iconology: Image, Text, Ideology. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Nabokov, Vladimir. 1947. Speak, Memory: An Autobiography Revisited. New York:
Random House.
Ornston Jr., Darius Gray, ed. 1992. Translating Freud. New Haven: Yale University
Press.
Smith, Patti. 2010. Just Kids. London: Bloomsbury.
Smith, Sidonie, and Julia Watson, eds. 1998. Women, Autobiography, Theory: A
Reader. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
Sprengnether, Madelon. 2012. “Freud as Memoirist: A Reading of ‘Screen Memo-
ries.’” American Imago 69, no. 2: 215–239. doi:10.1353/aim.2012.0008.
Venuti, Lawrence, ed. 2012. Translation Studies Reader. London and New York:
Routledge.
Watson, Julia. 2008. “Autobiographical Disclosures and Genealogies of Desire in
Alison Bechdel’s Fun Home.” In Michael Chaney, ed., 2011. 123–56.
Whitlock, Gillian. 2006. “Autographics: The Seeing ‘I’ of the Comics.” MFS Modern
Fiction Studies 52, no. 4: 965–979. doi:10.1353/mfs.2007.0013.
Wolk, Douglas. 2007. Reading Comics: How They Work and What They Mean. Phil-
adelphia: Capo Press.
translation /
39
Bella Brodzki is Professor of Comparative Literature at Sarah Lawrence College. She
teaches courses in autobiography; modern and contemporary fiction; literary and cul-
tural theory; and translation studies. Her articles and essays on the critical intersec-
tions with and impact of translation on other fields and disciplines have appeared in
a range of publications, most recently in the collection, Translating Women, edited by
Luise von Flotow (2011). She is the co-editor of Life/Lines: Theorizing Women’s Autobi-
ography (1989) and author of Can These Bones Live?: Translation, Survival, and Cultural
Memory (2007). Her current project is co-editing a special volume of Comparative
Literature Studies entitled Trials of Trauma.
translation /
40
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] | Autobiography/Translation: Memory’s
Losses or Narrative’s Gains?
Response to Bella Brodzki’s Lecture
Suzanne Jill Levine University of California in
Santa Barbara, USA
“We translate to be translated”—translation transports the transla-
tor, but also the reader and the writer, in an act that transforms one
text into another. Professor Brodzki uses this quote (which was a
rejoinder in my book The Subversive Scribe (1991; 2009) to “thou
art translated,” a line uttered by Quince to Bottom in Shakespeare’s
Midsummer Night’s Dream), to move onto a broader stage. From
the diverse scenarios of Russia and the Francophone Caribbean,
from psychoanalysis to graphic memoir, Bella (I use her first name
as we are old friends) analyzes parallels between the practice of
autobiography and of translation, seeking to expand the definition
of autobiography by means of the code of translation. Mediating
these two practices she sets out to understand the screening process
of memory, how or to what extent memory both distorts and creates
the truths it seeks, and especially narratives that propose to reenact
memory and to represent the truth.
In her lecture, Bella discusses how autobiography, like transla-
tion, is a rewriting, a re-presentation. At first glance we might find
this argument farfetched. After all, unlike autobiography, a transla-
tion is normally a rewriting of a whole and visible text. It is not, at
least on the surface, the reconstruction or restaging in coherent form
of the fragments of memories of a life lived. If we look further, how-
ever, we can see that a translation performs a comparable artificial
resuscitation. The original language has vanished in the text’s new
version; the language that replaces it works to resurrect words and
phrases, wordplays and metaphors, fragments of the translator’s lan-
guage and mnemonic associations, that will bring to life the original,
one hopes, as one expects the same from an autobiography.
Bella’s discussion departs precisely from the readerly expecta-
tion that the autobiographer’s pact with the reader—like the trans-
translation /
41
lator’s “sacred duty”—is to be candidly true to an original. And
yet, from an essentialist perspective, the end products of both prac-
tices can easily become Faustian Frankensteins. Under the aegis of
Freud, who made the unconscious betrayals of the omniscient narra-
tor visible to us, these betrayals are parallel to those of the translator,
who can only give us approximations, never the thing itself. The first
question that jumps out at me, then, is: Are we talking only about
autobiography in relation to translation, or are we talking about all
narrative in general? That is, is Bella’s proposal in her paper suggest-
ing a narrative theory that could be applied to any narrative form,
beyond verbal language and written texts?
No two narratives are the same, as Borges’s very first ficcion,
“Pierre Menard, Author of Don Quixote,” his famous parable
about the “anachronistic” practice of reading, written in 1939, so
spectacularly tells us. This devilish commentary on commentary
(as George Steiner called it) is at the center of Bella’s topic. Pierre
Menard, avant-garde poet who, among his many daring experi-
ments, attempts to rewrite a Don Quixote completely identical to
the original, is Borges caricaturing himself as a young Ultraist.
Borges’s story—supposedly written in French by an admiring dis-
ciple of Menard—is a fiction that pretends to be a biography while
it is (like all fiction, one could argue) autobiographical, and is not
only about the absurd impossibility of the totally faithful transla-
tion but also implies and reveals that it is in itself a translation.
My question to Bella is, in this discursive context, is there a
significant difference here between autobiography and biography
vis-à-vis translation? I ask this coming, also, from my own work
on a biography of Manuel Puig. The author of Kiss of the Spi-
der Woman, Puig’s novels pay homage with their “dollar book”
Freudianisms to Freud’s invention of the modern novel, that is, the
decidedly nonobjective narrator. As both translator and biographer
I have dealt with the challenges of subjectivity, memory, and inter-
pretation, haunted by the pact of fidelity that such nonfiction writ-
ing involves. Autobiography, biography, and creative memoir are
evaluated, however, by the strength, intensity, and inventiveness of
their narrative structure, of the story they construct, just as transla-
tion is evaluated by its fluency, its persuasive rhetorical effect. The
translation /
writer of nonfiction is as dependent on literary conventions, plot,
theme, character development, climax, and denouement as the fic-
42
tion writer. Truth is less of a consideration than the appropriateness
of form and the success of style. Autobiography differs from biog-
raphy because, as the subject and the writer/producer of the former
is the same, we assume a much higher/deeper level of fidelity to
the subject. However, considering that “the self is constituted by
a discourse that it never completely masters”1 how different, really,
are these two genres? We might define the difference this way: the
biographer is situated outside of the life he or she wishes to represent
and wants to work his or her way into it, while self-writing, autobiog-
raphy, presents its author with the problem of being too much of an
insider, needing to distance her or himself, to get far enough away to
see what’s happening and what it is one actually wants to represent.
My possible response to the question above can perhaps be aid-
ed by my own experience. I have written an authorized biography
and am attempting to write a translator’s autobiography. While the
research for the biography was different from the current research
for my own history, I also had to realize that my subjectivity influ-
enced the biography as if it were in some way an autobiography;
or, whether narrating an autobiography or a biography, I was and
am never totally subjective or objective. Hence, can we agree on
the translational nature of autobiography and also of other forms
of narrative, fictional or nonfictional, and are we perhaps speaking
of a translational paradigm for narrative in general?
In “Conditions and Limits of Autobiography” Georges Gus-
dorf2 examines Paul Valéry’s radical proposal that biography in or-
der to be true must go beyond its traditional limits.3 I cite these
thoughts on this topic here because, among other things, they also
relate to Bella’s provocative discussion of autobiography and trans-
lation. They also reveal an important source of Borges’s fictions and
essays that highlight narrative theory and feature his antirealist the-
ories of narrative art as well as his poetics of writing as translation.
According to the theory of biography proposed by Valéry—whose
Monsieur Teste was a direct Borgesian model, fondly parodied by
1
Michael Spinker, “Fictions of the Self: The End of Autobiography,” in James Olney, ed., Autobi-
ography: Essays Theoretical and Practical (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980) 342.
2
Georges Gusdorf, “Conditions and Limits of Autobiography,” in James Olney, ed., Autobio-
graphy: Essays Theoretical and Critical (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980) 41.
3
Paul Valéry, “La Vie est un conte,” Tel Quel II (1943): 348-349. The entire issue is available online
at https://archive.org/stream/telquelv02valuoft#page/n7/mode/2up.
translation /
43
Borges’s famous Pierre Menard as a kind of absurdly avant-garde
intellectual artist—a biographer, moving between the actual life and
his life-writing, would have to see through the eyes of the subject.
The biographer would have to attempt to know as little of the fol-
lowing moment as the subject himself would know about the cor-
responding instant of his career. This would be to restore chance
in each instant, rather than putting together a series that admits of
a neat summary and a causality that can be described in a formula.
Causality was, as we know, one of the core issues of Borges’s “Nar-
rative Art and Magic.”4 Valéry’s point, as Borges sees it, is that the
so-called real truth is nothing, unformed, blurred, and that therefore
the original sin of biography—which we could compare with the
original sign of autobiography—is to presume the virtues of logical
coherence and rationalization.
That is, we can extend Valery’s discussion of the prerogative of
biography to that of autobiography in that the task at hand is not to
show us the objective stages of a career, but to reveal the efforts of
historian/biographer/autobiographer to discover or reveal the effort
of a creator to give the meaning of her (or his) own mythical tale.
This latter statement basically describes Freud’s attempt at autobi-
ography in his “study.” On the surface he “objectively” appears to
summarize his career—giving us much valuable information—but
in reality he is creating his own self-myth as intuitive scientist, a
myth in which, it so happens, his early work as a translator plays a
major role.
Bella reminds us that for Freud “la psychanalyse c’est moi.”
Through her discussion we read his “autobiographical study” which
reveals his influences, Goethe on Nature, and notably the Bible,
which impacted him precisely because he belonged to an oppo-
sitional minority as a Jew. What he read or experienced or what
influenced him is more about his real feelings or interests; what
he actually says about himself, is all about his ego and need for
cultural power. For Freud translation was a power play, or as Bella
writes, “Though he had a position as a Lecturer in Pathology in
Vienna, it was his work as a translator that gained him entry into
translation /
4
Jorge Luis Borges, “Narrative Art and Magic,” in Selected Non-Fictions, edited by Eliot Wein-
berger, translated by Esther Allen, Suzanne Jill Levine, Eliot Weinberger (New York: Viking, 1999)
75–82.
44
Charcot’s circle of personal acquaintances and full participation
in the activities at Salpêtière Clinic” (AS, Freud R, 6). (infra, 21)
Ironically this personal essay says less about the man beneath
the persona than his essay on screen memories or any of his funda-
mental books such as The Interpretation of Dreams. Freud’s “Au-
tobiographical Study” is a prime example of an omniscient narrator
blind to his own subjectivity. What I personally found fascinating is
that Freud, as Jewish outsider, gained entrance to the circles of cul-
tural power as a translator. Curiously, I could see a similar trajectory
in my own life, as a woman gaining entrance to the Latin American
Boom literary circles, a world of cultural significance in my time
and context, in which I took on an identity as translator and even
muse, more glamorous than my own modest “outsider” Washington
Heights Jewish origins.
As Manuel Puig (the author whose literary texts I translated
and whose life I ultimately translated into a biography) aptly put it,
Freud invented the modern novel: that is, he exposed the unavoid-
able limitations of the omniscient narrator, hence his importance not
only to autobiography but to all writing. In Bella’s discussion, Au-
tobiography and Translation come together logically and intuitively
in Freud whose early work as a translator helped create his career
as a scientist. By extension, his role as translator helped create the
persona whose theoretical work was practically based on autobi-
ographical as well as clinical reflection.
Suzanne Jill Levine is a leading translator of Latin American literature, and Professor
at the University of California in Santa Barbara where she directs a Translation Studies
doctoral program. Her scholarly and critical works include her award-winning literary
biography, Manuel Puig and the Spider Woman (FSG and Faber & Faber, 2000) and
her groundbreaking book on the poetics of translation, The Subversive Scribe: Trans-
lating Latin American Fiction (published in 1991 and reissued by Dalkey Archive Press
in 2011), along with her classic translations of novels by Manuel Puig and her 2010
Penguin Classics editions of the works of Jorge Luis Borges. Aside from numerous
volumes of translations of Latin American fiction and poetic works, she has regularly
contributed articles, reviews, essays, and translations of prose and poetry to major
anthologies and journals, including the New Yorker. Her many honors include National
Endowment for the Arts and NEH fellowship and research grants, the first PEN USA
West Prize for Literary Translation (1989), the PEN American Center Career Achieve-
ment Award (1996), and a Guggenheim Foundation fellowship. For the translation of
Jose Donoso’s The Lizard’s Tale, she was awarded the PEN USA West Prize in 2012.
translation /
45
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15521 | [
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] | Dalit Consciousness and Translating
Consciousness: Narrating Trauma
as Cultural Translation
Christi A. Merrill University of Michigan,
USA
Abstract: How do we understand literary catharsis as a multilingual project?
This paper focuses on scenes from Ajay Navariya’s short story “Subcontinent”
(in Laura Brueck’s translation from Hindi) to ask about the responsibility of
writers, translators and scholars in grappling collectively with the trauma of
caste-based sexual violence (or what Sharankumar Limbale calls “injustices done
to Dalit women.”) Put in conversation with Robert Young’s reading of Freud on
cultural translation, Navaria’s story complicates straightforward understandings
of consciousness as monolingual. Instead, the Hindi story in English reveals
a complex connection between what Limbale and others refer to as a distinct
“Dalit consciousness” and G.N. Devy’s notion of “translating consciousness”
by asking us to redefine how the languaged self responds to the original trauma
of being read as untouchable in the dominant vernacular. For Devy translat-
ing consciousness involves rejecting binaristic colonizer–colonized hierarchies,
whereas for Limbale Dalit consciousness works to fight caste hierarchies operat-
ing primarily within India itself. This paper takes up Rita Kothari’s suggestion
that the dominant vernacular might be just as foreign as the colonial language
in order to radically rethink the dialectical relationship between the languaged
self and cultural transformation.
What is literature’s role in responding to the trauma of caste-based
sexual violence a language away? I ask as a Hindi translator as
well as a scholar and teacher of Dalit literature—of work, I should
explain, that very openly claims to write from the perspective of
those “oppressed” or “ground down” (as “Dalit” is usually glossed)
by the entrenched system of untouchability in India.1 Dalit writers
in India have been asking versions of the question I have posed
1
I gratefully acknowledge the support of a Senior Fellowship from the American Institute of
Indian Studies and the National Endowment for the Humanities that allowed me to complete
the work on this paper, as well as the NIDA/FUSP Symposium organizers and Robert Young for
providing the original impetus for investigating this material.
translation /
47
here within their own language traditions, and as a group seem to
agree that the main purpose of Dalit literature should be to raise
awareness—or as the well-regarded Marathi writer Sharankumar
Limbale puts it more vividly, “to inform Dalit society of its slavery,
and narrate its pain and suffering to upper caste Hindus” (Limbale
2004, 19). It is not beside the point here that I quote Limbale from
his book Towards an Aesthetics of Dalit Literature, which has been
translated into English by (avowedly upper-caste Hindu and Cana-
da-based postcolonial studies scholar) Alok Mukherjee. Dalit liter-
ature, publisher S. Anand has pointed out, is a phenomenon in and
of translation—from, to, and via English, as well as many other
official Indian languages (Anand 2003, 4). Given current realities,
I am suggesting here that we include postcolonial studies scholars
and translators such as Mukherjee and myself in the project Lim-
bale and others have begun when theorizing the purpose of Dalit
literature. I propose here that we examine examples of Dalit liter-
ature to think more carefully about the relationship of Translation
Studies to postcolonial theory.
Like many activists writing on the subject, Limbale contends
that the work of Dalit literature is inspired directly by the revolu-
tionary leader Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and can only be done by those
with an explicit Dalit consciousness. A few pages later in his book
on Dalit aesthetics—in a section devoted to the topic of Dalit con-
sciousness—he explains:
The Dalit consciousness in Dalit literature is the revolutionary mentality connected
with struggle. It is a belief in rebellion against the caste system, recognizing the hu-
man being as its focus. Ambedkarite thought is the inspiration for this consciousness.
Dalit consciousness makes slaves conscious of their slavery. Dalit consciousness is
an important seed for Dalit literature, it is separate and distinct from the conscious-
ness of other writers. Dalit literature is demarcated as unique because of this con-
sciousness. (Limbale 2004, 32)
To ask about literature’s role in raising awareness about un-
touchability as a human rights issue akin to slavery raises fun-
damental questions about these points of comparison, especially
when expressed across multiple languages. How might we adapt
current theoretical models to understand Dalit consciousness as a
translation /
multilingual issue?
G.N. Devy has argued that multilinguality is so central to the
48
Indian context that it requires its own theorization, one that he dis-
cusses—serendipitously—as “translating consciousness.” Writing
in the 1990s, Devy was primarily interested in developing a dis-
tinctly postcolonial “aesthetics of translation” (Devy 2014, 163)
that would inform “a more perceptive literary historiography”
(165) responsive to the perspective of the multilingual user (“such
as a translator” he notes) who “rends. . .open” the multiple sign
systems converging in a single consciousness (164). If aesthetic
production is figured in Devy’s writing with the violent imagery
of rending open, “translating consciousness” itself is imagined in
a friendlier fashion, as an intuitive “open” daily negotiation along
a continuum of mutual understanding, that he contends—most
crucially here—our monolingually-minded, European conceptual
tools have not been able to theorize properly:
In most Third World countries, where a dominating colonial language has acquired a
privileged place, such communities [of translating consciousness] do exist. In India
several languages are simultaneously used by language communities as if these lan-
guages formed a continuous spectrum of significance. To conceptualize this situation
is beyond European linguistics, which is based mostly on a monolingual view of
language. The use of two or more different languages in translation activity cannot
be understood through studies of foreign language acquisition. (165)
Both Devy and Limbale suggest independently that the de-
velopment of any literary aesthetic (perceptive or no) is neces-
sarily ideological; moreover, when explaining how each of their
approaches to the project of literary historiography differs from
the mainstream, each uses the term “consciousness” to describe
an alternative to the demeaning hierarchical forms of discrimina-
tion a random language user encounters on a daily basis, that have
become written into our own disciplinary conceptualizations. As
a result, Devy and Limbale each call for a corrective literary his-
toriography based on such a consciousness. For Devy, the crucial
ideological difference informing a translating consciousness in-
volves rejecting binaristic colonizer–colonized hierarchies, where-
as for Limbale the crucial ideological difference Dalit conscious-
ness works to fight is informed by the caste hierarchies operating
primarily within India itself, both during the colonial period and
after Independence. How might these two theories of conscious-
ness be put in productive conversation with one another when
translation /
49
focusing on postcolonial literary engagements with human rights
struggles?
I will attempt to address this larger question by reflecting on
the inherent multilinguality of the translating consciousness Devy
describes—whereby “several languages are simultaneously used
by language communities as if these languages formed a contin-
uous spectrum of significance” (65)—when it encounters caste-
based discrimination. I will do this by analyzing a piece of postco-
lonial fiction that details a series of shocking events experienced
by a Dalit family: the short story “Upmadwip” written in Hindi by
the Dalit writer and activist Ajay Navaria. I will quote primarily
from the version translated into English by Laura Brueck (2012)
as “Subcontinent” in an effort to vex perceived limits of language
when describing violent encounters in translation.
Only a few pages into “Subcontinent,” the narrator recalls a
traumatic scene from his childhood in which he watches, help-
less, as a gang of upper-caste men beat up his father to within an
inch of his life, incensed that an “untouchable” (“achut” in the
Hindi) would have the audacity to return to the village for a rela-
tive’s wedding in a clean new kurta, rupees in his pocket, greeting
friends comfortably, and holding his head high. Significantly, the
story is framed by a tranquil domestic scene of the narrator as an
adult living in an unnamed city struggling to wake from a night-
marish sequence of horrific childhood memories, prompted by
an impending decision over whether to return to the village once
again for another relative’s wedding. The framing device is crucial
for establishing two distinct perspectives on the same event: one of
the adult looking back with a mixture of indignation and apprehen-
sion, and the other of the innocent child offering direct testimony
(albeit fictionalized) of a series of traumatic events that in their
ancestral village seem to be lamentably routine. The structure of
the story thus invites us to read this as a scene of initiation—into
a kind of consciousness that we might not immediately recognize
as a translating consciousness but are led to infer will eventually
become a Dalit consciousness. How?
Soon readers are introduced to a liminal dream state between
waking and sleeping, past and present, city and village, and led
translation /
down a stepwell at the edge of what appears to be the adult nar-
rator’s consciousness, invited to witness a childhood scene from
50
the young boy’s point of view as a group of high-caste villag-
ers confront the father and his father’s aunt (whom the boy calls
“Amma”) for forgetting “the rules and regulations of the village”
(Navaria 2012, 87). The narrative structure allows readers to re-
main cognizant of the adult narrator’s judgment on these “rules
and regulations” while following the boy and his family through
the village; this structure enables the implied author to call into
question the entire system of signification the boy is being initiat-
ed into. The story dramatizes why what Limbale terms “rebellion
against the caste system” (2004, 32) would entail so much internal
struggle, starting with the fundamental act of recognizing oneself
and other Dalits as human beings equal to all others.
As the scene continues, readers of the translated story are in
turn asked to distinguish between the language of the past and of
the present, of the village and the city, marked by the boy’s dis-
comfort at the time and the adult narrator’s outrage looking back
as his great aunt bows down at the high-caste villagers’ feet, assur-
ing them, “They’ll never do it again in my life. They erred, having
lived in the city” (Navaria 2012, 86). The narrative makes strategic
use of the distance in perspective between the adult narrator (who
is very conscious of the historical implications of this discrimina-
tion) and the boy (who is at first shocked by what he witnesses and
seemingly unable to interpret it) to map consciousness as a series
of encounters with others where imperfect (even horrifying) com-
munication regularly takes place.
In the consciousness of the young boy these rules and regula-
tions are as startling as they are incomprehensible:
“Oh God, I’m done for! Maaaa! Forgive me, master, kind sir! It won’t happen
again!” As Amma wailed, one of them struck her head hard with a shoe, and she
cried out again. Tears streamed down her cheeks. Now they were all laughing.
Seeing them beat Amma with their shoes, Father tried to get up again. When they
noticed him moving, they fell on him afresh. Sticks, fists, shoes—flailing without
stop. I stood trembling. One of them slapped me across the face. Father was lying
on the ground. Unconscious. Blood dripping, thap-thap-thap, from his forehead. A
streak of blood spread all the way down his pyjama. My lip had been split open. It
was still bleeding. I stood there quaking. I almost pissed my pants. It seemed like it
would never end. Father lay at peace. His new white kurta was torn from his chest
to his stomach. Blood dribbled from his mouth. Father’s dead, I thought. Seeing a
body drenched in blood, that’s the only thing an eight-year-old can think. (Navaria
2012, 86-87)
translation /
51
Here the boy is presented as being unable to interpret the phys-
ical details he witnesses, even while we can feel the pressure of
the adult narrator’s judgment about the situation. And the admis-
sion about the limitations of the boy’s own awareness, narrated
suddenly in the third person—“Seeing a body drenched in blood,
that’s the only thing an eight-year-old can think”—is all the more
moving knowing that the adult narrator in the present tense of the
story is picturing himself in a similar situation, anticipating trying
to protect his own child from similar degradations, if he decides to
travel back to the village with them for an upcoming wedding. The
strategy of third-person narration thus generalizes the experience
of the Dalit subject. Implicitly, the story asks the reader why I, why
he, why anyone should have to learn how to interpret the blood
stains on their father’s still body.
This is not a postcolonial translating consciousness to cele-
brate. There is no triumph a few paragraphs later when the boy be-
comes more adept at speaking the village language of caste-based
violence:
I quietly wiped the blood off my lip with my torn collar. There were no tears in my
eyes. But I kept making small crying sounds, hoo-hoo, for fear of getting thrashed
again if I stayed quiet. I’d quickly realized that it was better to keep up the whimper-
ing in front of them. (87)
How might attention to translating consciousness here help
us better conceptualize Dalit consciousness as a multilingual
project beyond the monolingual limitations Devy warns against?
In Hindi, we can imagine this scene of calibrated whimpering is
playing as much to the upper-caste Hindu readers and fellow Dal-
its Limbale identified as the target audience for Dalit literature;
in English translation, the readership is expanded even further,
since the elite English-speaking reader in India as well as the
reader abroad are similarly put on notice about the demeaning
effects of the caste system, and in such a way that challenges the
received colonizer–colonized binaries of postcolonial studies.
Here the language of dominance we must theorize is predicated
on caste, and thus suggests a more complex mapping of translat-
ing consciousness than the colonizer-colonized binary. We see in
translation /
the English translation as well that the narrator’s perspective is
multiply displaced—both at the top of the stepwell and below, in
52
the past, present, and even future of the story. Bringing together
the concept of translating consciousness with Dalit conscious-
ness invites us to think afresh about the ways we might map such
literary language, starting with the ways we theorize the very
idea of “language” in literary work.
In Towards an Aesthetics of Dalit Literature, Limbale puts par-
ticular emphasis on what he calls—in the section title—“The Lan-
guage of Dalit Literature,” explaining:
The view of life conveyed in Dalit literature is different from the world of experience
expressed hitherto. A new world, a new society, and a new human being have been
revealed in literature, for the first time. The reality of Dalit literature is distinct, and
so is the language of this reality. It is the uncouth-impolite language of Dalits. It is
the spoken language of Dalits. This language does not recognize cultivated gestures
and grammar. (33)
Limbale’s assertions apply to many of the works of Dalit litera-
ture published prior to this book on aesthetics, including Limbale’s
own prose. In Navaria’s story, however, the hierarchies are tipped
once again, since the “new world, . . .new society, . . .new human
being” is waiting at the top of the stepwell in the consciousness of
an urbane, multilingual Dalit man while the boy is left to grapple
with the old world, old society communicating in the horrifying
idiom of caste-based discrimination. However shocking this lan-
guage may be to the boy as well as offensive to the narrator and
ostensibly to his readers in turn, it is especially horrifying that it is
not considered “impolite” in the village context of the story—the
upper-caste villagers do not grant their “untouchable” neighbors
that kind of respect. It is precisely the standardization of this de-
grading idiom that Navaria’s story is asking us to consider. The
narrative is offering a critique of this particular kind of language
use, and thus we might say of the village translating consciousness
depicted in the story. To understand how this critique might be
inviting readers of both the Hindi story and the English translation
to take part in a fraught project of recalibrating consciousness as a
way of coming to terms with collective trauma, we must first think
more carefully about the roles we play in the process of literary
catharsis.
I should admit here that I am grappling with a more specific
version of the question of trauma and literary language, occasioned
translation /
53
by a provocative encounter at a conference on the historiography
of Dalit literature held in Delhi at Jamia Millia Islamia University
in December, 2013. The conference was organized by members
of the English Department and it brought together scholars from a
number of different disciplines and areas of expertise along with
creative writers working in a host of Indian languages.2 There were
three days of sessions starting with a keynote speech by Kancha
Ilaiah, academic panels, and several roundtable discussions with
published writers such as Limbale and Navaria, including one de-
voted to the place of translation in the reception of Dalit literature.
On the particular panel I have in mind an English literature profes-
sor gave a polished, impassioned paper invoking a lineup of US-
based scholars on trauma and testimony urging us to acknowledge
the importance of autobiographical writing as an act of individual
catharsis that ultimately leads to healing; she described this pro-
cess as “translating pain into language” (Abidi 2013).
At the time, I see from my notes, I wondered about the relation-
ship of catharsis to activism. I knew from reading Laura Brueck’s
scholarship that a writer like Ajay Navaria thought of catharsis
in much more politically engaged terms, as a collective, embold-
ened confrontation with society. In a discussion on aesthetics in
her recent book, Writing Resistance: The Rhetorical Imagination
of Contemporary Dalit Literature (2014), Brueck explains:
Dalit writer Ajay Navaria colorfully compares the realist aesthetic of Dalit literature
to the necessity of lancing a cyst on the body of Hindu society. While the substance
that the cyst releases may be unpleasant, its cathartic release is said to be necessary
for the healing of the social body. (85)3
The difference between the two types of catharsis proposed
here is crucial: in the model the conference paper presenter was
looking towards, it is the individual writer who has suffered the
trauma, and so it is the writer not the social body who is sick and
requires healing. What difference does this make in thinking about
the role of literature in healing trauma?
2
International Conference on Dalit Literature and Historiography, Department of English, Jamia
translation /
Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India, December 19–21, 2013.
3
Ajay Navaria’s original quote was from “Dalit Saˉhitya kaˉ Vigat Aur Vartamaˉn,” Praˉrambh (Dalit
Saˉhitya Visheshank) 1, no. 3 (2004): 44.
54
In the ensuing discussion, the presenter was assailed by one
imminent personality after another (speaking alternately in Hindi
and in English): How does this model of therapy help us reduce
intercaste violence? Are you trying to individualize Dalit experi-
ence? What is the role of the reader’s subjectivity in this model?
And, most vividly to me, Limbale shouted in frustration, “If my
mother is being raped then I shouldn’t be crying but crying out to
stop it!”It is in this context that I am left wondering—alongside the
presenter and others in attendance at that conference, I am sure—
about the role of literature in responding to trauma. What type of
catharsis do we seek through literature, and what is the role of a
translator and literature scholar in that process?
Often scholars metaphorize the project of writing trauma as an
act of speaking out against injustice. The assumption is a thera-
peutic one, that repressed trauma and other forms of silencing are
unhealthy for the subject, and that she will be free of her resulting
symptoms only once she has successfully narrated and fully an-
alyzed these painful memories. Robert Young has recently sug-
gested that Freud consistently described such work as a process of
translation—he points out that the word for “translation” in Ger-
man (übersetzung) appears at least forty-five times in Interpreta-
tion of Dreams alone, for instance—but in such a way that radical-
ly rethinks the dialectical relationship between the languaged self
and what Freud (“tantalizingly,” Young adds) calls “cultural trans-
formation” [kulturelle Wandlung] (Young 2013).34 This version of
“cultural translation,” Young contends, is not a simple, straightfor-
ward task of “moving from text A to B, leaving text A behind, but
rather moving to text B by making text A unconscious, repressed,
but with A still haunting text B as its shadow and liable to reappear
in disguised form at any moment” (17). I will spend a moment
detailing this insight, for it has important implications for catharsis
as a multilingual project, and the role of culture in mediating such
a catharsis collectively.
Young explains that in Freud’s writing, dream thoughts are like
an “unknown language that we have to decipher on the basis of
the translation” (9). Young likens the process to cracking the code
of the Rosetta Stone, where you work backwards, comparing the
Here Young is citing Freud 2005, 224.
translation /
4
55
language you know against the one you do not, until you begin to
understand the system by which meaning is made in the language
unknown to you. This because for everyone—in Young’s reading
of Freud—“the psyche is multilingual, alert to the constant possi-
bility of using translation as a mechanism of displacement in the
face of repression” (4). Even in a healthy, nontraumatized subject
the psyche engages in such a process, he explains, and culture’s
role is to tame a person’s natural instincts.
Thus the psyche, in Young’s words, keeps itself “busy trans-
lating into a foreign language that is unreadable to the indi-
vidual subject him or herself” (5). Young understands Freud
as suggesting that there are a number of languages converging
in a single psyche, including the distinction between “dream
thoughts” (in the unconscious) and “dream content” (in one’s
consciousness), both of which are individual and idiosyncratic,
even if internally consistent enough for an analyst to begin to
recognize a pattern. Young quotes Freud as writing in The In-
terpretation of Dreams:
Dream-thoughts and dream-content lie before us like two representations of the same
content in different languages—or, rather, a particular dream-content appears to us
as a version of the relevant dream-thoughts rendered into a different mode of expres-
sion, the characters and syntax of which we are meant to learn by comparison of the
original with the translation. (Young 2013, 8)
The role of multilingual performance is crucial in Freud’s
theorizing, Young points out, given that Freud himself compared
the process of decoding and deciphering dream content to Egyp-
tian hieroglyphs, “whose characters need to be translated one
by one into the language of the dream-thoughts” (2013, 9). The
analyst is able to crack the code only after he sees how the indi-
vidual, multilingual subject moves between other (conventional)
languages, a technique he and Breuer began to pioneer in Studies
in Hysteria, with the case of “Katharina.” Young quotes Freud
as writing: “We had frequently compared the hysterical symp-
tomatology with a pictographic script, which we were able to
read once we had discovered a few cases of bilingualism” (132).
This is a highly unusual “original”, however, when viewed in the
translation /
broader history of translation. “What makes psychoanalysis more
than just translation into another discourse,” Young adds provoc-
56
atively, “is that psychoanalysis is translating the unknown” (8).
How might such a comparison enable us to rethink Dalit con-
sciousness as a multilingual project?
If the job of the psyche is to “translate” or displace traumatic
experiences into a language foreign to the individual subject, the
work of psychoanalysis is then to interpret that idiosyncratic lan-
guage and “de-translate” it back into a language she shares with
her analyst, as Young explains:
Psychoanalysis finds the meaning of dreams not in dreams themselves but in their
invisible origins. In dreams we have only the translation: the patient and analyst’s job
is to translate the incomprehensible dream-content back into its original, and then to
analyze and repeat in reverse the work of translation which has transformed the first
into the second. Dream-interpretation, therefore, as Jean Laplanche has suggested, is
more a question of de-translation, trying to de-translate the dream back into an orig-
inal that remains hidden. This is where and why the work of interpretation through
association must come into play: breaking the dream-content down into its constit-
uent parts one by one, and working through the dreamer’s associations, analyst and
dreamer engage in the laborious work of de-translating the dream-content back into
its original dream-thoughts. (10)
Young’s reading of Freud insists that translation practice is at
the core of our work as languaged beings (regardless of how many
official languages we are said to speak), and that one of the central
roles of culture is to train an individual to interpret to themselves,
in a language that they share with others, the most hidden parts
of themselves, such as traumatic events in the past. The case of
Dalit literature is especially potent here because “culture” itself
is accused of legitimizing the agents of that original trauma—not
incidentally, but fundamentally.
While he does not name Dalit literary examples specifically,
Young does suggest that such cases are central to Freud’s work on
cultural translation. Young reads Freud as a major theorist of cultur-
al translation whose contributions to translation theory have import-
ant implications most particularly for those translated subjects—like
Dalit writers—until now often left out of our theorizing:
Freud’s. . .theoretical paradigm [on translation]. . .remains infinitely suggestive. It of-
fers, for example, a possible way of reading the invisible, the subaltern, those whose
forms of public representation distort their fundamental being, where the invisibility
or repression of subalterns in official discourses and documents from the past require
translation /
a de-translation exercise to make them visible in their own terms. (11)
57
Bringing together theories of Dalit consciousness with trans-
lating consciousness suggests that the very prospect of shared lan-
guage is exceedingly fraught, in ways that are important for the
project of handling trauma through literary work. Young further
hints that the project of analyzing the relationships between those
languages might be key to better understanding the “original” (as
trauma, or otherwise.)
We see this most vividly in his reading of the case of Anna O,
who responds to a childhood trauma by alternating moments of
stark speechlessness (“aphasia”) with what Freud in English trans-
lation refers to as “paraphasia,” switching into languages (English,
French, Italian) foreign to Anna O’s own mother tongue of Ger-
man. Following Freud, Young uses this example of an upper-class
woman to show how suspicious the psyche itself remains general-
ly of culture’s role in taming one’s instincts. We see in Anna O’s
case that being highly cultured only serves to make her subterfug-
es more elaborate, and the work of the analyst (not to mention the
nurse who tended her) that much more demanding:
The paraphasia receded, but now she spoke only in English, yet seemed to be un-
aware of it, and would quarrel with the nurse, who was, of course, unable to under-
stand her. Not until several months later did I manage to convince her that she was
speaking English. She herself, however, still understood her German-speaking envi-
ronment. Only in moments of great anxiety would her speech fail her completely, or
she would mix up all kinds of languages. She would speak French or Italian at those
times when she was at her best and most free. Between those periods and those in
which she spoke English lay complete amnesia. (29)
The case asks us to rethink the fundamentals of cultural trans-
lation as a languaged relationship between individual and collec-
tive, especially since the collective itself is figured as a plurality of
overlapping language domains. Young’s reading calls into question
the very notion of a discrete “mother tongue” as source of a stable
cultural identity, and echoes ongoing debates surrounding Dalit ex-
amples.
For instance, in a 2013 article—“Caste in a Casteless Lan-
guage: English as a Language of ‘Dalit’ Expression”—Rita
Kothari complicates any simple understanding of English as a co-
translation /
lonial language, arguing that for writers and translators working
with Dalit texts—like the poet Neerav Patel, whose example she
58
focuses on—English offers a more compelling alternative to re-
gional vernaculars. Patel’s choice to write in English, rather than
Gujarati, she suggests compellingly, “is animated by the misery of
unwanted memories of language, and a desire to erase that mem-
ory” (Kothari 2013, 65). Kothari refers to a soon-to-be-published
essay Patel wrote in response to a public query: “Who (all) can
claim Gujarati?” (64) Kothari explains:
If standard Gujarati, Patel argues, is as distant and alien to dalits as English, he would
rather embrace English, and use it to replace his “mother tongue,” thus making En-
glish what he calls his “foster-tongue.” By being foreign, English does not normalize
and legitimize caste, and by being an ex-colonial language with global reach, it be-
comes empowering. (61)
I have suggested elsewhere that English is not in fact casteless,
that the language’s encounters with caste started early in the colo-
nial encounter—I use the example of “pariah” whose first usage
in English is 1613 (Merrill 2014, 262). However, here I am more
interested in the ways Patel’s critique of his “mother tongue” in re-
lation to English introduces an important perspective on Dalit con-
sciousness as translating consciousness. As Kothari’s discussion
of Patel’s critique makes clear, the imperative of Dalit conscious-
ness is to redefine the very domain of language and its relationship
to collective memory:
An acclaimed poet and critic, Patel attacks the homogeneous idea of a “mother
tongue” in India. Although this may seem a separate issue from English, it is very im-
portant to see how the idea of an Indian language that alienates the dalits and colludes
with the upper castes in normalizing caste discrimination shapes the dalit response
to English. The specificity of the case below provides a much-needed elaboration of
this operation to bring home the fact that Indian languages do not constitute for all
Indians a proud inheritance, which “globalization” and similar invasive forces may
allegedly besiege. This is essentially an upper-caste view and luxury; those who wish
to redefine themselves must do so by abandoning this inheritance and embracing
English. (65)
While this seems neither Patel’s nor Kothari’s point, I would
suggest that in the process Patel is also inviting us to rethink the
very meaning of translation.
Young, too, in his reading of Freud, asks us to rethink the en-
terprise of translation as a relational exercise between language
and memory, as we see in his discussion of the case of Anna O:
translation /
59
Cultural translation, in Freud. . .is not a process by which the former text or elements
are ever entirely left behind, but one in which the new text always remains doubled
and haunted, its translations perpetually remaking themselves, the translated text per-
petually seeking to revert to its original, like a ball held under water. The different
languages, as in the dream, remain perpetually present. In some sense, therefore,
according to Freud we live in two or more languages at once. This bi- or multilin-
gualism in which, as it were, like Anno O., we read one language but translate it
simultaneously into another, can illuminate how, in this model, the general sense of
loss in translation modifies its gain—for while in cultural terms much is gained, in
the individual this gain produces at the same time a constant sense of unease, of dis-
ease, malaise, of “cultural frustration,” cultural denial, or as we might say today, of
cultural dislocation. (Young 2013, 17-18)
Young is implying that every language is haunted by a series of
unconscious memories, be they individual or collective. His star-
tling proposition is that the ensuing struggles to articulate difficult
truths—to find apt language for these invisible “originals”—put
productive pressure on whatever languages we have in common.
We might then surmise that every speaker has a translating con-
sciousness that holds within it (“like a ball held under water”)
the potential for radically rethinking the possibilities of the lan-
guage(s) she speaks. How might this complex understanding of
the relationship between translation and consciousness apply to
literary work?
According to Limbale, one of the features of Dalit conscious-
ness is the ability to identify with any injustice ever visited upon
any member of the group. While detractors contend that such a
stance results in literature that is predictable or propagandistic
(charges his translator Mukherjee renders in English under the ru-
bric of “univocality”), Limbale defends such politicized identifi-
cations instead as a sign of cohesion and thus of strength, since it
allows individuals to read a host of traumatic experiences visited
upon Dalits as part of a programmatic effort at group discrimi-
nation: “Social boycott, separate bastis, wells, and cremation
grounds; inability to find rental accommodation; the necessity to
conceal caste; denial of admission to public places; injustices done
to Dalit women; dragging and cutting of dead animals; and the
barber refusing to cut hair—these experiences are alike for all Dal-
its” (Limbale 2004, 35). Limbale’s emphasis here is less on direct
translation /
experience of such injustices, and more on the daily acts of inter-
pretation that renders someone part of the very category deserving
60
such discriminatory behavior. Understood this way, “original trau-
ma” begins with the possibility of being read as untouchable by
others; acknowledging that reading of untouchability subsequently
then becomes part of one’s consciousness as distinctly and defiant-
ly “Dalit.”
Approaching Dalit literature through Young’s reading of Freud
on “cultural translation” helps complicate and thus confound
any simple glosses of the terms in play. If we look more close-
ly at Young’s proposition that cultural translation is not a simple,
straightforward task of “moving from text A to B, leaving text A
behind, but rather moving to text B by making text A unconscious,
repressed, but with A still haunting text B as its shadow and liable
to reappear in disguised form at any moment,” then we might infer
that all language speakers sharing an idiom of discrimination like
the caste system are haunted by a text A such as “injustices done
to Dalit women.” I will spend a moment pursuing this proposition
through a later scene in Navaria’s story, in large part because it
resonates with Limbale’s outburst that day: “If my mother is being
raped then I shouldn’t be crying but crying out to stop it!” And in
the process helps us rethink the theoretical categories by which we
too might read such a scene.
There is a suggestion early on in “Subcontinent” that sexual
violence in the village has been ongoing and systemic, to the ex-
tent that many “untouchables” are themselves offspring of a union
(directly forced, or manipulated) between a high-caste man and an
untouchable woman. We see this referenced directly in the story
when the narrator makes clear that he himself is related to one of
those high-caste thugs in the village who are beating up his father:
“‘Pandit-ji, it’s not even her husband’s. It’s her lover’s. This bas-
tard child is Harku’s!’ He was pointing at Father” (Navaria 2012,
87). The passing comment seems to affect the character of the pan-
dit, who at first appears ready to protect the boy’s father, possibly
because he is related to Harku. Even though this is another in-
stance where the adult narrator looking back seems to understand
the implications of this moment more than the child narrator, the
narrative reveals the turmoil this causes on the young narrator’s
part. As a boy, the narrator tells us, he held out hope the pandit
would take pity on them, but was soon to be disappointed. Not
only does the pandit bond with the high caste thugs, joining in with
translation /
61
the verbal and physical humiliation, but he later seems to be the
one to take advantage of Amma.
The scene of Amma’s further humiliation comes late in the sto-
ry, after the violence has escalated even further, when high-caste
members of the village take umbrage over the groom daring to ride
a horse to the door of his bride and they attack the wedding party
with lathis. The boy falls down unconscious—the significance of
this is important for this study—and we watch him in retrospect
try to put language to the ongoing village drama he has witnessed:
When I opened my eyes, it was still dark. An oil lamp was still burning in the hut.
My aunt was sitting near the smoldering stove. The wedding party had left. . . . My
head was throbbing. Someone had tied an old piece of dhoti around it. I don’t know
when I dozed off again, but a woman’s shriek shocked me awake. I made haste to get
up, but as soon as I rose, a blow struck my back, and I fell on my face. Half outside
the hut, half inside.
“Fucking city boy, if you move, I’ll unload a bullet in your skull,” someone yelled,
tilting my face up with the muzzle of a double-barreled gun pushed into my jaw.
To my right, a few feet away, I saw, beneath the white, dhoti-clad bottom of a pale
pandit-god, the darkened soles of someone’s feet flailing and kicking; swinging on
the back of this pale pandit was a fat, snake-like top-knot. . .and another scream.
Terrified. Uninterrupted. Splitting the sky in two—chhann! (95-96)
Like the boy in the story who lies halfway out of the hut, wa-
vering between consciousness and unconsciousness, the charac-
ter of the woman being violated too has no language at the ready
to defend herself with—she can only flail and kick and scream.
Navaria’s rendering of the scene raises unsettling questions about
the very meaning of consciousness, and how language—any lan-
guage—plays a part in making and remaking that consciousness.
In this scene we have a series of confusing, upsetting pairs:
the boy being threatened by an unnamed gunman, the “pale
pandit-god” riding a woman we only know by her flailing dark
feet, and then the “fat, snake-like top-knot” and the disembodied
scream, which seem to emanate from the entwined bodies. At this
heightened moment of violence, the boy and the violated woman
can share no words of support, or mutual understanding, can only
each submit to those who have enough power over the language to
demand silence of the others. And yet, the treatment of this scene
translation /
of sexual violence as the boy’s memory, of a moment that haunts
him as an adult, delineates how someone who is witness to vio-
62
lence (even a form of violence he may never experience directly)
might be traumatized, in exactly the way Limbale has argued.
If we then pursue the implicit analogy between Anna O. and the
narrator of “Subcontinent,” we might begin to formulate a more
nuanced understanding of translating consciousness when we con-
sider carefully the process by which a traumatized Dalit subject
struggles against aphasia. The fact that languages like Hindi and
English have a mechanism in place for silencing both the subject
who experiences the rape and the boy who witnesses it, puts a lie
to the contention that it is only the individual subject who is haunt-
ed by these violent incidents in the past. Instead, the language
cultures themselves might be understood to be haunted, and the
moments of paraphasia an indication of the ways such hauntings
do not dwell in discrete language domains. Navaria’s story helps
us understand how an act of translation (in both the commonly-un-
derstood sense, and also with Young’s more specialized meaning)
might reveal the ways simply being part of a language community
unthinkingly we might be part of the process of repression. Taking
seriously the project of Dalit consciousness, read in terms of an
active translating consciousness, might afford us a more complex
understanding of literary catharsis.
translation /
63
References
Abidi, Shuby. 2013. “Dalit Autobiography as Scriptotherapy.” International Confer-
ence on Dalit Literature and Historiography, New Delhi, Jamia Millia Islamia,
December 21.
Anand, S. 2003. Touchable Tales: Publishing and Reading Dalit Literature. Pondi-
cherry, India: Navayana.
Devy, G. N. 2014. “’Of Many Heroes’: An Indian Essay in Literary Historiography.”
In The G. N. Devy Reader. New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan: 4: 1-225.
Freud, Sigmund. 1999. The Interpretation of Dreams. Translated by Joyce Crick.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Freud, Sigmund, and Josef Breuer. 2004. Studies In Hysteria. Translated by Nicola
Luckhurst. New York: Penguin Books.
Kothari, Rita. 2013. “Caste in a Casteless Language: English as a Language of ‘Dalit’
Expression.” Economic and Political Weekly, XLVIII (39): 60–68.
Limbale, Sharankumar. 2004. Towards an Aesthetics of Dalit Literature: History,
Controversies and Considerations. Translated by Alok Mukherjee. Hyderabad:
Orient Longman.
Merrill, Christi A. 2014. “Postcolonial Issues: Translating Testimony, Arbitrating
Justice” In A Companion to Translation Studies, edited by Sandra Bermann and
Catherine Porter. London: John Wiley and Sons. 259–270.
Navaria, Ajay. 2012. “Subcontinent.” In Unclaimed Terrain. Translated by Laura
Brueck. New Delhi: Navayana.
Young, Robert J.C. 2013. “Freud on Translation and Cultural Translation.” Unpub-
lished manuscript of paper delivered at the NIDA/FUSP Symposium in New
York, September 20.
Christi A. Merrill is an associate professor of South Asian Literature and Postcolonial
Theory at the University of Michigan, and author of Riddles of Belonging: India in Trans-
lation and other Tales of Possession (Fordham University Press, 2009). Her translations
of the stories of Rajasthani writer Vijaydan Detha, Chouboli and Other Stories, were
co-published by Katha (New Delhi) and Fordham University Press (New York), and won
translation /
the 2012 A.K. Ramanujan Award. She spent the 2013-14 school year in India on an
NEH/AIIS Senior Fellowship researching her latest book project, Genres of Real Life:
Mediating Stories of Injustice Across Languages.
64
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15522 | [
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] | Translating Talkies in Modernist Mexico
The Language of Cinemas and the
Politics of the Sound Film Industry
Valeria Luiselli Hofstra University, USA
Abstract: During the late 1920s and early 1930s, the first ‘talkies’ appeared in
Mexico, and many new cinemas were built or adapted from older buildings in
order to accommodate this paradigmatically modern entertainment technology.
Until the 1920s movies were mostly screened in makeshift spaces –in private
houses, old theaters, circuses and even churches. Then, in the early 1920s, the
first ‘cinema palaces’ started to appear, and by the late 1930s there were around
fifty new or newly adapted movie theaters specialized in featuring talkies in
Mexico City. These movie houses were an emblem of spectacular modernity.
They are also, as I argue, a clear example of ‘translation spaces’ in their ma-
ny-layered complexity. I discuss a relatively wide range of translation practices,
from dubbing and the politics of film translation in early foreign sound films
in Mexico, to the role that the first movie theaters played as stone and concrete
‘translators’ of the modern experience of sound films, to the appropriation of
old spaces and their repurposing for the new technologies, to the way that the-
aters that were built in particular ‘languages,’ such as the International Style and
the Streamline modern, constituted a form of ‘temporal’ translation.
1. Movie theaters in the age of sound: an introduction
During the late 1920s and early 1930s, the first “talkies” appeared
in Mexico, and many new cinemas were built or adapted from
older buildings in order to accommodate this paradigmatically
modern entertainment technology. Until the 1920s, movies were
mostly screened in makeshift spaces—in private houses, old the-
aters, circuses, and even churches. Then, in the early 1920s, the
first “cinema palaces” started to appear, and by the late 1930s there
were around fifty new or newly adapted movie theaters specialized
in featuring talkies in Mexico City (Hershfield 2006, 265).1 These
1
Perhaps part of the problem is the lack of material evidence in magazines and newspapers re-
garding the construction of theaters, as compared to the great amount of information regarding
films and actors. Among news such as “Tarzan has divorced his wife” and “Chaplin is in love
translation /
65
movie houses, as the architectural historian Fernanda Canales has
written, were “an emblem of spectacular modernity” (Hershfield
2006, 180). The first sound movie theaters are also, as I shall ar-
gue, a clear example of translation spaces in their many-layered
complexity.
Research on cinemas both from the perspective of architec-
tural as well as cultural history remains scarce in relation to other
areas of focus in both film studies and architectural history. Often,
film historians ignore the spaces in which films were screened, and
architectural historians tend to disregard the history of film when
they deal with movie theaters. Although film criticism does not fall
within the purview this paper, and I will not focus on any film in
particular, I do want to place my architectural analysis and discus-
sion of movie theaters within the specific context of the arrival of
sound film technology in order to discuss the relationship between
the modern architectural language of movie theaters and some of
the dominating cultural politics of the burgeoning sound film in-
dustry in Mexico. I am particularly interested in the question of
whether these two things worked in consonance or, on the con-
trary, were in dissonance in relation to the discourse of modernity
or in creating a “sense” of being modern. Considering the spaces
that were created with the arrival of sound film from an architec-
tural perspective, and focusing on a small group of movie theaters,
I intend to discuss the various senses in which translation practices
took place within these new spaces, and how such practices con-
tributed to a wider discourse of modernity. Did both cinemas and
the film industry have a parallel evolution in terms of how they
subscribed parameters of modernism? Did they play a similar so-
cial and cultural role in their contribution to the formation of ideas
of modernity?
I will discuss a relatively wide range of translation practices,
from dubbing and the politics of film translation in early for-
eign sound films in Mexico, to the role that the first movie the-
aters played as stone-and-concrete “translators” of the modern
again” (Cinelandia, December 1932), as well as propaganda for new equipment for the new
film theaters, advertisements which sell cheap and reliable English lessons, ads for new Kodak
translation /
cameras and new Clarion radios, and so on, propaganda for film theaters or news about them
is, with few exceptions, notably absent from magazines when the inauguration of theaters are
announced.
66
experience of sound films, to the appropriation of old spaces and
their repurposing for the new technologies, to the way theaters
that were built in particular architectural “languages,” such as
the International Style and the Streamline modern, constituted a
form of temporal translation.2 The way I approach these differ-
ent practices and spaces, in turn, encompasses a hermeneutical
approach to cultural practices, a phenomenological reading of
building typology, and a more distant reading of buildings within
the cityscape.
My approach to translation, moreover, is tied to the quintes-
sentially modernist distinction between foreignization and domes-
tication. Modernist translation practices must be distinguished
from what is conceived more generally as translation. The 1920s
and 1930s were decades of experimentation with composition
and translation. As the critic Lawrence Venuti writes, modernist
translation practices, which had their philosophical root in nine-
teenth-century philosophy, treated translation as an art and a source
of innovation:
The main trends in translation theory during [modernism] are rooted in German
literary and philosophical traditions, in Romanticism, hermeneutics, and exis-
tential phenomenology […] Nineteenth-century theorists and practitioners like
Friedrich Schleiermacher and Wilhelm von Humboldt treated translation as a
creative force in which specific translation strategies might serve a variety of
cultural and social functions, building languages, literatures, and nations. At the
start of the twentieth century, these ideas are rethought from the vantage point
of modernist movements which prize experiments with literary form as a way of
revitalizing culture. Translation is a focus of theoretical speculation and formal
innovation. (Venuti 2000, 11)
Far from being a means of passively importing foreign liter-
atures and adapting foreign languages to local ones, modernist
translation as “formal innovation” constituted a form of active
2
Although the term “International Style” started to be used more frequently in the 1930s, it usu-
ally refers to the language that architecture started using in the 1920s, and which became the
emblematic style of modernism in architecture. Buildings designed according to the principles
of the International Style are typically devoid of unnecessary ornamentation, are rectilinear,
conceive exteriors as a result of interiors, and rationalize form and function. The Streamline
Moderne style, which became widespread in the 1930s, draws on fundamental principles of
the International style but merges it with Art Deco elements, such as the use of curved lines,
horizontal planes, and references to nautical and aerial shapes.
translation /
67
foreignization of the domestic (vis-à-vis domesticizing the for-
eign), by which the foreign “contaminated” the domestic and
thus pushed its limits further, while at the same time blurring
the boundaries between the so-called “foreign” and the “domes-
tic.” Seen in this light, modernist translation practices are ones in
which translation was not merely conceived as an accurate ren-
dering of a source language into a target language or a vehicle for
explaining the foreign or making it more accessible or palatable
to the local readership, but as a way of appropriating new forms
and thus a creative locus of innovation. The term “translation
practice”, moreover, in the context of Mexican cultural history
can help us move beyond the passive categories of “reception”
or “influence,” common to canonic literary and cultural studies,
and allow us to focus on modernist cultural production in terms
of exchanges.
2. Subtitles, dubbing, versions, and talkies: a hermeneutical
approach to the horizon of a new soundscape
Translation and dubbing were a fundamental part of the begin-
nings of the sound film industry. By the end of the 1920s, the film
industry had entered into a crisis and sound film was initially not
being received enthusiastically around the world by leading fig-
ures in the industry. Chaplin had said that talkies were “ruining the
great beauty of silence”, (Maland 1989, 113) and Luigi Pirandello
wrote in his well-known essay, “Will the Talkies do Away with
Theater?”, that American’s “cheerful arrogance” regarding the ad-
vent of sound films was not something to really be worried about,
because talkies were nothing but a “poor reproduction of theater”
(Bassnett and Lorch, 156). But beyond its reception among prom-
inent intellectuals and public figures, the crisis was also economic,
and related to the world financial crisis. In 1932, the magazine
Cinelandia, which was simultaneously published in Mexico and
Hollywood, featured a piece titled “La gran crisis del cine” [The
Great Crisis in Film] discussing the crisis in the industry and ad-
judicating the reasons for such crisis to the advent of talkies. The
piece recounts, in a rather alarmist tone:
translation /
Hollywood producers are receiving, from all over the world, definite data confirming
the reduction of income from ticket sales in all the cinemas in every city, in every
country in the world. To tell the truth, we must add that the downward trend in pop-
68
ular interest for the cinematographic spectacle did not start with the world financial
crisis: it is older than that and goes back to the exact moment in which sound and
spoken film first came onto the international market. (Reyes de la Maza 1973, 17)3
With the arrival of sound films in Hollywood in the late 1920s
one of the many problems the American film industry faced was
preserving its cultural and economic hegemony over the rest
of the world. Governments were enforcing protectionist laws
guarding against linguistic “invasion.” Countries such as Argen-
tina immediately banned movies spoken in English. Even in the
UK, audiences started to protest against movies being spoken in
“American.” In Mexico, one of the most influential newspapers,
El Universal, gave rise to an aggressive campaign against the
new movies spoken in English, calling the governments through-
out the Spanish American continent to ban movies in English. By
the end of the 1920s, 90% of the silent films screened in Mexico
were made in the US, and the Latin American audiences could
not understand the new sound films (see Hershfield 2006, 264).
The working classes did not speak English, and the elites mostly
spoke French as a second language, not English. A good part
of the Mexican elites as well as columnists and journalists sup-
ported the campaign in the vast majority of national print me-
dia. They seemed to agree that English would overtake Spanish
if Hollywood’s “pacific invasion” was not stopped by banning
movies in English, and they contended that Spanish would soon
become a dead language if the masses started identifying English
as the language of entertainment. Although a few publications,
such as the monthly Continental, responded aggressively to El
Universal’s campaign, this anti-English movement was initially
quite successful, at least among the elites and public intellectuals
(see Reyes de la Maza 1973).
When the negative reaction to sound film became a universal
response, Hollywood entrepreneurs finally decided that they had
to do something about it. The first solution they attempted was to
make silent versions of the new sound films, strictly for foreign ex-
3
This quote, as well as much of the information regarding the late silent and early talkie eras,
is taken from Reyes de la Mazas 1973, which is a compendium of articles from leading Mexican
publications in 1929–1932. I will be quoting many articles from this compendium; all translations
translation /
into English of the original articles are mine.
69
port. This proved to be a complete failure in the entire world (Mora
1989, 31) as audiences wanted to partake in new technological
advances and silent films were seen as a thing of the past. The sec-
ond solution was to subtitle films, but countries had demands that
were sometimes difficult to meet, as well as particular, local de-
mographic realities. The Mexican president Emilio Portes Gil, for
example, ordered that there should be “absolute Castilian purity
in the language and subtitles of foreign films” (Garcia Riera 1992,
13), which was impossible as the people involved in subtitling
were Spanish speakers from different Spanish-speaking countries
now living in Los Angeles, and there was no way to conserve the
Spanish “purity” demanded by Portes Gil. Moreover, in 1930, the
percentage of analphabetism in Mexico was 65% (Vidal 2010, 20),
so the majority of the population was unable to read film subtitles.
The third entrepreneurial strategy was to dub original Holly-
wood films. This, likewise, proved inadequate, as many specta-
tors detested the monstrous disembodiment that the still precar-
ious methods of dubbing entailed. Finally, at least in the case of
films destined for the Spanish-speaking world, it was decided that
Hollywood would produce “versions” of the original films, using
actors that could speak Spanish fluently. They imported writers,
technicians, directors and, of course, actors from Spain and Lat-
in America to play the parts of the English-speaking “originals.”
These actors were called the Hollywood Hispanics—and were vir-
tually linguistic stunt doubles. Or, perhaps, these Spanish-speaking
actors can be seen as full-fledged dubbers: they not only leant their
voice to the “original” but their entire body. A truly remarkable
translation feat of sorts: Hispanic cinema became Hollywood’s
Spanish-language copy or version of itself.
From their beginnings, Hispanic films failed to convince au-
diences—as if their particular form of translation proved to be
too simplistic and unsophisticated for modern spectators. The au-
dience was perhaps aware that either they were not watching an
entirely original film and that the actors they were seeing were
most often not part of the venerable star-system. In fact, a Spanish
newspaper published a sarcastic note “thanking” Hollywood for
ridding them of so many untalented, unemployed actors and taking
translation /
them over to the USA (Reyes de la Maza 1973, 23). The film critic
Luz Alba wrote a piece titled “Growls in Spanish” where she stat-
70
ed that the voices of the actors were “so emphatic and what they
say is so stupid that one has the impression of being in a tent dra-
ma, where one could at least recur to the final resource of throwing
the chairs at the actors—something impossible to do at the cinema
Olimpia because the chairs are glued to the floor” (cited in Reyes
de la Maza 1973, 180). Moreover, people were disgusted with the
myriad Spanish accents, vocabulary, and idiomatic twists on the
screen, where Mexicans, Spaniards, Argentineans, and Cubans
played roles not necessarily corresponding to their accents. Before
Hispanic sound films even arrived in Mexico, a film critic using
the pseudonym of Don Q, who worked for the Spanish-language,
New York-based magazine Cine Mundial, stated in 1929 that
the diversity of nationalities and even races to which those improvised actors belong
is such that their films will look like salads, mixing a variety of accents and eth-
nicities—something that could be tolerated in scenes that can lend themselves to a
cosmopolitan interpretation, but which will lead to more than a few flops. (Reyes de
la Maza 1973, 191)
Indeed, Hispanic films only lasted a few years, soon proving
to be an absolute commercial flop.3 Metro Goldwyn Mayer’s last
attempt to keep hold of the Latin American and Spanish market was
to get Hollywood’s best actors to speak a little Spanish. Laurel and
Hardy, as well as Buster Keaton and Harold Lloyd, all made shorts
in Spanish and, though these fared better with educated audienc-
es—at least in Mexico—than the movies featuring Hollywood His-
panics, they did not do not well enough for entrepreneurs to persist
in this last, rather eccentric endeavor (Reyes de la Maza 1973, 25).
The theaters these subtitled, then dubbed, and then remade ver-
sions were screened in were originally designed for silent films,
and were, in turn, often older buildings—churches, convents, or
old theaters—sometimes precariously and sometimes creatively
“translated” or repurposed for cinema. One of the most emblem-
atic spaces for film screenings in the early 1920s was a former
sixteenth-century convent, which, in 1922, reopened with the rath-
er bombastic name Progreso Mundial (World Progress). The old
courtyard, typical of colonial architecture, was used as the primary
3
By 1939, after approximately 175 talkies, Hispanic films ceased to be produced (García Riera
1992, 14).
translation /
71
sitting space, and the original stone arcade, traditionally plain and
unadorned, was heavily clad with ornamentation. A second story
had to be built to fit more spectators, for which slim iron pillars
had to be placed between the seats (Alfaro 1997, 55).
Progreso Mundial circa 1922.
Most of these theaters had to be refurbished once again at the
in the late 1920s and early 1930s, this time to accommodate new
sound film technology. The Teatro-cinema Olimpia was the first
cinema in Mexico to screen a talkie in 1929—eight years after its
inauguration.4 Before this, in the early 1920s, it had been used si-
multaneously for plays and silent films. The talkie that was shown
was The Singing Fool. Before it played, the theater screened a
short showing the Mexican consul in New York directly address-
ing Mexicans and congratulating Warner Brothers for their inven-
tion. Then, before the main screening, both the Orquesta Típica
Mexicana and the New York Symphonic Orchestra were shown
4
Previously, the sound film (but not talkie) The Submarine had been screened in the Teatro Im-
perial, in April 1929. An ad in the Universal read: “The Teatro Imperial, conscious of its program
in constant progress and keeping ahead of its competition, will offer for the first time this great
translation /
advance of human invention […] Come to listen to the clamor and feel the anguish of a sinking
submarine. Listen to the sounds of the depths of the ocean. Today, two shows, one at four and
the other at eight” (Reyes de la Maza 1973, 76).
72
playing a selection of musical pieces. The directors of the Olim-
pia, in conjunction with Warner Brothers, had also produced a free
magazine with information about the “wonders of the new form of
entertainment” as well as a translated transcription of the movie’s
dialogues (Reyes de la Maza 1973, 80). The premiere, apparently,
was such a success that soon the campaign launched by El Univer-
sal was drowned by the clamors of “the masses”.5
The Olimpia was designed by one of the most important early
cinema architects, Carlos Crombé.6 It was built inside the shell
of an old hotel, which had, in turn, been built in a vegetable gar-
den on the grounds of the first Franciscan convent built in Mexico
City in the 16th century. Its interiors were originally designed ac-
cording to the elegant neoclassical eighteenth-century Adamesque
style, which had seen a revival among the middle classes in the late
nineteenth century and up to the 1920s.7 There were two dancing
salons, one smoking room, and two vestibules (Alfaro 1997, 25).
The elegant and often opulent interiors of movie theaters were a
common denominator at the time. The logic behind this was to
give the upper middle classes as immersive an experience for their
money as possible, and help them forget their mundane, everyday
life for a few hours. As a description of the movie theater in the
magazine Cine Mundial read: “The Aristocratic Cinema Olimpia,
refuge for families when on cold winter afternoons tedium stabs
with its sharp blade, enchanting retreat […] has come to fill a vac-
uum which had long been felt in Mexico’s good society” (Cine
Silente Mexicano/Mexican Silent Cinema, translation mine).
5
It is interesting to note, reading the different articles about movies published at the time, that
the opinion of intellectuals was almost always in contrast to what seemed to be the response of
the “masses” to innovations and entertainment.
6
Carlos Crombé was a rather prolific cinema architect by the standards of the time in Mexi-
co. In the 1920s he built several teatro-cinemas, in varied “conservative” architectural styles,
ranging from Beaux-Arts façades typical of the Porfirian era such as his famous Cine Odeon, to
Adamesque interiors, and even Churrigueresque exteriors (a Mexican adaptation of Baroque)
in his well known Teatro Colonial (1940). His later cinemas, such as the Cine Alameda (1936) and
his modernization of his own earlier Cine Olimpa (1941) were very different to those of the 1920s.
The Cosmos, Crombé’s last project, which burnt down in 1946 just before its official inauguration,
was closer to art deco and was perhaps meant to signal another version of modernity, perhaps
closer to functionalism, in its sobriety. It was certainly the most modern of Crombé’s cinemas—it
was closer, at least, to International Modernism—but it was the last he designed, as he died
shortly after it burned down.
7
The Adamesque style, developed by the Adam brothers in England, became fashionable in the
mid- to late-eighteenth century and is usually considered an offshoot of neoclassical design and
architecture. It simplified baroque and rococo, but was still heavily ornamental.
translation /
73
Teatro-Cinema Olimpia circa 1921.
There are various translation practices at work in the example
of the Olimpia’s screening of The Singing Fool. Even if the movie
itself was not subtitled—a translation practice that, as I said ear-
lier, had been banned by presidential orders—or dubbed, even if
it was not a Hispanic “version” of an “original,” several interest-
ing and rather inventive translational strategies were being used to
bring the first talkie closer to its non English-speaking audience.
First, the film’s dialogue was printed out and distributed free to
patrons, which would seem to imply that it was expected to be read
after the show, as a sort of consecutive or “delayed” translation.
Then, there was the initial appearance of the Mexican consul in
New York, who, in his role of cultural and diplomatic translator,
was attempting to both bridge the two cultures that were about to
engage in a possibly alienating encounter and also to fully sanc-
tion—politically, that is—the screening of a movie in a language
that was treated by many with great suspicion. Further, and most
translation /
importantly in architectural terms, the movie was being premiered
in one of the oldest, most elegant and well-established movie the-
74
aters—a choice of setting which perhaps sought to convey an aura
of traditional legitimacy and normality for the public. Through all
these different practices or strategies, the Olimpia was to all ex-
tents functioning here as a translation space.
But how was the Olimpia’s role as a translation space inter-
preted by others? In the Revista de Revistas, a highly popular pub-
lication of those times, the critic Peinbert refers to the Olimpia as
“one of our best salons” and says that through these salons “Mex-
ico will be irremediably invaded by talkies in just a few months”
(Reyes de la Maza 1973, 86). Similarly, in the Universal the ed-
itor and critic Carlos Noriega Hope wrote that “Yesterday it was
the Olimpia that was paving the way; tomorrow it will be all the
cinemas in Mexico […] Not a month will pass before mute films
are inexorably exiled to the barrios. Everything will be filled with
cries, musical synchronizations, and words in English” (Reyes de
la Maza 1973, 137). Another critic, Eugene Gaudry, complained
about the screening at the Olimpia saying that it would inaugurate
a time of great cultural confusion where eventually “the foreigners
that come to Mexico will not know what the national language is,
because they will be seeing movies in English, French, German,
Italian, Denmarkese [sic], and so on, with no Spanish translations”
(Reyes de la Maza 1973, 171).
Gaudry was of course exaggerating, but his complaints and
concerns must have been shared by many, because a year later, in
1930, the managers at the Olimpia devised a mechanism which
allowed for the insertion of explanatory Spanish text or titles be-
tween scenes in foreign movies. The Olimpia was famous for its
endeavors in translating as much as possible for their audiences.
The critic Luz Alba noted in an article that “talkies at the Olimpia
have many titles, more than those strictly necessary to understand
the general issue, and just enough to understand the details—
something that does not occur in talkies at other theaters, which
only have enough titles to understand generalities” (Reyes de la
Maza 1973, 200).
Indeed, movie theaters such as the Olimpia were the sites that
were helping translate or carry over a new modern experience to
the Mexican audience, and this modern experience went beyond
the technology of sound in film: it was also the experience of
foreign languages and voices coming into the city’s soundscape,
translation /
75
Teatro-Cinema Olimpia circa late 1920s.
through the screens of these movie theaters. Whether viewed as
enablers of a new invention or as “traitors” that would allow the
talkies to come in and take over, these translators made of concrete
and stone functioned as the material portals for foreign languag-
es to come in and “foreignize” the soundscape of Mexican movie
theaters.
3. Translation, tradition, and entertainment:
a phenomenological approach
After an initial period of resistance on the part of the Mexico City
elite, in which many columnists and critics voiced their concerns
and hesitations regarding sound film technology, it was clear that
the talkies had come to stay. In the early 1930s, the Mexican film
industry consolidated and producers started to invest funds and
translation /
human capital in new technologies and, of course, in producing
Spanish-language talkies.
76
One of the first optical sound devices for film was in fact in-
vented by a young Mexican man who was living in Los Angeles
with his family at the time. His name, like the names of many
remote national icons, has an almost cinematographic ring to it:
José de Jesús “El Joselito” Rodriguez. In the back room of the
bakery his parents owned he had been working for two years on
a sound-on-film device that would adapt to any camera and be
easy to transport. He finally completed the last adjustments to the
Rodriguez Sound Recording System in 1929. It weighed less than
twelve pounds and was purportedly adaptable to any camera cir-
culating in the industry. As the story goes, he sat his family around
a projector and activated it. To his family’s surprise, a horrifying,
cacophonic, almost diabolical melody gushed out, in synchrony
with the image of a few people moving their mouths rhythmically
on the home-made screen. Joselito then stopped the mechanism,
made a few adjustments, and tried again. What came out the sec-
ond time around was the Mexican national anthem. Apparently,
in the first try, he had set the mechanism the wrong way around,
and what his family heard was the national anthem being sung
backwards.
Early sound films relied on a sound-on-disc technology, in
which the sound heard during a film screening had been recorded
onto a phonograph record that was physically separate from the
film. The technology was flimsy and unreliable: not only did the
two components—sound and image—seem disconnected, but they
would often desynchronize completely, producing mass confusion
and irritation in early spectators. The decisive technological step
for the sound film industry was the fusion of both the sound and
visual components of the movie in an optical sound device, lat-
er called sound-on-film technology. Although initial experiments
with the new technology took place in the early 1920s, the first full
feature film with integrated sound was The Jazz Singer (1927). It
was in that same year that Joselito Rodriguez began to develop his
new device, which he imagined could be used in the burgeoning
Mexican sound film industry and thus set Mexico at the forefront
of international talkies.
At the same time as Joselito was working on his device, in
around 1930 a Mexican producer put together a crew and began
working on a project that would lead to the first Mexican opti-
translation /
77
cal sound film, Santa. Joselito, who probably knew he stood slim
chances of getting a proper interview with film magnates, stalked
the film’s producer, Juan de la Cruz Alarcón, at Los Angeles air-
port. Alarcón was on his way back to Mexico, returning empty
handed, after an unsuccessful trip to Hollywood in which he tried
to acquire a sound-on-film technology device: they were all too
costly and impossible to transport. Accompanied by his brother,
Joselito approached Alarcón and secretly filmed and recorded
their brief airport conversation, in which he told the producer of
his latest invention. He was unsuccessful in settling any deal with
him, but he at least managed to get his contact information down
and record the whole encounter. A few days later, he mailed the
reel to Alarcón back in Mexico. The recording met and surpassed
Alarcón’s expectations. It was a done deal. Just a couple of weeks
later, Joselito and his brother, Roberto, were repatriated and began
working on Santa in the newly built studios of the Compania Na-
cional Productora de Peliculas.
Santa was premiered in 1932, in Mexico City’s newly renovat-
ed Cine Palacio. The Palacio was finished in 1924 and renovated in
the late 1920s to screen sound films. But what did this renovation
consist in? Did sound film technology affect the architectural lan-
guage or style of movie theaters beyond the necessary adjustments
to their interiors? Interestingly, the renovations to the Palacio were
also external: the theater perhaps had to send the message to its
audiences that they were fully committed to modernity and they
were as modern as the technology they housed.
In a comparison of the two façades it is possible to notice some
of the typical changes that architecture underwent during the de-
cade. In the renovated cinema, the straight lines that once met the
pinnacles framing the center façade were replaced by a stepped
rooftop, more typical of the art deco style of the late 1920s in Mex-
ico, making the building look taller and, especially, differentiat-
ing it from the straight-line horizontal façades of both neocolonial
and Porfirean art nouveau architecture. The exteriors of the Cine
Palacio were also conditioned for the more striking form of film
propaganda that started to flourish towards the end of the 1920s,
which often made use of vertical edge-lit signs and likewise used
translation /
the marquee for placing film posters.
There is, unfortunately, little published material about the the-
78
ater’s interior transformation or on what adaptations the film’s
technicians had to do in order to screen Santa in a theater that was
not initially built for talkies. The only mention in publications to
its interior is that it was “modernized”—which probably means
that the art nouveau ornamentation was “upgrade” to art deco (see,
Cine Palacio circa 1924.
Cine Palacio late 1920s.
translation /
79
for example, García 2002). In short: a new technology demand-
ed a new appearance, internal and external. Modernity demanded
an integral makeover, a full translation of a space into its modern
version.
An urban melodrama of sorts, Santa was based on a best-sell-
ing novel written at the close of the nineteenth century by the Mex-
ican writer Federico Gamboa. It tells the story of a woman from
the countryside who arrives in Mexico City and is forced into pros-
titution. Modern Mexico city is portrayed as a threatening, cruel
space, where well-intentioned people are treated harshlly. As the
critic Joanne Hershfield writes regarding Santa, “the film affirmed
the conservative discourse that idealized tradition […] and criti-
cized the modern paradigm of progress” (Hershfield 2006, 268).
It is somewhat interesting, in this light, that the storyline chosen
to inaugurate the Mexican talkie—a format using technology that
was spearheading modernity and progress—should come from a
conservative nineteenth-century novel. It is also interesting that
this conservative film was screened in a newly renovated, modern,
art-deco movie theater. What can we make of the apparent décal-
age between a movie and the theater that screened it?
It must be noted that the example of the conservative Santa
screened in the modern Palacio is by no means an exception. Most
commercial movies made in Mexico during the 1930s—and well
into the 1950s, the period in which the country entered its cine-
matographic Golden Age—were no less conservative and tradi-
tionalist. As Hershfield notes, “whether they were set in historical
or contemporary contexts, these films exalted traditional values of
patriarchy, the family, the macho hero, and virtuous, submissive
femininity” (Hershfield 2006, 269). The fundamental reason for
this is that the State was deeply involved in film production and
distribution in Mexico, and therefore also had a “say” in its con-
tent.8 The same is not true of the relationship between the State
and movie theaters themselves.9 Theaters were seen as lucrative
8
As Susan Dever writes regarding the film industry and the star system, “Within Mexico these
stars negotiated a relationship between spectators and the State, indoctrinating viewers in the
rights and duties of Mexican citizenship. (Given the Mexican Government’s subsidy of the film
translation /
industry, making the State the producer of Golden Age cinema, this relationship was particularly
well defined)” (Dever 2003, 12).
9
There is no evidence whatsoever that most film theaters received money from the State, as op-
80
spaces of entertainment, not places destined to educate the Mexi-
can population.
While successful films at the box office were usually the most
conservative ones, Mexican cinemas in the early 1930s tend-
ed toward a gradually increasing radical modernity. They were
more experimental than their content (that is, than the films they
showed), more forward-looking and more committed to a sense
of modernity—however they interpreted this. In other words, if
cinemas in the 1930s pointed toward the future, the content they
screened mostly pointed toward the past. How, then, should we
read the resulting tension? Can it be read as a tension between
form and function? That is, a tension between modernity in form
and conservatism in function? Or perhaps their function was not
at all to conserve values through conservative movies, but simply
to entertain and make money. In that case, how did their form con-
tribute to the parameters and box office exigencies and how was
this, in turn, gauged against the State’s own exigencies regarding
the pedagogic, civilizing purpose of Mexican commercial films?
The phenomenological assumption regarding the interrelated-
ness of an aesthetic experience and the physical aspect of the space
in which such an experience takes place may or may not be entirely
accepted—the degree of the interrelatedness can certainly be ques-
tioned in a space such as a theater, which disappears as soon as the
lights go off and the show begins—but what is unquestionable is
the fact that the architects of movie houses made stylistic choices
which were necessarily tied to a taste informed by a preconception
of what a space such as a cinema should “say” to its patrons.
In his lecture “Of Other Spaces,” Foucault describes the mov-
ie theater as a space that encloses within it a multiplicity of spaces.
He explains the multiplicity of spaces enclosed in a movie theater
posed to hospitals, schools, public housing, stadiums, universities, and public buildings. There
were powerful families in the construction business—the Espinosa brothers, the Alarcóns, and
of course, the controversial American tycoon William Jenkins—who had ties with the govern-
ment and who would eventually hold a monopoly on Mexican film theaters. There were also
politicians involved in theater construction and ownership, such as former president Abelardo
Rodríguez. But none of this means that there was no public money, or at least honestly invested
public money, in the business. Many reasons may explain the absence of the government in film
theater construction and management. The short answer, however, is that theaters simply did
not need it. As opposed to national film production, theaters had plenty of material to screen and
plenty of patrons to entertain—a simple matter of supply and demand.
translation /
81
through the figure of the heterotopia: “The heterotopia is capable
of juxtaposing in a single real place several spaces […] thus it
is that the cinema is a very odd rectangular room, at the end of
which, on a two-dimensional screen, one sees the projection of a
three-dimensional space” (Foucault 1984, 6). But what Foucault
fails to do is to see the “very odd rectangular room” as anything
more than just a box in which the experience takes place. He does
not, in other words, regard the physical space of the theater as any-
thing more than a sort of container. Cinemas, however, are much
more complex in terms of their production of space than an “odd
rectangular room.” The spaces in which films were seen provided
a setting in which the viewers received their dose of entertainment
within the bracket or “slices in time” (Foucault 1984, 6) which the
experience of movie-going entailed.
Palacio Chino late 1930s.
Perhaps the clearest historical example of a conscious stylistic
choice is that of the atmospheric cinemas, which were in vogue in
translation /
movie theater architecture in the United States in the 1920s and
which sought to recreate exotic spaces. Such was the case of the
82
Palacio Chino (built in the late 1930s and inaugurated in 1940),
which featured pagodas, Buddhas, and golden dragons in its par-
ticular rendering of the atmospheric style. It was built in an old
ball court, and designed by Luis de la Mora and Alfredo Olaga-
ray. The critic Luis Helguera describes its interiors as built in “at-
mospheric style, with pagodas, temples, and gold Buddha statues
amid gardens. The ceiling was vault-like, not flat but very arched,
and of course was painted deep blue. The screen was protected by
a heavy black curtain, with Chinese motifs painted upon it. The
screen arch was very heavily decorated, with dragons appearing
here and there” (Heguera).
Mexican architects of the atmospheric style followed the
precept conceptualized by Charles Lee—“the show starts on the
sidewalk.” They had attractive marquees, striking façades, and,
in short, designed spaces that would bolster the “illusion” of the
cinema, where the mind, leaving the real behind, was finally free
to gambol and became more receptive to entertainment. Movie
theaters, as spaces, can then perhaps be seen as a medium that,
due to its “otherness,” helped transmit the illusion of cinema to its
viewers. Whether this otherness was just a gleaming modernity, as
in the case of the Cine Palacio, or whether it was set as an entire il-
lusion, as in the case of the Palacio Chino, the point was that movie
theaters were much more than just “odd rectangular rooms.”
Going back to the question of form and function posed earli-
er, how can we read the coexistence or juxtaposition of Mexican
movies—conservative, and mostly realist and traditionalist—in
these modern, “other” spaces? Perhaps by rephrasing this appar-
ent dichotomy in terms of how movie theaters function as transla-
tion spaces we can make better sense of it. In a “foreign” space of
sorts, in a space that was utterly “other”—due to its modernity, its
ornamental exuberance, or its atmospheric illusions—what peo-
ple went to see was themselves; or even an older, more traditional
version of themselves. A space “outside of time” and “outside of
space”—a modern space of entertainment and illusion—thus func-
tioned, paradoxically, as a sort of mirror of reality. In other words,
a space that was foreign made the domestic visible.
The patron or viewer, upon entering the other or foreign space
of the movie theater, became a translator. A translator of what, ex-
actly? A translator of him or herself for him or herself. The movie
translation /
83
theater, inasmuch as it created an illusion or sense of being else-
where, estranged the patron from his reality and from himself: he
was in a foreign space of sorts. Then, the movie itself—a movie
such as Santa, which in turn realistically depicted the reality “out-
side” the space of the movies—made the patron face him-/herself.
Translation spaces such as movie theaters were not just gateways
for foreign languages and cultures, as I explained in the example
of the Olimpia’s foreign talkie screenings, but also functioned as
mirrors—spaces in which viewers come to see themselves reflect-
ed in that other “version” of themselves in the context or against
the backdrop of a space that was foreign and other, much like the
translator who is always “strabismically” looking simultaneously
at the foreign text and at her or his own. Moviegoers thus travels
outside themselves and outside their domestic, local reality to re-
turn to themselves.
4. New monumentality in the cityscape: building typologies
and the urban layout
By the mid 1930s, the Mexican film sound industry had entered
its Golden Age. The number of films produced in the country had
increased exponentially (see Mora 1989).The same was happening
in many other parts of the world, as the advent of sound film and
the language/translation problems it had created were partially re-
solved by countries creating and investing in their own film indus-
tries and producing films in their national languages.
Paradoxically, however, while the film industry was becoming
more and more fragmented into linguistic regions, the “interna-
tional language” of theater architecture became more and more
consolidated and unified. As the national film industry grew in
Mexico in the 1930s, Spanish-language films were being screened
in spaces that were increasingly trans- or international in terms
of their architectural languages and styles. In this sense, it could
perhaps be said that cinemas internationalized their content, how-
ever “local” it may have been. Spectators seeing a movie about
the most local of themes—be it the Mexican Revolution, Mexican
urban poverty, or the Aztec past—were doing so in an interior that
could just as easily be in Vienna, Buenos Aires, or Chicago.
translation /
But what about the relationship of these movie theaters to their
surroundings? That is, how can movie theaters be understood as
84
translation spaces within the urban space they occupied and how
can this relationship shine a different light upon their cultural and
social role? In the 1930s, monumental sound movie theaters began
to be built. These were not just adaptations of older buildings, but
constructions whose function was, from the outset, to house sound
films. Beyond their bold architecture, which contrasted with the
older and more sober buildings in Mexico City and thus set them
apart as grand palaces of entertainment, their monumental size
also marked a dramatic shift in the appearance of the city, which
had always been horizontally low-rise. One of the most interest-
ing examples of modern cinema monumentality was Juan Segura’s
Cine Hipódromo, housed within the Ermita building.
Ermita building circa 1931.
translation /
85
Cine Hipodromo, Ermita building.
translation /
Ermita building circa 1931.
86
The Ermita was a dramatic intervention in the cityscape. It was
the first “skyscraper,” albeit only an eight-story one. Seen from
the acute angle where Revolución and Avenida Jalisco meet, the
building resembles a large ship sailing north. On its ground lev-
el are spaces for small businesses, integrating the street-life into
the building. Along its southern façade, a big entranceway, which
makes resourceful use of the building’s triangular shape, opens
into a cinema. On top of the cinema are three stories of apartments.
Since Segura could not use columns inside the cinema, he had to
think of a way of making sure the structure would support the three
stories above. He therefore opted for structural steel and construct-
ed an innovative steel structure around the cinema in order to se-
cure it from the weight above, as well as to sound-proof it. He also
used reinforced concrete in beam designs and roofs, as well as for
minimal cladding purposes and ornaments—all of which were an
integral part of the building (Toca 1997, 170). Although the Ermita
was finished by 1931, the Hipódromo, did not open until 1936. Its
inauguration poster depicted “the masses” crowding around the
new, towering building.
Teatro Cine Hipodromo inauguration poster, 1936.
translation /
87
Other examples of modernist monumentality were Francis-
co J. Serrano’s projects. He designed and modernized at least ten
cinemas in the 1930s, some of which, in his own words “left be-
hind their jacal [hut-like] appearance and became modern spaces”
(Alfaro 1998, 58). One of his most important buildings, the Cine
Encanto, was inaugurated in 1937, and loomed high above the sur-
rounding buildings of the San Rafael neighborhood. Its art deco
façade featured a heavily lit marquee, an enormous portico, and
a striking sign at the top with the theater’s name written in deco
typography. The vertical cement walls, forming a right angle with
the central area of the façade, accentuate the height of the con-
struction and the stretched glass-block vertical windows through
which the light from the interior shone outwards, thus accentuat-
ing the chiaroscuro suggested by the walls.
The interiors of the Cine Encanto were modern and spare com-
pared to the more lavishly ornamented theaters of the early 1920s.
translation /
Cine Encanto circa 1937.
88
The Streamline Moderne vestibule, with its curving forms, long
horizontal lines, and round ship-like windows can be seen as a
reaction to the earlier sumptuous interiors of movie palaces and at-
mospherics, and a natural reflection of modern architecture’s ten-
dency towards simplicity and economy of space and materials. Its
vestibule, moreover, played with the ambiguous border between
the inside and the outside, by integrating an interior garden and
Cine Encanto (interiors) circa 1937.
Cine Encanto (vestibule).
translation /
89
using openings in the roof to allow plenty of natural light to flow
in during the day or for the night sky to be seen from inside.
One of the most interesting aspects of both Juan Segura’s and
Francisco Serrano’s work is precisely that it raises the question
of how modernity was being interpreted by these “independent”
architects of the new film theaters.10 Segura and Serrano designed
two of the first cinemas constructed specifically as sound cinemas.
These movie theaters were no longer adaptations of constructions
dating from an earlier period, they were not mere “upgrades” from
art nouveau to art deco, and they were certainly not like the opu-
lent, lavishly ornamented atmospheric palaces. Indeed, in the mid
and late 1930s, movie theater architects would draw more and
more on this interpretation of modernity and modernism and move
towards more sober, less eclectic forms, building cinemas devoid
of superficial ornamentation and maintaining a tighter relationship
between form and function.11
But these movie theaters were also imposing new monuments
to modernity, towering high above the city’s older buildings. They
were as much places destined for seeing something (a movie) as
places made to be seen. They were visible from afar; they loomed
large, like the admonition of a possible future city, from below.
These new buildings introduced a new time: the time of the “now”
as a “future.” The time of the thoroughly, universally modern.
If modernist translation practices were a form of foreignization
of the domestic, those new movie theaters, in the local context
where they appeared, must have seemed utterly foreign or oth-
er—not by virtue of bringing in elements from a particular foreign
country or region, as International Modernism and the Stream-
line modern style were in essence extraterritorial, but by virtue
of introducing a foreign time into the city’s traditional time. Their
“otherness” was a “futureness.” If translation is a transportation, a
transference, a carrying over, what these monuments to modern-
ism translated was not any particular content, but the sense of time
itself.
10
By independent, I mean that their work was not, as was the case with so many realms of ar-
chitectural and artistic production—film certainly among them—funded by the Mexican State.
translation /
11
As Maggie Valentine explains, “seemingly anachronistic ornate architecture and design dis-
appeared from the buildings. Both [film and film theater architecture] were stripped of their
artificial decoration in favor of a more honest […]) examination of life” (Valentine 1994, 6).
90
References
Alfaro Salazar, Francisco Haroldo. 1997. Espacios distantes—aun vivos: las salas
cinematográficas de la Ciudad de México. Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma
Metropolitana.
———. 1998. República de los cines. Mexico City: Clio.
Cine silente méxicano/Mexican Silent Cinema. S.v. “Cine Progreso.” http://cinesilen-
temexicano.wordpress.com/?s=cine+progreso.
Dever, Susan. 2003. Celluloid Nationalism and Other Melodramas: From Post-Rev-
olutionary Mexico to fin de siglo Mexamérica. The Suny Series in Cultural
Studies in Cinema/Video and in Feminist Criticism and Theory. Albany: State
University of New York Press.
Foucault, Michel. 1984. “Of ther Spaces. Utopias and Heterotopias.” Translated from
the French by Jay Miskowiec, originally in Architecture /Mouvement/ Continu-
ité (October). Available as pdf download at http://web.mit.edu/allanmc/www/
foucault1.pdf.
García, Gustavo. 2002. “Adiós al Olimpia.” Letras Libres (October): 101–102.
García Riera, Emilio. 1992. Historia documental del cine mexicano. Vol 1. Guadala-
jara: Universidad de Guadaljara.
Heguera, Luis. N.d. S.v. “Palacio Chino.” http://cinematreasures.org/theaters/
13383http://cinematreasures.org/theaters/13383.
Hershfield, Joanne. 2006. “Sreening the Nation.” In Mary K. Vaughan and Stephen
E. Lewis, eds., The Eagle and the Virgin: Nation and Cultural Revolution in
Mexico, 1920–1940. Durham: Duke University Press.
Maland, Charles J. 1989. Chaplin and American Culture: The Evolution of a Star
Image. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press.
Mora, Carl J. 1989. Mexican Cinema: Reflections of a Society, 1896–1988. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
Reyes de la Maza, Luis. 1973. Cine sonoro mexicano. Mexico City: Universidad
Nacional Autónoma de México.
Toca, Antonio. 1997. “Origins of Modern Architecture in Mexico.” In Edward Buri-
an, ed., Modernity and the Architecture of Mexico. Austin: University of Texas
Press.
Valentine, Maggie. 1994. The Show Starts on the Sidewalk: An Architectural History
of the Movie Theatre, Starring S. Charles Lee. New Haven: Yale University
Press.
Venuti, Lawrence. 2000. The Translation Studies Reader. London: Routledge.
Vidal Bonifaz, Rosario. 2010. Surgimiento de la industria cinematográfica y el papel
del Estado de México 1895–1940. Mexico, D.F.: Miguel Angel Porrúa.
translation /
91
Valeria Luiselli was born in Mexico City, and grew up in South Korea, South Africa
and India. She is the author of Sidewalks, a collection of essays, and the internationally
acclaimed novels Faces in the Crowd and The Story of My Teeth. Her work in fiction
has been translated into more than twenty languages, and she has written for The
New York Times, The Guardian, Frieze, Granta, the New Yorker and McSweeney’s. She
holds a PhD in Comparative Literature from Columbia University, and lives in New York,
where she teaches at Hofstra University.
Photo: Zony Maya.
translation /
92
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15523 | [
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] | Translating At the Edge of Empire:
Olha Kobylianska and Rose Ausländer
Sherry Simon Concordia University,
Canada
Abstract: The edge of empire is a mythical place which has inspired the histor-
ical and literary imagination. As the easternmost city of the Habsburg Empire,
Czernowitz was a product of a particular kind of border culture, one which sus-
tained an intense relationship with the German language. In the multilingual
matrix of the years leading to the collapse of the Empire and during the interwar
period, translational relationships were developed through German. The cases
of the Ukrainian writer Olha Kobylianska and the German-Jewish poet Rose
Auslander are considered here.
The edge of empire is a mythical place that has long stimulated
the historical and literary imagination. The Roman Limes—which
encompassed a vast area that included Britain (up to its northern,
Atlantic reaches), continental Europe right across to the Black
Sea and down to the Red Sea, and North Africa as far west as the
Atlantic coast (see http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/430)—probably
provide the most pervasive material traces of the walls, ditches,
forts, fortresses, watchtowers, and civilian settlements that sepa-
rate Empire from its barbarian outside. But the waxing and waning
of innumerable empires over the course of world history—from
the Greek and Mongol to the Habsburg, British, and Ottoman em-
pires—have offered an abundant supply of objects and narratives,
images and fantasies, a recent example of which is the Star Wars
game called “The Edge of the Empire.”
An expression of imperial power at its highest point (bringing
the full might of military force to bear against the enemy without),
the edge of empire is also, because of its physical distance from
the imperial center, a place where identities can become diluted,
where the precise dividing line between inside and outside can be-
come troubled. This paradox is richly exploited in J. M. Coetzee’s
translation /
93
1980 novel Waiting for the Barbarians. It tells the story of a dis-
abused middle-aged magistrate who chooses to end his days in a
lazy imperial outpost, spending his free time carrying out his own
archaeological digs.
Largely indifferent to the bellicose aims of his military superi-
ors, he comes under suspicion of collusion with the enemy. He has
excavated a cache of slivers of wood that all seem to have some
sort of message written on them, but the writing is ancient and im-
penetrable and he has been unable to decipher the message. When
he is forced, however, to provide the meaning of these writings,
now considered crucial evidence, the magistrate suddenly finds
words to transmit the messages he reads from the slips: appeals
from barbarian prisoners to their families—intimate and immedi-
ate and alive.
Through his “translation,” the magistrate transforms the bar-
barians from aliens into individual beings. He blurs the line that
separates the enemy from the citizen, and he opens gaps in the Em-
pire’s line of defense. And in fact the Empire never does achieve
victory. The barbarians simply lure the army out into the desert
and then vanish. Faithful to the genre of “the barbarian and the
frontier”—classically drawn by Dino Buzzati in The Desert of the
Tartars and powerfully evoked by Cavafy in the poem also called
“Waiting for the Barbarians”—the barbarians in Coetzee’s novel
are elusive. The moment of direct confrontation, feared and de-
sired, never comes. The link between present and past, self and
other, suggests Coetzee, is an imaginative leap, a gesture of volun-
tary projection.
Coetzee’s novel will be our entry point into another site of
translation at the edge of empire. This is the city of Czernowitz (to-
day’s Cernivtsi in Ukraine), the most easterly city of the erstwhile
Habsburg empire. Abundantly mythologized as a border city, as
a cultural bulwark against the alien forces from the east, the city
provides rich material for a study of translational forces. Its geo-
graphical situation but also its cultural vocation as a border city
during the period of the military collapse and the reorganization
of the Habsburg border lands offers a singular viewpoint onto the
work of translation at the edge of empire. In what follows, I will
translation /
examine the work of two Czernowitz authors—Olha Kobylianska
(1863-1942) and Rose Ausländer (1901-1988)—as translators of
94
their border city. Like Coetzee’s magistrate, they find the borders
enacted by translation to be shifting and elusive. To translate at
the edge is to be especially aware of the ways in which boundaries
can accentuate or attenuate difference. Political borders hyposta-
tize cultural and linguistic differences, while geographical borders
often show difference to be gradual. The multilingualism of border
zones problematizes the activities of translation as source–target
transactions. Whether applied to a huge geographical expanse or
to the microspaces of the multilingual city, the operations of trans-
lation at the border are shaped by the special pressures of the in-
terzone. This means that the frames of language exchange must be
recast to respond to more subtle understandings of the relation be-
tween language, territory, and identity. How do the competition and
animosities, but also the shared references that inevitably flourish
in multilingual geopolitical contexts, shape translation (Meylaerts
2013)? Languages that share the same terrain rarely participate in
a peaceful and egalitarian conversation: their separate and compet-
ing institutions are wary of one another, aggressive in their need
for self-protection. Cultures of mediation are shaped by the social
and political forces which regulate the relations among languages.
Building the bulwark
Today the Bukovina is largely situated in Ukraine. From 1774 until
1918, this area was the easternmost edge of the Habsburg empire
that the emperor Joseph II consciously and vigorously constructed
as a buffer zone in order to protect his territories from Russian
and Ottoman expansion (Colin 1991, 7). He actively promoted the
settlement of Germans from Austria and southwest Germany, as
well as the Germanization of Ruthenians and Roumanians, the two
largest language groups in the Bukovina.
Over the course of the nineteenth century in particular, for
both German-language empires (the Prussian and the Habsburg),
“the East” exerted tremendous fascination. From 1848 to 1918,
central Europe was crisscrossed by conflicting imperial projects,
each marked by its own real and imagined borders and the constant
pressure to defend newly conquered expanses of territory. The ar-
eas that became known as the “eastern Marches” were increasing-
ly important in public consciousness. The term “March”—origi-
nally indicating the border provinces of the Carolingian Empire,
translation /
95
granted a privileged political status in order to fulfill their duties in
defending and expanding the Empire’s boundaries, and used only
sporadically in the first half of the nineteenth century—became a
catch-phrase (the OstMark) after 1848 (Thum 2013, 44–59). And
in the second half of the nineteenth century, a new kind of highly
ideologized novel later called the Ostmarkenroman emerged, pop-
ularizing the idea “that a battle over territory was taking place in
the eastern borderlands between the representations of a superior
German civilization and their Slavic enemies” (Thum 2013, 48).
As Pieter Judson has so convincingly demonstrated, these
border zones were not “natural” zones of conflict, in particular of
language conflict. Beginning in the mid-nineteenth century, they
were, rather, strategically targeted by nationalist ideologists and
enlisted in the struggle for patriotic allegiance (Judson 2006). “Na-
tionalist activists” took every opportunity to transform rural con-
flicts into national ones (10). In particular, campaigns around the
language of schools were used to mobilize energies for nationalist
causes in what Judson calls the “nationalization of the language
frontier” (17).
From 1848 onwards, Czernowitz had an increasingly Ger-
man-language population. Many German-speaking Jews settled in
the major Bukovinian cities and by 1918, 47 percent of the pop-
ulation of Czernowitz was Jewish. “Since Bukovinian Jews were
German-speaking and particularly loyal to the Habsburg monarchy
and instrumental in its expansion in that region, Austrian officials
tended to consider them representatives of the Habsburg empire”
(Colin 1991, 7; see also Hirsch and Spitzer, chapters 2 and 4).
Proof of the importance of Czernowitz for Austria and the German
language came with the founding in 1875 of Franz Josef Univer-
sity—a coveted boost to the intellectual and cultural life of what
was considered by many to be an outpost of imperial life. While
the town had its military garrisons to protect the city from attack,
it also had its linguistic ramparts. By 1875, for example, in order to
conform to the empire’s own language laws guaranteeing the use
of a national language when numbers justified it, Lemberg univer-
sity in the Galician city was giving all its courses in Polish—so
the Empire had to exert its efforts at Germanization elsewhere.
translation /
The university in Czernowitz was the Empire’s first new universi-
ty in fifty years (Judson 2016, 321). The new university, won for
96
Czernowitz over intense competition from other cities—notably
Trieste—was the result of relentless lobbying by a noble landown-
er from Bukovina who argued that only German scholarship could
claim universality and that it would ensure an integrative function
in this multilingual zone of empire (322). The University reflected
the Empire’s broader political and ideological aims.
When in 1866 Austria lost its traditional political hegemony in Germany, the liberal
empire sought a renewed sense of mission in Europe. In the 1870s, the exploration of
cultural diversity seemed to offer the foundations for a renewed Habsburg civilizing
mission directed specifically to eastern and southeastern Europe, including the Bal-
kans. In its earliest incarnation, this new mission for the empire focused its civiliza-
tional energies on the existing crownlands of Galicia and Bukovina. The founding of
a university in Czernowitz in 1875 offered early elaborations of Austria–Hungary’s
new civilizational mission to the east and of it ideology of unity in diversity. (Judson
2016, 318)
It is to be noted, however, that the new university did have the
first professorships of Romanian and Ukrainian literature.
What does multilingual mean?
Like other cities in Central Europe—large cities like Budapest and
Prague (where German was the first, then the second, language) (see
Spector 2000), or smaller cities like Vilnius, Lviv, Riga, Danzig,
Bucharest, Timisoara, Plovdiv, or Trieste—Czernowitz was intense-
ly multilingual. What made Czernowitz different from other cities
in Galicia, where Polish was dominant (for instance in Lemberg or
Vilna), is that there was no one Christian national bourgeoisie which
dominated in Czernowitz. Ukrainians (also known as Ruthenians)
and Romanians were both a significant presence in the city, but the
fact that neither was dominant in the city gave greater prominence
and autonomy to the Jewish, German-speaking, population (Cor-
bea-Hoisie cited in van Drunen 2013, I , 3, 34).
The multilingualism of Czernowitz is today often remembered
in a benign, nostalgic mode. Despite the violence of both World
Wars and the repressive regime which ruled in the interwar period,
memories of pre-World War II Czernowitz are often cast in a very
rosy light—evoking the cosmopolitanism of a lost Mitteleuropa.
Time and again, the character of Czernowitz’s language landscape
is reiterated as a trademark symbol of the city—equivalent to a
translation /
97
landmark or tourist attraction. City guidebooks, postcards, and
similar popular materials praised the coexistence of separate but
happily coexisting ethnic communities. This refrain was accentu-
ated by pronouncements for instance by Rose Ausländer on the
four-languaged town she grew up in (“Viersprachig verbrüderte
Lieder in entzweiter Zeit,” Ausländer 1976, 72) or Paul Celan’s
oft-quoted salute to his “city of books” (Hirsch and Spitzer 2010,
32), or the many memoirs by former inhabitants of the interwar
period that evoke a long period of relative harmony—even against
the backdrop of rising Romanian nationalism and anti-Semitism in
the 1920s and 1930s. In 1908, a visitor to the city, Yitzchak Peretz
(1852–1915 wrote “We stroll in the evening streets, and from dif-
ferent windows the tones of different languages waft out, all dif-
ferent kinds of folk music”, in (Olson 2010, 33). Peretz conveys
what seems to be a conventional aural impression of the city—that
of a harmonious music wafting through the air and captured with
pleasure by the evening stroller.
The myth of Czernowitz that issues from this image of happy
polyphony has increasingly come to be critiqued in light of the
easy idealizations it fosters. This image allowed German-speak-
ing scholars, for example, to have Czernowitz stand as a site of
pre-Nazi German pluralism, a safe haven in German historiogra-
phy (Menninghaus 1999). It promoted a nostalgia industry which
pitted a perfect “then” against the flawed “now,” though little proof
was given beyond the same repeated phrases. A more nuanced por-
trait of intercultural relations is therefore required. What kind of
relations existed among the city’s various language communities?
Following the outpouring of publications which, since the fall of
the Berlin Wall in 1989, has opened research in this area of the
world (see the excellent review of the literature by van Drunen
2013). I will bring translation studies into the discussion. How can
the view from translation illuminate the field of language relations
in the city?
A first move is to view the city not as multilingual but as trans-
lational. What is the sense of this distinction? Multilingualism
calls up a space of pure diversity, a proliferation of tongues and of
parallel conversations, without concern for the interactions among
translation /
these languages. The translational city looks for connections and
convergences across language and communities, connections that
98
indicate direction (to and from which languages) and intensity (Si-
mon 2012). It follows, then, that the translational city is not always
a site of peaceful and friendly transactions. It includes the refus-
al to translate, zones of silence and resistance. And so translation
could be broadly defined as “writing at the intersection of languag-
es,” writing under the influence of, in the company of, with and
often against, other languages. A detailed examination of urban
translation practices, such as those provided in Michaela Wolf’s
pioneering study of translation in the Habsburg monarchy, distin-
guishes between the formal practices of translation dictated by the
Empire’s language laws and the myriad informal practices of trans-
lation which were part of daily life—the domestic servants and ar-
tisans who had to learn to serve in German, the tradespeople who
had to learn German terminology, the informal exchanges through
which children would be sent to neighboring villages of the empire
to learn the languages across the border (Wolf 2012, 2015). Re-
storing multilingual transactions to the streets of Habsburg cities,
showing how these cities were in many ways precursors to today’s
multilingual diasporic and postcolonial cities, Wolf’s study also
confirms that translation practices were dominated by the power of
German and therefore by translation into German. Literary trans-
lation in Czernowitz also followed this pattern. Translation out of
German, however, followed a different path. Whether in relation to
Yiddish or Ukrainian, writers chose not so much to translate works
in that direction as to abandon German in favor of a new writing
language.
Literary interactions
Literary translation was a popular activity in Czernowitz, particu-
larly in the interwar period. In her introduction to a book on Paul
Celan, Amy Colin (1991) details the myriad activities of transla-
tion which were undertaken by the participants in the active literary
milieus of the city. These include Alfred Margul-Sperber’s Ger-
man translations of British (T. S. Eliot), French (Apollinaire and
Gérard de Nerval), and American (Robert Frost, Nicholas Vachel
Lindsay, Wallace Stevens, Edna St. Vincent Millay, and e e cum-
mings) modernist poets as well as American Indian texts. Imman-
uel Weissglas translated Eminescu’s famous poem “The Morning
Star” into German and Grillparzer, Stifter, and parts of Goethe into
translation /
99
Romanian. There was also indirect translation—with Romanian
and Ukrainian poets influenced by German authors and inversely.
Authors writing in German often used motifs from Romanian and
Ukrainian folklore and translated important historical and literary
texts from one language into the other (Colin 1991, 11). The writ-
er who is at once exceptional and yet who best exemplifies the
culture of mediation which issued from the multilingual matrix
of Czernowitz is Paul Celan (Nouss 2010). Celan’s displacements
from Czernowitz to Bucharest to Paris, his poetic memorialization
of the Holocaust, his negation of the German language after the
Nazis, his experiments across and through languages—these mark
his work as uniquely expressive of the Czernowitz legacy, its hy-
perconsciousness of language, of history and of the experience of
literary mediation.
An important trend of the early twentieth century saw many
writers begin writing in German, then turn to their “national” lan-
guage—Ukrainian, or Yiddish. Amy Colin gives the examples for
Ukrainian of Felix Niemchevski, Osip Juril Fed’kovych, Alex-
ander Popovich, and Isidor Vorobkevich, sometimes combining
motifs from German Romanticism with images from Ruthenian
folklore (Colin 1991, 11). To this list she might have added the im-
portant Yiddish-language writers Itzik Manger and Eliezer Stein-
barg—Manger, for instance, carried the German literary form of
the ballad into Yiddish (Starck-Adler 2007, 124–132)—as well as
that of the legendary Ukrainian writer Olha Kobylianska. It is to
Kobylianska’s experience that I now turn to explore the language
configuration of Czernowitz, before examining the work of anoth-
er well-known Czernowitz poet, Rose Ausländer.
Olha Kobylianska
Born into a family who used German as their daily language (her
father was a Ukrainian who worked for the Austrian administra-
tion and her mother was of Polish origin), Kobylianska began her
writing in German and in fact continued to keep a diary in German
for her entire life. She was born and brought up in a small town
not far from Czernowitz, but moved to the city when she was in
her twenties. After “converting” to the Ukrainian national cause
translation /
in her late teens, she began to translate herself into Ukrainian—
sometimes asking fellow authors to help her or receiving editorial
100
help from her publishers. Though she lived in a small corner of the
Ukrainian cultural territory, Kobylianska was very soon in con-
tact with the powerful standard-setters of the Ukrainian literary
establishment. As a young woman writer she was much influenced
by the opinions of these critics, and tried to change her style and
subject matter to suit the left-wing populism that was considered
appropriate. But Kobylianska was continually criticized for the
strains of mysticism and intellectualism which were discerned in
her writing. Though it would be those same qualities of modern-
ism, exploration of the emotions of women and fascination with
art which would endear her to later generations of readers and es-
tablish her as a major figure in Ukrainian literature.
Kobylianska’s writing is difficult to categorize, with its some-
times incongruous mélange of feminism, intricate exploration of
inner sentiments, portrayal of the cruelty of peasant life, and out-
bursts of nationalist rhetoric. Critics are divided as to the elements
of her work that are ironic or parodic and those that convey her
true sentiments. Among her works, “Valse mélancolique” stands
out as a truly radical portrait of women sharing a life together as
artists. Like some of her other stories, this takes place in an ur-
ban setting, recounting the daily life and conversations of women
who have chosen to devote themselves to art rather than to a con-
ventional married life. This story marked a radical beginning for
Ukrainian literature. Kobylianska’s writings move between urban
stories and rural depictions that are gothic in their intensity. In one
story, a wife kills her husband and the children live in terror of
being killed as well—though in the end the story shows sympathy
for the woman browbeaten by the drunken husband. In fact Ko-
bylianska knew both the urban and rural worlds, as she grew up
in a small town, but travelled often to Czernowitz before settling
there. She was involved in setting up the first women’s organiza-
tion in the city—a radical organization from a feminist perspective
but tied to the church and therefore suspect in the eyes of most
young Ukrainian women who preferred to join left-wing social-
ist organizations. Much of her writing associates “German” with
high literature and a genteel life style. As a Ukrainian nationalist,
she supported the Russians and then the Soviets as defenders of
Ukrainian identity against the Austrians and then the Romanians,
and when the Romanians took the city in 1942 she was condemned
translation /
101
to death by hanging. She died before the hanging was to take place.
There is a museum dedicated to her in Czernowitz and the main
street, called the Herrengasse by the Austrians then by the name of
a Romanian writer by the Romanians, is today named after her in
Ukrainian Czernowitz.
Kobylianska was influenced by George Sand but especially by
Nietzsche, a writer she could read and quote in the original Ger-
man—by contrast with her new compatriots who would have had
only secondhand versions.
Kobylianska was the first Ukrainian intellectual to introduce Nietzsche to Ukrainian
readers, incorporating many of his philosophical concepts to her own philosophical
system [. . .] Nietzsche’s association of myth with aesthetic creativity, his statement
that myth is essential for the health of a culture, as well as his call on the “free
spirits” to create this new “ruling idea” by which to live spoke directly to Ko-
bylianska’s dissatisfaction with positivism, rationalism and socialism. (Ladygina
2013, 85)
While many critics disparaged her use of “German technique,”
which in this case included a combination of elements such as in-
tellectualism, mysticism, and estheticism, the writer and feminist
Lesia Ukrainka took the opposite position and praised its influence
on Kobylianska’s writing: “It led you to recognize world literature,
it transported you out into the broader world of ideas and art—this
simply leaps out at once, when one compares your writing with
that of the majority of Galicians” (de Haan 2006, 249).
One could therefore refer to Kobylianska’s impressive output
of novels and short stories in Ukrainian as translational writing—a
product of the particular mélange of cultures particular to the Bu-
kovina and Czernowitz. In turn, Kobylianska translated Ukrainian
literature into German, including the works of Pchilka, Kobryns-
ka, and Ukrainka (Franko 1998). In the case of Kobylianska as for
the many other writers of Czernowitz, the multilingual milieu did
not signify a close interrelationship with all the literary communi-
ties but meant, rather, that writing occurred in the presence of other
languages, in the consciousness of competing literary systems, and
in this case with or against the power of German.
translation /
102
Rose Ausländer
In a prose fragment written in 1971, Rose Ausländer answers the
question, “Why do I write?” with the following reply:
Perhaps because I came into the world in Czernowitz, and because the world in Czer-
nowitz came into me. That particular landscape. The particular people, fairy tales,
and myths were in the air, one inhaled them. Czernowitz, with its four languages,
was a city of muses that housed many artists, poets, and lovers of art, literature, and
philosophy. (Cited in Morris 1998, 59)
Rose Ausländer grew up and began her literary career in
Czernowitz, where she was an active member of the Jewish Ger-
man-language literary community, but left in her twenties to travel
to the US. She spent the war years back in Czernowitz in hiding
with her mother (she was one of the five thousand survivors of the
ghetto, while 55,000 were murdered) and after another almost two
decades of wandering finally settled in Dusseldorf in the 1960s. In
the US after the war, Ausländer began a period during which she
wrote poetry only in English. She later returned to the German
language and has become a well-known German-language author.
Her works are collected in seven volumes, much of which pub-
lished after her death.
The interweaving of diaspora and home, the long wanderings
of much of her life, are reflected not only in the themes of her
writing but in the consequences of the to-and-fro between English
and German. In particular, her exposure to American modernism
resulted in shifts in her formal expression, from a German-inspired
lyricism to an American-inspired modernism.
Ausländer is one of the sources most often quoted in favor
of the image of a peaceful multilingual Czernowitz before the
war. In the poem “Czernowitz Before the Second World War,”
she writes:
surrounded by beech forests. . .
. . .Four languages
in accord with each other
spoiled the air
Until the bombs fell
the city breathed
happily (Ausländer 1977, 6: 348)
translation /
103
Indeed, Ausländer continued to praise the city of her birth and
upbringing, despite the horrors she experienced during the war.
Perhaps because she was always able to keep a distance between
fatherland and motherland:
My fatherland is dead
they have buried it
in fire.
I live
in my motherland
word1 (quoted in Morris 1998, 49)
This motherland is German, the language in which she wrote
all her life, except for a period of eight years, from 1948 to 1956,
when, she says, she “found herself” writing only in English. She
was living in New York, a city where she had previously spent
several years during the 1920s, and perhaps contemplating a con-
version to an American existence. But this period turned out to be
only a hiatus in her writing life, as she later returned to Europe and
to the German language—and most of the English poems were dis-
covered only after her death. Yet these years in English introduce a
significant translational element into Ausländer’s esthetic, a more
precise materialization of the Czernowitz multilingualism, and one
that gave greater heft to the name she seems to have chosen to keep
as hers—the name which belonged to the husband of a short-lived
marriage: Ausländer or outsider. Rose Ausländer owned two suit-
cases that she carried through her lifelong wanderings, and identi-
fied fully with her Jewish identity as someone who has wandered
for hundreds of years, “from Word to Word.”
English was not German, the language of the war. Ausländer
knew Paul Celan from Czernowitz, and met him several times later
on her return trips to Europe—and she surely shared his sense of
the contamination of the German language. English was also the
language of her daily life in New York, of her workplaces there,
and of the modernist poets she read and admired. Ausländer met
Marianne Moore at a writer’s conference in New York in 1956,
and in addition to Moore Ausländer was drawn to the work of Wal-
lace Stevens and e e cummings. These sources allowed her to write
translation /
1
Mein Vaterland ist tot/sie haben es begraben/im Feuer/Ich lebe/in meinem Mutterland/Wort.
104
poetry after years of silence and a personal crisis brought on by the
death of her mother in 1947. Ausländer could return to poetry only
through the oblique angle of another language—one which had not
been part of the “old world” configuration.
In 1956 she began again to write in German, putting together
the shattered pieces of her life through a renewed belief in the
mother tongue. The poetry becomes more angular, less lyrical,
she says that the stars had taken on a new configuration, the flow-
ered words had faded. She uses fewer adjectives, shorter lines, no
rhyme or punctuation, the isolated word taking on new meaning.
The mother tongue takes the place of the mother, the poem a place
of refuge.
But, as Lesley Morris argues, Ausländer’s “return” to German
is less a one-way and definitive embrace of the authentic tongue
than a renewed practice of translation, as she brings back to Ger-
many the long experience of exile, experiencing new forms of dis-
placement within the German-speaking world (Morris 1998, 55).
The sheer number of Ausländer’s poems, which are normally
only some twelve lines long, suggests an esthetic of incompletion,
of relentless recommencing. Ausländer translated some of her
English poems into German, just as she also translated at vari-
ous times in her career the poems of others into German or En-
glish—Yiddish poems by Itzik Manger (1901–1969) into German
and German poems by Else Lasker-Schüler and Adam Mickiewicz
(1798–1855) into English. The fragmented nature of Ausländer’s
various exiles and returns points to a kind of permanent diasporic
state, a Niemandsland of exile, where being at home will always
mean being far away from home. Ausländer’s diasporic life be-
gan before the Second World War, but her poetry was irrevocably
marked by her experiences as a Jew during that period and by the
wanderings which were a result of the destruction of Jewish life in
Czernowitz.
The imaginative world of Ausländer is deeply embedded in
the originary crucible of languages in Czernowitz and marked es-
pecially by one enormous fact: the sudden reversal of meaning
attached to the German language. For this city, so tied to the myth
of the “imaginary West in the East,” German had been elevated
to the status of a religion—an affiliation so intense as to remain
strong even during the Romanianization of the interwar years.
translation /
105
Raised in the adoration of Deutschtum, Czernowitz authors were
forced to see German undergo a spectacular transvaluation of val-
ues—and therefore to revise their relationship to the language. For
Ausländer, following Paul Celan, this meant a mediated relation to
German, one which showed the “home” language to be partially
alien.
Conclusion
The meaning of Czernowitz as a city at the edge of empire is dom-
inated by the history of the significance given to German. The pre-
eminence of the German language, lasting far into the twentieth
century, was central to the writing lives of both Kobylianska and
Ausländer. The historical events which shaped their relationship to
this language were, however, of very different natures. Kobylians-
ka’s literary imagination was shaped in German, and she carried
into the Ukrainian language the sensibility she had first acquired in
that language—both the popular sentimental novels she had read
as a youth and the exalted ideas she took from Nietzsche. At the
same time, her choice to write in Ukrainian was a decision to sep-
arate herself from the German sphere and participate in the con-
struction of a new Ukrainian sensibility. This turn to nationalism
on the contested site of the border city expresses the conflictual
nature of language relations in the border city. That Kobylians-
ka, however, continued to keep a diary in German throughout her
life, testifies to the ambiguities and split allegiances of the private
sphere—where translation became a permanent condition.
Ausländer’s relationship to German was shaped by the Jewish
literary milieu of Czernowitz, by her personal experiences of di-
aspora (before and after the Second World War) and by the Holo-
caust. Ausländer is one of relatively few Jews to have lived through
the Holocaust and to have continued to use German as a literary
language after World War II. (Among the best-known exceptions
are Paul Celan, as noted, and Marcel Reich-Ranicki.) It is surely
significant that both Celan and Ausländer are from Czernowitz.
Certainly her understanding of that language and its cultural affil-
iations were tempered by the multilingual matrix of that city, and
the translational relationships out of which it evolved. Her turn
translation /
away from German, and her subsequent return, her wanderings
and her final settling in Dusseldorf, testify to a difficult relation-
106
ship to language and place—one which nevertheless allowed her
to celebrate her past in the borderlands of the empire.
Kobylianska and Ausländer would not have known one anoth-
er in Czernowitz. They belonged to different milieus and different
generations (Kobylianska was born in 1863; Ausländer in 1901),
though Ausländer would have heard of the more famous Koby-
lianska, her growing literary fame, her persecution and death in
1942. Their careers illustrate the parallel paths followed by the
literatures of the city, each enclosed within its respective liter-
ary languages and traditions. Even today, they are unlikely to be
found in the same anthologies or literary histories. Nevertheless,
both writers defined themselves with and against the German lan-
guage—along the lines of tension that animated the language life
of their common border city.
translation /
107
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Sherry Simon is a professor in the French Department at Concordia University. She
has published widely in the areas of literary, intercultural and translation studies, most
recently exploring the cultural history of linguistically divided cities. Among her pub-
lications are Translating Montreal. Episodes in the Life of a Divided City (2006) and
Cities in Translation: Intersections of Language and Memory (2012), both of which have
appeared in French translation. She has edited or co-edited numerous volumes, in-
cluding Translation Effects: The Shaping of Modern Canadian Culture (with K. Mezei
and L. von Flotow), (2014) and Speaking Memory. How Translation Shapes City Life
(forthcoming MQUP). She is a fellow of the Royal Society of Canada and a member
of the Académie des lettres du Québec. She was a Killam Research Fellow (2009-11)
and in 2010 received the Prix André-Laurendeau from l’Association francophone pour
le savoir (ACFAS).
translation /
110
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15524 | [
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] | Translating Ruins
Alfred Mac Adam Barnard College-Columbia
University, USA
Abstract: This essay explores the relationship between a neo-Latin poem by
Ianus Vitalis and three vernacular sonnets, versions of the Latin original, by
Du Bellay, Spenser, and Francisco de Quevedo. The purpose of the essay is to
ponder the problems and choices that the translators had to resolve in order
to refashion Vitalis. The essay further seeks to show the strangeness of Vitalis’
poem and how his translators effetively created three original poems. This is an
exploration of translation, more concerned with that problematic art than with
the history of the European sonnet.
Writing in 1932 about the numerous English versions of Homer,
Jorge Luis Borges asserts—perhaps ironically though perhaps
not—that the relationship between translations and originals de-
fines the relationship between any text, its myriad literary sources,
and the experiences an author assimilates to produce it. Unlike so-
called originals, translations reveal rather than hide their sources:
“El modelo propuesto a su imitación es un texto visible, no un
laberinto inestimable de proyectos pretéritos o la acatada tentación
momentánea de una facilidad”1 (Borges 1965, 105).
Borges denies original composition, declaring all texts to be
translations and writing (like reading) nothing more than trans-
lating. This anti-Romantic theory of literary creation makes the
juxtaposition of originals and translations complex: we are no lon-
ger comparing the original with an imitation (the translation) but
actually comparing coequals.
Fair enough, but even though Borges deals with English trans-
lations of Homer—the paucity of Spanish translations making his
1
“The model proposed for imitation is a visible text, not an incalculable labyrinth of past projects
or the yielded-to, momentary temptation of an opportune insight.” Translation mine.
translation /
111
essay impossible to write—he does not discuss the role played by
nationality and national language in translation. Why did the En-
glish, century after century, feel the need to translate and retranslate
Homer? And what was the impact of these translations on the his-
tory of English literature? If Borges had elected to study the many
translations of Don Quixote into English, he would have reached
the same conclusions about the relationship between translation and
original; but he might also have noted that the history of the novel
in English was changed because of Cervantes.
Literary history abounds in translations or imitations that some-
how acquire the status of originals. For example, Juan Ruiz de
Alarcón’s La verdad sospechosa, from about 1634, is the basis for
Corneille’s Le Menteur (1644), which in turn spawns Carlo Goldo-
ni’s Il Bugiardo (1750) and Samuel Foote’s The Lyar (1762). Ruiz
de Alarcón engenders not just translations and imitations but an
entire theatrical tradition in four languages and four cultures, each
of which reshapes the original to national tastes. This idea, that
translators would deliberately accommodate a work to a national
language, appears in Alastair Fowler’s Times Literary Supplement
review (April 27, 2012) of a new edition of Gavin Douglas’s 1513
Scots translation of Virgil’s Aeneid. The translation crystalizes the
language into which it is translated, much in the way the King
James Bible or Luther’s translation consolidated English or Ger-
man.
Less important in terms of fixing a national language, but
equally fascinating in terms of the relationship between original
and translation are three sonnets, freestanding works of art in them-
selves, which directly or indirectly derive from the epigram De
Roma (1552) by Ianus Vitalis (1485–1560):
Qui Romam in media quaeris novus advena Roma,
Et Romae in Roma nil reperis media,
Aspice murorum moles, praeruptaque saxa,
Obrutaque horrenti vasta theatra situ:
Haec sunt Roma. Viden velut ipsa cadaver, tantae
Urbis adhuc spirent imperiosa minas.
Vicit ut haec mundum, nixa est se vincere; vicit,
A se non victum ne quid in orbe foret.
translation /
Nunc victa in Roma Roma illa invicta sepulta est,
Atque eadem victrix victaque Roma fuit.
Albula Romani restat nunc nominis index,
112
Quinetiam rapidis fertur in aequor aquis,
Disce hinc, quid possit fortuna; inmota labascunt,
Et quae perpetuo sun agitate manent. (McFarlane 1980, 24–26)2
Vitalis’ poem invites the recently arrived (novus advena) visi-
tor who has come to Rome seeking ancient Rome to learn a moral
lesson: Rome is now nothing but ruins. All that endures is, paradox-
ically, the Tiber: The river flowing like time itself remains, while
the ancient capital of the world is disjecta membra. The elegiac tone
of Vitalis’ poem, enhanced by the repeated “o” in Rome, reflects
the ancient fusion of elegy and epigram—which is to say that by
Vitalis’ time, a neo-Latin epigram was simply a short poem. It
might be of intellectual rather than emotional cast, though there is
nothing consistent or absolute about its subject. Like the sonnet,
the epigram could treat any theme, although concision is one of its
principal features: the verbal economy of Latin would be an ideal
for Renaissance vernacular poets to strive for, especially in sonnets.
That Vitalis’ poem is comprised of fourteen lines is a fascinat-
ing irony. A poem in Latin on mutability that seeks to avoid the mu-
tability of vernacular tongues uses a structure that to Renaissance
readers would immediately recall the sonnet. De Roma is an open
invitation to vernacular translation, and Malcolm C. Smith (1977)
lists over a dozen versions of the epigram. Not all are sonnets, but
those under consideration here adapt Vitalis to that compact form.
The first of the three, a translation of a translation, is Edmund
Spenser’s version of Joachim du Bellay, which appears in his ap-
propriately titled sonnet series The Ruines of Rome (1591). Spenser
obtains that alliteration by not translating the title of du Bellay’s
sonnet sequence, Les Antiquités de Rome (1558)—he changes it
utterly. Antiquités are ancient, but ruines might be recent. While the
name Rome itself implies antiquity, the sack of Rome in 1527 (and
still in living memory in the second half of the sixteenth century) by
the troops of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V certainly created
modern ruins. But setting aside historical anecdote and focusing
2
McFarlane’s version of Vitalis’ epigram is accompanied by Thomas Heywood’s version, from
The Hierarchie of the Blessed Angells (1637). Readers wondering about possible sources for
Vitalis’ epigram might consider an idea in James Nohrnberg’s 1976 The Analogy of The Faerie
Queene. Nohrnberg suggests two passages in Isaiah (34:14 and 13:21–22): “Both of the Isaiah
passages would impress a poet on literary grounds alone; they are supreme in their kind, which
is the elegy over fallen buildings, letterature delle rovine. . .” (236).
translation /
113
exclusively on du Bellay’s words, it is clear that Spenser’s use of
ruins is a transformation, a deviation from the original for rhetorical
effect.
Spenser had been translating du Bellay since before 1569, when
he published translations of both Petrarch and du Bellay. Herbert
Grierson, in the introduction to his seminal anthology Metaphysi-
cal Lyrics and Poems of the Seventeenth Century: Donne to Butler
(1921), the inspiration for T.S. Eliot’s essay “The Metaphysical Po-
ets,” wryly observes: “Over all the Elizabethan sonnets, in greater
or less measure, hangs the suggestion of translation or imitation.”
(xviii) We may confirm his statement by looking at sonnet number
3 (in the 1678 edition):
Thou stranger, which for Rome in Rome her seekest,
And nought of Rome in Rome perceiv’st at all,
These same old walls, old arches, which thou seest,
Old palaces, is that, which Rome men call.
Behold what wreak, what ruine, and what wast,
And how that she, which with her mighty powre
Tam’d all the world, hath tam’d her self at last,
The Pray of time, which all things doth devowre.
Rome now of Rome is th’ only funerall,
And only Rome, of Rome hath victory;
Neought save Tyber, hastning to his fall
Remains of all: O worlds inconstancy!
That which is firm, doth flit and fall away,
And that is flitting, doth abide and stay. (Spenser 1679, 161)
A suitably stern sonnet charged with a chastened Renaissance
sense of fleeting time (wherever I turn my eyes I see nothing but
death and decay), the ephemeral nature of all human creation, and
of course the “mutability” so important to the eponymous “Two
Cantos of Mutability” at the end of The Fairie Queene. Rome is
absent from the “mutability cantos,” but Rome in this sonnet is a
memento mori, so it is no wonder the poem figures among many
similar poems in Spenser’s Complaints Containing Sundry Small
Poems of the Worlds Vanity (1581) “as the Printer gathered them
up” (as he says in the 1678 edition) to capitalize on the success of
The Fairie Queene.
translation /
At the same time, is Rome a suitable subject for an English
Protestant poet? Among the three poets scrutinized here only one is
114
a Protestant, whose only argument, leaving aside the desire to trans-
late du Bellay, could be that the ruins of Rome are a fitting subject
for a humanist lamentation. By the same token, the subject virtually
disappears during the Baroque, just when we might expect to see
it deployed with fervor. None of the poems in Jean Rousset’s 1968
Anthologie de la Poésie Baroque Française exploits this subject
(although it could also be said that the same holds true for Grier-
son’s anthology). So the wars of religion, the English Revolution,
the Reformation, and the Counterreformation efface Rome’s ruins
from poetry, although they turn up again during the Romantic era,
reflecting the Romantics’ antiquarian side.
The next case is Francisco de Quevedo’s 1648 collection, patri-
otically titled Parnasso Español, monte en dos cumbres dividido,
con las nueve musas castellanas, donde se contienen Poesías de
don Francisco de Quevedo Villegas (literally, Spanish Parnassus,
mountain divided into two peaks, with the nine Castilian muses,
which contains poems by don Francisco de Quevedo Villegas). No
ruins or antiquities for Quevedo, just rockribbed Castilian poetry in-
spired by Castilian muses—who, it seems, could inspire translation
as well as original creation. We smile, but Quevedo’s patriotism
reminds us that each of these sonnets brings the subject of Roman
ruins into a national literary tradition by transmuting it into a na-
tional literary form.
The title usually attached to the first poem in this collection is
“A Roma sepultada en sus Ruinas” (To Rome Buried in her Ruins):
Buscas en Roma a Roma, ¡oh peregrino!,
Y en Roma misma a Roma no la hallas:
Cadáver son las que ostentó murallas,
Y Tumba de sí propio el Aventino.
Yace donde Reinaba el Palatino,
Y limadas del tiempo las medallas,
Más se muestran destrozo a las batallas
De las edades que blasón latino.
Sólo el Tibre quedó, cuya corriente,
Si Ciudad la regó, ya sepultura
La llora con funesto son doliente.
¡Oh Roma, en tu grandeza, en tu hermosura
Huyó lo que era firme, y solamente
Lo fugitivo permanece y dura! (de Quevedo 1968, 260–261)
translation /
115
The utterly Baroque de Quevedo is much more specific in his
Roman references, and to the Tiber mentioned by du Bellay and
Spenser he adds the Aventine and the Palatine, two of Rome’s
seven hills, symbols of an antiquity that precedes republican or
imperial Rome, here turned, respectively, into a grave and a corpse.
Joachim du Bellay, in his 1558 collection Les Antiquités de
Rome, is the progenitor of Spenser’s sonnet and the likely source
(along with Vitalis) of Quevedo’s. Du Bellay’s title curiously
echoes the title of Andrea Palladio’s 1554 book Le Antichità di
Roma, though the similarity could hardly be more ironic: Where
du Bellay is concerned with the ravages of time, Palladio stresses
the enduring grandeur of Roman architecture. His text contradicts
the lesson of the three poems and defines the difference between
a humanist literary tradition that more often than not found itself
weeping over the loss of the classical past—whatever that meant
for them—and an architectural present with Palladio endeavoring to
use the Roman past (its architecture specifically) as a steppingstone
to the future.
This sense of the past as a foundation could not be more differ-
ent from the view of du Bellay:
Nouveau venu, qui cherches Rome en Rome
Et rien de Rome en Rome n’aperçois,
Ces vieux palais, ces vieux arcs que tu vois,
Et ces vieux murs, c’est ce que Rome on nomme.
Voy quel orgueil, quelle ruine: & comme
Celle qui mist le monde sous ses loix,
Pour donter tout, se donta quelquefois,
Et devint proie au temps, que tout consomme.
Rome de Rome est le seul monument,
Et Rome Rome a vaincu seulement.
Le Tybre seul, qui vers la mer s’enfuit,
Reste de Rome. O mondaine inconstance!
Ce qui est ferme, est par le temps détruit,
Et ce qui fuit, au temps fait résistance. (du Bellay 1970, 5–6)
All three sonnets are simultaneously the same and different,
translations and originals, and it is here we begin to see the differ-
ence between translation and adaptation, though maintaining that
translation /
distinction is by no means easy. Du Bellay recommends imitation
in his 1549 Défense et Illustration de la Langue Françoyse (as
116
does Sir Philip Sidney in his 1595 Apology), and it may be that we
should understand Spenser more in the mode of imitation rather
than literal translation.
Spenser made his mark on English prosody with the Spenserian
sonnet (ABAB BCBC CDCD EE), but in rendering du Bellay he
falls back on a standard English model: ABAB CDCD EFEF GG.
Du Bellay’s rhyme scheme reflects the sonnet of the French, Span-
ish, and Italian worlds: ABBA ABBA CCD EDE, with two tercets
used variously to summarize or expand the thoughts expressed in
the quatrains. The lapidary couplet of the English sonnet makes it
radically different from the continental sonnet whose often-inter-
laced tercets are an invitation to enhanced complexity rather than
concision. So du Bellay, by using enjambment to link his tercets
and recapitulate the rest of the poem, also, simultaneously, imi-
tates the course of the Tiber as it winds through Rome. Spenser on
the other hand must reach a moral conclusion, which he musically
reinforces with alliteration: “That which is firm, doth flit and fall
away, / And that is flitting, doth abide and stay.”
“Flit” applied to stone buildings seems an unlikely metaphor,
and “flitting” applied to a river seems odd. This is so even though
the OED includes shifting position or passing away among the
verb’s early meanings because flit implies flight and speed, which
the time involved in the erosion of stone excludes.
Du Bellay’s compressed ten rather than fourteen-syllable verses
“Ce qui est ferme, est par le temps détruit, / Et ce qui fuit, au temps
fait résistance” make a more sparing use of alliteration, just enough
to create an ironic juxtaposition of “ferme” with the verb “fuit,”
reinforced by the repetition of “temps” to mark the difference be-
tween that which is destroyed by time and that which, though liq-
uid, resists the corrosion of time. But alliteration and internal rhyme
provide the musical lamentation in both du Bellay and Spenser:
as in Vitalis’ epigram, the “o” in Rome is repeated so often and
echoed in so many other “o”s that the entire poem sounds like a
dirge. (This musicality raises another conundrum: we know how
French, English, and Spanish sound, but for most of us Latin is a
visual language and when spoken pronounced with the speaker’s
own national accent: how would Vitalis’ hexameters “sound” to a
Frenchman?)
Du Bellay’s poem resorts to French commonplaces—for ex-
translation /
117
ample the lamentation “O mondaine inconstance!” (not in Vitalis),
which Spenser translates into English commonplaces “O worlds
inconstancy!” Du Bellay’s disillusioned senior lectures the “nou-
veau venu,” the novice who has come to Rome seeking the Rome
of antiquity and finds only ruins, as if the traveler were ignorant of
Roman history since the fifth century and as if no building had been
erected or destroyed since then. Spenser uses “stranger” to obtain
the same effect—the stranger or foreigner versus the experienced or
native inhabitant—but to modern ears the word suggests a person
unknown to the speaker rather than to the city.
The problem of how to translate “nouveau venu” goes back to
De Roma. Here, as in Mikolaj Sep-Szarzynski’s epigram (in Delitia
italorum poetarum 1608), the novice is referred to as the “novus
advena.” When the dramatist Thomas Heywood (in his 1637 The
Hierarchie of the Blessed Angells) translates Vitalis’ poem, he
coins the awkward “New Stranger” to translate “novus advena.”
Heywood needs twenty-eight couplets to translate Vitalis’ fourteen
Latin verses.
Lost in Spenser’s translation is du Bellay’s manipulation of the
concept so important to the Hispanic baroque: “desengaño,” the
loss of illusion that comes with moral experience, when the scales
fall from our eyes and we see the fallen world for what it is. This
sense is fundamental to the sonnet because of the innocence–expe-
rience relationship between the newcomer and the speaker.
Quevedo, perhaps reflecting a Counterreformation sensibility,
transforms du Bellay’s “nouveau venu,” Spenser’s “stranger,” and
Vitalis’ “novus advena” into a “peregrino.” The word had various
meanings in seventeenth-century Spanish: as an adjective, it sug-
gests the bizarre or exquisite; as a noun, it may mean a traveler
abroad or a pilgrim traveling to a shrine. Quevedo’s choice of the
term creates an ambiguity: Catholic pilgrims would visit Rome, the
heart of the Church, but they would certainly not be looking for an-
cient Rome, and in fact the ruin of the ancient city would constitute
a triumph, malgré Saint Augustine, of Christianity over paganism.
So “peregrino” here cannot be a pilgrim and is, once again, a senti-
mental humanist who for some reason thinks contemporary Rome
ought to look like ancient Rome.
translation /
The second verse becomes more precise in Quevedo.
Du Bellay says, “Et rien de Rome en Rome n’aperçois” and
118
Spenser follows: “And nought of Rome in Rome perceiv’st at all.”
Spenser’s “at all” is simply an emphatic line-filler, as is du Bellay’s
use of “n’aperçois” rather than a simple “see.” Quevedo’s visitor
comes looking for Rome in Rome and doesn’t find it—“Y en Roma
misma a Roma no la hallas”—rather than du Bellay or Spenser’s
stranger who can’t perceive it.
In the third and fourth verses of the first quatrain, Quevedo
Latinizes his word order in a daring use of hyperbaton: “Cadáver
son las que ostentó murallas, / Y Tumba de sí propio el Aventino.
The surprise of a singular noun followed by a plural verb obliges
us to see the verse rather than hear it: “cadáver” starts the poetic
clause and “murallas” ends it, but what Quevedo wants us to see is
the equivalence: the walls are a corpse. The effect would, of course,
be lost if the phrase were regularized: Las murallas que ostentó son
cadáver (the walls it boasted are a corpse). The next verse follows
suit, with “tumba” and “Aventino” thrown into opposition.
The second quatrain, much more restrained syntactically,
simply amplifies the first. The Palatine lies supine where it once
ruled, the medallions, carved in relief but now worn away by time,
look more like the wreckage of the battles of the ages than Latin
glory. The poem loses energy but recovers it in the intertwined
tercets.
Quevedo innovates daringly by abruptly changing tenses.
Where the quatrains are all in the present tense, the first tercet in-
troduces a past preterit, which, curiously, makes little sense here:
“Sólo el Tibre quedó” (only the Tiber remained), which, if it once
bathed (regó) the city, now weeps for it as a grave. Again, Quevedo
uses his first-and-last words to achieve drama: city is played off
against grave. And the Tiber (none of the translations uses Vitalis’
alternative Albula for the Tiber), now back in the present tense,
weeps with a “funereal, dolorous sound”.
Quevedo uses the final tercet much in the way Spenser would
use his final couplet. He resorts to apostrophe, addressing Rome
(and turning away from the “peregrino” in the first verse) to point
out that what was solid has fled and only that which is fugitive re-
mains and endures. The phrase “en tu grandeza, en tu hermosura”
(in your grandeur, in your beauty) is amplification, a delaying tactic
that helps us savor the antithesis of a hardness (stone) that disap-
pears, while what remains is flowing water. Naturally, the final verb
translation /
119
“dura” (endures) echoes the adjective “duro” (hard) so, in enduring,
the water acquires a lexical hardness.
Compared with the first-person sonnet “Salmo 17,” (“Miré los
muros de la Patria mía”), which approaches the tension of “meta-
physical” poets like Donne in its amalgamation of ideas and feel-
ings, Quevedo’s version of du Bellay’s sonnet seems fraught with
syntactical flourishes that weaken rather than strengthen the poem.
And “Salmo 17” is as much an imitation or translation as his re-
working of du Bellay since it derives directly from Seneca’s Epistle
XII to Lucilius. Quevedo’s concluding address to Rome, the most
striking innovation within the framework of the two “translations”
of du Bellay (and Vitalis) distracts the reader much in the way a
bad detective writer’s introduction of a new character late in the
plot is a nasty trick.
The subject of the three poems, the moral lesson to be learned
from a consideration of Rome’s ruins, simply lost relevance in the
seventeenth century—Quevedo himself does not seem to have re-
visited the city in any of his sonnets, and it is conspicuously absent
from the sonnets of his rival Luis de Góngora. The Renaissance,
humanist tradition of lamenting the lost past was lost, especially
because of the prime importance of Rome as capital of the Catholic
Counterreformation.
The three sonnets here provide a rare opportunity to see three
great poets working at translation. Du Bellay fits Vitalis into a well-
wrought sonnet with compressed ten-syllable verses that Spenser,
overcoming the vast difference between two sonnet traditions,
transforms into a perfect English sonnet, while Quevedo seeks to
infuse it with the glitter of the Spanish Baroque. Quevedo, perhaps,
is the most successful because of his greater specificity and his bold
use of antithesis. And yet we sense, as we do not in Quevedo’s
reworking of Seneca into a Spanish sonnet with hendecasyllabic
verses, the working-through of an exercise, that du Bellay is refit-
ting a shopworn Renaissance conceit, that Spenser is trying, suc-
cessfully, to transform a continental sonnet into an English sonnet
while retaining the sense of the original. Quevedo seems to have
attempted to improve on his sources, and may well have done so,
even though he is recasting material long out of fashion.
translation /
Du Bellay, Spenser, and Quevedo, all working with Vitalis’ ep-
igram as a distant source, produce new poems appropriate for their
120
language and culture, but none replicates De Roma in a vernacular
language. Borges’s conclusion about the many translations of Ho-
mer into English rings true here as well: “The concept of the de-
finitive text belongs only to religion or fatigue.” Translation means
commitment to time and place and like the Tiber flows infinitely.
translation /
121
References
Borges, Jorge Luis. (1932) 1965. “Las versiones homéricas.” In Discusión. Buenos
Aires: Emecé Editores.
de Quevedo, Francisco. 1968. Obras Completas I, Poesía Original. Edited by José
Manuel Blecua. Barcelona: Editorial Planeta.
du Bellay, Joachim. (1558) 1970. Œuvres poétiques II. Les Antiquitez de Rome. Edited
by Henri Chamard and Henri Weber. Paris: Librairie Nizet.
Grierson, Herbert, ed. 1921. Metaphysical Lyrics and Poems of the Seventeenth Cen-
tury. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
McFarlane, I. D. 1980. Renaissance Latin Poetry. Manchester: Manchester University
Press.
Nohrnberg, James. 1976. The Analogy of The Faerie Queene. Princeton: Princeton
University Press.
Rousset, Jean. 1968. Anthologie de la Poésie Baroque Française. Paris: Librairie
Armand Colin.
Smith, Malcolm C. 1977. “Looking for Rome in Rome: Janus Vitalis and his Disci-
ples.” In Revue de littérature comparée. Octobre-Decembre, 51 (4): 510-527.
Spenser, Edmond. 1679. The Works of that Famous English Poet, Mr. Edmond
Spenser. London: Printed by Henry Hills for Jonathan Edwin at the Three Roses
in Ludgate Street.
Alfred Mac Adam, professor of Latin American literature at Barnard College-Colum-
bia University, has translated works by, among others, Carlos Fuentes, Alejandro
Jodorowsky, Julio Cortázar, Jorge Volpi, Mario Vargas Llosa, and Fernando Pessoa. His
most recent critical essay, on Fernando Pessoa, appears in the Cambridge Guide to
Autobiography.
translation /
122
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15525 | [
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] | Interview: translation speaks to Lydia Liu
translation assistant editor Carolyn Shread met with Lydia Liu in New York City
on the occasion of the annual Nida Research Symposium on September 25, 2015.
The theme of the symposium was “Untranslatability and Cultural Complexity”
and Dr. Liu gave a fascinating and timely talk on “Translation Theory in the Age
of Digital Media” with a response by Mary Louise Pratt. The other speakers at
the symposium were Michael Wood and Philip Lewis. After the day of talks, Dr.
Liu found time to sit down to answer the questions below, some of which were
prompted by her article on “The Eventfulness of Translation: Temporality, Difference
and Competing Universals” that appeared in Issue 4 of translation. It was an honor
and pleasure to continue the conversation in this way, weaving together thoughts
from the panels and Liu’s innovative approach to translation. It was particularly
encouraging to hear about how, having distanced herself from translation after a
perceived lack of receptiveness to her initial ideas, notably the proposal of a guest/
host paradigm as an alternative or supplement to the source/target dichotomy,
when she published Tokens of Exchange: The Problem of Translation in Global
Circulation (1999), Liu has since returned to the field. As someone positioned within
the U.S. academy with an Asian perspective and understanding of the history of
translation, Liu’s contributions are especially valuable for offering cross-cultural
perspectives on translation which, ironically, can be so very culturally constrained.
In her research, Liu is perhaps most compelling in her dissections of the ways in
which translation has the power to decenter canons and question imperialism and
its effects. Her analyses draw on historical context and material culture to produce
new and exciting insights, for instance in her comments here on the history of
scripts and their relation to translation practices and effects. This interview acts as a
hyphen between Liu’s proposals published in the Politics issue and her forthcoming
article that will appear in Issue 7.
CS: In addition to your position as Professor in the Humanities in the Department of
East Asian Languages and Cultures and Director of the Institute for Comparative
Literature and Society at Columbia University, USA, you are also founding direc-
tor of the Tsinghua–Columbia Center for Translingual and Transcultural Studies
at Tsinghua University in Beijing, China. I’m intrigued by the title of this center:
do “translingual” and “transcultural” exhaust the concept of translation for you?
Do they overlap with translation? By discussing these two terms, I’m hoping we
might have an insight into how you conceive of translation.
LL: The center’s name indicates a certain direction of my work
that dates from twenty years ago when I published Translin-
gual Practice, which thinks about a national literature though
its multilingual, multicultural connections. It was not just an
attempt to critique nationalism: I tried to demonstrate that if
you were to take out all the so-called “foreign” elements from
modern Chinese, you would not be able to speak. That is the
translation /
123
magnitude of what I was trying to point out—not only at the
level of vocabulary, at the level of syntax, but also at the level
of genre, intellectual discourse, political theory. . .
CS: And at the level of the script?
LL: And at the level of the script, too, because in the twentieth
century there were a number of major campaigns to eliminate
Chinese characters and replace them with Roman scripts. The
“Latinization” or “Romanization” movements were happening
all around the world, including in neighboring Korea and Ja-
pan. In colonial Vietnam they succeeded because the French
crafted their Romanization system so as to get rid of the Chi-
nese characters used to write Vietnamese. That move was rep-
licated in China. There was a point in the twentieth century, in
the 1920s and 1930s, when all progressive intellectuals were in
favor of Romanization. This would have led to the elimination
of Chinese characters, cutting the writing system off from its
own history, scholarship, and literature in the same way that
Turkish nationalist language reform succeeded in eliminating
Arabic script, replacing it with the Roman script. The failure of
the Romanization movement in China preserved Chinese liter-
ature and its history of writing, but this doesn’t mean that there
was no room to incorporate foreign words and neologisms—
often via Japanese—into the Chinese script.
CS: Often these types of movements emerge because there is a technological shift.
Was this linked to a particular moment in history where a certain technology
was driving this change?
LL: Yes, absolutely. First it was the telegraph, which implied the
need to do something about the Chinese script because there
is too much information to send, and the telegraphic code re-
quired simplification. But more importantly it was the intro-
duction of the typewriter that put a lot of pressure on all East
Asian societies to reform their scripts. It is interesting that the
misrecognition of the typewriter and its limitation led to polit-
translation /
ical campaigns that targeted the native script in China, Japan,
and many other places as a backward writing system. Progress
124
meant forward looking, efficiency, rapid literacy and educa-
tion, so the national elite believed that their language or their
writing systems were backward and must be replaced. They
overlooked the limitation of the typewriter and focused on the
perceived constraints of the writing system. In hindsight, it
was the technology of the typewriter that was backward since
it was incapable of processing nonlinear characters. They went
so far as to design a number of models for Japanese and Chi-
nese, but these were clumsy. In the 1970s, the Japanese mo-
nopolized the manufacture of the fax machine, which could
reproduce both graphs and letters. The fax machine made them
realize for the first time that it was not the writing system—it
was the backwardness of the machine itself that was to blame!
The typewriter was too simple to reproduce something that the
fax machine could easily capture, and now, of course, the com-
puter can do even better. Today, nobody would even bring up
Romanization issues in China or elsewhere because the com-
puter is so advanced in terms of its input methods and its abili-
ty to process large quantities of information, whether visual or
alphabetical.
CS: My second question is about how you have recently been framing translation
as a political problem in your work, notably in your article in the Politics and
Translation issue (Issue 4) of this journal. Could you talk about the way politics
contributes to the way you think about translation?
LL: I have always been unhappy with the way translation studies
have been conceptualized. From the mid-1990s I distanced my-
self from translation studies because I thought it was too con-
straining—for instance, the source/target language distinction
which I tried to refashion as a distinction between host language
and guest language in Translingual Practice—but nobody
seemed to pay attention. Then, when I did my research on the
Opium Wars, especially treaties and international law, and saw
how central translation was to imperial politics, it became clear
to me that translation could provide an illuminating angle for un-
derstanding international politics. For instance, one of the chap-
ters in The Clash of Empires looks at how the British included an
article in the 1858 Sino-British treaty at the Second Opium War,
translation /
125
Article 51, which outlaws a Chinese character. It’s pronounced
yi—at that time written as i, Romanizing it—and it is the Chi-
nese character that the British translated as “barbarian,” arguing
that the Chinese called the English barbarians on the evidence of
that character. After establishing the translation or the semantic
equivalence which I dispute in my book, they relied on the un-
equal treaty to forbid the Chinese to use the character. Of course,
they did not outlaw the other side of the equivalence, the English
word “barbarian” that they continued to apply to the Chinese. A
fascinating story, isn’t it? Amitav Ghosh’s recent novel Flood
of Fire draws on the research from my book and retells this sto-
ry of translation from the Opium War. I sometimes wonder if
there are any similar legal prohibitions against other people’s
words elsewhere in international relations, other attempts to kill
a native word through translation. The Chinese word (yi) was
killed after the Opium War and hasn’t been used for more than
a hundred years.
In The Clash of Empires I also look at how a text in interna-
tional law was translated into Chinese for the first time and
fundamentally prepared the ground for modern political theory
in China. Many familiar modern Chinese concepts—including
“sovereignty” and “human rights”—were first coined in the
1864 translation called Wanguo gongfa from the Elements of
International Law by American legal scholar Henry Wheaton.
This was the first international law book introduced to China or
East Asia. The Japanese relied on this Chinese translation to gain
an understanding of the modern world and used it to refute the
West’s extraterritorial demands on Japan, as well as justify their
own annexation of Korea and Taiwan. I took that translation as
a triple event: a textual event, a diplomatic event, and an episte-
mological event, anticipating the global importance of sovereign
rights and human rights in the twentieth century. In short, the
event of that translation did not just “happen” in 1864 and it has
traversed a temporality that spans our own times.
CS: I’d like to ask about another element in the title of your article in translation: the
phrase “competing universals.” Since today at the Nida Symposium the theme
translation /
was “Untranslatability and Cultural Complexity,” how would you articulate com-
peting universals and untranslatability?
126
LL: It’s only when you begin to worry about the whereabouts of
meaning that untranslatability becomes a central concern. The
idea of “competing universals” emerged out of the research
I did in the archives of the UN to reopen the moment when
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was being drafted.
That document was initially conceptualized as the “Interna-
tional Declaration of Human Rights.” In the process of drafting
it, the UN Commission on Human Rights decided to change
the word “international” to “universal” in the title to empha-
size the moral and philosophical importance of the Declara-
tion. One question that I like to put to my students and others is
this: do you think the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
is a Western document? Without thinking twice, most people
answer yes. This reaction says something about where the uni-
versal lies in most people’s minds. My answer is that, on the
contrary, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is NOT
a Western document. This conclusion is based on my research
on the minutes, summary reports, and a lot of other UN archival
material as well as the secondary studies of the drafting of the
UN document. For instance, Article 1 includes the term “con-
science” and it is English, but if you look at the discussions
that went on behind the scenes, there was a Confucian concept
proposed by the Vice-Chair of the UN Drafting Committee, P.
C. Chang, who worked closely to craft the document with El-
eanor Roosevelt, the Chair, along with a number of other dele-
gates from Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Chang was the one
who proposed that human attributes should not just be defined
as reason, but must also include ren, a written character from
Confucian philosophy that consists of a human radical plus
number two, which Chang rendered as “Two-man minded-
ness” whereas I would translate the character as “the plural hu-
man.” Chang tried to explain the word in a way that would help
the committee members reground the idea of human rights in
the plurality or sociality of human beings, rather than in indi-
viduality. There is a fundamental difference between the two.
I see Chang’s move as proposing a competing universal. Some
people might object that Chang’s stance was merely nationalis-
tic, but this is not the case because the Confucian classics were
translation /
127
the shared legacy of many societies across East Asia, including
the Japanese and Koreans and Vietnamese who all contributed
to the study of Confucianism in the past. Confucianism was
one of the civilizational resources that P. C. Chang tried to mo-
bilize. He made many other contributions—for instance, his
refusal to let a Christian understanding of natural rights be the
dominant, determining factor in the definition of rights. Theo-
logical terms were debated and some terms were taken out.
Conscience—an inadequate translation of the Chinese, ren—
was eventually added. This drafting process staged a play of
competing universals among the delegates from many coun-
tries around the world. Let’s not let this document be taken as
simply a European-inspired, or American-inspired, document.
My argument in the essay is that if you look at the actual day-
to-day debates at the UN on concepts—very important con-
cepts that we tend to associate with the Western tradition of
human rights today—you would be surprised to find multiple
contributions, not only from a Confucian humanist like P. C.
Chang, but also from feminist activists, Latin American legal
traditions, and Islamic traditions. I conclude that the Declara-
tion of Human Rights is not a Western document but a docu-
ment that registers competing universals.
CS: I have another question about the notion of “eventfulness.” I’d like to quote one
of your phrases from a footnote in your article, in which you suggest that rather
than “an endless rehashing or deconstruction of the biblical story” of the Tower
of Babel, it might be more productive to think about translation in terms of an
event. I wonder if you could talk about this, perhaps relating it to the way that
you have discussed the history of translation in specific contexts, such as the
Afro-Asian Writers Conferences?
LL: Eventfulness helps me in my attempt to work out the tempo-
rality and spatiality of the act of translation. Translation is not
just reduced to one instance of textual transfer, based on a com-
munication model—which I reject—or a theological model,
concerned with the fulfillment of meaning, since hermeneutics
is still part of that tradition. How can we radically reconceptu-
translation /
alize the problem of translation in terms of its situatedness in
time—whether we call it history or not—and place, where it
128
happens? Eventfulness might help us grapple with this prob-
lem if we were not to think of translation as merely a textual
event going after meanings across languages. If we were to
think of it, for instance, in terms of the Afro-Asian Writers’
Conferences and the multiple translation projects they carried
out, through journals, correspondence, conferences, collabora-
tions across many divides, then translation is something else
as well—it may inhabit multiple temporalities. I want to free
us from thinking of it merely as one time, one place, with its
significance limited to whether one gets the meaning or not. To
open it instead to the multiplicity of texts, open it to interpreta-
tions, open it to other temporalities. Some people argue that the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights was simply crafted by
an international elite, and that it didn’t really mean much at that
time, in the Cold War. But you never know its mode of exis-
tence. Human rights can be appropriated in any given instance
and can generate surprising modes of survival. For instance, in
the 1930s human rights discourse was mobilized in China to
fight fascism when the nationalist government was rounding
up Communists and leftwing intellectuals and putting them in
jail, but in the Cold War it was mobilized to fight Communist,
totalitarian regimes. So it never had a stable meaning. While
the Declaration of Human Rights gave us a blueprint, the in-
terpretation itself varies from place to place, time to time, and
so I grant the concept itself a certain mobility, an openness to
other languages and other intellectual traditions. Eventfulness
allows these temporalities to give any particular text a new
mode of life in a new language. That’s how I wanted to take
translation in the direction of eventfulness and then to identify
its political mode of being.
The kind of translation work that took place among those who
participated in the post-Bandung Afro-Asian Writers Confer-
ences is a good example of this. There was a tremendous ef-
fort to collaborate across nations and they produced so much—I
think in my article I mentioned one instance of the translation
of some of the writers from Africa, such as the Nigerian writ-
er, Chinua Achebe, who was known in the 1960s and 1970s as
an Afro-Asian writer—he was not primarily thought of as an
Anglophone writer, as we call him now in Anglo-American ac-
translation /
129
ademia. I have become wary of the imperial reappropriation of
Afro-Asian writers as Anglophone writers, as Francophone writ-
ers. . . What does this mean? They disavow that earlier history,
the Afro-Asian writers’ solidarity and their mutual translations
and wipe it out by incorporating them into English departments,
or Francophone departments, across American and European
universities. Today the teaching of Afro-Asian writers is redis-
tributed among these departments, but in the recent past the writ-
ers belonged together in a mode of political solidarity.
CS: Today in your lecture you touched on la petite lettre. Since I understand that you
are working on psychoanalysis, translation, and media studies, I was hoping for
a few comments on these new directions in your thought.
LL: The Freudian Robot didn’t really focus on translation, al-
though translation was part of it. For instance, the translation
of Lacan into American academia is a fascinating story that I
dug out when I was writing the book. What puzzled me was
that Lacan’s reading of Poe’s “Purloined Letter” has been in-
terpreted by American translators and American literary critics
and theorists as something entirely different from what Lacan
was actually doing. I traced that to the Yale French Studies
(No. 48, French Freud: Structural Studies in Psychoanalysis
[1972], 39–72) translation of Lacan: they eliminated a third of
Lacan’s original essay, which dealt with cybernetics and infor-
mation theory, and thereby created something called French
theory. The United States has been fabricating French theo-
ry for some time—even today with the translation of Barbara
Cassin’s Dictionary of Untranslatables! I looked at the Cold
War situation during which disciplines did not speak to each
other in the United States, but Lacan himself read across the
disciplines. He was reading Freud along with cybernetics—so
how did we miss this? Using Lacan as an example—but he
was not the only one—I point out that there is an economy of
translation: French theory has been manufactured by American
academia through translation.
translation /
CS: In 2013 you published The Nesbitt Code in Chinese, which has not yet been
translated. Would you consider translating it?
130
LL: Last month when I was in Beijing, a friend of mine asked me
the same question: whether I would consider rendering it into
English. I feel ambivalent about this. The main reason is that
I wrote this book as part of a collective effort among Chinese
writers to rethink the political history of the twentieth centu-
ry. I was involved in a three-year-long Indian–Chinese writ-
ers’ conversation and I consider myself as a writer in Chinese.
The Nesbitt Code—a kind of pseudodetective novel—emerged
out of that conversation because I was very interested in the
way that Chinese and India poets and novelists remembered
their histories. I wrote the book to reflect on the history of the
twentieth century, starting with the Russian Revolution and the
writers who went into exile, connecting the life stories of these
people to reflect on the legacy of the Chinese Revolution. I’m
not sure that people in the West are very interested in the psy-
chic aspect of the Russian Revolution and the Chinese Revo-
lution, whereas in China this resonates because it’s their lived
history. Since the Revolution ended in failure, there’s a great
deal of melancholy and soul searching in China, a lot of pain
associated with that history and many personal tragedies. But
a question persists: why did so many intellectuals and scien-
tists—Chinese, British, Russian, and others—rally around the
idea of the Revolution? It’s something one cannot brush aside.
I wrote this book to confront that question. What has deterred
me from translating it into English is that the readership of
English language publications is only interested in testimonial
literature against the Communist regime. That’s why I hesitate.
This melancholy story about the fundamental homelessness of
modern intellectuals and the tragedy of the Revolution is not
something that would resonate with publishers in the West.
Look at how they talk about China! They talk about the hor-
rors of the Cultural Revolution in the same breath as they talk
about the Holocaust and are only excited by the evils of Com-
munism. What do they know? Next to nothing! But I’m not
at all interested in telling them what transpired in the Cultural
Revolution. For the most part, the reading public in the United
States and Europe only seek repeated confirmation of the supe-
riority of their political system, the superiority of their culture,
and superiority in general. They are not interested in learning
translation /
131
about the difficult existential decisions that faced intellectuals
in other parts of the world from the First to the Second World
War and all the way to the Cultural Revolution. So you see
where my difficulty lies.
CS: Maybe it’s not for them. But what about in India? Have you thought of this,
since the book came out of these exchanges? In that context do you think there
would be an interest?
LL: Maybe, there will be an interest when another worldwide rev-
olution looms on the horizon or a new generation of the intel-
ligentsia is born. Translating the book into English for my In-
dian friends who actually asked for it would make good sense.
That would be a compelling argument. Maybe I should have it
translated into English, not for North American and European
or British readers but for other English language readers. I’ll
give it some thought.
References
Liu, Lydia H. 1995. Translingual Practice: Literature, National Culture, and Trans-
lated Modernity. China 1900-1936. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
––––. 2004. The Clash of Empires: The Invention of China in Modern World Making.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
––––. 2010. The Freudian Robot: Digital Media and the Future of the Unconscious.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
––––. 2013. The Nesbitt Code (六個字母的解法 non-fiction, in Chinese) Hong
Kong: Oxford University Press.
Lydia H. Liu is a theorist of media and translation living in New York. She is Wun
Tsun Tam Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and has published on
literary theory, translation, digital media, Chinese feminism, and empire in English and
Chinese. Her English works include The Freudian Robot: Digital Media and the Future
of the Un- conscious (2010), The Clash of Empires: The Invention of China in Modern
World Making (2004) and, more recently, a coedited translation with Rebecca Karl
and Dorothy Ko called The Birth of Chinese Feminism: Essential Texts in Transnational
translation /
Theory (2013).
132
| Unimi Open Journals |
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] | Introduction
After an interruption of almost two years, due to a change of
pub-lisher and additional complications, I am delighted to
announce that translation: A transdisciplinary journal is back—
stronger and better than before. Thanks to a collaboration with
the publisher Eurilink University Press located in Rome in Italy,
we are finally able to take up all the threads we had fashioned
and, more importantly, are creating anew.
We owe all our readers sincere apologies for the inconvenience
this delay has caused many of you—readers who have been wait-
ing for new articles and issues to peruse; authors who have been
waiting to see their articles published; subscribers who have paid
to receive the journal in print, online, or both; the community fol-
lowing us online. Thank you for your patience and faith in our
shared project that is translation.
To get back on schedule as soon as possible, we will be pub-
lishing issue 6—a special issue devoted to Memory and guest edit-
ed by Bella Brodzki and Cristina Demaria—immediately after the
present one.
Before I introduce the exciting content of this issue, let me pres-
ent a few new entries and changes in the journal’s staff. Carolyn
Shread (Mount Holyoke College, USA) is the journal’s new assis-
tant editor, and Giuliana Schiavi and Salvatore Mele (both Scuo-
la Superiore Mediatori Linguistici, Vicenza, Italy and members of
FUSP—Fondazione Universitaria San Pellegrino) are new mem-
bers of the editorial board. In truth, they are not really new, since all
three have served at the journal since 2014; but this is the first time
they are officially connected to a new issue of the journal, and are
presented to the readers. It is also thanks to Carolyn, Giuliana, and
Salvatore that the journal is now reappearing.
Loc Pham Quoc (Hoa Sen University, Vietnam), who has al-
ready appeared in the journal as author, will in the future serve as
translation /
9
the journal’s new reviews editor. He will be responsible for the
reviews published on the journal’s website (translation.fusp.it).
Reviews will include not only books, but also events, conferences,
and other initiatives and publications related to translation.
I look forward to a stimulating collaboration with these four
fine scholars and friends. (Please find their bio presentations in the
last pages of this issue, and on the journal’s website.
A journal’s board is important to establish its editorial identity,
to guarantee continuity, and to conceive innovative and original
issues, but what gives a journal its body is its content. This is en-
sured by the authors and their articles and contributions, and I am
proud to present this new issue’s particularly strong and innovative
content.
First of all, we are happy to continue the tradition of hosting
lectures presented at the yearly Nida Translation Studies Research
Symposium in New York. The current issue is therefore publish-
ing Bella Brodzki’s “Autobiography, Memory, and Translation”
and Suzanne Jill Levine’s response, “Autobiography/Translation:
Memory’s Losses or Narrative’s Gains?” It is a particular pleasure
to include these two scholars’ contributions, since both serve on the
journal’s advisory board and have sustained the journal since its
foundation. From the same symposium, we also publish an article
by Christi Merrill presented below.
Bella Brodzki’s point of departure is a strong statement: She
argues that “autobiography is a modality of translation” since it
translates “experience.” The autobiographer, in other words, is a
“translator of her own life experience or past, whose meaning is
created through the interpretive act of remembering.” Brodzki’s
essay develops ideas presented in her groundbreaking Can These
Bones Live?: Translation, Survival and Cultural Memory (2007),
in which she so convincingly demonstrates how connected mem-
ory and translation are, since all translations reconfigure, redefine,
and excavate a past, relying on memory and remembering. As
mentioned above, Brodzki will be developing the theme of Mem-
ory for our next issue as guest editor with Cristina Demaria. In
this issue she looks at one special form of memory—autobiogra-
phy—and analyzes three very different examples of autobiography
translation /
and their special mode of creating a memoir, conceived here as a
self-reflexive mode of translation. The subject of autobiography is
10
therefore both a translator and a translation; the autobiographee is
being displaced, carried over, “shifting shape and form, becoming
other to herself.”
As the translation process of the psychic content of self-re-
flection and memory is a characteristic for autobiography, and
“all memory is mediated and motivated,” Brodzki turns to Freud,
electing him as a guiding spirit in her inquiry. Freud, himself a
paradigmatic figure of translation, provides an interpretive frame-
work for her analysis. The role of autobiography and translation in
Freud is present in the essay as a kind of fil rouge, and, as Suzanne
Jill Levine puts it in her response to Brodzki, “Autobiography and
Translation come together logically and intuitively in Freud whose
early work as a translator helped create his career as a scientist and
hence the persona whose theoretical work was practically based on
autobiographical as well as clinical reflection.”
Brodzki’s first example is Nabokov’s Speak Memory, a book
that in itself is particularly interesting also because it is a result
of multiple translation processes between Russian and English.
Brodzki’s next example is the Guadeloupean author Maryse
Condé, whose texts are translated into English by her transla-
tor–husband Richard Philcox. Here, Brodzki demonstrates how
the couple “enact the ongoing, defining, and productive tension
within translation studies, of the paradox of untranslatability
on the one hand, and translatability on the other.” Alison Bech-
del’s graphic memoir, Fun Home: A Family Tragicomic (2006)
is Brodzki’s final example of another variation on the theme of
“how techniques of translation are implicated in the act of mate-
rializing, textualizing, and visualizing the autobiographical sub-
ject.”
In her response to Brodzki’s lecture, Levine draws attention
to parallels between autobiography and biography, asking wheth-
er both of these forms of biographical writing, as well as other
forms of narrative—fictional and nonfictional—can be considered
as having a translational nature. “Are we perhaps speaking of a
translational paradigm for narrative in general?” she asks.
Analyzing the case of Dalit literature, “a phenomenon in and
of translation,” Christi Merrill suggests we “think more carefully
about the relationship of translation studies to postcolonial theo-
ry.” Her article explores the ways Dalit consciousness is a multi-
translation /
11
lingual issue, connecting it to the multilingualism that is so central
in India that one can speak about a “translating consciousness”
consisting in an “‘open’ daily negotiation along a continuum of
mutual understanding.”
Let me add a personal note here: for me, as a European grow-
ing up in an ideologically monolingual society, going to India for
the first time last year to attend the international conference on
Plurilingualism and Orality at the Indraprastha College for Wom-
en, University of Delhi, organized by Babli Moitra Saraf, one of
our board members, and with the participation of this journal, it
was an incredible surprise to experience how people used several
languages simultaneously in a continuous translation movement.
It struck me that if the dominating Eurocentric Translation Studies
discourse had looked further outside its boundaries, and specifical-
ly to the Indian tradition, it would have developed very differently
and might have freed itself from the shackles of a binary hierarchy
grounded in monolingualism, and the very idea of one necessary
original of which any translation is derivative would not have had
such a dominating position. The “translating consciousness” of
which Merrill speaks is inherently multilingual, which automati-
cally opens an alternative vision of what translation is about.
In regard to Dalit literature, Merrill demonstrates how this
multilingual negotiation is all but simple and peaceful; rather, it
is connected to domination and repression. Since the language of
dominance is predicated on caste, Merrill agues the translating
consciousness is a more complex one then the colonizer–colonized
binary.
Merrill’s interesting contribution originated as a response to
Robert Young’s lecture “Freud on Translation and Cultural Trans-
lation” at the same New York symposium at which Bella Brodzki
presented her paper. Young’s lecture—not included in this issue
since it was committed to another publication—was dedicated to
the concept of translation in Sigmund Freud’s work. Merrill works
Young’s thematics into the problematic of the translating con-
sciousness of Dalit literature in fascinating ways. For instance, in
discussing catharsis as a multilingual project, she creates a parallel
to Freud’s idea of psychoanalysis as a translation not only into an-
translation /
other language, but as a translation of the unknown.
If the job of the psyche is to “translate” or displace traumatic
12
experience into a language foreign to the individual subject, the
work of psychoanalysis is then to interpret that idiosyncratic lan-
guage and “de-translate” it back into a language shared with the
analyst.
Merrill also sees clear parallels between the idea of cultural
translation as explained by Young and Dalit literature, in that “it
offers, for example, a possible way of reading the invisible, the
subaltern.”
Valeria Luiselli’s essay “Translating Talkies in Modernist
Mexico. The Language of Cinemas and the Politics of the Sound
Film Industry” represents a new and innovative way of looking
at how translation may occur through cultural models such as ar-
chitecture and movies, and how different “translation practices”
represent cultural production and exchange. She tells the story of
when the first talkies appeared in Mexico, and analyzes the way
in which the introduction of sound movies represented a twofold
translation, both spatial and cultural. In examining the arrival of
sound film technology, Luiselli looks at the relationship between
“the modern architectural language of movie theaters and some
of the dominating cultural politics of the burgeoning sound film
industry in Mexico.” Her question is whether there was a conso-
nance or a dissonance in the relation to the discourse of modernity
between sound film technology and architectural perspective, and
how they contributed to the formation of ideas of modernity. What
emerges is that modernist translation was actually “a way of ap-
propriating new forms and thus a creative locus of innovation.”
Luiselli discusses different forms of translation, from dubbing and
the politics of film translation to the movie theaters as concrete
spaces of translation, or even as translators, thus operating with a
refreshingly broad concept of translation.
Although Luiselli’s essay does not discuss this theme, I would
suggest that this modernist translation practice was particularly
prosperous in South America. The parallels between the thinking
on translation expressed by authors such as Borges, De Paz, and
especially Haroldo de Campos with his idea of translation as tran-
creation and even “irreverently amorous devouring,” invite further
investigation.
Luiselli describes the fascinating story of how Spanish-speak-
ing dubbers and voice actors were introduced in Hollywood films
translation /
13
to counter the threat of English-language domination not only with
their voices but also with “their entire body.” The introduction of
American films in Mexico was complicated, however, and all man-
ner of different options were explored in the process—including
subtitling, dubbing, simultaneous “remakes,” and printouts of film
dialogue. All of this cinematic innovation took place in buildings
that were also subject to translational practices, such as the famous
Teatro–Cinema Olimpia, for example, which was originally a con-
vent. This movie theater plays a central role in the introduction—
translation—of the modern experience to the Mexican audience,
and was, in Luiselli’s words, a “translator made of concrete and
stone.” Luiselli’s essay anticipates and opens a discussion that will
be pursued in the future issue of this journal devoted to spaces and
places, guest edited by Sherry Simon and Federico Montanari.
Enquiries about translation in connection to places are also
present in Sherry Simon’s essay “At the Edge of Empire: Rose
Ausländer and Olha Kobylianska,” in which she examines “the
work of translation at the edge of empire” through the two Czer-
nowitz authors—the Ukrainian Olha Kobylianska (1863–1942)
and the German–Jewish Rose Ausländer (1901–1988) viewed as
translators of their border city. Luiselli’s broad concept of transla-
tion, applied to cultural practices and movements, are developed
by Simon in other both social and physical directions, for instance
in the political and geographical borders of a multilingual city.
To translate at the edge of empire—of which Czernowitz is
an example in relation to the translational relationships developed
through German—is to be especially aware of the ways in which
boundaries can accentuate or attenuate difference. Political borders
hypostatize cultural and linguistic differences, while geographical
borders often show difference to be gradual. The multilingual-
ism of border zones problematizes the activities of translation as
source–target transactions.
Drawing on a suggestion in Coetzee’s novel Waiting for the
Barbarians, in which the distinction between enemy and citizen,
alien and human beings is blurred, Simon looks at “another site of
translation at the edge of empire,” a border city that has represent-
ed a wall against the alien, discovering similar elusiveness and in-
translation /
stability of the borders. Czernowitz is intensely multilingual with
the particularity of German as prominent and autonomous, and no
14
language apparently dominating over the others. In the search of a
more realistic—and less idealized—understanding of the multilin-
gualism of Czernowitz, Simon starts by defining it as translation-
al, thus underscoring the “connections and convergences across
language and communities” that might be much less peaceful and
friendly than expected.
Literary transactions express this translational terrain, and one
of them is the tendency among many authors at the beginning of
the twentieth century to move away from German to other minor
languages. One such writer is Olha Kobylianska, who embraced
the Ukrainian national cause and translated her texts from German.
Her writing can be referred to as “translational writing—a product
of the particular mélange of cultures particular to the Bukovina
and Czernowitz.”
The other author analyzed by Simon, Rose Ausländer, on the
contrary, “returns” to German after her permanence in the writing
in English. But this choice “is less a one-way and definitive em-
brace of the authentic tongue than a renewed practice of translation,
as she brings back to Germany the long experience of exile, expe-
riencing new forms of displacement within the German-speaking
world.”
The eternal question of the relation between original and trans-
lation is discussed in Alfred Mac Adam’s “Translating Ruins.” In
an interesting perspective, he analyzes three sonnets that are direct
or indirect derivations of Ianus Vitalis’ (1485–1560) epigram De
Roma (1552) on the theme of Rome’s ruins. The “poem is a fasci-
nating irony,” Mac Adam argues: “A poem in Latin on mutability
that seeks to avoid the mutability of vernacular tongues” results in
vernacular translations and imitations of which there exist over a
dozen.
The three sonnets compared by Mac Adam are Joachim du Bel-
lay’s 1558 version and the two of which is progenitor or source,
namely Edmund Spenser’s 1591 version of Joachim du Bellay and
Francisco de Quevedo’s 1648 sonnet. The three sonnets are “si-
multaneously the same and different, translations and originals”
while they are in different relations to the distinction between
translation and adaptation. They are all new poems, “appropriate
for their language and culture, but none replicates De Roma in a
vernacular language.”
translation /
15
Each of translation’s issues includes an interview. We are hap-
py to continue this tradition since interviews permit a different
form of reflection from essays in that they are dialogic, “thinking-
out-loud” texts. Lydia Liu—who has already published an article
with us in our special issue on Politics guest edited by Sandro
Mezzadra and Naoki Sakai (issue 4) and who will be present in a
future issue (issue 7) with the lecture she gave at last year’s New
York symposium—was interviewed by Carolyn Shread, transla-
tion’s assistant editor. In the course of their conversation, Liu’s
work against nationalism emerges as a strong starting point for
her thinking on translation, which in many respects runs count-
er to current ideas circulating in translation studies. Not only vo-
cabulary, but intellectual discourse, political theory, and script are
among the “foreign” elements that interrogate national literature
and national identities in general. Script, and the technology con-
nected to its reproduction such as the telegraph and the typewriter,
actually “put pressure on all East Asian societies to reform their
scripts.” The paradox consists in the fact that the typewriters’ lim-
itations “[l]ed to campaigns that targeted the native script [. . .] as
a backward writing system.”
In regards to Liu’s ideas on the political dimension of trans-
lation, this conversation with Liu offers an excellent explanation
of the ideas she expressed in her article in issue 4 of this journal:
Liu recalls her research on the Opium Wars through which she
discovered how translation “could provide an illuminating angle
for understanding international politics.”
Contrary to what people generally think, Liu argues that the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights is not a Western docu-
ment. It is, rather, a document that registers “competing univer-
sals.” According to Liu, translation is an event, not just reduced to
one instance of textual transfer, and needs to be reconceptualized
in terms of situatedness in time and place. “Eventfulness allows
temporalities to give any particular text a new mode of life in a
new language,” she argues.
I hope you enjoy reading this issue’s articles!
SN
translation /
16
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15516 | [
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] | Autobiography, Memory, and Translation
Bella Brodzki Sarah Lawrence College,
USA
Abstract: The article traces a range of ways in which autobiography (self/life/
writing) and translation are mutually implicated in processes of displacement,
recontextualization, mediation, and even comparison. Freud, paradigmatic fig-
ure of translation and archeologist of memory, is the guiding spirit of this study.
Its broad psychoanalytic framework situates three exemplary autobiographi-
cal narratives and the modes of translation they perform: Vladimir Nabokov’s
Speak, Memory, Maryse Condé’s La vie sans fards, and Alison Bechdel’s Fun
Home.
The point of departure of my talk today is that autobiography is a
modality of translation. Both autobiography and translation propel
change, involve movement, recontextualization, mediation, even
comparison. What is aptly named and fits under the rubric of auto-
biography—meaning self/life/writing—refers to a broad range of
self-referential maneuvers and practices, and is at base a Western
genre predicated on a notion of the individual self as at once au-
tonomous and relational, and capable of being both “the observing
subject and the object of investigation” (Smith and Watson 1998,
4). Autobiography claims a venerable and variable tradition that
begins roughly with St. Augustine’s conversion narrative Confes-
sions and includes slave narratives, testimonios, and such recent
examples of the Küntzlerroman as Patti Smith’s Just Kids. A useful
working definition (if joyfully and consistently revised) of autobi-
ography for scholars in the field comes from Philip Lejeune: “a ret-
rospective narration produced by a real person concerning her/his
own existence, focusing on the development of her/his own life, in
particular the development of her/his personality” (Lejeune 1989,
4). What the French theorist calls “the autobiographical pact” is
the assurance given the reader by the signature on the autobiogra-
translation /
17
phy’s cover that the author, the narrator, and the protagonist of this
narration share a common identity. Autobiography—or what is re-
ferred to quite commonly, in the wake of post-Enlightenment the-
ories of the subject and postcolonial discourse, as “life writing” or
“life narrative”—is, in any case, not limited to the written, but can
be performative, visual, filmic, or digital. What is interesting in all
modes of life narrative is that the referential relationship between
the origin and the translation, as it were—as well as between the
autobiographer and the reader—is contractual.
Please keep in mind as well that even, or especially, in autobi-
ography studies, the very elements that comprise the constellation
of self/life/writing are all culturally contested and problematized
today. Put another way, and critical rigor notwithstanding, the va-
lence of the various theoretical terms relevant to the autobiograph-
ical enterprise, including such marketplace labels as “memoir,”
changes depending on the specific discursive context. Much can
be at stake ideologically, at least for literary critics and scholars
of autobiography; what is a nuanced distinction in one instance is
a major conceptual marker in another, a most obvious example of
which being the ontological/epistemological difference between a
“self” and a “subject”. The former term has metaphysical conno-
tations, the latter is a discursive construction, and my view lies
somewhere between the two—I don’t link “selfhood” with pleni-
tude, transcendence, or authenticity, but nor do I consider the “I” to
be merely a linguistic effect. How terms are implemented and in-
terpreted, then, is itself a matter of translation, and heavily depen-
dent on reception, on audience, on readership. Though I will use a
variety of terms today, most of which are modifiers of “self,” this
is not an indication of their interchangeability within a prescribed
category or lexical field; rather it is an effort on my part to gesture
towards the richness of the genre and its ongoing generativity.
Returning to my opening assertion that autobiography is a
modality of translation, let us consider that the autobiographer or
producer of an autobiographical event is engaged in a process of
subjective displacement, a carrying over of an idea or a notion
of a life and/or selfhood. In the act of being inscribed or narra-
tivized, the autobiographer is being translated. Being translated
translation /
for an autobiographer means shifting shape and form, becoming
other to her/himself, as s/he distinguishes her/himself from others
18
through language. Another critical dimension of the autobiogra-
phy/translation nexus is that translators inscribe their subjectivity
into their versions, most acutely, into the views on translation they
espouse and the strategies they deploy. Just as the autobiographer
is reading herself/himself otherwise, so is the translator inscribing
herself/himself through an other’s voice and text, into another lin-
guistic or signifying form. To write is to be written, to narrate is to
be narrated, to translate is to be translated.
In my talk I shall be exploring a few of the myriad ways a
subject verbalizes, materializes, and textualizes the process of
self-analysis, self-reflection, and self-inscription in both autobiog-
raphy and translation, as reflections on each other. I do not mean
to suggest, however, that the self—as source material—is a giv-
en, that it is transparent to itself, or that it is anterior to any act
of interpretation. Precisely, I shall explore how various facets of
the translation complex play out in three dissimilar and distinctive
autobiographical projects. My literary examples are modern and
contemporary, yet they differ widely from each other. As a com-
paratist, I take seriously the conceit that seemingly strange juxta-
positions can be most productive and illuminating. My first liter-
ary example is text based: Russian polyglot Vladimir Nabokov’s
exemplary, self-translated autobiography Speak, Memory (1947).
The second concerns the intriguing and divergent autobiographical
positions of Guadeloupean author Maryse Condé and her British
translator–husband Richard Philcox regarding their embedded sit-
uation (although I will make some reference to La vie sans fards,
published in 2012, her most recent, and as yet untranslated autobi-
ography), where most of my commentary will concern them as a
translation couple and its implications for the global literary mar-
ketplace. The third is also text based, but transgeneric: American
cartoonist Alison Bechdel’s graphic memoir Fun Home (2006). In
each case, the autobiographer is implicitly, and often explicitly—
depending on the various modes and languages involved—a trans-
lator of his or her own “life experience” or past whose meaning is
created through the interpretive act of remembering.
As a paradigmatic figure of translation, Freud is my guiding
or informing spirit into this area of inquiry: Freud as an object of
translation; as a translator himself; and as a theorist, especially
in the early essay “Screen Memories” (1899), in itself a selection
translation /
19
of his own childhood recollections, disguised in dialogic form.
The translation history of the writings of Sigmund Freud is one of
the most fascinating, controversial, and overdetermined instanc-
es of the power of a particular translator to influence indefinitely
a target culture’s reception of a major body of thought. As some
Anglophone readers of Freud are aware, the copyright on James
Strachey’s twenty-four volume Standard Edition expired in 1989,
provoking debates worldwide on the consequences of retranslating
Freud’s works, not only for those reading in English, but in all
foreign versions, since many are translations from the English and
not the original German. On the one hand, Strachey’s monumen-
tal endeavor has been admired for its homogeneous lucidity and
consistency; on the other, it has been excoriated for effectively in-
tegrating and synthesizing what Freud left fragmentary and “pro-
cessive,” most glaringly for imposing Ancient Greek and Latin ter-
minology onto everyday German words in the service of making
Freudian discourse sound more “scientific.” Even as Freud (and
his daughter Anna) approved of Alix and James Strachey’s, along
with Ernest Jones and A. A. Brill’s, systematizing of psychoanalyt-
ic terminology, however, he continued up until his death to use the
same rich range and variety of ambiguous, and often contradictory,
terms to describe the most elusive and intimate workings of “psy-
chic life”—as he had always done.
At the risk of committing the intentional fallacy, can we in-
fer that Freud privileged dissemination over fidelity in translation,
that his conception of language as figurative and fluid, and transla-
tion as a pervasive medium of human experience, was broadly in-
tercultural and transhistorical, consonant with his desire to attract
the widest possible foreign readership for his radical creation—
psychoanalysis—thus securing its status in history, as he put it, as
the third revolution, after those of Copernicus and Darwin? As we
well know, if it is almost impossible to overstate Freud’s influence
on modernity, it is not in the realm of science that he made his im-
pact (though this may be changing again, as neuroscientists uncov-
er the brain’s relationship to the unconscious), but in the domain of
culture, and the individual’s relation to it, as evidenced by the way
those very archaisms for which Strachey was criticized have infil-
translation /
trated every aspect of our speech. All the more interesting, then,
that the Freud who is universally invoked is, in fact, linguistical-
20
ly and culturally specific. As the essays in Darius Gray Ornston
Jr.’s edited study Translating Freud show, many of the challenges
raised by translating Freud are not only theoretical or conceptual
in nature, but have to do with his extraordinary gifts as a stylist
who enjoyed and exploited the rhetorical, aesthetic, and expressive
qualities of language, especially that of his native German, which
was inflected by his inveterate erudition and cosmopolitanism.
Freud was an autobiographer, too, drawing on his own inte-
riority as a source text to be interpreted and analyzed as he wres-
tled with his developing “science of the mind“ (Freud 1995a, 30),
whose purview, he claimed, was no longer only psychopathology,
but its relevance to what we now call “the neurotic normal.” He
wrote “An Autobiographical Study” in 1924, at the age of six-
ty-eight. An account of the internal development of psychoanal-
ysis as well as its external history (Freud 1995a, 30), the autobi-
ographical essay was published as a contribution to a volume of
“self-portraits” by prominent physicians. Far less personal than his
case studies, his correspondence with Fleiss, the seemingly minor
“Screen Memories” (1899), the monumental The Interpretation of
Dreams (1900), or The Psychopathology of Everyday Life (1901),
“An Autobiographical Study” is nonetheless a revealing document
and has substantial explanatory power. Freud used this essay as an
occasion to present an introduction or overview of his ideas as they
evolved, and of their reception in the international scientific com-
munity. As a self-portrait of the investigator, it tempts the reader to
surmise that in Freud’s mind “la psychanalyse, c’est moi!”
Translation is central to the story Freud tells. In the early days
of his career, he recounts, the planes shifted considerably when,
as a foreign student and auditor in Paris, he offered to translate “a
new volume of [Charcot’s] lectures into German.” Freud translated
not only the third volume of Charcot’s Lessons on Diseases of the
Nervous System (1886) and Tuesday’s Lessons at the Salpêtrière
(1887–1888), but five entire books in all, from French and English
into German. Though he had a position as a lecturer in pathology
in Vienna, it was his work as a translator that gained him entry into
Charcot’s circle of personal acquaintances and full participation in
the activities at Salpêtière Clinic (Freud 1995a, 6).
According to Patrick Mahony, “Freud made translation a uni-
fied field concept” (Mahony 2001, 837). Mahony elaborates that
translation /
21
in psychoanalysis the patient may be psychically conceived as a
succession or accumulation of translations, with the analyst as-
suming the complementary role of a translator. By means of trans-
lations—psychic material is itself already a translation in need of a
second order translation—“the analyst effects a translation of what
is unconscious into consciousness” (Mahony 2001, 837); that is,
dreams translate what the dreamer dreams to what the dreamer re-
members and reports, translates from mental image to verbal nar-
ration. Mahony also gives the following specific examples of what
Freud deemed to be translations: dreams; generalized hysterical,
obsessive, and phobic symptomatology; parapraxis (this term for a
slip of the tongue is itself a wonderful example of a Strachey clas-
sical archaism); fetishes; the choice of suicidal means; and the an-
alyst’s interpretations (Mahony 2001, 837). Freud’s autobiograph-
ical study is also a form of translation of his life and career as a
scientist and a defense, even an apologia, of his intellectual legacy.
I hope that these broad psychoanalytic insights will provide us
with an interpretive framework for thinking figuratively and rhe-
torically about the autobiographers and translators we are about to
discuss.
Vladimir Nabokov
Nabokov’s Speak, Memory (1947) is a virtuosic synesthetic, trans-
lingual, transmodal, transcultural performance. I will barely pierce
the surface of its many layers and textures today. By making the
reader of the foreword privy to the many stages of rewriting,
reframing, and recasting of what he calls “a systematically cor-
related assemblage of personal recollections ranging geographi-
cally from St. Petersburg to St. Nazaire, and covering thirty-sev-
en years, from August 1903 to May 1940” (Nabokov 1947, 9),
Nabokov might be giving us too much, before the first page of
the autobiography proper has even been accessed. The detailed
paratextual information, much like the exquisite meditation on
the nature of a privileged life as only a consummately privileged
polyglot consciousness could render it, is daunting and some-
what overwrought. Translated into French, German, Spanish,
and Italian by other translators, Nabokov explains that “for the
translation /
present, final edition […] I have availed myself of the correc-
tions I made while turning it into Russian. This re-Englishing of
22
a Russian re-version of what had been an English re-telling of
Russian memories in the first place” (Nabokov 1947, 12–13) is
likened to the kinds of multiple metamorphoses familiar to but-
terflies, but previously untried by humans. If in the foreword he
posits himself as remarkable among his species, those very liter-
ary and linguistic feats are grounded in a principle of translation
that treats every change in form as a new thing to be celebrated,
but not at the expense of preserving or immortalizing moments
or stages of perfection. And yet, the exiled writer’s essay on the
challenges of translating Pushkin’s Eugene Onegin into English
reveals a translator hostile to a free-form, target-friendly version
of a classic. His rarefied, academic, heavily annotated translation
privileged its own elite audience, reflecting, as Lawrence Venuti
puts it, Nabokov’s “deep nostalgic investment in the Russian lan-
guage and in canonical works of Russian literature while disdain-
ing the homogenizing tendencies of American consumer culture”
(Venuti 2012, 110–111).
Is there a connection between Nabokov’s protectionist views
of the role of a literary translator and the way he translated his
own life? A self-declared “chronophobiac” (Nabokov 1947, 19),
his disclaimer about any affection for the psychoanalytic method
might suggest there is:
I have ransacked my oldest dreams for keys and clues—and let me say at once that I
reject completely the vulgar, shabby, fundamentally medieval world of Freud, with
its crankish quest for sexual symbols… and its bitter little embryos spying, from their
natural nooks, upon the love life of their parents. (Nabokov 1947, 20)
Doth he protest too much? It is not my intention here to put
little Vladimir’s psyche on the couch, despite the wealth of ma-
terial he provides throughout this text (and elsewhere in his oeu-
vre), only to indicate that while Nabokov is reacting to the most
reductive and vulgar version of Freud in terms of symbolic con-
tent, he is also using hermeneutic instruments in ways that strongly
resemble Freud’s methods. Each embodies qualities of both the
scientist and the poet, and both are formalists of the first order.
Indeed, as masterful interpreters of signs and symptoms, and de-
coders of patterns, both are drawn to structural repetitions, as well
as to what escapes those structures and strictures. Critics, among
them Jeffrey Berman and Jenefer Shute, have addressed why the
translation /
23
figure of Freud looms so large—and so negatively—for Nabokov,
as well as the implications for an understanding of his fiction, es-
pecially Lolita. It seems to me that what Nabokov rejects in Freud
is his primordial pessimism about human nature, and that what he
negates is the general principle that he—that is, Nabokov—might
not be master of his own mind.
If the opening chapter of Speak, Memory is about anything, it
is the eros/thanatos dialectic, as is the book’s final chapter, which
focuses on intergenerational transmission and the transcendent or
redemptive power of the aesthetic imagination. But my aim now
is to direct attention to the associative method of forming com-
posite events that Freud and Nabokov share, and which serves as
Nabokov’s template or creed for turning one’s life into a work of
art. What Nabokov calls “the match theme”—the Freudian germ
of which is a verbal or imagistic link revealing a thematic or sym-
bolic correspondence—is exemplified in two fabulously dramatic
events drawn from his childhood. One of those themes is the tragic
irony of history, as illustrated in the destiny of a certain General
Kuropatkin, a friend of Nabokov’s father, who in one scene, while
playing a “match” game with young Vladimir in which he “depicts
the sea in calm and stormy weather,” (Nabokov 1947, 27) is in-
formed that he will lead the Russian Army against the Japanese in
the 1905 War. Fifteen years later, disguised as a peasant, he comes
across Nabokov’s father in flight from the Bolsheviks, and asks
him for a match.
Though his childhood was indeed blessed, Nabokov’s message
to his attentive reader above all is that the art of living is less a mat-
ter of being endowed with rich original content than it is a matter
of a perceiving intelligence imposing sensorial and cognitive mas-
tery over the flux and chaos of the world. “The match theme” is a
lesson in how to work with one’s source material: tracking, tracing,
and linking across time and space seemingly unrelated episodes or
events through a metonymic/metaphorical leap that brings them
together and thereby raises them to a higher level of meaning, a
threshold for further reflection, interpretation, and commentary.
(It is, for example, a lesson in linking the moves on a chessboard
with the assassination of his beloved father, not as the outcome of
translation /
a duel the child dreads, but at a public lecture, when it was least
expected and he was shielding the body of a more likely politi-
24
cal target.) Nabokov’s technique for critical reading is the model
for translating a life, and it is, then, primarily aesthetic in nature.
That is, it foregrounds the structural and formal aspects of even the
most spectacular and catastrophic of human experiences without
divesting the events of any of their wondrous or devastating force,
identifying—or, rather, creating—patterns, establishing affinities
and thematic correspondences amidst/across what would other-
wise remain inchoate, separate, isolated ephemera. “The following
of such thematic designs through one’s life should be, I think, the
true purpose of autobiography” (Nabokov 1974, 21). After Speak,
Memory, not only is it impossible to read autobiography the same
way again, but it is impossible to live autobiographically—that is,
to think about one’s life as a thematic design—in the same fashion
once one has internalized Nabokov’s model.
The opening passage of Speak, Memory—beginning with “The
cradle rocks above an abyss” on page 19—offers one of the most
striking images and meditations on mortality to be found in the
annals of autobiography. Yet the genesis of Speak, Memory was
what is now the book’s fifth chapter, written originally in French
and titled “Mademoiselle O.” That Nabokov was both worldly lit-
erate and deeply imprinted by Russian literature is made manifest
in the portrait which serves as the premise for this chapter. Its de-
clared purpose is to reclaim through memory the destiny of his
old French governess, whom he felt he had betrayed by having
previously turned her into a fictional character, thus denying her
the independent existence that rightfully belonged to her.
Nabokov’s revisitation of the Swiss governess “Mademoi-
selle” begins with her arrival by sleigh to the Russian country-
side in the winter of 1905–1906. Though of his many tutors and
governesses she was the object of some ridicule and derision, he
now pays selective tribute to her “lovely” French and its impact
on his appreciation for French literature. I have chosen to focus on
this recontextualized portrait of the hapless, enormous, miserable
figure, because indeed she may not be substantial enough on her
own terms to support the attempt “to salvage her from fiction”
(Nabokov 1947, 117). And this is not, despite the reasons he ini-
tially gives, Nabokov’s prime motive for memorializing her. The
autobiographer announces straight away that he is imagining the
scene, that he is seeking recourse in fiction once again: “I was not
translation /
25
there to greet her; but I do so now as I try to imagine what she saw
and felt at that last stage of her fabulous and ill-timed journey”
(Nabokov 1947, 98).
The memorialist’s conjuring of poor Mademoiselle—who
remains a rather disdained and pathetic character in this portray-
al—has been culturally, linguistically, and, of course, physically
displaced to the Russian steppes from her native Switzerland. The
overarching image is of snow.
Very lovely, very lonesome. But what am I doing in this stereoscopic dreamland?
How did I get here? Somehow, the two sleighs have slipped away, leaving be-
hind a passportless spy standing on the blue-white road in his New England snow-
boots and stormcoat. The vibration in my ears is no longer their receding bells, but
only my old blood singing. All is still spellbound, enthralled by the moon, fancy’s
rear-vision mirror. The snow is real, though, and as I bend to it and scoop up a
handful, sixty years crumble to glittering frost-dust between my fingers. (Nabokov
1947, 100)
A symbolic identification grounds Nabokov’s authorial/auto-
biographical position in this classic Russian novelistic scene in
which, laying his devices bare, he inserts himself at the end as
both observing subject (“passportless spy”) and object of reflec-
tion (“But what am I doing […] ? How did I get here?”) through
the temporal and spatial displacement of “snow,” and Nabokov
and Mademoiselle, who now occupy virtually equivalent or trans-
posable positions in relation to the other’s estrangement. His un-
derlying resistance to the idea that perhaps there was more to Ma-
demoiselle than her lack if finesse is made clear to him belatedly,
through his own experience of exile and loss, primarily as a result
of the Russian Revolution. In an act of literary mediation and em-
pathic projection he comes to understand the gravitas of her life
story as a key to understanding his own. With retrospective insight
he says at another point in the chapter that this is something “I
could appreciate only after the things and beings that I had most
loved in the security of my childhood had been turned to ashes or
shot through the heart” (Nabokov 1947, 117).
Nabokov’s insight, shared with Freud, is that all memory is
mediated and motivated, and dependent on a dynamic imagina-
translation /
tion; because the psychic content of original memory is not avail-
able, whether because of absence or inaccessibility, it cannot be
26
restored without being translated to later experiences, desires, and
needs.
Maryse Condé
Maryse Condé, Guadeloupean author of several novels about Ca-
ribbean heroines in Africa, slavery in the Antilles, the Salem witch
trials, and even a revisionary reading of Wuthering Heights, has
written two autobiographies: Tales from the Heart: True Stories
From My Childhood,1 and the recently published—but still un-
translated—La vie sans fards (2012). Self-identified as a classical-
ly-schooled Francophone Caribbean writer, by which I mean that
her readership would typically comprise Continental French and
Antillean readers, she has attained preeminent status in the literary
marketplace as a global Caribbean writer—in the company of Der-
ek Walcott, Caryl Phillips, Edouard Glissant, Patrick Chamoiseau,
Rafael Confiant, and Edwidge Danticat—as a result of translation.
Being translated, especially into English, has enabled Condé’s
work—albeit in altered form—to exceed its linguistic and cultural
boundaries and live beyond its own spatial and temporal borders,
however they have been constituted. In short, it has brought her the
widest possible reception.
And yet Condé’s translation complex is of a special order, espe-
cially when read in a context—familial and erotic—that so readily
invites a psychoanalytic interpretation; I am not going to undertake
such a reading here. La vie sans fards is devoted primarily to the
years she spent in West Africa during the politically promising pe-
riod of decolonization, and then the corruption, hypocrisy, and re-
pression of the postindependence regimes. This experience, which
she consistently recounts in amatory language, “occupied a central
place in my life and in my imagination” (Condé 2012, 16; transla-
tion mine); but it was a painful disappointment, a doomed affair. Her
less than positive depiction of African life, as seen in both her fiction
and memoir, has made her a provocative and somewhat controver-
sial figure in postcolonial literary circles. The continent couldn’t at-
tract her sufficiently or compel her enough—despite long and varied
opportunities during her sojourns in Guinea, Ghana, Ivory Coast,
1
Originally published in French in 1999; translated into English by Richard Philcox in 2001. In-text
reference will be to the 2001 English edition.
translation /
27
and Senegal—to learn to speak Malinké, Fulani, Peulh, or Wolof. In
this failed intercultural encounter in which France, the Caribbean,
and Africa are not reduced to the points they occupy in a colonial
constellation, Condé represents herself as untranslatable, unable to
be taken on her own terms in a different context. Conversely, her
inability to find reflections of herself in Africa, to be recognized as
herself and not a “toubabesse” [white woman, because Antillaise,
for example], reinforces her sense of isolation and exclusion, wheth-
er it be a result of history, racial identity, and/or cultural and class
values. It is an otherness to which she clings and which she reads as
immutable.
This paradoxical sense of her own untranslatability drives the
narrative, as the autobiographer depicts herself struggling against
forces and structures that threaten her integrity, as metaphorically
and literally understood. The critical matter pertaining to translation
and memory here is not the authenticity or veracity of the self-por-
trait as the autobiographer renders it, but the conditions of its re-
ception, as she has experienced it. Distinguishing her motivations
from the idealizing ones most often attributed to the conventions of
recounting a life, Condé proclaims her passion for “unvarnished”
truth-telling in the introduction, as she stakes a claim for her sin-
gularity while also invoking a more abstract, albeit gendered, uni-
versality. She inscribes herself squarely within the French Enlight-
enment and Romantic traditions from the outset: “I want to display
to my kind a woman in every way true to nature, and the woman I
portray shall be myself” (Condé 2012, 12; translation mine).
Despite Condé’s resolute individualism, feisty independence,
and political risk-taking, her lively and sometimes harrowing nar-
rative is framed, on its first and last pages, by her two husbands, the
Guinean Mamadou Condé and the English Richard Philcox, whom
she met in Senegal. Her marriage to Philcox will take place out-
side the narrative, but she pays homage to their first meeting and
telegraphs what is to follow. “He was the one who would change
my life. He would take me to Europe and then to Guadeloupe. We
would discover America together. He would help me gently sep-
arate from my children and resume my studies. Above all, thanks
to him, I would begin my career as a writer” (Condé 2012, 334;
translation /
translation mine).
Condé herself is an accomplished English speaker and scholar
28
of English literature, who taught for many years at Columbia and
other esteemed universities; but she seems to consider translation
at best as a mechanistic exercise or practical necessity, not a cre-
ative practice worthy of her critical attention. Her manifest lack of
interest in translations of her work, when the stakes are, ironically,
so high, sound disingenuous for many reasons—not the least of
which is that she lives on such intimate and privileged terms with
her translator. One could conceive such indifference as a matter of
blind trust, and a convenient division of labor, since—in addition
to being her translator—Philcox also handles all of her negotia-
tions. Ironically, however, their embedded relation seems to ensure
that instead of being on the same page regarding translation, their
perspectives as a translational couple remain absolutely divergent.
As is evidenced in a fascinating 1996 interview with Doris
Kadish and Françoise Massardier (the authors of Translating Slav-
ery) conducted in French with Philcox (with Condé present) in
which he describes his training, strategy, and evolution as a trans-
lator, Philcox sees his role as quite important. He valorizes the
complex process of “recreating” a text and bringing the writer to
a different cultural—that is, Anglophone—audience (Kadish and
Massardier, 751). Not only does he believe there is an affinity be-
tween the original and the translation, but he also maintains that
he is “communicating the author’s writing in another language, in
another culture” (Kadish and Massardier, 751; translation mine).
Moreover, his translation practice is patently target-oriented; he
seeks to make the author, as he says, more “transparent” to the
reader, but not at the price of displacing “the geography of the
text,” whatever it may be. The challenge for him may be less a
question of linguistic specificity than of Condé’s “esoteric” cul-
tural references; he even acknowledges being “market-driven” on
her behalf. Rather than feeling diminished or constrained, Phil-
cox concedes that he feels liberated by Condé’s indifference to
his practice, as well as his product (Kadish and Massardier, 755).
And he ultimately attributes his progress over the course of his
career as a translator, interestingly enough, not to years of living
with Condé, his author–wife, or to the cumulative experience of
translating her work, but to studying translation theory (Kadish
and Massardier, 755–756). That Philcox is sensitive to the gender
question—“Do I have the right to translate a novel written by a
translation /
29
woman? This question has greatly haunted me” (Kadish and Mas-
sardier, 756)—reveals not only a great deal about his own refined
and acute sensibility, but also attests to the primacy of gender as a
marker of identity for Condé; whereas race seems to figure little, if
at all, as a factor of difference for either of them.
It is, of course, quite possible that Condé’s antitranslation
posture is purely performative; but, if so, what is its value and
what are its implications? What Condé stands for in this trans-
lation couple is the irreducible difference between languages.
Thus, whereas the translator, invested in global transmission and
reception, considers his work to be coextensive with the origi-
nal author’s work, she—dedicated to perfecting her own liter-
ary style in her own tongue—considers them to be distinct. As I
have said, Condé has stated her position on many occasions: that
translation, being a transforming principle, doesn’t regard her,
that she is “othered” in translation, both culturally and linguis-
tically. Her insistence on this fact is consonant with what would
seem to be the overarching message of her autobiographical oeu-
vre. In a conversation with Emily Apter, which was conducted
in French—“transposed,” not “transcribed” (Apter’s words) and
translated into English, and which appeared in 2001—Condé
puts a fine point on what I have described above:
I have never read any of my books in translation… In translation, the play of lan-
guages is destroyed. Of course, I recognize that my works have to be translated, but
they are really not me. Only the original really counts for me. Some people say that
translation adds to the original. For me, it is another work, perhaps an interesting one,
but very distant from the original. (Apter, 92)
Beyond the intriguing and alluring personal and domestic im-
plications of Condé and Philcox as a translation couple, together
they enact the ongoing, defining, and productive tension within
translation studies, especially in relation to world literature and the
global marketplace. Whatever the psychological source of Condé’s
alienation or iconoclastic individualism, her view of translation as
(1) radical difference and of untranslatability as (2) an act of per-
sonal or even political resistance, actually coexists, of course—as
it has throughout history—with the enduring, competing reality
translation /
of multilingualism. The inherent paradox of untranslatability in
translation is what makes cultural memory possible. What this
30
translation couple reminds us of is that we must remain vigilant
in the face of world literature’s instrumentalist, ever-serviceable
view of translatability as an unproblematic given.
Alison Bechdel
Translation is the major operative principle in comics, defined for
our purposes today as a juxtaposition of words and images that
create a sustained narrative within deliberately sequenced bor-
dered panels. In its particular interplay of the visual and the verbal,
comics are not the verbal representation of visual art—ekphrasis—
nor a representation of the world, but an interpretation; indeed, as
Douglas Wolk puts it in Reading Comics, “Cartooning is a meta-
phor for the subjectivity of perception” (21). Perhaps it is the pre-
mium placed on personal drawing style, indeed of handwriting, in
comics that makes it an especially interesting instance of autobi-
ographical memory as a process of translation; since the object of
our attention is self-perception and self-inscription across different
cultural, social, and discursive contexts. I shall not be discussing
comics or graphic narrative generally here, but graphic memoir,
or what Gillian Whitlock calls “autographics” or “autographies”
(Whitlock 2006, 966) as yet another variation on the theme of how
techniques of translation are implicated in the act of materializing,
textualizing, and visualizing the autobiographical subject.
In chapter 4, which is roughly the center of Alison Bechdel’s
critically acclaimed, densely and riveting inter/intratextual graph-
ic memoir Fun Home: A Family Tragicomic (2006), the author
foregrounds the book’s metaperformative processes, making ex-
plicit what W. J. T. Mitchell describes as “the relation between
the seeable and the sayable, display and discourse, showing and
telling” (Mitchell 1986, 47). The astute reader already recognizes
that comics are a language; this chapter declares that the memoir is
a self-reflexive mode of translation, which also situates its autobi-
ographical project within a comparative network of signifying sys-
tems, most overtly Modernist literature and family photographs,
but also the künstlerroman and lesbian coming-out stories. The
canon of references comprises Camus, Fitzgerald, James, Stevens,
Wilde, Joyce, Colette, and Proust. What characterizes such a nar-
rative as “intra-” as well as “inter-” textual is that the images do
not only transact with words, but they also engage with each other.
translation /
31
In what Hillary Chute describes as a “cross-discursive” medium,
intertextuality itself is rendered figuratively/pictorially as well as
literally/verbally, showing how textual and visual forms and rhe-
torical strategies interact to make latent psychic matter manifest,
as in dreamwork. With her deft deployment of displacement and
condensation, metaphor and metonymy, Bechdel makes the reader
wonder, in the spirit of Jacques Lacan, if the unconscious isn’t
structured like a cartoon.
Bechdel’s intricately drawn, hyperliterary account of growing
up in Middle America in a hothouse of aesthetic expression and
erotic repression is constructed around her complex, ambivalent
relationship with her authoritarian, fastidious, secretive father who
bonded with her over books—while he slyly eludes another primal
identification they also shared. An expert in historic architectural
preservation, director of a family funeral home business, and high
school English teacher, her father Bruce died when Bechdel was
nineteen, leaving her to decipher the rich but troubling legacy of
similarity and difference that defined their relationship—left her,
in other words, to translate the scrambled codes she inherited from
him. Indeed, Bruce’s closeted homosexuality and the circumstanc-
es surrounding his ambiguous death—was it an accident or sui-
cide?—generate this multilayered work.
If in verbal autobiography “a lived life” as mediated through
memory is the source text, in an autographic work—because its
medium is patently visual—the source text would be assumed to
be the same; however the relation between content and form is
not integrated, synchronous, or organic in comics. If anything,
the contiguity between content and form calls attention to the gap
between them, to the space between image and words. Indeed, a
graphic memoir challenges the primacy of verbal language as the
source material, however coded or abstruse, or conveyer of both
self-referential and extrareferential truth about that life. Comics
are certainly a form of intersemiotic translation, as defined by Ro-
man Jacobson: “transposition from one system of signs into an-
other, e.g. from verbal art into music, dance, cinema, or painting”
(Venuti 2012, 118). But that formulation seems too one-sided for
this case. Though there are clearly two systems of signs, it may
translation /
be impossible to determine which is the source text and which the
target, on the level of verbal versus visual signs.
32
Understanding the deceptive simplicity of comics is counter-
intuitive for serious readers of literature who are unaccustomed
to having to process words and images within the same bounded
space in a self-conscious, extensive fashion. What determines the
order of reading of the panels, and how does size and shape matter?
Horizontal or vertical? What about the blanks between the panels?
How are they to be understood? While not exactly functioning as
negative space, these blanks, called “gutters,” are also the borders
outlining the images. What happens in that space? And, how is
that space to be filled in? These elements are—pardon, the expres-
sion—graphic reminders that comics, like verbal narrative, leave
out more than they put in. It may initially seem as though the pic-
tures are easier to grasp than the text, thus requiring less critical
scrutiny, but this assumption does not take into account the density
of information the pictures actually convey, some of which might
be purely aesthetic or formalist in nature, and not content-driven
or plot-enhancing at all. (No less so than in literature, virtuosity is
a virtue in comics.) Thus the reader of comics who privileges the
words at the expense of the images has failed to understand what is
intrinsically, internally translative about comics; and, conversely,
though it is necessary to possess what is known as “visual litera-
cy,” that alone is also terribly insufficient for understanding com-
ics. Comics are dependent on the dynamic, irreducible interplay
between its verbal and visual components.
Bechdel’s precise, fine-line, cross-hatch pictorial style, espe-
cially her drawing of interiors, corresponds to her verbal dexterity.
In terms of overall conceptual structure and design, the autobi-
ography is relentlessly interpretive; experiences presented as dis-
tilled or symbolic abstractions are mined not for their retrospective
meaning, but for their present value as sources of speculative po-
tential. “What if” begins many a sentence. Critics Hillary Chute
and Julia Watson call Bechdel’s narrative strategy “recursive,”
meaning that it is distinctly nonlinear, turning back in on itself,
finding its closure in reversals, transversals, and coincidences
(Chaney 2011, 149). In the service of creating a sustained narra-
tive, not to mention a satisfying story, an autography selects and
combines the panels that relate to one another associatively (that
is, metaphorically) and/or temporally (that is, metonymically), as
in memory. Following a series of events that Bechdel recalls, one
translation /
33
of which includes an encounter with an actual snake, a panel in
which she ponders the symbolism of phalluses and their creative
and destructive powers, leads next to the scene, as she imagines
it, of her father’s death, which occurred as he crossed Route 150
carrying a large bundle of brush and was hit by an oncoming truck.
The image in the wide panel is of lush foliage—foliage is perva-
sive in this narrative—lining an empty stretch of road with one
lone leaf lying in the middle, suggesting her father’s last trace.
The text box reads, “…You could say that my father’s end was my
beginning. Or more precisely, that the end of his lie coincided with
my truth” (Bechdel 2007, 117).
In an interview with Hilary Chute, Bechdel refers to the entire
enterprise of Fun Home as “involuted introspection,” pointing out
that with the exception of the subplot of her own coming out story,
“the sole dramatic incident in the book is that my dad dies” (Chute
and Bechdel 2006, 1008). In other words, “the end of his li[f]e”
compels a psychic and artistic internalizing process of ghostly re-
membrance that can be regarded as a “retranslation of the self.”
As I have elaborated elsewhere, translation in such a context of
intergenerational transmission, whose knowledge is posthumous
and always belated is, in the Benjaminian and Derridean sense, a
passing down, a passing away, and a passing over of the foreign as
well as the familiar, a living on through others, differently.
The panel below the drawing of the road invoking her father’s
death shows Alison and her father traveling in the family car
(which is a hearse); Bruce’s eyes are on the road, while Alison’s
head is barely visible as she peers out the window. The caption or
text box reads, “Because I’d been lying too, for a long time. Since
I was four or five” (Bechdel 2007, 117). What is the connection
between these two panels? Everything hinges on the word “be-
cause,” suggesting both causality and motivation. Bechdel’s mem-
ory of accompanying her father on a business trip to Philadelphia,
and stopping at a luncheonette, is a motivated one because, as she
says, “WE [emphasis mine] saw a most unsettling sight.” Initially
deprived of authorial perspective, the reader/viewer has no idea
what the object of their gaze might be. On the following page,
there are two unequally-sized panels. The dominant one shows
translation /
a masculine-looking woman wearing men’s clothes. Both father
and daughter gaze at her; Alison expresses to the reader/viewer
34
the great surprise she experienced at this phenomenon. The text
box below turns it into an instance of uncanny translation: “But
like a traveler in a foreign country who runs into someone from
home—someone they’ve never spoken to, but know by sight—I
recognized her with a surge of joy.” In the panel below, Bechdel
recounts, “Dad recognized her too.” In her memory, he challenges
her: “Is that [author’s emphasis] what you want to look like?” (Be-
chdel 2007, 118). In the next panel, on the following page, with the
image of the woman writ large, she asks rhetorically, “What could
I say?” But to her father, she replies, “No.” This is followed by a
panel in which father drags daughter, who is still looking back, out
of the luncheonette.
This instance of perfect translatability—a memory trace in
which both Alison and Bruce, displaced from their own familiar/
familial context, recognize another outsider not as a stranger but as
someone familiar to them on the basis of an implicit, shared sexu-
al/gender difference—is reconstituted as a primal scene from Be-
chdel’s childhood, and one of the most charged in the entire auto-
biography. The cartoonist puts a fine point on it in the next panel
when she discloses to the reader, “But the vision of that truck-driv-
ing bulldyke sustained me through the years” (Bechdel 2007, 119).
At the moment of Alison’s “recognition,” she didn’t know what a
bulldyke was; the signifier may have “sustained” her, but its sig-
nification eluded her until later in life. Of course, Bechdel is pro-
jecting backward: her superimposition of the term bulldyke onto the
genre-bending truck-trucker announces itself as belonging to a cur-
rent linguistic/cultural/political context in which gender identity is
understood to be performative and provocatively appropriated. This
is a current context her father did not live to fully appreciate, but one
she wishes him to assume now. As Madelon Sprengnether puts it, in-
voking Freud, “[M]emories from childhood vividly recalled in adult
life bear no specific relation to what happened in the past. Rather,
they are composite formations—elements of childhood experiences
as represented through the distorting lens of adult wishes, fantasies,
and desires” (Sprengnether 2012, 215).
Freud’s final paragraph in “Screen Memories,” which is an in-
ternal dialogue or self-analysis, an example of life-writing mas-
querading as a narrative with an interlocutor, views memory as a
process of construction:
translation /
35
the concept of a “screen memory” as one which owes its value as a memory not to
its own content but to the relation existing between some other that has been sup-
pressed… It may indeed be questioned whether we have any memories at all from
our childhood; memories relating to our childhood may be all that we possess. Our
childhood memories show us our earliest years not as they were but as they appeared
at the later periods when the memories were aroused. In these periods of arousal, the
childhood memories did not emerge; they were formed at that time. And a number of
motives, with no concern for historical accuracy, had a part in forming them, as well
as in the selection of the memories themselves. (Freud 1995b, 126)
What is at stake in this primal scene which Bechdel has recon-
structed because it comes to play a determining role in her com-
ing-out story, is relationality of all kinds, grounding all autobiogra-
phy and translation: the relation between the visual and the verbal
(between what is seen and what is not said); between a father and a
daughter who witness together, and who share a sense of complic-
ity, but then suppress that bond of knowledge and affinity; between
recognition and self-recognition; between lying and truth-telling.
It is above all the circuits of deception and self-deception that Be-
chdel seeks to rewire and overwrite.
Coyly titled “In the shadow of young girls in flower,” after
the French title of the second volume of Proust’s Recherche, the
end of the chapter calls the reader’s attention to the fact that the
previous translation of À l’ombre des jeunes filles en fleurs—
Within a Budding Grove—shifts the emphasis from the botanical
to the erotic. However, Bechdel interjects, “As Proust himself
so lavishly illustrates, the two are pretty much the same thing”
(Bechdel 2007, 109). That cavalier conflation serves Bechdel as
a metaphor for her father’s love for flowers and her own devel-
oping identity as a lesbian, unleashing a cluster of critical con-
vergences interpreted from a current vantage point. Chapter 4, in
as much as it invokes Proust’s term “inversion,” is about reading
generic and gender indeterminacy, but if Proust serves as the the-
matic intertext, Freud has certainly provided us with the method
for understanding how the bulldyke scene functions in the nar-
rative and why resurrecting this memory now is so critical for
Bechdel’s enterprise.
Bechdel’s father started reading Proust the year before he died,
translation /
and it was after his death that Lydia Davis’s retranslation of À la
recherche du temps perdu came out; though she prefers the “liter-
36
alness” of In Search of Lost Time, Bechdel laments the fact that
perdu and lost are not simple equivalents: that perdu also connotes
“ruined, undone, wasted, wrecked, and spoiled” (Bechdel 2007,
119). Bechdel’s point about what is literally as well as figurative-
ly “lost in translation” when this source word in French is trans-
ferred to English, is a metacommentary on what is irretrievable.
“The complexity of loss itself” (Bechdel 2007, 120) is lost, despite
translation’s capacity to recuperate and redeem difference over
time and even space. Some differences are irreducible variants;
they belong to the realm of the untranslatable.
The translation strategy that propels Fun Home, however, ul-
timately valorizes affinity and proximity by domesticating differ-
ence through regeneration. The last page of chapter 4 comprises
two unequally sized panels, both devoted to drawings taken from
a box marked “family photographs” that Bechdel found after her
father’s death, including one revealing her father’s transgressive
past activities with a former male babysitter. (In her interview with
Chute, she attributes the genesis of this book to the discovery of
this photograph.) The reader remembers the smaller top photo-
graph as the snapshot of an adolescent girl posing in a bathing suit
which is the chapter head image; it serves as a kind of illustration
of its title, “In the Shadow of Young Girls in Flower.” This time,
however, Bechdel alerts the reader that the image in the redrawn
photo is not of a girl (Alison, one might have speculated), but of
her young father in drag, and looking, as she says, “not mincing or
silly at all. He’s lissome, elegant” (Bechdel 2007, 120). In the large
panel, that top photo is mostly obscured by the text box.
What grabs the reader’s attention is the juxtaposition of two
portraits, and their striking similarities: one of her twenty-two-
year-old father sunbathing on the roof of his frat house, the other
of Alison on a fire escape on her twenty-first birthday. She won-
ders if this was taken by his lover, as hers was. For Bechdel, the
autographer, the uncanny resemblance between the two figures
and their two poses—“the exterior setting, the pained grin, the
flexible wrists, even the angle of shadow falling across our fac-
es”—is “about as close as a translation can get” (Bechdel 2007,
120). Where is the original or source? What, about the structur-
al or formal aspects of this strategic arrangement, calls up an act
of translation, one in which the points of contact are so acutely
translation /
37
identifiable? Obviously, in this visual commentary there is some-
thing beyond a merely shared physical, familial resemblance, even
across gender lines. Indeed, it is precisely the fluidity of sexual ori-
entation, gender identification, and polymorphism à la Proust that
reveals the configuring of father and daughter identities here as a
transposition or displacement, alternatively, of a simple replication
of difference (which is one definition of translation). Rather, Bruce
and Alison are to be recognized on the page as “inverted versions
of each other in the family” (Watson 2008, 135). In this particular
act of intergenerational transmission which celebrates the materi-
ality of self-presentation, Bechdel is memorializing a connection
that was often resisted in life by both Alison and her father, but
which is now reenvisioned through art.
Conclusion
By identifying Nabokov’s, Condé’s, and Bechdel’s autobiograph-
ical projects as distinctive modes of translation, I have hoped to
show that translating a life requires a particular strategy or tech-
nique of self-reflexiveness. The art of self-translation, with its
perils and projections, is a highly mediated and motivated act of
intimacy that takes place not in a vacuum, but within a set of cul-
tural determinants. By wrestling with questions of familiarity and
strangeness, assimilation and resistance, appropriation and deflec-
tion, the autobiographer/translator and the translator/autobiogra-
pher remind us that neither life nor language is self-contained. In
their very existence, autobiographies—which are translations of
“experience” and, therefore, subject to infinite and relentless in-
terpretation—serve as testimonies to existential lack and linguistic
incompleteness. Invocations of other lives and other voices—re-
pressed, resisted, and reclaimed—autobiographies are translations
in search of an original. Thus it is the drive to recuperate what may
be always utterly lost—because of the foreignness in ourselves as
well as in languages—that endows the autobiographer/translator
with the greatest agency of all.
translation /
38
References
Apter, Emily. 2001. “Crossover Roots/Creole Tongues: A Conversation with Maryse
Condé.” Public Culture 13, no. 1: 1–12. doi:10.1215/08992363-13-1-1.
Bechdel, Alison. 2007. Fun Home: A Family Tragicomic. New York: Houghton Mif-
flin.
Chaney, Michael, ed. 2011. Graphic Subjects: Critical Essays on Autobiography and
Graphic Novels. Madison: University of Wisconsis Press.
Chute, Hillary L., and Alison Bechdel. 2006. “An Interview with Alison Bechdel.”
MFS Modern Fiction Studies 52, no. 4: 1004–1013. doi:10.1353/mfs.2007.0003.
Condé, Maryse. 2012. La vie sans fards. Paris: JC Lattès.
Freud, Sigmund. 1995 a. “An Autobiographical Study.” The Freud Reader. Edited by
Peter Gay. New York: W. W. Norton & Company. 3–41.
––––––. 1995 b. “Screen Memories.” The Freud Reader. Edited by Peter Gay. New
York: W. W. Norton & Company. 117–126.
Kadish, Doris Y., and Françoise Massardier-Kenney. 1996. “Traduire Maryse Condé:
Entretien avec Richard Philcox.” The French Review 69, no. 5: 749–761.
Lejeune, Philippe. 1989. On Autobiography. Translated by Katherine Leary. Madi-
son: University of Wisconsin Press.
Mahony, Patrick. 2001. “Translating Freud.” American Imago 58, no. 4: 837–840.
doi:10.1353/aim.2001.0022.
Mitchell, W. J. T. 1986. Iconology: Image, Text, Ideology. Chicago: University of
Chicago Press.
Nabokov, Vladimir. 1947. Speak, Memory: An Autobiography Revisited. New York:
Random House.
Ornston Jr., Darius Gray, ed. 1992. Translating Freud. New Haven: Yale University
Press.
Smith, Patti. 2010. Just Kids. London: Bloomsbury.
Smith, Sidonie, and Julia Watson, eds. 1998. Women, Autobiography, Theory: A
Reader. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press.
Sprengnether, Madelon. 2012. “Freud as Memoirist: A Reading of ‘Screen Memo-
ries.’” American Imago 69, no. 2: 215–239. doi:10.1353/aim.2012.0008.
Venuti, Lawrence, ed. 2012. Translation Studies Reader. London and New York:
Routledge.
Watson, Julia. 2008. “Autobiographical Disclosures and Genealogies of Desire in
Alison Bechdel’s Fun Home.” In Michael Chaney, ed., 2011. 123–56.
Whitlock, Gillian. 2006. “Autographics: The Seeing ‘I’ of the Comics.” MFS Modern
Fiction Studies 52, no. 4: 965–979. doi:10.1353/mfs.2007.0013.
Wolk, Douglas. 2007. Reading Comics: How They Work and What They Mean. Phil-
adelphia: Capo Press.
translation /
39
Bella Brodzki is Professor of Comparative Literature at Sarah Lawrence College. She
teaches courses in autobiography; modern and contemporary fiction; literary and cul-
tural theory; and translation studies. Her articles and essays on the critical intersec-
tions with and impact of translation on other fields and disciplines have appeared in
a range of publications, most recently in the collection, Translating Women, edited by
Luise von Flotow (2011). She is the co-editor of Life/Lines: Theorizing Women’s Autobi-
ography (1989) and author of Can These Bones Live?: Translation, Survival, and Cultural
Memory (2007). Her current project is co-editing a special volume of Comparative
Literature Studies entitled Trials of Trauma.
translation /
40
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translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15520 | [
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] | Autobiography/Translation: Memory’s
Losses or Narrative’s Gains?
Response to Bella Brodzki’s Lecture
Suzanne Jill Levine University of California in
Santa Barbara, USA
“We translate to be translated”—translation transports the transla-
tor, but also the reader and the writer, in an act that transforms one
text into another. Professor Brodzki uses this quote (which was a
rejoinder in my book The Subversive Scribe (1991; 2009) to “thou
art translated,” a line uttered by Quince to Bottom in Shakespeare’s
Midsummer Night’s Dream), to move onto a broader stage. From
the diverse scenarios of Russia and the Francophone Caribbean,
from psychoanalysis to graphic memoir, Bella (I use her first name
as we are old friends) analyzes parallels between the practice of
autobiography and of translation, seeking to expand the definition
of autobiography by means of the code of translation. Mediating
these two practices she sets out to understand the screening process
of memory, how or to what extent memory both distorts and creates
the truths it seeks, and especially narratives that propose to reenact
memory and to represent the truth.
In her lecture, Bella discusses how autobiography, like transla-
tion, is a rewriting, a re-presentation. At first glance we might find
this argument farfetched. After all, unlike autobiography, a transla-
tion is normally a rewriting of a whole and visible text. It is not, at
least on the surface, the reconstruction or restaging in coherent form
of the fragments of memories of a life lived. If we look further, how-
ever, we can see that a translation performs a comparable artificial
resuscitation. The original language has vanished in the text’s new
version; the language that replaces it works to resurrect words and
phrases, wordplays and metaphors, fragments of the translator’s lan-
guage and mnemonic associations, that will bring to life the original,
one hopes, as one expects the same from an autobiography.
Bella’s discussion departs precisely from the readerly expecta-
tion that the autobiographer’s pact with the reader—like the trans-
translation /
41
lator’s “sacred duty”—is to be candidly true to an original. And
yet, from an essentialist perspective, the end products of both prac-
tices can easily become Faustian Frankensteins. Under the aegis of
Freud, who made the unconscious betrayals of the omniscient narra-
tor visible to us, these betrayals are parallel to those of the translator,
who can only give us approximations, never the thing itself. The first
question that jumps out at me, then, is: Are we talking only about
autobiography in relation to translation, or are we talking about all
narrative in general? That is, is Bella’s proposal in her paper suggest-
ing a narrative theory that could be applied to any narrative form,
beyond verbal language and written texts?
No two narratives are the same, as Borges’s very first ficcion,
“Pierre Menard, Author of Don Quixote,” his famous parable
about the “anachronistic” practice of reading, written in 1939, so
spectacularly tells us. This devilish commentary on commentary
(as George Steiner called it) is at the center of Bella’s topic. Pierre
Menard, avant-garde poet who, among his many daring experi-
ments, attempts to rewrite a Don Quixote completely identical to
the original, is Borges caricaturing himself as a young Ultraist.
Borges’s story—supposedly written in French by an admiring dis-
ciple of Menard—is a fiction that pretends to be a biography while
it is (like all fiction, one could argue) autobiographical, and is not
only about the absurd impossibility of the totally faithful transla-
tion but also implies and reveals that it is in itself a translation.
My question to Bella is, in this discursive context, is there a
significant difference here between autobiography and biography
vis-à-vis translation? I ask this coming, also, from my own work
on a biography of Manuel Puig. The author of Kiss of the Spi-
der Woman, Puig’s novels pay homage with their “dollar book”
Freudianisms to Freud’s invention of the modern novel, that is, the
decidedly nonobjective narrator. As both translator and biographer
I have dealt with the challenges of subjectivity, memory, and inter-
pretation, haunted by the pact of fidelity that such nonfiction writ-
ing involves. Autobiography, biography, and creative memoir are
evaluated, however, by the strength, intensity, and inventiveness of
their narrative structure, of the story they construct, just as transla-
tion is evaluated by its fluency, its persuasive rhetorical effect. The
translation /
writer of nonfiction is as dependent on literary conventions, plot,
theme, character development, climax, and denouement as the fic-
42
tion writer. Truth is less of a consideration than the appropriateness
of form and the success of style. Autobiography differs from biog-
raphy because, as the subject and the writer/producer of the former
is the same, we assume a much higher/deeper level of fidelity to
the subject. However, considering that “the self is constituted by
a discourse that it never completely masters”1 how different, really,
are these two genres? We might define the difference this way: the
biographer is situated outside of the life he or she wishes to represent
and wants to work his or her way into it, while self-writing, autobiog-
raphy, presents its author with the problem of being too much of an
insider, needing to distance her or himself, to get far enough away to
see what’s happening and what it is one actually wants to represent.
My possible response to the question above can perhaps be aid-
ed by my own experience. I have written an authorized biography
and am attempting to write a translator’s autobiography. While the
research for the biography was different from the current research
for my own history, I also had to realize that my subjectivity influ-
enced the biography as if it were in some way an autobiography;
or, whether narrating an autobiography or a biography, I was and
am never totally subjective or objective. Hence, can we agree on
the translational nature of autobiography and also of other forms
of narrative, fictional or nonfictional, and are we perhaps speaking
of a translational paradigm for narrative in general?
In “Conditions and Limits of Autobiography” Georges Gus-
dorf2 examines Paul Valéry’s radical proposal that biography in or-
der to be true must go beyond its traditional limits.3 I cite these
thoughts on this topic here because, among other things, they also
relate to Bella’s provocative discussion of autobiography and trans-
lation. They also reveal an important source of Borges’s fictions and
essays that highlight narrative theory and feature his antirealist the-
ories of narrative art as well as his poetics of writing as translation.
According to the theory of biography proposed by Valéry—whose
Monsieur Teste was a direct Borgesian model, fondly parodied by
1
Michael Spinker, “Fictions of the Self: The End of Autobiography,” in James Olney, ed., Autobi-
ography: Essays Theoretical and Practical (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980) 342.
2
Georges Gusdorf, “Conditions and Limits of Autobiography,” in James Olney, ed., Autobio-
graphy: Essays Theoretical and Critical (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1980) 41.
3
Paul Valéry, “La Vie est un conte,” Tel Quel II (1943): 348-349. The entire issue is available online
at https://archive.org/stream/telquelv02valuoft#page/n7/mode/2up.
translation /
43
Borges’s famous Pierre Menard as a kind of absurdly avant-garde
intellectual artist—a biographer, moving between the actual life and
his life-writing, would have to see through the eyes of the subject.
The biographer would have to attempt to know as little of the fol-
lowing moment as the subject himself would know about the cor-
responding instant of his career. This would be to restore chance
in each instant, rather than putting together a series that admits of
a neat summary and a causality that can be described in a formula.
Causality was, as we know, one of the core issues of Borges’s “Nar-
rative Art and Magic.”4 Valéry’s point, as Borges sees it, is that the
so-called real truth is nothing, unformed, blurred, and that therefore
the original sin of biography—which we could compare with the
original sign of autobiography—is to presume the virtues of logical
coherence and rationalization.
That is, we can extend Valery’s discussion of the prerogative of
biography to that of autobiography in that the task at hand is not to
show us the objective stages of a career, but to reveal the efforts of
historian/biographer/autobiographer to discover or reveal the effort
of a creator to give the meaning of her (or his) own mythical tale.
This latter statement basically describes Freud’s attempt at autobi-
ography in his “study.” On the surface he “objectively” appears to
summarize his career—giving us much valuable information—but
in reality he is creating his own self-myth as intuitive scientist, a
myth in which, it so happens, his early work as a translator plays a
major role.
Bella reminds us that for Freud “la psychanalyse c’est moi.”
Through her discussion we read his “autobiographical study” which
reveals his influences, Goethe on Nature, and notably the Bible,
which impacted him precisely because he belonged to an oppo-
sitional minority as a Jew. What he read or experienced or what
influenced him is more about his real feelings or interests; what
he actually says about himself, is all about his ego and need for
cultural power. For Freud translation was a power play, or as Bella
writes, “Though he had a position as a Lecturer in Pathology in
Vienna, it was his work as a translator that gained him entry into
translation /
4
Jorge Luis Borges, “Narrative Art and Magic,” in Selected Non-Fictions, edited by Eliot Wein-
berger, translated by Esther Allen, Suzanne Jill Levine, Eliot Weinberger (New York: Viking, 1999)
75–82.
44
Charcot’s circle of personal acquaintances and full participation
in the activities at Salpêtière Clinic” (AS, Freud R, 6). (infra, 21)
Ironically this personal essay says less about the man beneath
the persona than his essay on screen memories or any of his funda-
mental books such as The Interpretation of Dreams. Freud’s “Au-
tobiographical Study” is a prime example of an omniscient narrator
blind to his own subjectivity. What I personally found fascinating is
that Freud, as Jewish outsider, gained entrance to the circles of cul-
tural power as a translator. Curiously, I could see a similar trajectory
in my own life, as a woman gaining entrance to the Latin American
Boom literary circles, a world of cultural significance in my time
and context, in which I took on an identity as translator and even
muse, more glamorous than my own modest “outsider” Washington
Heights Jewish origins.
As Manuel Puig (the author whose literary texts I translated
and whose life I ultimately translated into a biography) aptly put it,
Freud invented the modern novel: that is, he exposed the unavoid-
able limitations of the omniscient narrator, hence his importance not
only to autobiography but to all writing. In Bella’s discussion, Au-
tobiography and Translation come together logically and intuitively
in Freud whose early work as a translator helped create his career
as a scientist. By extension, his role as translator helped create the
persona whose theoretical work was practically based on autobi-
ographical as well as clinical reflection.
Suzanne Jill Levine is a leading translator of Latin American literature, and Professor
at the University of California in Santa Barbara where she directs a Translation Studies
doctoral program. Her scholarly and critical works include her award-winning literary
biography, Manuel Puig and the Spider Woman (FSG and Faber & Faber, 2000) and
her groundbreaking book on the poetics of translation, The Subversive Scribe: Trans-
lating Latin American Fiction (published in 1991 and reissued by Dalkey Archive Press
in 2011), along with her classic translations of novels by Manuel Puig and her 2010
Penguin Classics editions of the works of Jorge Luis Borges. Aside from numerous
volumes of translations of Latin American fiction and poetic works, she has regularly
contributed articles, reviews, essays, and translations of prose and poetry to major
anthologies and journals, including the New Yorker. Her many honors include National
Endowment for the Arts and NEH fellowship and research grants, the first PEN USA
West Prize for Literary Translation (1989), the PEN American Center Career Achieve-
ment Award (1996), and a Guggenheim Foundation fellowship. For the translation of
Jose Donoso’s The Lizard’s Tale, she was awarded the PEN USA West Prize in 2012.
translation /
45
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translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15521 | [
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"title": "Dalit Consciousness and Translating Consciousness: Narrating Trauma as Cultural Translation ",
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] | Dalit Consciousness and Translating
Consciousness: Narrating Trauma
as Cultural Translation
Christi A. Merrill University of Michigan,
USA
Abstract: How do we understand literary catharsis as a multilingual project?
This paper focuses on scenes from Ajay Navariya’s short story “Subcontinent”
(in Laura Brueck’s translation from Hindi) to ask about the responsibility of
writers, translators and scholars in grappling collectively with the trauma of
caste-based sexual violence (or what Sharankumar Limbale calls “injustices done
to Dalit women.”) Put in conversation with Robert Young’s reading of Freud on
cultural translation, Navaria’s story complicates straightforward understandings
of consciousness as monolingual. Instead, the Hindi story in English reveals
a complex connection between what Limbale and others refer to as a distinct
“Dalit consciousness” and G.N. Devy’s notion of “translating consciousness”
by asking us to redefine how the languaged self responds to the original trauma
of being read as untouchable in the dominant vernacular. For Devy translat-
ing consciousness involves rejecting binaristic colonizer–colonized hierarchies,
whereas for Limbale Dalit consciousness works to fight caste hierarchies operat-
ing primarily within India itself. This paper takes up Rita Kothari’s suggestion
that the dominant vernacular might be just as foreign as the colonial language
in order to radically rethink the dialectical relationship between the languaged
self and cultural transformation.
What is literature’s role in responding to the trauma of caste-based
sexual violence a language away? I ask as a Hindi translator as
well as a scholar and teacher of Dalit literature—of work, I should
explain, that very openly claims to write from the perspective of
those “oppressed” or “ground down” (as “Dalit” is usually glossed)
by the entrenched system of untouchability in India.1 Dalit writers
in India have been asking versions of the question I have posed
1
I gratefully acknowledge the support of a Senior Fellowship from the American Institute of
Indian Studies and the National Endowment for the Humanities that allowed me to complete
the work on this paper, as well as the NIDA/FUSP Symposium organizers and Robert Young for
providing the original impetus for investigating this material.
translation /
47
here within their own language traditions, and as a group seem to
agree that the main purpose of Dalit literature should be to raise
awareness—or as the well-regarded Marathi writer Sharankumar
Limbale puts it more vividly, “to inform Dalit society of its slavery,
and narrate its pain and suffering to upper caste Hindus” (Limbale
2004, 19). It is not beside the point here that I quote Limbale from
his book Towards an Aesthetics of Dalit Literature, which has been
translated into English by (avowedly upper-caste Hindu and Cana-
da-based postcolonial studies scholar) Alok Mukherjee. Dalit liter-
ature, publisher S. Anand has pointed out, is a phenomenon in and
of translation—from, to, and via English, as well as many other
official Indian languages (Anand 2003, 4). Given current realities,
I am suggesting here that we include postcolonial studies scholars
and translators such as Mukherjee and myself in the project Lim-
bale and others have begun when theorizing the purpose of Dalit
literature. I propose here that we examine examples of Dalit liter-
ature to think more carefully about the relationship of Translation
Studies to postcolonial theory.
Like many activists writing on the subject, Limbale contends
that the work of Dalit literature is inspired directly by the revolu-
tionary leader Dr. B. R. Ambedkar and can only be done by those
with an explicit Dalit consciousness. A few pages later in his book
on Dalit aesthetics—in a section devoted to the topic of Dalit con-
sciousness—he explains:
The Dalit consciousness in Dalit literature is the revolutionary mentality connected
with struggle. It is a belief in rebellion against the caste system, recognizing the hu-
man being as its focus. Ambedkarite thought is the inspiration for this consciousness.
Dalit consciousness makes slaves conscious of their slavery. Dalit consciousness is
an important seed for Dalit literature, it is separate and distinct from the conscious-
ness of other writers. Dalit literature is demarcated as unique because of this con-
sciousness. (Limbale 2004, 32)
To ask about literature’s role in raising awareness about un-
touchability as a human rights issue akin to slavery raises fun-
damental questions about these points of comparison, especially
when expressed across multiple languages. How might we adapt
current theoretical models to understand Dalit consciousness as a
translation /
multilingual issue?
G.N. Devy has argued that multilinguality is so central to the
48
Indian context that it requires its own theorization, one that he dis-
cusses—serendipitously—as “translating consciousness.” Writing
in the 1990s, Devy was primarily interested in developing a dis-
tinctly postcolonial “aesthetics of translation” (Devy 2014, 163)
that would inform “a more perceptive literary historiography”
(165) responsive to the perspective of the multilingual user (“such
as a translator” he notes) who “rends. . .open” the multiple sign
systems converging in a single consciousness (164). If aesthetic
production is figured in Devy’s writing with the violent imagery
of rending open, “translating consciousness” itself is imagined in
a friendlier fashion, as an intuitive “open” daily negotiation along
a continuum of mutual understanding, that he contends—most
crucially here—our monolingually-minded, European conceptual
tools have not been able to theorize properly:
In most Third World countries, where a dominating colonial language has acquired a
privileged place, such communities [of translating consciousness] do exist. In India
several languages are simultaneously used by language communities as if these lan-
guages formed a continuous spectrum of significance. To conceptualize this situation
is beyond European linguistics, which is based mostly on a monolingual view of
language. The use of two or more different languages in translation activity cannot
be understood through studies of foreign language acquisition. (165)
Both Devy and Limbale suggest independently that the de-
velopment of any literary aesthetic (perceptive or no) is neces-
sarily ideological; moreover, when explaining how each of their
approaches to the project of literary historiography differs from
the mainstream, each uses the term “consciousness” to describe
an alternative to the demeaning hierarchical forms of discrimina-
tion a random language user encounters on a daily basis, that have
become written into our own disciplinary conceptualizations. As
a result, Devy and Limbale each call for a corrective literary his-
toriography based on such a consciousness. For Devy, the crucial
ideological difference informing a translating consciousness in-
volves rejecting binaristic colonizer–colonized hierarchies, where-
as for Limbale the crucial ideological difference Dalit conscious-
ness works to fight is informed by the caste hierarchies operating
primarily within India itself, both during the colonial period and
after Independence. How might these two theories of conscious-
ness be put in productive conversation with one another when
translation /
49
focusing on postcolonial literary engagements with human rights
struggles?
I will attempt to address this larger question by reflecting on
the inherent multilinguality of the translating consciousness Devy
describes—whereby “several languages are simultaneously used
by language communities as if these languages formed a contin-
uous spectrum of significance” (65)—when it encounters caste-
based discrimination. I will do this by analyzing a piece of postco-
lonial fiction that details a series of shocking events experienced
by a Dalit family: the short story “Upmadwip” written in Hindi by
the Dalit writer and activist Ajay Navaria. I will quote primarily
from the version translated into English by Laura Brueck (2012)
as “Subcontinent” in an effort to vex perceived limits of language
when describing violent encounters in translation.
Only a few pages into “Subcontinent,” the narrator recalls a
traumatic scene from his childhood in which he watches, help-
less, as a gang of upper-caste men beat up his father to within an
inch of his life, incensed that an “untouchable” (“achut” in the
Hindi) would have the audacity to return to the village for a rela-
tive’s wedding in a clean new kurta, rupees in his pocket, greeting
friends comfortably, and holding his head high. Significantly, the
story is framed by a tranquil domestic scene of the narrator as an
adult living in an unnamed city struggling to wake from a night-
marish sequence of horrific childhood memories, prompted by
an impending decision over whether to return to the village once
again for another relative’s wedding. The framing device is crucial
for establishing two distinct perspectives on the same event: one of
the adult looking back with a mixture of indignation and apprehen-
sion, and the other of the innocent child offering direct testimony
(albeit fictionalized) of a series of traumatic events that in their
ancestral village seem to be lamentably routine. The structure of
the story thus invites us to read this as a scene of initiation—into
a kind of consciousness that we might not immediately recognize
as a translating consciousness but are led to infer will eventually
become a Dalit consciousness. How?
Soon readers are introduced to a liminal dream state between
waking and sleeping, past and present, city and village, and led
translation /
down a stepwell at the edge of what appears to be the adult nar-
rator’s consciousness, invited to witness a childhood scene from
50
the young boy’s point of view as a group of high-caste villag-
ers confront the father and his father’s aunt (whom the boy calls
“Amma”) for forgetting “the rules and regulations of the village”
(Navaria 2012, 87). The narrative structure allows readers to re-
main cognizant of the adult narrator’s judgment on these “rules
and regulations” while following the boy and his family through
the village; this structure enables the implied author to call into
question the entire system of signification the boy is being initiat-
ed into. The story dramatizes why what Limbale terms “rebellion
against the caste system” (2004, 32) would entail so much internal
struggle, starting with the fundamental act of recognizing oneself
and other Dalits as human beings equal to all others.
As the scene continues, readers of the translated story are in
turn asked to distinguish between the language of the past and of
the present, of the village and the city, marked by the boy’s dis-
comfort at the time and the adult narrator’s outrage looking back
as his great aunt bows down at the high-caste villagers’ feet, assur-
ing them, “They’ll never do it again in my life. They erred, having
lived in the city” (Navaria 2012, 86). The narrative makes strategic
use of the distance in perspective between the adult narrator (who
is very conscious of the historical implications of this discrimina-
tion) and the boy (who is at first shocked by what he witnesses and
seemingly unable to interpret it) to map consciousness as a series
of encounters with others where imperfect (even horrifying) com-
munication regularly takes place.
In the consciousness of the young boy these rules and regula-
tions are as startling as they are incomprehensible:
“Oh God, I’m done for! Maaaa! Forgive me, master, kind sir! It won’t happen
again!” As Amma wailed, one of them struck her head hard with a shoe, and she
cried out again. Tears streamed down her cheeks. Now they were all laughing.
Seeing them beat Amma with their shoes, Father tried to get up again. When they
noticed him moving, they fell on him afresh. Sticks, fists, shoes—flailing without
stop. I stood trembling. One of them slapped me across the face. Father was lying
on the ground. Unconscious. Blood dripping, thap-thap-thap, from his forehead. A
streak of blood spread all the way down his pyjama. My lip had been split open. It
was still bleeding. I stood there quaking. I almost pissed my pants. It seemed like it
would never end. Father lay at peace. His new white kurta was torn from his chest
to his stomach. Blood dribbled from his mouth. Father’s dead, I thought. Seeing a
body drenched in blood, that’s the only thing an eight-year-old can think. (Navaria
2012, 86-87)
translation /
51
Here the boy is presented as being unable to interpret the phys-
ical details he witnesses, even while we can feel the pressure of
the adult narrator’s judgment about the situation. And the admis-
sion about the limitations of the boy’s own awareness, narrated
suddenly in the third person—“Seeing a body drenched in blood,
that’s the only thing an eight-year-old can think”—is all the more
moving knowing that the adult narrator in the present tense of the
story is picturing himself in a similar situation, anticipating trying
to protect his own child from similar degradations, if he decides to
travel back to the village with them for an upcoming wedding. The
strategy of third-person narration thus generalizes the experience
of the Dalit subject. Implicitly, the story asks the reader why I, why
he, why anyone should have to learn how to interpret the blood
stains on their father’s still body.
This is not a postcolonial translating consciousness to cele-
brate. There is no triumph a few paragraphs later when the boy be-
comes more adept at speaking the village language of caste-based
violence:
I quietly wiped the blood off my lip with my torn collar. There were no tears in my
eyes. But I kept making small crying sounds, hoo-hoo, for fear of getting thrashed
again if I stayed quiet. I’d quickly realized that it was better to keep up the whimper-
ing in front of them. (87)
How might attention to translating consciousness here help
us better conceptualize Dalit consciousness as a multilingual
project beyond the monolingual limitations Devy warns against?
In Hindi, we can imagine this scene of calibrated whimpering is
playing as much to the upper-caste Hindu readers and fellow Dal-
its Limbale identified as the target audience for Dalit literature;
in English translation, the readership is expanded even further,
since the elite English-speaking reader in India as well as the
reader abroad are similarly put on notice about the demeaning
effects of the caste system, and in such a way that challenges the
received colonizer–colonized binaries of postcolonial studies.
Here the language of dominance we must theorize is predicated
on caste, and thus suggests a more complex mapping of translat-
ing consciousness than the colonizer-colonized binary. We see in
translation /
the English translation as well that the narrator’s perspective is
multiply displaced—both at the top of the stepwell and below, in
52
the past, present, and even future of the story. Bringing together
the concept of translating consciousness with Dalit conscious-
ness invites us to think afresh about the ways we might map such
literary language, starting with the ways we theorize the very
idea of “language” in literary work.
In Towards an Aesthetics of Dalit Literature, Limbale puts par-
ticular emphasis on what he calls—in the section title—“The Lan-
guage of Dalit Literature,” explaining:
The view of life conveyed in Dalit literature is different from the world of experience
expressed hitherto. A new world, a new society, and a new human being have been
revealed in literature, for the first time. The reality of Dalit literature is distinct, and
so is the language of this reality. It is the uncouth-impolite language of Dalits. It is
the spoken language of Dalits. This language does not recognize cultivated gestures
and grammar. (33)
Limbale’s assertions apply to many of the works of Dalit litera-
ture published prior to this book on aesthetics, including Limbale’s
own prose. In Navaria’s story, however, the hierarchies are tipped
once again, since the “new world, . . .new society, . . .new human
being” is waiting at the top of the stepwell in the consciousness of
an urbane, multilingual Dalit man while the boy is left to grapple
with the old world, old society communicating in the horrifying
idiom of caste-based discrimination. However shocking this lan-
guage may be to the boy as well as offensive to the narrator and
ostensibly to his readers in turn, it is especially horrifying that it is
not considered “impolite” in the village context of the story—the
upper-caste villagers do not grant their “untouchable” neighbors
that kind of respect. It is precisely the standardization of this de-
grading idiom that Navaria’s story is asking us to consider. The
narrative is offering a critique of this particular kind of language
use, and thus we might say of the village translating consciousness
depicted in the story. To understand how this critique might be
inviting readers of both the Hindi story and the English translation
to take part in a fraught project of recalibrating consciousness as a
way of coming to terms with collective trauma, we must first think
more carefully about the roles we play in the process of literary
catharsis.
I should admit here that I am grappling with a more specific
version of the question of trauma and literary language, occasioned
translation /
53
by a provocative encounter at a conference on the historiography
of Dalit literature held in Delhi at Jamia Millia Islamia University
in December, 2013. The conference was organized by members
of the English Department and it brought together scholars from a
number of different disciplines and areas of expertise along with
creative writers working in a host of Indian languages.2 There were
three days of sessions starting with a keynote speech by Kancha
Ilaiah, academic panels, and several roundtable discussions with
published writers such as Limbale and Navaria, including one de-
voted to the place of translation in the reception of Dalit literature.
On the particular panel I have in mind an English literature profes-
sor gave a polished, impassioned paper invoking a lineup of US-
based scholars on trauma and testimony urging us to acknowledge
the importance of autobiographical writing as an act of individual
catharsis that ultimately leads to healing; she described this pro-
cess as “translating pain into language” (Abidi 2013).
At the time, I see from my notes, I wondered about the relation-
ship of catharsis to activism. I knew from reading Laura Brueck’s
scholarship that a writer like Ajay Navaria thought of catharsis
in much more politically engaged terms, as a collective, embold-
ened confrontation with society. In a discussion on aesthetics in
her recent book, Writing Resistance: The Rhetorical Imagination
of Contemporary Dalit Literature (2014), Brueck explains:
Dalit writer Ajay Navaria colorfully compares the realist aesthetic of Dalit literature
to the necessity of lancing a cyst on the body of Hindu society. While the substance
that the cyst releases may be unpleasant, its cathartic release is said to be necessary
for the healing of the social body. (85)3
The difference between the two types of catharsis proposed
here is crucial: in the model the conference paper presenter was
looking towards, it is the individual writer who has suffered the
trauma, and so it is the writer not the social body who is sick and
requires healing. What difference does this make in thinking about
the role of literature in healing trauma?
2
International Conference on Dalit Literature and Historiography, Department of English, Jamia
translation /
Millia Islamia, New Delhi, India, December 19–21, 2013.
3
Ajay Navaria’s original quote was from “Dalit Saˉhitya kaˉ Vigat Aur Vartamaˉn,” Praˉrambh (Dalit
Saˉhitya Visheshank) 1, no. 3 (2004): 44.
54
In the ensuing discussion, the presenter was assailed by one
imminent personality after another (speaking alternately in Hindi
and in English): How does this model of therapy help us reduce
intercaste violence? Are you trying to individualize Dalit experi-
ence? What is the role of the reader’s subjectivity in this model?
And, most vividly to me, Limbale shouted in frustration, “If my
mother is being raped then I shouldn’t be crying but crying out to
stop it!”It is in this context that I am left wondering—alongside the
presenter and others in attendance at that conference, I am sure—
about the role of literature in responding to trauma. What type of
catharsis do we seek through literature, and what is the role of a
translator and literature scholar in that process?
Often scholars metaphorize the project of writing trauma as an
act of speaking out against injustice. The assumption is a thera-
peutic one, that repressed trauma and other forms of silencing are
unhealthy for the subject, and that she will be free of her resulting
symptoms only once she has successfully narrated and fully an-
alyzed these painful memories. Robert Young has recently sug-
gested that Freud consistently described such work as a process of
translation—he points out that the word for “translation” in Ger-
man (übersetzung) appears at least forty-five times in Interpreta-
tion of Dreams alone, for instance—but in such a way that radical-
ly rethinks the dialectical relationship between the languaged self
and what Freud (“tantalizingly,” Young adds) calls “cultural trans-
formation” [kulturelle Wandlung] (Young 2013).34 This version of
“cultural translation,” Young contends, is not a simple, straightfor-
ward task of “moving from text A to B, leaving text A behind, but
rather moving to text B by making text A unconscious, repressed,
but with A still haunting text B as its shadow and liable to reappear
in disguised form at any moment” (17). I will spend a moment
detailing this insight, for it has important implications for catharsis
as a multilingual project, and the role of culture in mediating such
a catharsis collectively.
Young explains that in Freud’s writing, dream thoughts are like
an “unknown language that we have to decipher on the basis of
the translation” (9). Young likens the process to cracking the code
of the Rosetta Stone, where you work backwards, comparing the
Here Young is citing Freud 2005, 224.
translation /
4
55
language you know against the one you do not, until you begin to
understand the system by which meaning is made in the language
unknown to you. This because for everyone—in Young’s reading
of Freud—“the psyche is multilingual, alert to the constant possi-
bility of using translation as a mechanism of displacement in the
face of repression” (4). Even in a healthy, nontraumatized subject
the psyche engages in such a process, he explains, and culture’s
role is to tame a person’s natural instincts.
Thus the psyche, in Young’s words, keeps itself “busy trans-
lating into a foreign language that is unreadable to the indi-
vidual subject him or herself” (5). Young understands Freud
as suggesting that there are a number of languages converging
in a single psyche, including the distinction between “dream
thoughts” (in the unconscious) and “dream content” (in one’s
consciousness), both of which are individual and idiosyncratic,
even if internally consistent enough for an analyst to begin to
recognize a pattern. Young quotes Freud as writing in The In-
terpretation of Dreams:
Dream-thoughts and dream-content lie before us like two representations of the same
content in different languages—or, rather, a particular dream-content appears to us
as a version of the relevant dream-thoughts rendered into a different mode of expres-
sion, the characters and syntax of which we are meant to learn by comparison of the
original with the translation. (Young 2013, 8)
The role of multilingual performance is crucial in Freud’s
theorizing, Young points out, given that Freud himself compared
the process of decoding and deciphering dream content to Egyp-
tian hieroglyphs, “whose characters need to be translated one
by one into the language of the dream-thoughts” (2013, 9). The
analyst is able to crack the code only after he sees how the indi-
vidual, multilingual subject moves between other (conventional)
languages, a technique he and Breuer began to pioneer in Studies
in Hysteria, with the case of “Katharina.” Young quotes Freud
as writing: “We had frequently compared the hysterical symp-
tomatology with a pictographic script, which we were able to
read once we had discovered a few cases of bilingualism” (132).
This is a highly unusual “original”, however, when viewed in the
translation /
broader history of translation. “What makes psychoanalysis more
than just translation into another discourse,” Young adds provoc-
56
atively, “is that psychoanalysis is translating the unknown” (8).
How might such a comparison enable us to rethink Dalit con-
sciousness as a multilingual project?
If the job of the psyche is to “translate” or displace traumatic
experiences into a language foreign to the individual subject, the
work of psychoanalysis is then to interpret that idiosyncratic lan-
guage and “de-translate” it back into a language she shares with
her analyst, as Young explains:
Psychoanalysis finds the meaning of dreams not in dreams themselves but in their
invisible origins. In dreams we have only the translation: the patient and analyst’s job
is to translate the incomprehensible dream-content back into its original, and then to
analyze and repeat in reverse the work of translation which has transformed the first
into the second. Dream-interpretation, therefore, as Jean Laplanche has suggested, is
more a question of de-translation, trying to de-translate the dream back into an orig-
inal that remains hidden. This is where and why the work of interpretation through
association must come into play: breaking the dream-content down into its constit-
uent parts one by one, and working through the dreamer’s associations, analyst and
dreamer engage in the laborious work of de-translating the dream-content back into
its original dream-thoughts. (10)
Young’s reading of Freud insists that translation practice is at
the core of our work as languaged beings (regardless of how many
official languages we are said to speak), and that one of the central
roles of culture is to train an individual to interpret to themselves,
in a language that they share with others, the most hidden parts
of themselves, such as traumatic events in the past. The case of
Dalit literature is especially potent here because “culture” itself
is accused of legitimizing the agents of that original trauma—not
incidentally, but fundamentally.
While he does not name Dalit literary examples specifically,
Young does suggest that such cases are central to Freud’s work on
cultural translation. Young reads Freud as a major theorist of cultur-
al translation whose contributions to translation theory have import-
ant implications most particularly for those translated subjects—like
Dalit writers—until now often left out of our theorizing:
Freud’s. . .theoretical paradigm [on translation]. . .remains infinitely suggestive. It of-
fers, for example, a possible way of reading the invisible, the subaltern, those whose
forms of public representation distort their fundamental being, where the invisibility
or repression of subalterns in official discourses and documents from the past require
translation /
a de-translation exercise to make them visible in their own terms. (11)
57
Bringing together theories of Dalit consciousness with trans-
lating consciousness suggests that the very prospect of shared lan-
guage is exceedingly fraught, in ways that are important for the
project of handling trauma through literary work. Young further
hints that the project of analyzing the relationships between those
languages might be key to better understanding the “original” (as
trauma, or otherwise.)
We see this most vividly in his reading of the case of Anna O,
who responds to a childhood trauma by alternating moments of
stark speechlessness (“aphasia”) with what Freud in English trans-
lation refers to as “paraphasia,” switching into languages (English,
French, Italian) foreign to Anna O’s own mother tongue of Ger-
man. Following Freud, Young uses this example of an upper-class
woman to show how suspicious the psyche itself remains general-
ly of culture’s role in taming one’s instincts. We see in Anna O’s
case that being highly cultured only serves to make her subterfug-
es more elaborate, and the work of the analyst (not to mention the
nurse who tended her) that much more demanding:
The paraphasia receded, but now she spoke only in English, yet seemed to be un-
aware of it, and would quarrel with the nurse, who was, of course, unable to under-
stand her. Not until several months later did I manage to convince her that she was
speaking English. She herself, however, still understood her German-speaking envi-
ronment. Only in moments of great anxiety would her speech fail her completely, or
she would mix up all kinds of languages. She would speak French or Italian at those
times when she was at her best and most free. Between those periods and those in
which she spoke English lay complete amnesia. (29)
The case asks us to rethink the fundamentals of cultural trans-
lation as a languaged relationship between individual and collec-
tive, especially since the collective itself is figured as a plurality of
overlapping language domains. Young’s reading calls into question
the very notion of a discrete “mother tongue” as source of a stable
cultural identity, and echoes ongoing debates surrounding Dalit ex-
amples.
For instance, in a 2013 article—“Caste in a Casteless Lan-
guage: English as a Language of ‘Dalit’ Expression”—Rita
Kothari complicates any simple understanding of English as a co-
translation /
lonial language, arguing that for writers and translators working
with Dalit texts—like the poet Neerav Patel, whose example she
58
focuses on—English offers a more compelling alternative to re-
gional vernaculars. Patel’s choice to write in English, rather than
Gujarati, she suggests compellingly, “is animated by the misery of
unwanted memories of language, and a desire to erase that mem-
ory” (Kothari 2013, 65). Kothari refers to a soon-to-be-published
essay Patel wrote in response to a public query: “Who (all) can
claim Gujarati?” (64) Kothari explains:
If standard Gujarati, Patel argues, is as distant and alien to dalits as English, he would
rather embrace English, and use it to replace his “mother tongue,” thus making En-
glish what he calls his “foster-tongue.” By being foreign, English does not normalize
and legitimize caste, and by being an ex-colonial language with global reach, it be-
comes empowering. (61)
I have suggested elsewhere that English is not in fact casteless,
that the language’s encounters with caste started early in the colo-
nial encounter—I use the example of “pariah” whose first usage
in English is 1613 (Merrill 2014, 262). However, here I am more
interested in the ways Patel’s critique of his “mother tongue” in re-
lation to English introduces an important perspective on Dalit con-
sciousness as translating consciousness. As Kothari’s discussion
of Patel’s critique makes clear, the imperative of Dalit conscious-
ness is to redefine the very domain of language and its relationship
to collective memory:
An acclaimed poet and critic, Patel attacks the homogeneous idea of a “mother
tongue” in India. Although this may seem a separate issue from English, it is very im-
portant to see how the idea of an Indian language that alienates the dalits and colludes
with the upper castes in normalizing caste discrimination shapes the dalit response
to English. The specificity of the case below provides a much-needed elaboration of
this operation to bring home the fact that Indian languages do not constitute for all
Indians a proud inheritance, which “globalization” and similar invasive forces may
allegedly besiege. This is essentially an upper-caste view and luxury; those who wish
to redefine themselves must do so by abandoning this inheritance and embracing
English. (65)
While this seems neither Patel’s nor Kothari’s point, I would
suggest that in the process Patel is also inviting us to rethink the
very meaning of translation.
Young, too, in his reading of Freud, asks us to rethink the en-
terprise of translation as a relational exercise between language
and memory, as we see in his discussion of the case of Anna O:
translation /
59
Cultural translation, in Freud. . .is not a process by which the former text or elements
are ever entirely left behind, but one in which the new text always remains doubled
and haunted, its translations perpetually remaking themselves, the translated text per-
petually seeking to revert to its original, like a ball held under water. The different
languages, as in the dream, remain perpetually present. In some sense, therefore,
according to Freud we live in two or more languages at once. This bi- or multilin-
gualism in which, as it were, like Anno O., we read one language but translate it
simultaneously into another, can illuminate how, in this model, the general sense of
loss in translation modifies its gain—for while in cultural terms much is gained, in
the individual this gain produces at the same time a constant sense of unease, of dis-
ease, malaise, of “cultural frustration,” cultural denial, or as we might say today, of
cultural dislocation. (Young 2013, 17-18)
Young is implying that every language is haunted by a series of
unconscious memories, be they individual or collective. His star-
tling proposition is that the ensuing struggles to articulate difficult
truths—to find apt language for these invisible “originals”—put
productive pressure on whatever languages we have in common.
We might then surmise that every speaker has a translating con-
sciousness that holds within it (“like a ball held under water”)
the potential for radically rethinking the possibilities of the lan-
guage(s) she speaks. How might this complex understanding of
the relationship between translation and consciousness apply to
literary work?
According to Limbale, one of the features of Dalit conscious-
ness is the ability to identify with any injustice ever visited upon
any member of the group. While detractors contend that such a
stance results in literature that is predictable or propagandistic
(charges his translator Mukherjee renders in English under the ru-
bric of “univocality”), Limbale defends such politicized identifi-
cations instead as a sign of cohesion and thus of strength, since it
allows individuals to read a host of traumatic experiences visited
upon Dalits as part of a programmatic effort at group discrimi-
nation: “Social boycott, separate bastis, wells, and cremation
grounds; inability to find rental accommodation; the necessity to
conceal caste; denial of admission to public places; injustices done
to Dalit women; dragging and cutting of dead animals; and the
barber refusing to cut hair—these experiences are alike for all Dal-
its” (Limbale 2004, 35). Limbale’s emphasis here is less on direct
translation /
experience of such injustices, and more on the daily acts of inter-
pretation that renders someone part of the very category deserving
60
such discriminatory behavior. Understood this way, “original trau-
ma” begins with the possibility of being read as untouchable by
others; acknowledging that reading of untouchability subsequently
then becomes part of one’s consciousness as distinctly and defiant-
ly “Dalit.”
Approaching Dalit literature through Young’s reading of Freud
on “cultural translation” helps complicate and thus confound
any simple glosses of the terms in play. If we look more close-
ly at Young’s proposition that cultural translation is not a simple,
straightforward task of “moving from text A to B, leaving text A
behind, but rather moving to text B by making text A unconscious,
repressed, but with A still haunting text B as its shadow and liable
to reappear in disguised form at any moment,” then we might infer
that all language speakers sharing an idiom of discrimination like
the caste system are haunted by a text A such as “injustices done
to Dalit women.” I will spend a moment pursuing this proposition
through a later scene in Navaria’s story, in large part because it
resonates with Limbale’s outburst that day: “If my mother is being
raped then I shouldn’t be crying but crying out to stop it!” And in
the process helps us rethink the theoretical categories by which we
too might read such a scene.
There is a suggestion early on in “Subcontinent” that sexual
violence in the village has been ongoing and systemic, to the ex-
tent that many “untouchables” are themselves offspring of a union
(directly forced, or manipulated) between a high-caste man and an
untouchable woman. We see this referenced directly in the story
when the narrator makes clear that he himself is related to one of
those high-caste thugs in the village who are beating up his father:
“‘Pandit-ji, it’s not even her husband’s. It’s her lover’s. This bas-
tard child is Harku’s!’ He was pointing at Father” (Navaria 2012,
87). The passing comment seems to affect the character of the pan-
dit, who at first appears ready to protect the boy’s father, possibly
because he is related to Harku. Even though this is another in-
stance where the adult narrator looking back seems to understand
the implications of this moment more than the child narrator, the
narrative reveals the turmoil this causes on the young narrator’s
part. As a boy, the narrator tells us, he held out hope the pandit
would take pity on them, but was soon to be disappointed. Not
only does the pandit bond with the high caste thugs, joining in with
translation /
61
the verbal and physical humiliation, but he later seems to be the
one to take advantage of Amma.
The scene of Amma’s further humiliation comes late in the sto-
ry, after the violence has escalated even further, when high-caste
members of the village take umbrage over the groom daring to ride
a horse to the door of his bride and they attack the wedding party
with lathis. The boy falls down unconscious—the significance of
this is important for this study—and we watch him in retrospect
try to put language to the ongoing village drama he has witnessed:
When I opened my eyes, it was still dark. An oil lamp was still burning in the hut.
My aunt was sitting near the smoldering stove. The wedding party had left. . . . My
head was throbbing. Someone had tied an old piece of dhoti around it. I don’t know
when I dozed off again, but a woman’s shriek shocked me awake. I made haste to get
up, but as soon as I rose, a blow struck my back, and I fell on my face. Half outside
the hut, half inside.
“Fucking city boy, if you move, I’ll unload a bullet in your skull,” someone yelled,
tilting my face up with the muzzle of a double-barreled gun pushed into my jaw.
To my right, a few feet away, I saw, beneath the white, dhoti-clad bottom of a pale
pandit-god, the darkened soles of someone’s feet flailing and kicking; swinging on
the back of this pale pandit was a fat, snake-like top-knot. . .and another scream.
Terrified. Uninterrupted. Splitting the sky in two—chhann! (95-96)
Like the boy in the story who lies halfway out of the hut, wa-
vering between consciousness and unconsciousness, the charac-
ter of the woman being violated too has no language at the ready
to defend herself with—she can only flail and kick and scream.
Navaria’s rendering of the scene raises unsettling questions about
the very meaning of consciousness, and how language—any lan-
guage—plays a part in making and remaking that consciousness.
In this scene we have a series of confusing, upsetting pairs:
the boy being threatened by an unnamed gunman, the “pale
pandit-god” riding a woman we only know by her flailing dark
feet, and then the “fat, snake-like top-knot” and the disembodied
scream, which seem to emanate from the entwined bodies. At this
heightened moment of violence, the boy and the violated woman
can share no words of support, or mutual understanding, can only
each submit to those who have enough power over the language to
demand silence of the others. And yet, the treatment of this scene
translation /
of sexual violence as the boy’s memory, of a moment that haunts
him as an adult, delineates how someone who is witness to vio-
62
lence (even a form of violence he may never experience directly)
might be traumatized, in exactly the way Limbale has argued.
If we then pursue the implicit analogy between Anna O. and the
narrator of “Subcontinent,” we might begin to formulate a more
nuanced understanding of translating consciousness when we con-
sider carefully the process by which a traumatized Dalit subject
struggles against aphasia. The fact that languages like Hindi and
English have a mechanism in place for silencing both the subject
who experiences the rape and the boy who witnesses it, puts a lie
to the contention that it is only the individual subject who is haunt-
ed by these violent incidents in the past. Instead, the language
cultures themselves might be understood to be haunted, and the
moments of paraphasia an indication of the ways such hauntings
do not dwell in discrete language domains. Navaria’s story helps
us understand how an act of translation (in both the commonly-un-
derstood sense, and also with Young’s more specialized meaning)
might reveal the ways simply being part of a language community
unthinkingly we might be part of the process of repression. Taking
seriously the project of Dalit consciousness, read in terms of an
active translating consciousness, might afford us a more complex
understanding of literary catharsis.
translation /
63
References
Abidi, Shuby. 2013. “Dalit Autobiography as Scriptotherapy.” International Confer-
ence on Dalit Literature and Historiography, New Delhi, Jamia Millia Islamia,
December 21.
Anand, S. 2003. Touchable Tales: Publishing and Reading Dalit Literature. Pondi-
cherry, India: Navayana.
Devy, G. N. 2014. “’Of Many Heroes’: An Indian Essay in Literary Historiography.”
In The G. N. Devy Reader. New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan: 4: 1-225.
Freud, Sigmund. 1999. The Interpretation of Dreams. Translated by Joyce Crick.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Freud, Sigmund, and Josef Breuer. 2004. Studies In Hysteria. Translated by Nicola
Luckhurst. New York: Penguin Books.
Kothari, Rita. 2013. “Caste in a Casteless Language: English as a Language of ‘Dalit’
Expression.” Economic and Political Weekly, XLVIII (39): 60–68.
Limbale, Sharankumar. 2004. Towards an Aesthetics of Dalit Literature: History,
Controversies and Considerations. Translated by Alok Mukherjee. Hyderabad:
Orient Longman.
Merrill, Christi A. 2014. “Postcolonial Issues: Translating Testimony, Arbitrating
Justice” In A Companion to Translation Studies, edited by Sandra Bermann and
Catherine Porter. London: John Wiley and Sons. 259–270.
Navaria, Ajay. 2012. “Subcontinent.” In Unclaimed Terrain. Translated by Laura
Brueck. New Delhi: Navayana.
Young, Robert J.C. 2013. “Freud on Translation and Cultural Translation.” Unpub-
lished manuscript of paper delivered at the NIDA/FUSP Symposium in New
York, September 20.
Christi A. Merrill is an associate professor of South Asian Literature and Postcolonial
Theory at the University of Michigan, and author of Riddles of Belonging: India in Trans-
lation and other Tales of Possession (Fordham University Press, 2009). Her translations
of the stories of Rajasthani writer Vijaydan Detha, Chouboli and Other Stories, were
co-published by Katha (New Delhi) and Fordham University Press (New York), and won
translation /
the 2012 A.K. Ramanujan Award. She spent the 2013-14 school year in India on an
NEH/AIIS Senior Fellowship researching her latest book project, Genres of Real Life:
Mediating Stories of Injustice Across Languages.
64
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] | Translating Talkies in Modernist Mexico
The Language of Cinemas and the
Politics of the Sound Film Industry
Valeria Luiselli Hofstra University, USA
Abstract: During the late 1920s and early 1930s, the first ‘talkies’ appeared in
Mexico, and many new cinemas were built or adapted from older buildings in
order to accommodate this paradigmatically modern entertainment technology.
Until the 1920s movies were mostly screened in makeshift spaces –in private
houses, old theaters, circuses and even churches. Then, in the early 1920s, the
first ‘cinema palaces’ started to appear, and by the late 1930s there were around
fifty new or newly adapted movie theaters specialized in featuring talkies in
Mexico City. These movie houses were an emblem of spectacular modernity.
They are also, as I argue, a clear example of ‘translation spaces’ in their ma-
ny-layered complexity. I discuss a relatively wide range of translation practices,
from dubbing and the politics of film translation in early foreign sound films
in Mexico, to the role that the first movie theaters played as stone and concrete
‘translators’ of the modern experience of sound films, to the appropriation of
old spaces and their repurposing for the new technologies, to the way that the-
aters that were built in particular ‘languages,’ such as the International Style and
the Streamline modern, constituted a form of ‘temporal’ translation.
1. Movie theaters in the age of sound: an introduction
During the late 1920s and early 1930s, the first “talkies” appeared
in Mexico, and many new cinemas were built or adapted from
older buildings in order to accommodate this paradigmatically
modern entertainment technology. Until the 1920s, movies were
mostly screened in makeshift spaces—in private houses, old the-
aters, circuses, and even churches. Then, in the early 1920s, the
first “cinema palaces” started to appear, and by the late 1930s there
were around fifty new or newly adapted movie theaters specialized
in featuring talkies in Mexico City (Hershfield 2006, 265).1 These
1
Perhaps part of the problem is the lack of material evidence in magazines and newspapers re-
garding the construction of theaters, as compared to the great amount of information regarding
films and actors. Among news such as “Tarzan has divorced his wife” and “Chaplin is in love
translation /
65
movie houses, as the architectural historian Fernanda Canales has
written, were “an emblem of spectacular modernity” (Hershfield
2006, 180). The first sound movie theaters are also, as I shall ar-
gue, a clear example of translation spaces in their many-layered
complexity.
Research on cinemas both from the perspective of architec-
tural as well as cultural history remains scarce in relation to other
areas of focus in both film studies and architectural history. Often,
film historians ignore the spaces in which films were screened, and
architectural historians tend to disregard the history of film when
they deal with movie theaters. Although film criticism does not fall
within the purview this paper, and I will not focus on any film in
particular, I do want to place my architectural analysis and discus-
sion of movie theaters within the specific context of the arrival of
sound film technology in order to discuss the relationship between
the modern architectural language of movie theaters and some of
the dominating cultural politics of the burgeoning sound film in-
dustry in Mexico. I am particularly interested in the question of
whether these two things worked in consonance or, on the con-
trary, were in dissonance in relation to the discourse of modernity
or in creating a “sense” of being modern. Considering the spaces
that were created with the arrival of sound film from an architec-
tural perspective, and focusing on a small group of movie theaters,
I intend to discuss the various senses in which translation practices
took place within these new spaces, and how such practices con-
tributed to a wider discourse of modernity. Did both cinemas and
the film industry have a parallel evolution in terms of how they
subscribed parameters of modernism? Did they play a similar so-
cial and cultural role in their contribution to the formation of ideas
of modernity?
I will discuss a relatively wide range of translation practices,
from dubbing and the politics of film translation in early for-
eign sound films in Mexico, to the role that the first movie the-
aters played as stone-and-concrete “translators” of the modern
again” (Cinelandia, December 1932), as well as propaganda for new equipment for the new
film theaters, advertisements which sell cheap and reliable English lessons, ads for new Kodak
translation /
cameras and new Clarion radios, and so on, propaganda for film theaters or news about them
is, with few exceptions, notably absent from magazines when the inauguration of theaters are
announced.
66
experience of sound films, to the appropriation of old spaces and
their repurposing for the new technologies, to the way theaters
that were built in particular architectural “languages,” such as
the International Style and the Streamline modern, constituted a
form of temporal translation.2 The way I approach these differ-
ent practices and spaces, in turn, encompasses a hermeneutical
approach to cultural practices, a phenomenological reading of
building typology, and a more distant reading of buildings within
the cityscape.
My approach to translation, moreover, is tied to the quintes-
sentially modernist distinction between foreignization and domes-
tication. Modernist translation practices must be distinguished
from what is conceived more generally as translation. The 1920s
and 1930s were decades of experimentation with composition
and translation. As the critic Lawrence Venuti writes, modernist
translation practices, which had their philosophical root in nine-
teenth-century philosophy, treated translation as an art and a source
of innovation:
The main trends in translation theory during [modernism] are rooted in German
literary and philosophical traditions, in Romanticism, hermeneutics, and exis-
tential phenomenology […] Nineteenth-century theorists and practitioners like
Friedrich Schleiermacher and Wilhelm von Humboldt treated translation as a
creative force in which specific translation strategies might serve a variety of
cultural and social functions, building languages, literatures, and nations. At the
start of the twentieth century, these ideas are rethought from the vantage point
of modernist movements which prize experiments with literary form as a way of
revitalizing culture. Translation is a focus of theoretical speculation and formal
innovation. (Venuti 2000, 11)
Far from being a means of passively importing foreign liter-
atures and adapting foreign languages to local ones, modernist
translation as “formal innovation” constituted a form of active
2
Although the term “International Style” started to be used more frequently in the 1930s, it usu-
ally refers to the language that architecture started using in the 1920s, and which became the
emblematic style of modernism in architecture. Buildings designed according to the principles
of the International Style are typically devoid of unnecessary ornamentation, are rectilinear,
conceive exteriors as a result of interiors, and rationalize form and function. The Streamline
Moderne style, which became widespread in the 1930s, draws on fundamental principles of
the International style but merges it with Art Deco elements, such as the use of curved lines,
horizontal planes, and references to nautical and aerial shapes.
translation /
67
foreignization of the domestic (vis-à-vis domesticizing the for-
eign), by which the foreign “contaminated” the domestic and
thus pushed its limits further, while at the same time blurring
the boundaries between the so-called “foreign” and the “domes-
tic.” Seen in this light, modernist translation practices are ones in
which translation was not merely conceived as an accurate ren-
dering of a source language into a target language or a vehicle for
explaining the foreign or making it more accessible or palatable
to the local readership, but as a way of appropriating new forms
and thus a creative locus of innovation. The term “translation
practice”, moreover, in the context of Mexican cultural history
can help us move beyond the passive categories of “reception”
or “influence,” common to canonic literary and cultural studies,
and allow us to focus on modernist cultural production in terms
of exchanges.
2. Subtitles, dubbing, versions, and talkies: a hermeneutical
approach to the horizon of a new soundscape
Translation and dubbing were a fundamental part of the begin-
nings of the sound film industry. By the end of the 1920s, the film
industry had entered into a crisis and sound film was initially not
being received enthusiastically around the world by leading fig-
ures in the industry. Chaplin had said that talkies were “ruining the
great beauty of silence”, (Maland 1989, 113) and Luigi Pirandello
wrote in his well-known essay, “Will the Talkies do Away with
Theater?”, that American’s “cheerful arrogance” regarding the ad-
vent of sound films was not something to really be worried about,
because talkies were nothing but a “poor reproduction of theater”
(Bassnett and Lorch, 156). But beyond its reception among prom-
inent intellectuals and public figures, the crisis was also economic,
and related to the world financial crisis. In 1932, the magazine
Cinelandia, which was simultaneously published in Mexico and
Hollywood, featured a piece titled “La gran crisis del cine” [The
Great Crisis in Film] discussing the crisis in the industry and ad-
judicating the reasons for such crisis to the advent of talkies. The
piece recounts, in a rather alarmist tone:
translation /
Hollywood producers are receiving, from all over the world, definite data confirming
the reduction of income from ticket sales in all the cinemas in every city, in every
country in the world. To tell the truth, we must add that the downward trend in pop-
68
ular interest for the cinematographic spectacle did not start with the world financial
crisis: it is older than that and goes back to the exact moment in which sound and
spoken film first came onto the international market. (Reyes de la Maza 1973, 17)3
With the arrival of sound films in Hollywood in the late 1920s
one of the many problems the American film industry faced was
preserving its cultural and economic hegemony over the rest
of the world. Governments were enforcing protectionist laws
guarding against linguistic “invasion.” Countries such as Argen-
tina immediately banned movies spoken in English. Even in the
UK, audiences started to protest against movies being spoken in
“American.” In Mexico, one of the most influential newspapers,
El Universal, gave rise to an aggressive campaign against the
new movies spoken in English, calling the governments through-
out the Spanish American continent to ban movies in English. By
the end of the 1920s, 90% of the silent films screened in Mexico
were made in the US, and the Latin American audiences could
not understand the new sound films (see Hershfield 2006, 264).
The working classes did not speak English, and the elites mostly
spoke French as a second language, not English. A good part
of the Mexican elites as well as columnists and journalists sup-
ported the campaign in the vast majority of national print me-
dia. They seemed to agree that English would overtake Spanish
if Hollywood’s “pacific invasion” was not stopped by banning
movies in English, and they contended that Spanish would soon
become a dead language if the masses started identifying English
as the language of entertainment. Although a few publications,
such as the monthly Continental, responded aggressively to El
Universal’s campaign, this anti-English movement was initially
quite successful, at least among the elites and public intellectuals
(see Reyes de la Maza 1973).
When the negative reaction to sound film became a universal
response, Hollywood entrepreneurs finally decided that they had
to do something about it. The first solution they attempted was to
make silent versions of the new sound films, strictly for foreign ex-
3
This quote, as well as much of the information regarding the late silent and early talkie eras,
is taken from Reyes de la Mazas 1973, which is a compendium of articles from leading Mexican
publications in 1929–1932. I will be quoting many articles from this compendium; all translations
translation /
into English of the original articles are mine.
69
port. This proved to be a complete failure in the entire world (Mora
1989, 31) as audiences wanted to partake in new technological
advances and silent films were seen as a thing of the past. The sec-
ond solution was to subtitle films, but countries had demands that
were sometimes difficult to meet, as well as particular, local de-
mographic realities. The Mexican president Emilio Portes Gil, for
example, ordered that there should be “absolute Castilian purity
in the language and subtitles of foreign films” (Garcia Riera 1992,
13), which was impossible as the people involved in subtitling
were Spanish speakers from different Spanish-speaking countries
now living in Los Angeles, and there was no way to conserve the
Spanish “purity” demanded by Portes Gil. Moreover, in 1930, the
percentage of analphabetism in Mexico was 65% (Vidal 2010, 20),
so the majority of the population was unable to read film subtitles.
The third entrepreneurial strategy was to dub original Holly-
wood films. This, likewise, proved inadequate, as many specta-
tors detested the monstrous disembodiment that the still precar-
ious methods of dubbing entailed. Finally, at least in the case of
films destined for the Spanish-speaking world, it was decided that
Hollywood would produce “versions” of the original films, using
actors that could speak Spanish fluently. They imported writers,
technicians, directors and, of course, actors from Spain and Lat-
in America to play the parts of the English-speaking “originals.”
These actors were called the Hollywood Hispanics—and were vir-
tually linguistic stunt doubles. Or, perhaps, these Spanish-speaking
actors can be seen as full-fledged dubbers: they not only leant their
voice to the “original” but their entire body. A truly remarkable
translation feat of sorts: Hispanic cinema became Hollywood’s
Spanish-language copy or version of itself.
From their beginnings, Hispanic films failed to convince au-
diences—as if their particular form of translation proved to be
too simplistic and unsophisticated for modern spectators. The au-
dience was perhaps aware that either they were not watching an
entirely original film and that the actors they were seeing were
most often not part of the venerable star-system. In fact, a Spanish
newspaper published a sarcastic note “thanking” Hollywood for
ridding them of so many untalented, unemployed actors and taking
translation /
them over to the USA (Reyes de la Maza 1973, 23). The film critic
Luz Alba wrote a piece titled “Growls in Spanish” where she stat-
70
ed that the voices of the actors were “so emphatic and what they
say is so stupid that one has the impression of being in a tent dra-
ma, where one could at least recur to the final resource of throwing
the chairs at the actors—something impossible to do at the cinema
Olimpia because the chairs are glued to the floor” (cited in Reyes
de la Maza 1973, 180). Moreover, people were disgusted with the
myriad Spanish accents, vocabulary, and idiomatic twists on the
screen, where Mexicans, Spaniards, Argentineans, and Cubans
played roles not necessarily corresponding to their accents. Before
Hispanic sound films even arrived in Mexico, a film critic using
the pseudonym of Don Q, who worked for the Spanish-language,
New York-based magazine Cine Mundial, stated in 1929 that
the diversity of nationalities and even races to which those improvised actors belong
is such that their films will look like salads, mixing a variety of accents and eth-
nicities—something that could be tolerated in scenes that can lend themselves to a
cosmopolitan interpretation, but which will lead to more than a few flops. (Reyes de
la Maza 1973, 191)
Indeed, Hispanic films only lasted a few years, soon proving
to be an absolute commercial flop.3 Metro Goldwyn Mayer’s last
attempt to keep hold of the Latin American and Spanish market was
to get Hollywood’s best actors to speak a little Spanish. Laurel and
Hardy, as well as Buster Keaton and Harold Lloyd, all made shorts
in Spanish and, though these fared better with educated audienc-
es—at least in Mexico—than the movies featuring Hollywood His-
panics, they did not do not well enough for entrepreneurs to persist
in this last, rather eccentric endeavor (Reyes de la Maza 1973, 25).
The theaters these subtitled, then dubbed, and then remade ver-
sions were screened in were originally designed for silent films,
and were, in turn, often older buildings—churches, convents, or
old theaters—sometimes precariously and sometimes creatively
“translated” or repurposed for cinema. One of the most emblem-
atic spaces for film screenings in the early 1920s was a former
sixteenth-century convent, which, in 1922, reopened with the rath-
er bombastic name Progreso Mundial (World Progress). The old
courtyard, typical of colonial architecture, was used as the primary
3
By 1939, after approximately 175 talkies, Hispanic films ceased to be produced (García Riera
1992, 14).
translation /
71
sitting space, and the original stone arcade, traditionally plain and
unadorned, was heavily clad with ornamentation. A second story
had to be built to fit more spectators, for which slim iron pillars
had to be placed between the seats (Alfaro 1997, 55).
Progreso Mundial circa 1922.
Most of these theaters had to be refurbished once again at the
in the late 1920s and early 1930s, this time to accommodate new
sound film technology. The Teatro-cinema Olimpia was the first
cinema in Mexico to screen a talkie in 1929—eight years after its
inauguration.4 Before this, in the early 1920s, it had been used si-
multaneously for plays and silent films. The talkie that was shown
was The Singing Fool. Before it played, the theater screened a
short showing the Mexican consul in New York directly address-
ing Mexicans and congratulating Warner Brothers for their inven-
tion. Then, before the main screening, both the Orquesta Típica
Mexicana and the New York Symphonic Orchestra were shown
4
Previously, the sound film (but not talkie) The Submarine had been screened in the Teatro Im-
perial, in April 1929. An ad in the Universal read: “The Teatro Imperial, conscious of its program
in constant progress and keeping ahead of its competition, will offer for the first time this great
translation /
advance of human invention […] Come to listen to the clamor and feel the anguish of a sinking
submarine. Listen to the sounds of the depths of the ocean. Today, two shows, one at four and
the other at eight” (Reyes de la Maza 1973, 76).
72
playing a selection of musical pieces. The directors of the Olim-
pia, in conjunction with Warner Brothers, had also produced a free
magazine with information about the “wonders of the new form of
entertainment” as well as a translated transcription of the movie’s
dialogues (Reyes de la Maza 1973, 80). The premiere, apparently,
was such a success that soon the campaign launched by El Univer-
sal was drowned by the clamors of “the masses”.5
The Olimpia was designed by one of the most important early
cinema architects, Carlos Crombé.6 It was built inside the shell
of an old hotel, which had, in turn, been built in a vegetable gar-
den on the grounds of the first Franciscan convent built in Mexico
City in the 16th century. Its interiors were originally designed ac-
cording to the elegant neoclassical eighteenth-century Adamesque
style, which had seen a revival among the middle classes in the late
nineteenth century and up to the 1920s.7 There were two dancing
salons, one smoking room, and two vestibules (Alfaro 1997, 25).
The elegant and often opulent interiors of movie theaters were a
common denominator at the time. The logic behind this was to
give the upper middle classes as immersive an experience for their
money as possible, and help them forget their mundane, everyday
life for a few hours. As a description of the movie theater in the
magazine Cine Mundial read: “The Aristocratic Cinema Olimpia,
refuge for families when on cold winter afternoons tedium stabs
with its sharp blade, enchanting retreat […] has come to fill a vac-
uum which had long been felt in Mexico’s good society” (Cine
Silente Mexicano/Mexican Silent Cinema, translation mine).
5
It is interesting to note, reading the different articles about movies published at the time, that
the opinion of intellectuals was almost always in contrast to what seemed to be the response of
the “masses” to innovations and entertainment.
6
Carlos Crombé was a rather prolific cinema architect by the standards of the time in Mexi-
co. In the 1920s he built several teatro-cinemas, in varied “conservative” architectural styles,
ranging from Beaux-Arts façades typical of the Porfirian era such as his famous Cine Odeon, to
Adamesque interiors, and even Churrigueresque exteriors (a Mexican adaptation of Baroque)
in his well known Teatro Colonial (1940). His later cinemas, such as the Cine Alameda (1936) and
his modernization of his own earlier Cine Olimpa (1941) were very different to those of the 1920s.
The Cosmos, Crombé’s last project, which burnt down in 1946 just before its official inauguration,
was closer to art deco and was perhaps meant to signal another version of modernity, perhaps
closer to functionalism, in its sobriety. It was certainly the most modern of Crombé’s cinemas—it
was closer, at least, to International Modernism—but it was the last he designed, as he died
shortly after it burned down.
7
The Adamesque style, developed by the Adam brothers in England, became fashionable in the
mid- to late-eighteenth century and is usually considered an offshoot of neoclassical design and
architecture. It simplified baroque and rococo, but was still heavily ornamental.
translation /
73
Teatro-Cinema Olimpia circa 1921.
There are various translation practices at work in the example
of the Olimpia’s screening of The Singing Fool. Even if the movie
itself was not subtitled—a translation practice that, as I said ear-
lier, had been banned by presidential orders—or dubbed, even if
it was not a Hispanic “version” of an “original,” several interest-
ing and rather inventive translational strategies were being used to
bring the first talkie closer to its non English-speaking audience.
First, the film’s dialogue was printed out and distributed free to
patrons, which would seem to imply that it was expected to be read
after the show, as a sort of consecutive or “delayed” translation.
Then, there was the initial appearance of the Mexican consul in
New York, who, in his role of cultural and diplomatic translator,
was attempting to both bridge the two cultures that were about to
engage in a possibly alienating encounter and also to fully sanc-
tion—politically, that is—the screening of a movie in a language
that was treated by many with great suspicion. Further, and most
translation /
importantly in architectural terms, the movie was being premiered
in one of the oldest, most elegant and well-established movie the-
74
aters—a choice of setting which perhaps sought to convey an aura
of traditional legitimacy and normality for the public. Through all
these different practices or strategies, the Olimpia was to all ex-
tents functioning here as a translation space.
But how was the Olimpia’s role as a translation space inter-
preted by others? In the Revista de Revistas, a highly popular pub-
lication of those times, the critic Peinbert refers to the Olimpia as
“one of our best salons” and says that through these salons “Mex-
ico will be irremediably invaded by talkies in just a few months”
(Reyes de la Maza 1973, 86). Similarly, in the Universal the ed-
itor and critic Carlos Noriega Hope wrote that “Yesterday it was
the Olimpia that was paving the way; tomorrow it will be all the
cinemas in Mexico […] Not a month will pass before mute films
are inexorably exiled to the barrios. Everything will be filled with
cries, musical synchronizations, and words in English” (Reyes de
la Maza 1973, 137). Another critic, Eugene Gaudry, complained
about the screening at the Olimpia saying that it would inaugurate
a time of great cultural confusion where eventually “the foreigners
that come to Mexico will not know what the national language is,
because they will be seeing movies in English, French, German,
Italian, Denmarkese [sic], and so on, with no Spanish translations”
(Reyes de la Maza 1973, 171).
Gaudry was of course exaggerating, but his complaints and
concerns must have been shared by many, because a year later, in
1930, the managers at the Olimpia devised a mechanism which
allowed for the insertion of explanatory Spanish text or titles be-
tween scenes in foreign movies. The Olimpia was famous for its
endeavors in translating as much as possible for their audiences.
The critic Luz Alba noted in an article that “talkies at the Olimpia
have many titles, more than those strictly necessary to understand
the general issue, and just enough to understand the details—
something that does not occur in talkies at other theaters, which
only have enough titles to understand generalities” (Reyes de la
Maza 1973, 200).
Indeed, movie theaters such as the Olimpia were the sites that
were helping translate or carry over a new modern experience to
the Mexican audience, and this modern experience went beyond
the technology of sound in film: it was also the experience of
foreign languages and voices coming into the city’s soundscape,
translation /
75
Teatro-Cinema Olimpia circa late 1920s.
through the screens of these movie theaters. Whether viewed as
enablers of a new invention or as “traitors” that would allow the
talkies to come in and take over, these translators made of concrete
and stone functioned as the material portals for foreign languag-
es to come in and “foreignize” the soundscape of Mexican movie
theaters.
3. Translation, tradition, and entertainment:
a phenomenological approach
After an initial period of resistance on the part of the Mexico City
elite, in which many columnists and critics voiced their concerns
and hesitations regarding sound film technology, it was clear that
the talkies had come to stay. In the early 1930s, the Mexican film
industry consolidated and producers started to invest funds and
translation /
human capital in new technologies and, of course, in producing
Spanish-language talkies.
76
One of the first optical sound devices for film was in fact in-
vented by a young Mexican man who was living in Los Angeles
with his family at the time. His name, like the names of many
remote national icons, has an almost cinematographic ring to it:
José de Jesús “El Joselito” Rodriguez. In the back room of the
bakery his parents owned he had been working for two years on
a sound-on-film device that would adapt to any camera and be
easy to transport. He finally completed the last adjustments to the
Rodriguez Sound Recording System in 1929. It weighed less than
twelve pounds and was purportedly adaptable to any camera cir-
culating in the industry. As the story goes, he sat his family around
a projector and activated it. To his family’s surprise, a horrifying,
cacophonic, almost diabolical melody gushed out, in synchrony
with the image of a few people moving their mouths rhythmically
on the home-made screen. Joselito then stopped the mechanism,
made a few adjustments, and tried again. What came out the sec-
ond time around was the Mexican national anthem. Apparently,
in the first try, he had set the mechanism the wrong way around,
and what his family heard was the national anthem being sung
backwards.
Early sound films relied on a sound-on-disc technology, in
which the sound heard during a film screening had been recorded
onto a phonograph record that was physically separate from the
film. The technology was flimsy and unreliable: not only did the
two components—sound and image—seem disconnected, but they
would often desynchronize completely, producing mass confusion
and irritation in early spectators. The decisive technological step
for the sound film industry was the fusion of both the sound and
visual components of the movie in an optical sound device, lat-
er called sound-on-film technology. Although initial experiments
with the new technology took place in the early 1920s, the first full
feature film with integrated sound was The Jazz Singer (1927). It
was in that same year that Joselito Rodriguez began to develop his
new device, which he imagined could be used in the burgeoning
Mexican sound film industry and thus set Mexico at the forefront
of international talkies.
At the same time as Joselito was working on his device, in
around 1930 a Mexican producer put together a crew and began
working on a project that would lead to the first Mexican opti-
translation /
77
cal sound film, Santa. Joselito, who probably knew he stood slim
chances of getting a proper interview with film magnates, stalked
the film’s producer, Juan de la Cruz Alarcón, at Los Angeles air-
port. Alarcón was on his way back to Mexico, returning empty
handed, after an unsuccessful trip to Hollywood in which he tried
to acquire a sound-on-film technology device: they were all too
costly and impossible to transport. Accompanied by his brother,
Joselito approached Alarcón and secretly filmed and recorded
their brief airport conversation, in which he told the producer of
his latest invention. He was unsuccessful in settling any deal with
him, but he at least managed to get his contact information down
and record the whole encounter. A few days later, he mailed the
reel to Alarcón back in Mexico. The recording met and surpassed
Alarcón’s expectations. It was a done deal. Just a couple of weeks
later, Joselito and his brother, Roberto, were repatriated and began
working on Santa in the newly built studios of the Compania Na-
cional Productora de Peliculas.
Santa was premiered in 1932, in Mexico City’s newly renovat-
ed Cine Palacio. The Palacio was finished in 1924 and renovated in
the late 1920s to screen sound films. But what did this renovation
consist in? Did sound film technology affect the architectural lan-
guage or style of movie theaters beyond the necessary adjustments
to their interiors? Interestingly, the renovations to the Palacio were
also external: the theater perhaps had to send the message to its
audiences that they were fully committed to modernity and they
were as modern as the technology they housed.
In a comparison of the two façades it is possible to notice some
of the typical changes that architecture underwent during the de-
cade. In the renovated cinema, the straight lines that once met the
pinnacles framing the center façade were replaced by a stepped
rooftop, more typical of the art deco style of the late 1920s in Mex-
ico, making the building look taller and, especially, differentiat-
ing it from the straight-line horizontal façades of both neocolonial
and Porfirean art nouveau architecture. The exteriors of the Cine
Palacio were also conditioned for the more striking form of film
propaganda that started to flourish towards the end of the 1920s,
which often made use of vertical edge-lit signs and likewise used
translation /
the marquee for placing film posters.
There is, unfortunately, little published material about the the-
78
ater’s interior transformation or on what adaptations the film’s
technicians had to do in order to screen Santa in a theater that was
not initially built for talkies. The only mention in publications to
its interior is that it was “modernized”—which probably means
that the art nouveau ornamentation was “upgrade” to art deco (see,
Cine Palacio circa 1924.
Cine Palacio late 1920s.
translation /
79
for example, García 2002). In short: a new technology demand-
ed a new appearance, internal and external. Modernity demanded
an integral makeover, a full translation of a space into its modern
version.
An urban melodrama of sorts, Santa was based on a best-sell-
ing novel written at the close of the nineteenth century by the Mex-
ican writer Federico Gamboa. It tells the story of a woman from
the countryside who arrives in Mexico City and is forced into pros-
titution. Modern Mexico city is portrayed as a threatening, cruel
space, where well-intentioned people are treated harshlly. As the
critic Joanne Hershfield writes regarding Santa, “the film affirmed
the conservative discourse that idealized tradition […] and criti-
cized the modern paradigm of progress” (Hershfield 2006, 268).
It is somewhat interesting, in this light, that the storyline chosen
to inaugurate the Mexican talkie—a format using technology that
was spearheading modernity and progress—should come from a
conservative nineteenth-century novel. It is also interesting that
this conservative film was screened in a newly renovated, modern,
art-deco movie theater. What can we make of the apparent décal-
age between a movie and the theater that screened it?
It must be noted that the example of the conservative Santa
screened in the modern Palacio is by no means an exception. Most
commercial movies made in Mexico during the 1930s—and well
into the 1950s, the period in which the country entered its cine-
matographic Golden Age—were no less conservative and tradi-
tionalist. As Hershfield notes, “whether they were set in historical
or contemporary contexts, these films exalted traditional values of
patriarchy, the family, the macho hero, and virtuous, submissive
femininity” (Hershfield 2006, 269). The fundamental reason for
this is that the State was deeply involved in film production and
distribution in Mexico, and therefore also had a “say” in its con-
tent.8 The same is not true of the relationship between the State
and movie theaters themselves.9 Theaters were seen as lucrative
8
As Susan Dever writes regarding the film industry and the star system, “Within Mexico these
stars negotiated a relationship between spectators and the State, indoctrinating viewers in the
rights and duties of Mexican citizenship. (Given the Mexican Government’s subsidy of the film
translation /
industry, making the State the producer of Golden Age cinema, this relationship was particularly
well defined)” (Dever 2003, 12).
9
There is no evidence whatsoever that most film theaters received money from the State, as op-
80
spaces of entertainment, not places destined to educate the Mexi-
can population.
While successful films at the box office were usually the most
conservative ones, Mexican cinemas in the early 1930s tend-
ed toward a gradually increasing radical modernity. They were
more experimental than their content (that is, than the films they
showed), more forward-looking and more committed to a sense
of modernity—however they interpreted this. In other words, if
cinemas in the 1930s pointed toward the future, the content they
screened mostly pointed toward the past. How, then, should we
read the resulting tension? Can it be read as a tension between
form and function? That is, a tension between modernity in form
and conservatism in function? Or perhaps their function was not
at all to conserve values through conservative movies, but simply
to entertain and make money. In that case, how did their form con-
tribute to the parameters and box office exigencies and how was
this, in turn, gauged against the State’s own exigencies regarding
the pedagogic, civilizing purpose of Mexican commercial films?
The phenomenological assumption regarding the interrelated-
ness of an aesthetic experience and the physical aspect of the space
in which such an experience takes place may or may not be entirely
accepted—the degree of the interrelatedness can certainly be ques-
tioned in a space such as a theater, which disappears as soon as the
lights go off and the show begins—but what is unquestionable is
the fact that the architects of movie houses made stylistic choices
which were necessarily tied to a taste informed by a preconception
of what a space such as a cinema should “say” to its patrons.
In his lecture “Of Other Spaces,” Foucault describes the mov-
ie theater as a space that encloses within it a multiplicity of spaces.
He explains the multiplicity of spaces enclosed in a movie theater
posed to hospitals, schools, public housing, stadiums, universities, and public buildings. There
were powerful families in the construction business—the Espinosa brothers, the Alarcóns, and
of course, the controversial American tycoon William Jenkins—who had ties with the govern-
ment and who would eventually hold a monopoly on Mexican film theaters. There were also
politicians involved in theater construction and ownership, such as former president Abelardo
Rodríguez. But none of this means that there was no public money, or at least honestly invested
public money, in the business. Many reasons may explain the absence of the government in film
theater construction and management. The short answer, however, is that theaters simply did
not need it. As opposed to national film production, theaters had plenty of material to screen and
plenty of patrons to entertain—a simple matter of supply and demand.
translation /
81
through the figure of the heterotopia: “The heterotopia is capable
of juxtaposing in a single real place several spaces […] thus it
is that the cinema is a very odd rectangular room, at the end of
which, on a two-dimensional screen, one sees the projection of a
three-dimensional space” (Foucault 1984, 6). But what Foucault
fails to do is to see the “very odd rectangular room” as anything
more than just a box in which the experience takes place. He does
not, in other words, regard the physical space of the theater as any-
thing more than a sort of container. Cinemas, however, are much
more complex in terms of their production of space than an “odd
rectangular room.” The spaces in which films were seen provided
a setting in which the viewers received their dose of entertainment
within the bracket or “slices in time” (Foucault 1984, 6) which the
experience of movie-going entailed.
Palacio Chino late 1930s.
Perhaps the clearest historical example of a conscious stylistic
choice is that of the atmospheric cinemas, which were in vogue in
translation /
movie theater architecture in the United States in the 1920s and
which sought to recreate exotic spaces. Such was the case of the
82
Palacio Chino (built in the late 1930s and inaugurated in 1940),
which featured pagodas, Buddhas, and golden dragons in its par-
ticular rendering of the atmospheric style. It was built in an old
ball court, and designed by Luis de la Mora and Alfredo Olaga-
ray. The critic Luis Helguera describes its interiors as built in “at-
mospheric style, with pagodas, temples, and gold Buddha statues
amid gardens. The ceiling was vault-like, not flat but very arched,
and of course was painted deep blue. The screen was protected by
a heavy black curtain, with Chinese motifs painted upon it. The
screen arch was very heavily decorated, with dragons appearing
here and there” (Heguera).
Mexican architects of the atmospheric style followed the
precept conceptualized by Charles Lee—“the show starts on the
sidewalk.” They had attractive marquees, striking façades, and,
in short, designed spaces that would bolster the “illusion” of the
cinema, where the mind, leaving the real behind, was finally free
to gambol and became more receptive to entertainment. Movie
theaters, as spaces, can then perhaps be seen as a medium that,
due to its “otherness,” helped transmit the illusion of cinema to its
viewers. Whether this otherness was just a gleaming modernity, as
in the case of the Cine Palacio, or whether it was set as an entire il-
lusion, as in the case of the Palacio Chino, the point was that movie
theaters were much more than just “odd rectangular rooms.”
Going back to the question of form and function posed earli-
er, how can we read the coexistence or juxtaposition of Mexican
movies—conservative, and mostly realist and traditionalist—in
these modern, “other” spaces? Perhaps by rephrasing this appar-
ent dichotomy in terms of how movie theaters function as transla-
tion spaces we can make better sense of it. In a “foreign” space of
sorts, in a space that was utterly “other”—due to its modernity, its
ornamental exuberance, or its atmospheric illusions—what peo-
ple went to see was themselves; or even an older, more traditional
version of themselves. A space “outside of time” and “outside of
space”—a modern space of entertainment and illusion—thus func-
tioned, paradoxically, as a sort of mirror of reality. In other words,
a space that was foreign made the domestic visible.
The patron or viewer, upon entering the other or foreign space
of the movie theater, became a translator. A translator of what, ex-
actly? A translator of him or herself for him or herself. The movie
translation /
83
theater, inasmuch as it created an illusion or sense of being else-
where, estranged the patron from his reality and from himself: he
was in a foreign space of sorts. Then, the movie itself—a movie
such as Santa, which in turn realistically depicted the reality “out-
side” the space of the movies—made the patron face him-/herself.
Translation spaces such as movie theaters were not just gateways
for foreign languages and cultures, as I explained in the example
of the Olimpia’s foreign talkie screenings, but also functioned as
mirrors—spaces in which viewers come to see themselves reflect-
ed in that other “version” of themselves in the context or against
the backdrop of a space that was foreign and other, much like the
translator who is always “strabismically” looking simultaneously
at the foreign text and at her or his own. Moviegoers thus travels
outside themselves and outside their domestic, local reality to re-
turn to themselves.
4. New monumentality in the cityscape: building typologies
and the urban layout
By the mid 1930s, the Mexican film sound industry had entered
its Golden Age. The number of films produced in the country had
increased exponentially (see Mora 1989).The same was happening
in many other parts of the world, as the advent of sound film and
the language/translation problems it had created were partially re-
solved by countries creating and investing in their own film indus-
tries and producing films in their national languages.
Paradoxically, however, while the film industry was becoming
more and more fragmented into linguistic regions, the “interna-
tional language” of theater architecture became more and more
consolidated and unified. As the national film industry grew in
Mexico in the 1930s, Spanish-language films were being screened
in spaces that were increasingly trans- or international in terms
of their architectural languages and styles. In this sense, it could
perhaps be said that cinemas internationalized their content, how-
ever “local” it may have been. Spectators seeing a movie about
the most local of themes—be it the Mexican Revolution, Mexican
urban poverty, or the Aztec past—were doing so in an interior that
could just as easily be in Vienna, Buenos Aires, or Chicago.
translation /
But what about the relationship of these movie theaters to their
surroundings? That is, how can movie theaters be understood as
84
translation spaces within the urban space they occupied and how
can this relationship shine a different light upon their cultural and
social role? In the 1930s, monumental sound movie theaters began
to be built. These were not just adaptations of older buildings, but
constructions whose function was, from the outset, to house sound
films. Beyond their bold architecture, which contrasted with the
older and more sober buildings in Mexico City and thus set them
apart as grand palaces of entertainment, their monumental size
also marked a dramatic shift in the appearance of the city, which
had always been horizontally low-rise. One of the most interest-
ing examples of modern cinema monumentality was Juan Segura’s
Cine Hipódromo, housed within the Ermita building.
Ermita building circa 1931.
translation /
85
Cine Hipodromo, Ermita building.
translation /
Ermita building circa 1931.
86
The Ermita was a dramatic intervention in the cityscape. It was
the first “skyscraper,” albeit only an eight-story one. Seen from
the acute angle where Revolución and Avenida Jalisco meet, the
building resembles a large ship sailing north. On its ground lev-
el are spaces for small businesses, integrating the street-life into
the building. Along its southern façade, a big entranceway, which
makes resourceful use of the building’s triangular shape, opens
into a cinema. On top of the cinema are three stories of apartments.
Since Segura could not use columns inside the cinema, he had to
think of a way of making sure the structure would support the three
stories above. He therefore opted for structural steel and construct-
ed an innovative steel structure around the cinema in order to se-
cure it from the weight above, as well as to sound-proof it. He also
used reinforced concrete in beam designs and roofs, as well as for
minimal cladding purposes and ornaments—all of which were an
integral part of the building (Toca 1997, 170). Although the Ermita
was finished by 1931, the Hipódromo, did not open until 1936. Its
inauguration poster depicted “the masses” crowding around the
new, towering building.
Teatro Cine Hipodromo inauguration poster, 1936.
translation /
87
Other examples of modernist monumentality were Francis-
co J. Serrano’s projects. He designed and modernized at least ten
cinemas in the 1930s, some of which, in his own words “left be-
hind their jacal [hut-like] appearance and became modern spaces”
(Alfaro 1998, 58). One of his most important buildings, the Cine
Encanto, was inaugurated in 1937, and loomed high above the sur-
rounding buildings of the San Rafael neighborhood. Its art deco
façade featured a heavily lit marquee, an enormous portico, and
a striking sign at the top with the theater’s name written in deco
typography. The vertical cement walls, forming a right angle with
the central area of the façade, accentuate the height of the con-
struction and the stretched glass-block vertical windows through
which the light from the interior shone outwards, thus accentuat-
ing the chiaroscuro suggested by the walls.
The interiors of the Cine Encanto were modern and spare com-
pared to the more lavishly ornamented theaters of the early 1920s.
translation /
Cine Encanto circa 1937.
88
The Streamline Moderne vestibule, with its curving forms, long
horizontal lines, and round ship-like windows can be seen as a
reaction to the earlier sumptuous interiors of movie palaces and at-
mospherics, and a natural reflection of modern architecture’s ten-
dency towards simplicity and economy of space and materials. Its
vestibule, moreover, played with the ambiguous border between
the inside and the outside, by integrating an interior garden and
Cine Encanto (interiors) circa 1937.
Cine Encanto (vestibule).
translation /
89
using openings in the roof to allow plenty of natural light to flow
in during the day or for the night sky to be seen from inside.
One of the most interesting aspects of both Juan Segura’s and
Francisco Serrano’s work is precisely that it raises the question
of how modernity was being interpreted by these “independent”
architects of the new film theaters.10 Segura and Serrano designed
two of the first cinemas constructed specifically as sound cinemas.
These movie theaters were no longer adaptations of constructions
dating from an earlier period, they were not mere “upgrades” from
art nouveau to art deco, and they were certainly not like the opu-
lent, lavishly ornamented atmospheric palaces. Indeed, in the mid
and late 1930s, movie theater architects would draw more and
more on this interpretation of modernity and modernism and move
towards more sober, less eclectic forms, building cinemas devoid
of superficial ornamentation and maintaining a tighter relationship
between form and function.11
But these movie theaters were also imposing new monuments
to modernity, towering high above the city’s older buildings. They
were as much places destined for seeing something (a movie) as
places made to be seen. They were visible from afar; they loomed
large, like the admonition of a possible future city, from below.
These new buildings introduced a new time: the time of the “now”
as a “future.” The time of the thoroughly, universally modern.
If modernist translation practices were a form of foreignization
of the domestic, those new movie theaters, in the local context
where they appeared, must have seemed utterly foreign or oth-
er—not by virtue of bringing in elements from a particular foreign
country or region, as International Modernism and the Stream-
line modern style were in essence extraterritorial, but by virtue
of introducing a foreign time into the city’s traditional time. Their
“otherness” was a “futureness.” If translation is a transportation, a
transference, a carrying over, what these monuments to modern-
ism translated was not any particular content, but the sense of time
itself.
10
By independent, I mean that their work was not, as was the case with so many realms of ar-
chitectural and artistic production—film certainly among them—funded by the Mexican State.
translation /
11
As Maggie Valentine explains, “seemingly anachronistic ornate architecture and design dis-
appeared from the buildings. Both [film and film theater architecture] were stripped of their
artificial decoration in favor of a more honest […]) examination of life” (Valentine 1994, 6).
90
References
Alfaro Salazar, Francisco Haroldo. 1997. Espacios distantes—aun vivos: las salas
cinematográficas de la Ciudad de México. Mexico City: Universidad Autónoma
Metropolitana.
———. 1998. República de los cines. Mexico City: Clio.
Cine silente méxicano/Mexican Silent Cinema. S.v. “Cine Progreso.” http://cinesilen-
temexicano.wordpress.com/?s=cine+progreso.
Dever, Susan. 2003. Celluloid Nationalism and Other Melodramas: From Post-Rev-
olutionary Mexico to fin de siglo Mexamérica. The Suny Series in Cultural
Studies in Cinema/Video and in Feminist Criticism and Theory. Albany: State
University of New York Press.
Foucault, Michel. 1984. “Of ther Spaces. Utopias and Heterotopias.” Translated from
the French by Jay Miskowiec, originally in Architecture /Mouvement/ Continu-
ité (October). Available as pdf download at http://web.mit.edu/allanmc/www/
foucault1.pdf.
García, Gustavo. 2002. “Adiós al Olimpia.” Letras Libres (October): 101–102.
García Riera, Emilio. 1992. Historia documental del cine mexicano. Vol 1. Guadala-
jara: Universidad de Guadaljara.
Heguera, Luis. N.d. S.v. “Palacio Chino.” http://cinematreasures.org/theaters/
13383http://cinematreasures.org/theaters/13383.
Hershfield, Joanne. 2006. “Sreening the Nation.” In Mary K. Vaughan and Stephen
E. Lewis, eds., The Eagle and the Virgin: Nation and Cultural Revolution in
Mexico, 1920–1940. Durham: Duke University Press.
Maland, Charles J. 1989. Chaplin and American Culture: The Evolution of a Star
Image. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press.
Mora, Carl J. 1989. Mexican Cinema: Reflections of a Society, 1896–1988. Berkeley:
University of California Press.
Reyes de la Maza, Luis. 1973. Cine sonoro mexicano. Mexico City: Universidad
Nacional Autónoma de México.
Toca, Antonio. 1997. “Origins of Modern Architecture in Mexico.” In Edward Buri-
an, ed., Modernity and the Architecture of Mexico. Austin: University of Texas
Press.
Valentine, Maggie. 1994. The Show Starts on the Sidewalk: An Architectural History
of the Movie Theatre, Starring S. Charles Lee. New Haven: Yale University
Press.
Venuti, Lawrence. 2000. The Translation Studies Reader. London: Routledge.
Vidal Bonifaz, Rosario. 2010. Surgimiento de la industria cinematográfica y el papel
del Estado de México 1895–1940. Mexico, D.F.: Miguel Angel Porrúa.
translation /
91
Valeria Luiselli was born in Mexico City, and grew up in South Korea, South Africa
and India. She is the author of Sidewalks, a collection of essays, and the internationally
acclaimed novels Faces in the Crowd and The Story of My Teeth. Her work in fiction
has been translated into more than twenty languages, and she has written for The
New York Times, The Guardian, Frieze, Granta, the New Yorker and McSweeney’s. She
holds a PhD in Comparative Literature from Columbia University, and lives in New York,
where she teaches at Hofstra University.
Photo: Zony Maya.
translation /
92
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15523 | [
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] | Translating At the Edge of Empire:
Olha Kobylianska and Rose Ausländer
Sherry Simon Concordia University,
Canada
Abstract: The edge of empire is a mythical place which has inspired the histor-
ical and literary imagination. As the easternmost city of the Habsburg Empire,
Czernowitz was a product of a particular kind of border culture, one which sus-
tained an intense relationship with the German language. In the multilingual
matrix of the years leading to the collapse of the Empire and during the interwar
period, translational relationships were developed through German. The cases
of the Ukrainian writer Olha Kobylianska and the German-Jewish poet Rose
Auslander are considered here.
The edge of empire is a mythical place that has long stimulated
the historical and literary imagination. The Roman Limes—which
encompassed a vast area that included Britain (up to its northern,
Atlantic reaches), continental Europe right across to the Black
Sea and down to the Red Sea, and North Africa as far west as the
Atlantic coast (see http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/430)—probably
provide the most pervasive material traces of the walls, ditches,
forts, fortresses, watchtowers, and civilian settlements that sepa-
rate Empire from its barbarian outside. But the waxing and waning
of innumerable empires over the course of world history—from
the Greek and Mongol to the Habsburg, British, and Ottoman em-
pires—have offered an abundant supply of objects and narratives,
images and fantasies, a recent example of which is the Star Wars
game called “The Edge of the Empire.”
An expression of imperial power at its highest point (bringing
the full might of military force to bear against the enemy without),
the edge of empire is also, because of its physical distance from
the imperial center, a place where identities can become diluted,
where the precise dividing line between inside and outside can be-
come troubled. This paradox is richly exploited in J. M. Coetzee’s
translation /
93
1980 novel Waiting for the Barbarians. It tells the story of a dis-
abused middle-aged magistrate who chooses to end his days in a
lazy imperial outpost, spending his free time carrying out his own
archaeological digs.
Largely indifferent to the bellicose aims of his military superi-
ors, he comes under suspicion of collusion with the enemy. He has
excavated a cache of slivers of wood that all seem to have some
sort of message written on them, but the writing is ancient and im-
penetrable and he has been unable to decipher the message. When
he is forced, however, to provide the meaning of these writings,
now considered crucial evidence, the magistrate suddenly finds
words to transmit the messages he reads from the slips: appeals
from barbarian prisoners to their families—intimate and immedi-
ate and alive.
Through his “translation,” the magistrate transforms the bar-
barians from aliens into individual beings. He blurs the line that
separates the enemy from the citizen, and he opens gaps in the Em-
pire’s line of defense. And in fact the Empire never does achieve
victory. The barbarians simply lure the army out into the desert
and then vanish. Faithful to the genre of “the barbarian and the
frontier”—classically drawn by Dino Buzzati in The Desert of the
Tartars and powerfully evoked by Cavafy in the poem also called
“Waiting for the Barbarians”—the barbarians in Coetzee’s novel
are elusive. The moment of direct confrontation, feared and de-
sired, never comes. The link between present and past, self and
other, suggests Coetzee, is an imaginative leap, a gesture of volun-
tary projection.
Coetzee’s novel will be our entry point into another site of
translation at the edge of empire. This is the city of Czernowitz (to-
day’s Cernivtsi in Ukraine), the most easterly city of the erstwhile
Habsburg empire. Abundantly mythologized as a border city, as
a cultural bulwark against the alien forces from the east, the city
provides rich material for a study of translational forces. Its geo-
graphical situation but also its cultural vocation as a border city
during the period of the military collapse and the reorganization
of the Habsburg border lands offers a singular viewpoint onto the
work of translation at the edge of empire. In what follows, I will
translation /
examine the work of two Czernowitz authors—Olha Kobylianska
(1863-1942) and Rose Ausländer (1901-1988)—as translators of
94
their border city. Like Coetzee’s magistrate, they find the borders
enacted by translation to be shifting and elusive. To translate at
the edge is to be especially aware of the ways in which boundaries
can accentuate or attenuate difference. Political borders hyposta-
tize cultural and linguistic differences, while geographical borders
often show difference to be gradual. The multilingualism of border
zones problematizes the activities of translation as source–target
transactions. Whether applied to a huge geographical expanse or
to the microspaces of the multilingual city, the operations of trans-
lation at the border are shaped by the special pressures of the in-
terzone. This means that the frames of language exchange must be
recast to respond to more subtle understandings of the relation be-
tween language, territory, and identity. How do the competition and
animosities, but also the shared references that inevitably flourish
in multilingual geopolitical contexts, shape translation (Meylaerts
2013)? Languages that share the same terrain rarely participate in
a peaceful and egalitarian conversation: their separate and compet-
ing institutions are wary of one another, aggressive in their need
for self-protection. Cultures of mediation are shaped by the social
and political forces which regulate the relations among languages.
Building the bulwark
Today the Bukovina is largely situated in Ukraine. From 1774 until
1918, this area was the easternmost edge of the Habsburg empire
that the emperor Joseph II consciously and vigorously constructed
as a buffer zone in order to protect his territories from Russian
and Ottoman expansion (Colin 1991, 7). He actively promoted the
settlement of Germans from Austria and southwest Germany, as
well as the Germanization of Ruthenians and Roumanians, the two
largest language groups in the Bukovina.
Over the course of the nineteenth century in particular, for
both German-language empires (the Prussian and the Habsburg),
“the East” exerted tremendous fascination. From 1848 to 1918,
central Europe was crisscrossed by conflicting imperial projects,
each marked by its own real and imagined borders and the constant
pressure to defend newly conquered expanses of territory. The ar-
eas that became known as the “eastern Marches” were increasing-
ly important in public consciousness. The term “March”—origi-
nally indicating the border provinces of the Carolingian Empire,
translation /
95
granted a privileged political status in order to fulfill their duties in
defending and expanding the Empire’s boundaries, and used only
sporadically in the first half of the nineteenth century—became a
catch-phrase (the OstMark) after 1848 (Thum 2013, 44–59). And
in the second half of the nineteenth century, a new kind of highly
ideologized novel later called the Ostmarkenroman emerged, pop-
ularizing the idea “that a battle over territory was taking place in
the eastern borderlands between the representations of a superior
German civilization and their Slavic enemies” (Thum 2013, 48).
As Pieter Judson has so convincingly demonstrated, these
border zones were not “natural” zones of conflict, in particular of
language conflict. Beginning in the mid-nineteenth century, they
were, rather, strategically targeted by nationalist ideologists and
enlisted in the struggle for patriotic allegiance (Judson 2006). “Na-
tionalist activists” took every opportunity to transform rural con-
flicts into national ones (10). In particular, campaigns around the
language of schools were used to mobilize energies for nationalist
causes in what Judson calls the “nationalization of the language
frontier” (17).
From 1848 onwards, Czernowitz had an increasingly Ger-
man-language population. Many German-speaking Jews settled in
the major Bukovinian cities and by 1918, 47 percent of the pop-
ulation of Czernowitz was Jewish. “Since Bukovinian Jews were
German-speaking and particularly loyal to the Habsburg monarchy
and instrumental in its expansion in that region, Austrian officials
tended to consider them representatives of the Habsburg empire”
(Colin 1991, 7; see also Hirsch and Spitzer, chapters 2 and 4).
Proof of the importance of Czernowitz for Austria and the German
language came with the founding in 1875 of Franz Josef Univer-
sity—a coveted boost to the intellectual and cultural life of what
was considered by many to be an outpost of imperial life. While
the town had its military garrisons to protect the city from attack,
it also had its linguistic ramparts. By 1875, for example, in order to
conform to the empire’s own language laws guaranteeing the use
of a national language when numbers justified it, Lemberg univer-
sity in the Galician city was giving all its courses in Polish—so
the Empire had to exert its efforts at Germanization elsewhere.
translation /
The university in Czernowitz was the Empire’s first new universi-
ty in fifty years (Judson 2016, 321). The new university, won for
96
Czernowitz over intense competition from other cities—notably
Trieste—was the result of relentless lobbying by a noble landown-
er from Bukovina who argued that only German scholarship could
claim universality and that it would ensure an integrative function
in this multilingual zone of empire (322). The University reflected
the Empire’s broader political and ideological aims.
When in 1866 Austria lost its traditional political hegemony in Germany, the liberal
empire sought a renewed sense of mission in Europe. In the 1870s, the exploration of
cultural diversity seemed to offer the foundations for a renewed Habsburg civilizing
mission directed specifically to eastern and southeastern Europe, including the Bal-
kans. In its earliest incarnation, this new mission for the empire focused its civiliza-
tional energies on the existing crownlands of Galicia and Bukovina. The founding of
a university in Czernowitz in 1875 offered early elaborations of Austria–Hungary’s
new civilizational mission to the east and of it ideology of unity in diversity. (Judson
2016, 318)
It is to be noted, however, that the new university did have the
first professorships of Romanian and Ukrainian literature.
What does multilingual mean?
Like other cities in Central Europe—large cities like Budapest and
Prague (where German was the first, then the second, language) (see
Spector 2000), or smaller cities like Vilnius, Lviv, Riga, Danzig,
Bucharest, Timisoara, Plovdiv, or Trieste—Czernowitz was intense-
ly multilingual. What made Czernowitz different from other cities
in Galicia, where Polish was dominant (for instance in Lemberg or
Vilna), is that there was no one Christian national bourgeoisie which
dominated in Czernowitz. Ukrainians (also known as Ruthenians)
and Romanians were both a significant presence in the city, but the
fact that neither was dominant in the city gave greater prominence
and autonomy to the Jewish, German-speaking, population (Cor-
bea-Hoisie cited in van Drunen 2013, I , 3, 34).
The multilingualism of Czernowitz is today often remembered
in a benign, nostalgic mode. Despite the violence of both World
Wars and the repressive regime which ruled in the interwar period,
memories of pre-World War II Czernowitz are often cast in a very
rosy light—evoking the cosmopolitanism of a lost Mitteleuropa.
Time and again, the character of Czernowitz’s language landscape
is reiterated as a trademark symbol of the city—equivalent to a
translation /
97
landmark or tourist attraction. City guidebooks, postcards, and
similar popular materials praised the coexistence of separate but
happily coexisting ethnic communities. This refrain was accentu-
ated by pronouncements for instance by Rose Ausländer on the
four-languaged town she grew up in (“Viersprachig verbrüderte
Lieder in entzweiter Zeit,” Ausländer 1976, 72) or Paul Celan’s
oft-quoted salute to his “city of books” (Hirsch and Spitzer 2010,
32), or the many memoirs by former inhabitants of the interwar
period that evoke a long period of relative harmony—even against
the backdrop of rising Romanian nationalism and anti-Semitism in
the 1920s and 1930s. In 1908, a visitor to the city, Yitzchak Peretz
(1852–1915 wrote “We stroll in the evening streets, and from dif-
ferent windows the tones of different languages waft out, all dif-
ferent kinds of folk music”, in (Olson 2010, 33). Peretz conveys
what seems to be a conventional aural impression of the city—that
of a harmonious music wafting through the air and captured with
pleasure by the evening stroller.
The myth of Czernowitz that issues from this image of happy
polyphony has increasingly come to be critiqued in light of the
easy idealizations it fosters. This image allowed German-speak-
ing scholars, for example, to have Czernowitz stand as a site of
pre-Nazi German pluralism, a safe haven in German historiogra-
phy (Menninghaus 1999). It promoted a nostalgia industry which
pitted a perfect “then” against the flawed “now,” though little proof
was given beyond the same repeated phrases. A more nuanced por-
trait of intercultural relations is therefore required. What kind of
relations existed among the city’s various language communities?
Following the outpouring of publications which, since the fall of
the Berlin Wall in 1989, has opened research in this area of the
world (see the excellent review of the literature by van Drunen
2013). I will bring translation studies into the discussion. How can
the view from translation illuminate the field of language relations
in the city?
A first move is to view the city not as multilingual but as trans-
lational. What is the sense of this distinction? Multilingualism
calls up a space of pure diversity, a proliferation of tongues and of
parallel conversations, without concern for the interactions among
translation /
these languages. The translational city looks for connections and
convergences across language and communities, connections that
98
indicate direction (to and from which languages) and intensity (Si-
mon 2012). It follows, then, that the translational city is not always
a site of peaceful and friendly transactions. It includes the refus-
al to translate, zones of silence and resistance. And so translation
could be broadly defined as “writing at the intersection of languag-
es,” writing under the influence of, in the company of, with and
often against, other languages. A detailed examination of urban
translation practices, such as those provided in Michaela Wolf’s
pioneering study of translation in the Habsburg monarchy, distin-
guishes between the formal practices of translation dictated by the
Empire’s language laws and the myriad informal practices of trans-
lation which were part of daily life—the domestic servants and ar-
tisans who had to learn to serve in German, the tradespeople who
had to learn German terminology, the informal exchanges through
which children would be sent to neighboring villages of the empire
to learn the languages across the border (Wolf 2012, 2015). Re-
storing multilingual transactions to the streets of Habsburg cities,
showing how these cities were in many ways precursors to today’s
multilingual diasporic and postcolonial cities, Wolf’s study also
confirms that translation practices were dominated by the power of
German and therefore by translation into German. Literary trans-
lation in Czernowitz also followed this pattern. Translation out of
German, however, followed a different path. Whether in relation to
Yiddish or Ukrainian, writers chose not so much to translate works
in that direction as to abandon German in favor of a new writing
language.
Literary interactions
Literary translation was a popular activity in Czernowitz, particu-
larly in the interwar period. In her introduction to a book on Paul
Celan, Amy Colin (1991) details the myriad activities of transla-
tion which were undertaken by the participants in the active literary
milieus of the city. These include Alfred Margul-Sperber’s Ger-
man translations of British (T. S. Eliot), French (Apollinaire and
Gérard de Nerval), and American (Robert Frost, Nicholas Vachel
Lindsay, Wallace Stevens, Edna St. Vincent Millay, and e e cum-
mings) modernist poets as well as American Indian texts. Imman-
uel Weissglas translated Eminescu’s famous poem “The Morning
Star” into German and Grillparzer, Stifter, and parts of Goethe into
translation /
99
Romanian. There was also indirect translation—with Romanian
and Ukrainian poets influenced by German authors and inversely.
Authors writing in German often used motifs from Romanian and
Ukrainian folklore and translated important historical and literary
texts from one language into the other (Colin 1991, 11). The writ-
er who is at once exceptional and yet who best exemplifies the
culture of mediation which issued from the multilingual matrix
of Czernowitz is Paul Celan (Nouss 2010). Celan’s displacements
from Czernowitz to Bucharest to Paris, his poetic memorialization
of the Holocaust, his negation of the German language after the
Nazis, his experiments across and through languages—these mark
his work as uniquely expressive of the Czernowitz legacy, its hy-
perconsciousness of language, of history and of the experience of
literary mediation.
An important trend of the early twentieth century saw many
writers begin writing in German, then turn to their “national” lan-
guage—Ukrainian, or Yiddish. Amy Colin gives the examples for
Ukrainian of Felix Niemchevski, Osip Juril Fed’kovych, Alex-
ander Popovich, and Isidor Vorobkevich, sometimes combining
motifs from German Romanticism with images from Ruthenian
folklore (Colin 1991, 11). To this list she might have added the im-
portant Yiddish-language writers Itzik Manger and Eliezer Stein-
barg—Manger, for instance, carried the German literary form of
the ballad into Yiddish (Starck-Adler 2007, 124–132)—as well as
that of the legendary Ukrainian writer Olha Kobylianska. It is to
Kobylianska’s experience that I now turn to explore the language
configuration of Czernowitz, before examining the work of anoth-
er well-known Czernowitz poet, Rose Ausländer.
Olha Kobylianska
Born into a family who used German as their daily language (her
father was a Ukrainian who worked for the Austrian administra-
tion and her mother was of Polish origin), Kobylianska began her
writing in German and in fact continued to keep a diary in German
for her entire life. She was born and brought up in a small town
not far from Czernowitz, but moved to the city when she was in
her twenties. After “converting” to the Ukrainian national cause
translation /
in her late teens, she began to translate herself into Ukrainian—
sometimes asking fellow authors to help her or receiving editorial
100
help from her publishers. Though she lived in a small corner of the
Ukrainian cultural territory, Kobylianska was very soon in con-
tact with the powerful standard-setters of the Ukrainian literary
establishment. As a young woman writer she was much influenced
by the opinions of these critics, and tried to change her style and
subject matter to suit the left-wing populism that was considered
appropriate. But Kobylianska was continually criticized for the
strains of mysticism and intellectualism which were discerned in
her writing. Though it would be those same qualities of modern-
ism, exploration of the emotions of women and fascination with
art which would endear her to later generations of readers and es-
tablish her as a major figure in Ukrainian literature.
Kobylianska’s writing is difficult to categorize, with its some-
times incongruous mélange of feminism, intricate exploration of
inner sentiments, portrayal of the cruelty of peasant life, and out-
bursts of nationalist rhetoric. Critics are divided as to the elements
of her work that are ironic or parodic and those that convey her
true sentiments. Among her works, “Valse mélancolique” stands
out as a truly radical portrait of women sharing a life together as
artists. Like some of her other stories, this takes place in an ur-
ban setting, recounting the daily life and conversations of women
who have chosen to devote themselves to art rather than to a con-
ventional married life. This story marked a radical beginning for
Ukrainian literature. Kobylianska’s writings move between urban
stories and rural depictions that are gothic in their intensity. In one
story, a wife kills her husband and the children live in terror of
being killed as well—though in the end the story shows sympathy
for the woman browbeaten by the drunken husband. In fact Ko-
bylianska knew both the urban and rural worlds, as she grew up
in a small town, but travelled often to Czernowitz before settling
there. She was involved in setting up the first women’s organiza-
tion in the city—a radical organization from a feminist perspective
but tied to the church and therefore suspect in the eyes of most
young Ukrainian women who preferred to join left-wing social-
ist organizations. Much of her writing associates “German” with
high literature and a genteel life style. As a Ukrainian nationalist,
she supported the Russians and then the Soviets as defenders of
Ukrainian identity against the Austrians and then the Romanians,
and when the Romanians took the city in 1942 she was condemned
translation /
101
to death by hanging. She died before the hanging was to take place.
There is a museum dedicated to her in Czernowitz and the main
street, called the Herrengasse by the Austrians then by the name of
a Romanian writer by the Romanians, is today named after her in
Ukrainian Czernowitz.
Kobylianska was influenced by George Sand but especially by
Nietzsche, a writer she could read and quote in the original Ger-
man—by contrast with her new compatriots who would have had
only secondhand versions.
Kobylianska was the first Ukrainian intellectual to introduce Nietzsche to Ukrainian
readers, incorporating many of his philosophical concepts to her own philosophical
system [. . .] Nietzsche’s association of myth with aesthetic creativity, his statement
that myth is essential for the health of a culture, as well as his call on the “free
spirits” to create this new “ruling idea” by which to live spoke directly to Ko-
bylianska’s dissatisfaction with positivism, rationalism and socialism. (Ladygina
2013, 85)
While many critics disparaged her use of “German technique,”
which in this case included a combination of elements such as in-
tellectualism, mysticism, and estheticism, the writer and feminist
Lesia Ukrainka took the opposite position and praised its influence
on Kobylianska’s writing: “It led you to recognize world literature,
it transported you out into the broader world of ideas and art—this
simply leaps out at once, when one compares your writing with
that of the majority of Galicians” (de Haan 2006, 249).
One could therefore refer to Kobylianska’s impressive output
of novels and short stories in Ukrainian as translational writing—a
product of the particular mélange of cultures particular to the Bu-
kovina and Czernowitz. In turn, Kobylianska translated Ukrainian
literature into German, including the works of Pchilka, Kobryns-
ka, and Ukrainka (Franko 1998). In the case of Kobylianska as for
the many other writers of Czernowitz, the multilingual milieu did
not signify a close interrelationship with all the literary communi-
ties but meant, rather, that writing occurred in the presence of other
languages, in the consciousness of competing literary systems, and
in this case with or against the power of German.
translation /
102
Rose Ausländer
In a prose fragment written in 1971, Rose Ausländer answers the
question, “Why do I write?” with the following reply:
Perhaps because I came into the world in Czernowitz, and because the world in Czer-
nowitz came into me. That particular landscape. The particular people, fairy tales,
and myths were in the air, one inhaled them. Czernowitz, with its four languages,
was a city of muses that housed many artists, poets, and lovers of art, literature, and
philosophy. (Cited in Morris 1998, 59)
Rose Ausländer grew up and began her literary career in
Czernowitz, where she was an active member of the Jewish Ger-
man-language literary community, but left in her twenties to travel
to the US. She spent the war years back in Czernowitz in hiding
with her mother (she was one of the five thousand survivors of the
ghetto, while 55,000 were murdered) and after another almost two
decades of wandering finally settled in Dusseldorf in the 1960s. In
the US after the war, Ausländer began a period during which she
wrote poetry only in English. She later returned to the German
language and has become a well-known German-language author.
Her works are collected in seven volumes, much of which pub-
lished after her death.
The interweaving of diaspora and home, the long wanderings
of much of her life, are reflected not only in the themes of her
writing but in the consequences of the to-and-fro between English
and German. In particular, her exposure to American modernism
resulted in shifts in her formal expression, from a German-inspired
lyricism to an American-inspired modernism.
Ausländer is one of the sources most often quoted in favor
of the image of a peaceful multilingual Czernowitz before the
war. In the poem “Czernowitz Before the Second World War,”
she writes:
surrounded by beech forests. . .
. . .Four languages
in accord with each other
spoiled the air
Until the bombs fell
the city breathed
happily (Ausländer 1977, 6: 348)
translation /
103
Indeed, Ausländer continued to praise the city of her birth and
upbringing, despite the horrors she experienced during the war.
Perhaps because she was always able to keep a distance between
fatherland and motherland:
My fatherland is dead
they have buried it
in fire.
I live
in my motherland
word1 (quoted in Morris 1998, 49)
This motherland is German, the language in which she wrote
all her life, except for a period of eight years, from 1948 to 1956,
when, she says, she “found herself” writing only in English. She
was living in New York, a city where she had previously spent
several years during the 1920s, and perhaps contemplating a con-
version to an American existence. But this period turned out to be
only a hiatus in her writing life, as she later returned to Europe and
to the German language—and most of the English poems were dis-
covered only after her death. Yet these years in English introduce a
significant translational element into Ausländer’s esthetic, a more
precise materialization of the Czernowitz multilingualism, and one
that gave greater heft to the name she seems to have chosen to keep
as hers—the name which belonged to the husband of a short-lived
marriage: Ausländer or outsider. Rose Ausländer owned two suit-
cases that she carried through her lifelong wanderings, and identi-
fied fully with her Jewish identity as someone who has wandered
for hundreds of years, “from Word to Word.”
English was not German, the language of the war. Ausländer
knew Paul Celan from Czernowitz, and met him several times later
on her return trips to Europe—and she surely shared his sense of
the contamination of the German language. English was also the
language of her daily life in New York, of her workplaces there,
and of the modernist poets she read and admired. Ausländer met
Marianne Moore at a writer’s conference in New York in 1956,
and in addition to Moore Ausländer was drawn to the work of Wal-
lace Stevens and e e cummings. These sources allowed her to write
translation /
1
Mein Vaterland ist tot/sie haben es begraben/im Feuer/Ich lebe/in meinem Mutterland/Wort.
104
poetry after years of silence and a personal crisis brought on by the
death of her mother in 1947. Ausländer could return to poetry only
through the oblique angle of another language—one which had not
been part of the “old world” configuration.
In 1956 she began again to write in German, putting together
the shattered pieces of her life through a renewed belief in the
mother tongue. The poetry becomes more angular, less lyrical,
she says that the stars had taken on a new configuration, the flow-
ered words had faded. She uses fewer adjectives, shorter lines, no
rhyme or punctuation, the isolated word taking on new meaning.
The mother tongue takes the place of the mother, the poem a place
of refuge.
But, as Lesley Morris argues, Ausländer’s “return” to German
is less a one-way and definitive embrace of the authentic tongue
than a renewed practice of translation, as she brings back to Ger-
many the long experience of exile, experiencing new forms of dis-
placement within the German-speaking world (Morris 1998, 55).
The sheer number of Ausländer’s poems, which are normally
only some twelve lines long, suggests an esthetic of incompletion,
of relentless recommencing. Ausländer translated some of her
English poems into German, just as she also translated at vari-
ous times in her career the poems of others into German or En-
glish—Yiddish poems by Itzik Manger (1901–1969) into German
and German poems by Else Lasker-Schüler and Adam Mickiewicz
(1798–1855) into English. The fragmented nature of Ausländer’s
various exiles and returns points to a kind of permanent diasporic
state, a Niemandsland of exile, where being at home will always
mean being far away from home. Ausländer’s diasporic life be-
gan before the Second World War, but her poetry was irrevocably
marked by her experiences as a Jew during that period and by the
wanderings which were a result of the destruction of Jewish life in
Czernowitz.
The imaginative world of Ausländer is deeply embedded in
the originary crucible of languages in Czernowitz and marked es-
pecially by one enormous fact: the sudden reversal of meaning
attached to the German language. For this city, so tied to the myth
of the “imaginary West in the East,” German had been elevated
to the status of a religion—an affiliation so intense as to remain
strong even during the Romanianization of the interwar years.
translation /
105
Raised in the adoration of Deutschtum, Czernowitz authors were
forced to see German undergo a spectacular transvaluation of val-
ues—and therefore to revise their relationship to the language. For
Ausländer, following Paul Celan, this meant a mediated relation to
German, one which showed the “home” language to be partially
alien.
Conclusion
The meaning of Czernowitz as a city at the edge of empire is dom-
inated by the history of the significance given to German. The pre-
eminence of the German language, lasting far into the twentieth
century, was central to the writing lives of both Kobylianska and
Ausländer. The historical events which shaped their relationship to
this language were, however, of very different natures. Kobylians-
ka’s literary imagination was shaped in German, and she carried
into the Ukrainian language the sensibility she had first acquired in
that language—both the popular sentimental novels she had read
as a youth and the exalted ideas she took from Nietzsche. At the
same time, her choice to write in Ukrainian was a decision to sep-
arate herself from the German sphere and participate in the con-
struction of a new Ukrainian sensibility. This turn to nationalism
on the contested site of the border city expresses the conflictual
nature of language relations in the border city. That Kobylians-
ka, however, continued to keep a diary in German throughout her
life, testifies to the ambiguities and split allegiances of the private
sphere—where translation became a permanent condition.
Ausländer’s relationship to German was shaped by the Jewish
literary milieu of Czernowitz, by her personal experiences of di-
aspora (before and after the Second World War) and by the Holo-
caust. Ausländer is one of relatively few Jews to have lived through
the Holocaust and to have continued to use German as a literary
language after World War II. (Among the best-known exceptions
are Paul Celan, as noted, and Marcel Reich-Ranicki.) It is surely
significant that both Celan and Ausländer are from Czernowitz.
Certainly her understanding of that language and its cultural affil-
iations were tempered by the multilingual matrix of that city, and
the translational relationships out of which it evolved. Her turn
translation /
away from German, and her subsequent return, her wanderings
and her final settling in Dusseldorf, testify to a difficult relation-
106
ship to language and place—one which nevertheless allowed her
to celebrate her past in the borderlands of the empire.
Kobylianska and Ausländer would not have known one anoth-
er in Czernowitz. They belonged to different milieus and different
generations (Kobylianska was born in 1863; Ausländer in 1901),
though Ausländer would have heard of the more famous Koby-
lianska, her growing literary fame, her persecution and death in
1942. Their careers illustrate the parallel paths followed by the
literatures of the city, each enclosed within its respective liter-
ary languages and traditions. Even today, they are unlikely to be
found in the same anthologies or literary histories. Nevertheless,
both writers defined themselves with and against the German lan-
guage—along the lines of tension that animated the language life
of their common border city.
translation /
107
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109
Sherry Simon is a professor in the French Department at Concordia University. She
has published widely in the areas of literary, intercultural and translation studies, most
recently exploring the cultural history of linguistically divided cities. Among her pub-
lications are Translating Montreal. Episodes in the Life of a Divided City (2006) and
Cities in Translation: Intersections of Language and Memory (2012), both of which have
appeared in French translation. She has edited or co-edited numerous volumes, in-
cluding Translation Effects: The Shaping of Modern Canadian Culture (with K. Mezei
and L. von Flotow), (2014) and Speaking Memory. How Translation Shapes City Life
(forthcoming MQUP). She is a fellow of the Royal Society of Canada and a member
of the Académie des lettres du Québec. She was a Killam Research Fellow (2009-11)
and in 2010 received the Prix André-Laurendeau from l’Association francophone pour
le savoir (ACFAS).
translation /
110
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15524 | [
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] | Translating Ruins
Alfred Mac Adam Barnard College-Columbia
University, USA
Abstract: This essay explores the relationship between a neo-Latin poem by
Ianus Vitalis and three vernacular sonnets, versions of the Latin original, by
Du Bellay, Spenser, and Francisco de Quevedo. The purpose of the essay is to
ponder the problems and choices that the translators had to resolve in order
to refashion Vitalis. The essay further seeks to show the strangeness of Vitalis’
poem and how his translators effetively created three original poems. This is an
exploration of translation, more concerned with that problematic art than with
the history of the European sonnet.
Writing in 1932 about the numerous English versions of Homer,
Jorge Luis Borges asserts—perhaps ironically though perhaps
not—that the relationship between translations and originals de-
fines the relationship between any text, its myriad literary sources,
and the experiences an author assimilates to produce it. Unlike so-
called originals, translations reveal rather than hide their sources:
“El modelo propuesto a su imitación es un texto visible, no un
laberinto inestimable de proyectos pretéritos o la acatada tentación
momentánea de una facilidad”1 (Borges 1965, 105).
Borges denies original composition, declaring all texts to be
translations and writing (like reading) nothing more than trans-
lating. This anti-Romantic theory of literary creation makes the
juxtaposition of originals and translations complex: we are no lon-
ger comparing the original with an imitation (the translation) but
actually comparing coequals.
Fair enough, but even though Borges deals with English trans-
lations of Homer—the paucity of Spanish translations making his
1
“The model proposed for imitation is a visible text, not an incalculable labyrinth of past projects
or the yielded-to, momentary temptation of an opportune insight.” Translation mine.
translation /
111
essay impossible to write—he does not discuss the role played by
nationality and national language in translation. Why did the En-
glish, century after century, feel the need to translate and retranslate
Homer? And what was the impact of these translations on the his-
tory of English literature? If Borges had elected to study the many
translations of Don Quixote into English, he would have reached
the same conclusions about the relationship between translation and
original; but he might also have noted that the history of the novel
in English was changed because of Cervantes.
Literary history abounds in translations or imitations that some-
how acquire the status of originals. For example, Juan Ruiz de
Alarcón’s La verdad sospechosa, from about 1634, is the basis for
Corneille’s Le Menteur (1644), which in turn spawns Carlo Goldo-
ni’s Il Bugiardo (1750) and Samuel Foote’s The Lyar (1762). Ruiz
de Alarcón engenders not just translations and imitations but an
entire theatrical tradition in four languages and four cultures, each
of which reshapes the original to national tastes. This idea, that
translators would deliberately accommodate a work to a national
language, appears in Alastair Fowler’s Times Literary Supplement
review (April 27, 2012) of a new edition of Gavin Douglas’s 1513
Scots translation of Virgil’s Aeneid. The translation crystalizes the
language into which it is translated, much in the way the King
James Bible or Luther’s translation consolidated English or Ger-
man.
Less important in terms of fixing a national language, but
equally fascinating in terms of the relationship between original
and translation are three sonnets, freestanding works of art in them-
selves, which directly or indirectly derive from the epigram De
Roma (1552) by Ianus Vitalis (1485–1560):
Qui Romam in media quaeris novus advena Roma,
Et Romae in Roma nil reperis media,
Aspice murorum moles, praeruptaque saxa,
Obrutaque horrenti vasta theatra situ:
Haec sunt Roma. Viden velut ipsa cadaver, tantae
Urbis adhuc spirent imperiosa minas.
Vicit ut haec mundum, nixa est se vincere; vicit,
A se non victum ne quid in orbe foret.
translation /
Nunc victa in Roma Roma illa invicta sepulta est,
Atque eadem victrix victaque Roma fuit.
Albula Romani restat nunc nominis index,
112
Quinetiam rapidis fertur in aequor aquis,
Disce hinc, quid possit fortuna; inmota labascunt,
Et quae perpetuo sun agitate manent. (McFarlane 1980, 24–26)2
Vitalis’ poem invites the recently arrived (novus advena) visi-
tor who has come to Rome seeking ancient Rome to learn a moral
lesson: Rome is now nothing but ruins. All that endures is, paradox-
ically, the Tiber: The river flowing like time itself remains, while
the ancient capital of the world is disjecta membra. The elegiac tone
of Vitalis’ poem, enhanced by the repeated “o” in Rome, reflects
the ancient fusion of elegy and epigram—which is to say that by
Vitalis’ time, a neo-Latin epigram was simply a short poem. It
might be of intellectual rather than emotional cast, though there is
nothing consistent or absolute about its subject. Like the sonnet,
the epigram could treat any theme, although concision is one of its
principal features: the verbal economy of Latin would be an ideal
for Renaissance vernacular poets to strive for, especially in sonnets.
That Vitalis’ poem is comprised of fourteen lines is a fascinat-
ing irony. A poem in Latin on mutability that seeks to avoid the mu-
tability of vernacular tongues uses a structure that to Renaissance
readers would immediately recall the sonnet. De Roma is an open
invitation to vernacular translation, and Malcolm C. Smith (1977)
lists over a dozen versions of the epigram. Not all are sonnets, but
those under consideration here adapt Vitalis to that compact form.
The first of the three, a translation of a translation, is Edmund
Spenser’s version of Joachim du Bellay, which appears in his ap-
propriately titled sonnet series The Ruines of Rome (1591). Spenser
obtains that alliteration by not translating the title of du Bellay’s
sonnet sequence, Les Antiquités de Rome (1558)—he changes it
utterly. Antiquités are ancient, but ruines might be recent. While the
name Rome itself implies antiquity, the sack of Rome in 1527 (and
still in living memory in the second half of the sixteenth century) by
the troops of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V certainly created
modern ruins. But setting aside historical anecdote and focusing
2
McFarlane’s version of Vitalis’ epigram is accompanied by Thomas Heywood’s version, from
The Hierarchie of the Blessed Angells (1637). Readers wondering about possible sources for
Vitalis’ epigram might consider an idea in James Nohrnberg’s 1976 The Analogy of The Faerie
Queene. Nohrnberg suggests two passages in Isaiah (34:14 and 13:21–22): “Both of the Isaiah
passages would impress a poet on literary grounds alone; they are supreme in their kind, which
is the elegy over fallen buildings, letterature delle rovine. . .” (236).
translation /
113
exclusively on du Bellay’s words, it is clear that Spenser’s use of
ruins is a transformation, a deviation from the original for rhetorical
effect.
Spenser had been translating du Bellay since before 1569, when
he published translations of both Petrarch and du Bellay. Herbert
Grierson, in the introduction to his seminal anthology Metaphysi-
cal Lyrics and Poems of the Seventeenth Century: Donne to Butler
(1921), the inspiration for T.S. Eliot’s essay “The Metaphysical Po-
ets,” wryly observes: “Over all the Elizabethan sonnets, in greater
or less measure, hangs the suggestion of translation or imitation.”
(xviii) We may confirm his statement by looking at sonnet number
3 (in the 1678 edition):
Thou stranger, which for Rome in Rome her seekest,
And nought of Rome in Rome perceiv’st at all,
These same old walls, old arches, which thou seest,
Old palaces, is that, which Rome men call.
Behold what wreak, what ruine, and what wast,
And how that she, which with her mighty powre
Tam’d all the world, hath tam’d her self at last,
The Pray of time, which all things doth devowre.
Rome now of Rome is th’ only funerall,
And only Rome, of Rome hath victory;
Neought save Tyber, hastning to his fall
Remains of all: O worlds inconstancy!
That which is firm, doth flit and fall away,
And that is flitting, doth abide and stay. (Spenser 1679, 161)
A suitably stern sonnet charged with a chastened Renaissance
sense of fleeting time (wherever I turn my eyes I see nothing but
death and decay), the ephemeral nature of all human creation, and
of course the “mutability” so important to the eponymous “Two
Cantos of Mutability” at the end of The Fairie Queene. Rome is
absent from the “mutability cantos,” but Rome in this sonnet is a
memento mori, so it is no wonder the poem figures among many
similar poems in Spenser’s Complaints Containing Sundry Small
Poems of the Worlds Vanity (1581) “as the Printer gathered them
up” (as he says in the 1678 edition) to capitalize on the success of
The Fairie Queene.
translation /
At the same time, is Rome a suitable subject for an English
Protestant poet? Among the three poets scrutinized here only one is
114
a Protestant, whose only argument, leaving aside the desire to trans-
late du Bellay, could be that the ruins of Rome are a fitting subject
for a humanist lamentation. By the same token, the subject virtually
disappears during the Baroque, just when we might expect to see
it deployed with fervor. None of the poems in Jean Rousset’s 1968
Anthologie de la Poésie Baroque Française exploits this subject
(although it could also be said that the same holds true for Grier-
son’s anthology). So the wars of religion, the English Revolution,
the Reformation, and the Counterreformation efface Rome’s ruins
from poetry, although they turn up again during the Romantic era,
reflecting the Romantics’ antiquarian side.
The next case is Francisco de Quevedo’s 1648 collection, patri-
otically titled Parnasso Español, monte en dos cumbres dividido,
con las nueve musas castellanas, donde se contienen Poesías de
don Francisco de Quevedo Villegas (literally, Spanish Parnassus,
mountain divided into two peaks, with the nine Castilian muses,
which contains poems by don Francisco de Quevedo Villegas). No
ruins or antiquities for Quevedo, just rockribbed Castilian poetry in-
spired by Castilian muses—who, it seems, could inspire translation
as well as original creation. We smile, but Quevedo’s patriotism
reminds us that each of these sonnets brings the subject of Roman
ruins into a national literary tradition by transmuting it into a na-
tional literary form.
The title usually attached to the first poem in this collection is
“A Roma sepultada en sus Ruinas” (To Rome Buried in her Ruins):
Buscas en Roma a Roma, ¡oh peregrino!,
Y en Roma misma a Roma no la hallas:
Cadáver son las que ostentó murallas,
Y Tumba de sí propio el Aventino.
Yace donde Reinaba el Palatino,
Y limadas del tiempo las medallas,
Más se muestran destrozo a las batallas
De las edades que blasón latino.
Sólo el Tibre quedó, cuya corriente,
Si Ciudad la regó, ya sepultura
La llora con funesto son doliente.
¡Oh Roma, en tu grandeza, en tu hermosura
Huyó lo que era firme, y solamente
Lo fugitivo permanece y dura! (de Quevedo 1968, 260–261)
translation /
115
The utterly Baroque de Quevedo is much more specific in his
Roman references, and to the Tiber mentioned by du Bellay and
Spenser he adds the Aventine and the Palatine, two of Rome’s
seven hills, symbols of an antiquity that precedes republican or
imperial Rome, here turned, respectively, into a grave and a corpse.
Joachim du Bellay, in his 1558 collection Les Antiquités de
Rome, is the progenitor of Spenser’s sonnet and the likely source
(along with Vitalis) of Quevedo’s. Du Bellay’s title curiously
echoes the title of Andrea Palladio’s 1554 book Le Antichità di
Roma, though the similarity could hardly be more ironic: Where
du Bellay is concerned with the ravages of time, Palladio stresses
the enduring grandeur of Roman architecture. His text contradicts
the lesson of the three poems and defines the difference between
a humanist literary tradition that more often than not found itself
weeping over the loss of the classical past—whatever that meant
for them—and an architectural present with Palladio endeavoring to
use the Roman past (its architecture specifically) as a steppingstone
to the future.
This sense of the past as a foundation could not be more differ-
ent from the view of du Bellay:
Nouveau venu, qui cherches Rome en Rome
Et rien de Rome en Rome n’aperçois,
Ces vieux palais, ces vieux arcs que tu vois,
Et ces vieux murs, c’est ce que Rome on nomme.
Voy quel orgueil, quelle ruine: & comme
Celle qui mist le monde sous ses loix,
Pour donter tout, se donta quelquefois,
Et devint proie au temps, que tout consomme.
Rome de Rome est le seul monument,
Et Rome Rome a vaincu seulement.
Le Tybre seul, qui vers la mer s’enfuit,
Reste de Rome. O mondaine inconstance!
Ce qui est ferme, est par le temps détruit,
Et ce qui fuit, au temps fait résistance. (du Bellay 1970, 5–6)
All three sonnets are simultaneously the same and different,
translations and originals, and it is here we begin to see the differ-
ence between translation and adaptation, though maintaining that
translation /
distinction is by no means easy. Du Bellay recommends imitation
in his 1549 Défense et Illustration de la Langue Françoyse (as
116
does Sir Philip Sidney in his 1595 Apology), and it may be that we
should understand Spenser more in the mode of imitation rather
than literal translation.
Spenser made his mark on English prosody with the Spenserian
sonnet (ABAB BCBC CDCD EE), but in rendering du Bellay he
falls back on a standard English model: ABAB CDCD EFEF GG.
Du Bellay’s rhyme scheme reflects the sonnet of the French, Span-
ish, and Italian worlds: ABBA ABBA CCD EDE, with two tercets
used variously to summarize or expand the thoughts expressed in
the quatrains. The lapidary couplet of the English sonnet makes it
radically different from the continental sonnet whose often-inter-
laced tercets are an invitation to enhanced complexity rather than
concision. So du Bellay, by using enjambment to link his tercets
and recapitulate the rest of the poem, also, simultaneously, imi-
tates the course of the Tiber as it winds through Rome. Spenser on
the other hand must reach a moral conclusion, which he musically
reinforces with alliteration: “That which is firm, doth flit and fall
away, / And that is flitting, doth abide and stay.”
“Flit” applied to stone buildings seems an unlikely metaphor,
and “flitting” applied to a river seems odd. This is so even though
the OED includes shifting position or passing away among the
verb’s early meanings because flit implies flight and speed, which
the time involved in the erosion of stone excludes.
Du Bellay’s compressed ten rather than fourteen-syllable verses
“Ce qui est ferme, est par le temps détruit, / Et ce qui fuit, au temps
fait résistance” make a more sparing use of alliteration, just enough
to create an ironic juxtaposition of “ferme” with the verb “fuit,”
reinforced by the repetition of “temps” to mark the difference be-
tween that which is destroyed by time and that which, though liq-
uid, resists the corrosion of time. But alliteration and internal rhyme
provide the musical lamentation in both du Bellay and Spenser:
as in Vitalis’ epigram, the “o” in Rome is repeated so often and
echoed in so many other “o”s that the entire poem sounds like a
dirge. (This musicality raises another conundrum: we know how
French, English, and Spanish sound, but for most of us Latin is a
visual language and when spoken pronounced with the speaker’s
own national accent: how would Vitalis’ hexameters “sound” to a
Frenchman?)
Du Bellay’s poem resorts to French commonplaces—for ex-
translation /
117
ample the lamentation “O mondaine inconstance!” (not in Vitalis),
which Spenser translates into English commonplaces “O worlds
inconstancy!” Du Bellay’s disillusioned senior lectures the “nou-
veau venu,” the novice who has come to Rome seeking the Rome
of antiquity and finds only ruins, as if the traveler were ignorant of
Roman history since the fifth century and as if no building had been
erected or destroyed since then. Spenser uses “stranger” to obtain
the same effect—the stranger or foreigner versus the experienced or
native inhabitant—but to modern ears the word suggests a person
unknown to the speaker rather than to the city.
The problem of how to translate “nouveau venu” goes back to
De Roma. Here, as in Mikolaj Sep-Szarzynski’s epigram (in Delitia
italorum poetarum 1608), the novice is referred to as the “novus
advena.” When the dramatist Thomas Heywood (in his 1637 The
Hierarchie of the Blessed Angells) translates Vitalis’ poem, he
coins the awkward “New Stranger” to translate “novus advena.”
Heywood needs twenty-eight couplets to translate Vitalis’ fourteen
Latin verses.
Lost in Spenser’s translation is du Bellay’s manipulation of the
concept so important to the Hispanic baroque: “desengaño,” the
loss of illusion that comes with moral experience, when the scales
fall from our eyes and we see the fallen world for what it is. This
sense is fundamental to the sonnet because of the innocence–expe-
rience relationship between the newcomer and the speaker.
Quevedo, perhaps reflecting a Counterreformation sensibility,
transforms du Bellay’s “nouveau venu,” Spenser’s “stranger,” and
Vitalis’ “novus advena” into a “peregrino.” The word had various
meanings in seventeenth-century Spanish: as an adjective, it sug-
gests the bizarre or exquisite; as a noun, it may mean a traveler
abroad or a pilgrim traveling to a shrine. Quevedo’s choice of the
term creates an ambiguity: Catholic pilgrims would visit Rome, the
heart of the Church, but they would certainly not be looking for an-
cient Rome, and in fact the ruin of the ancient city would constitute
a triumph, malgré Saint Augustine, of Christianity over paganism.
So “peregrino” here cannot be a pilgrim and is, once again, a senti-
mental humanist who for some reason thinks contemporary Rome
ought to look like ancient Rome.
translation /
The second verse becomes more precise in Quevedo.
Du Bellay says, “Et rien de Rome en Rome n’aperçois” and
118
Spenser follows: “And nought of Rome in Rome perceiv’st at all.”
Spenser’s “at all” is simply an emphatic line-filler, as is du Bellay’s
use of “n’aperçois” rather than a simple “see.” Quevedo’s visitor
comes looking for Rome in Rome and doesn’t find it—“Y en Roma
misma a Roma no la hallas”—rather than du Bellay or Spenser’s
stranger who can’t perceive it.
In the third and fourth verses of the first quatrain, Quevedo
Latinizes his word order in a daring use of hyperbaton: “Cadáver
son las que ostentó murallas, / Y Tumba de sí propio el Aventino.
The surprise of a singular noun followed by a plural verb obliges
us to see the verse rather than hear it: “cadáver” starts the poetic
clause and “murallas” ends it, but what Quevedo wants us to see is
the equivalence: the walls are a corpse. The effect would, of course,
be lost if the phrase were regularized: Las murallas que ostentó son
cadáver (the walls it boasted are a corpse). The next verse follows
suit, with “tumba” and “Aventino” thrown into opposition.
The second quatrain, much more restrained syntactically,
simply amplifies the first. The Palatine lies supine where it once
ruled, the medallions, carved in relief but now worn away by time,
look more like the wreckage of the battles of the ages than Latin
glory. The poem loses energy but recovers it in the intertwined
tercets.
Quevedo innovates daringly by abruptly changing tenses.
Where the quatrains are all in the present tense, the first tercet in-
troduces a past preterit, which, curiously, makes little sense here:
“Sólo el Tibre quedó” (only the Tiber remained), which, if it once
bathed (regó) the city, now weeps for it as a grave. Again, Quevedo
uses his first-and-last words to achieve drama: city is played off
against grave. And the Tiber (none of the translations uses Vitalis’
alternative Albula for the Tiber), now back in the present tense,
weeps with a “funereal, dolorous sound”.
Quevedo uses the final tercet much in the way Spenser would
use his final couplet. He resorts to apostrophe, addressing Rome
(and turning away from the “peregrino” in the first verse) to point
out that what was solid has fled and only that which is fugitive re-
mains and endures. The phrase “en tu grandeza, en tu hermosura”
(in your grandeur, in your beauty) is amplification, a delaying tactic
that helps us savor the antithesis of a hardness (stone) that disap-
pears, while what remains is flowing water. Naturally, the final verb
translation /
119
“dura” (endures) echoes the adjective “duro” (hard) so, in enduring,
the water acquires a lexical hardness.
Compared with the first-person sonnet “Salmo 17,” (“Miré los
muros de la Patria mía”), which approaches the tension of “meta-
physical” poets like Donne in its amalgamation of ideas and feel-
ings, Quevedo’s version of du Bellay’s sonnet seems fraught with
syntactical flourishes that weaken rather than strengthen the poem.
And “Salmo 17” is as much an imitation or translation as his re-
working of du Bellay since it derives directly from Seneca’s Epistle
XII to Lucilius. Quevedo’s concluding address to Rome, the most
striking innovation within the framework of the two “translations”
of du Bellay (and Vitalis) distracts the reader much in the way a
bad detective writer’s introduction of a new character late in the
plot is a nasty trick.
The subject of the three poems, the moral lesson to be learned
from a consideration of Rome’s ruins, simply lost relevance in the
seventeenth century—Quevedo himself does not seem to have re-
visited the city in any of his sonnets, and it is conspicuously absent
from the sonnets of his rival Luis de Góngora. The Renaissance,
humanist tradition of lamenting the lost past was lost, especially
because of the prime importance of Rome as capital of the Catholic
Counterreformation.
The three sonnets here provide a rare opportunity to see three
great poets working at translation. Du Bellay fits Vitalis into a well-
wrought sonnet with compressed ten-syllable verses that Spenser,
overcoming the vast difference between two sonnet traditions,
transforms into a perfect English sonnet, while Quevedo seeks to
infuse it with the glitter of the Spanish Baroque. Quevedo, perhaps,
is the most successful because of his greater specificity and his bold
use of antithesis. And yet we sense, as we do not in Quevedo’s
reworking of Seneca into a Spanish sonnet with hendecasyllabic
verses, the working-through of an exercise, that du Bellay is refit-
ting a shopworn Renaissance conceit, that Spenser is trying, suc-
cessfully, to transform a continental sonnet into an English sonnet
while retaining the sense of the original. Quevedo seems to have
attempted to improve on his sources, and may well have done so,
even though he is recasting material long out of fashion.
translation /
Du Bellay, Spenser, and Quevedo, all working with Vitalis’ ep-
igram as a distant source, produce new poems appropriate for their
120
language and culture, but none replicates De Roma in a vernacular
language. Borges’s conclusion about the many translations of Ho-
mer into English rings true here as well: “The concept of the de-
finitive text belongs only to religion or fatigue.” Translation means
commitment to time and place and like the Tiber flows infinitely.
translation /
121
References
Borges, Jorge Luis. (1932) 1965. “Las versiones homéricas.” In Discusión. Buenos
Aires: Emecé Editores.
de Quevedo, Francisco. 1968. Obras Completas I, Poesía Original. Edited by José
Manuel Blecua. Barcelona: Editorial Planeta.
du Bellay, Joachim. (1558) 1970. Œuvres poétiques II. Les Antiquitez de Rome. Edited
by Henri Chamard and Henri Weber. Paris: Librairie Nizet.
Grierson, Herbert, ed. 1921. Metaphysical Lyrics and Poems of the Seventeenth Cen-
tury. Oxford: Clarendon Press.
McFarlane, I. D. 1980. Renaissance Latin Poetry. Manchester: Manchester University
Press.
Nohrnberg, James. 1976. The Analogy of The Faerie Queene. Princeton: Princeton
University Press.
Rousset, Jean. 1968. Anthologie de la Poésie Baroque Française. Paris: Librairie
Armand Colin.
Smith, Malcolm C. 1977. “Looking for Rome in Rome: Janus Vitalis and his Disci-
ples.” In Revue de littérature comparée. Octobre-Decembre, 51 (4): 510-527.
Spenser, Edmond. 1679. The Works of that Famous English Poet, Mr. Edmond
Spenser. London: Printed by Henry Hills for Jonathan Edwin at the Three Roses
in Ludgate Street.
Alfred Mac Adam, professor of Latin American literature at Barnard College-Colum-
bia University, has translated works by, among others, Carlos Fuentes, Alejandro
Jodorowsky, Julio Cortázar, Jorge Volpi, Mario Vargas Llosa, and Fernando Pessoa. His
most recent critical essay, on Fernando Pessoa, appears in the Cambridge Guide to
Autobiography.
translation /
122
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15525 | [
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] | Interview: translation speaks to Lydia Liu
translation assistant editor Carolyn Shread met with Lydia Liu in New York City
on the occasion of the annual Nida Research Symposium on September 25, 2015.
The theme of the symposium was “Untranslatability and Cultural Complexity”
and Dr. Liu gave a fascinating and timely talk on “Translation Theory in the Age
of Digital Media” with a response by Mary Louise Pratt. The other speakers at
the symposium were Michael Wood and Philip Lewis. After the day of talks, Dr.
Liu found time to sit down to answer the questions below, some of which were
prompted by her article on “The Eventfulness of Translation: Temporality, Difference
and Competing Universals” that appeared in Issue 4 of translation. It was an honor
and pleasure to continue the conversation in this way, weaving together thoughts
from the panels and Liu’s innovative approach to translation. It was particularly
encouraging to hear about how, having distanced herself from translation after a
perceived lack of receptiveness to her initial ideas, notably the proposal of a guest/
host paradigm as an alternative or supplement to the source/target dichotomy,
when she published Tokens of Exchange: The Problem of Translation in Global
Circulation (1999), Liu has since returned to the field. As someone positioned within
the U.S. academy with an Asian perspective and understanding of the history of
translation, Liu’s contributions are especially valuable for offering cross-cultural
perspectives on translation which, ironically, can be so very culturally constrained.
In her research, Liu is perhaps most compelling in her dissections of the ways in
which translation has the power to decenter canons and question imperialism and
its effects. Her analyses draw on historical context and material culture to produce
new and exciting insights, for instance in her comments here on the history of
scripts and their relation to translation practices and effects. This interview acts as a
hyphen between Liu’s proposals published in the Politics issue and her forthcoming
article that will appear in Issue 7.
CS: In addition to your position as Professor in the Humanities in the Department of
East Asian Languages and Cultures and Director of the Institute for Comparative
Literature and Society at Columbia University, USA, you are also founding direc-
tor of the Tsinghua–Columbia Center for Translingual and Transcultural Studies
at Tsinghua University in Beijing, China. I’m intrigued by the title of this center:
do “translingual” and “transcultural” exhaust the concept of translation for you?
Do they overlap with translation? By discussing these two terms, I’m hoping we
might have an insight into how you conceive of translation.
LL: The center’s name indicates a certain direction of my work
that dates from twenty years ago when I published Translin-
gual Practice, which thinks about a national literature though
its multilingual, multicultural connections. It was not just an
attempt to critique nationalism: I tried to demonstrate that if
you were to take out all the so-called “foreign” elements from
modern Chinese, you would not be able to speak. That is the
translation /
123
magnitude of what I was trying to point out—not only at the
level of vocabulary, at the level of syntax, but also at the level
of genre, intellectual discourse, political theory. . .
CS: And at the level of the script?
LL: And at the level of the script, too, because in the twentieth
century there were a number of major campaigns to eliminate
Chinese characters and replace them with Roman scripts. The
“Latinization” or “Romanization” movements were happening
all around the world, including in neighboring Korea and Ja-
pan. In colonial Vietnam they succeeded because the French
crafted their Romanization system so as to get rid of the Chi-
nese characters used to write Vietnamese. That move was rep-
licated in China. There was a point in the twentieth century, in
the 1920s and 1930s, when all progressive intellectuals were in
favor of Romanization. This would have led to the elimination
of Chinese characters, cutting the writing system off from its
own history, scholarship, and literature in the same way that
Turkish nationalist language reform succeeded in eliminating
Arabic script, replacing it with the Roman script. The failure of
the Romanization movement in China preserved Chinese liter-
ature and its history of writing, but this doesn’t mean that there
was no room to incorporate foreign words and neologisms—
often via Japanese—into the Chinese script.
CS: Often these types of movements emerge because there is a technological shift.
Was this linked to a particular moment in history where a certain technology
was driving this change?
LL: Yes, absolutely. First it was the telegraph, which implied the
need to do something about the Chinese script because there
is too much information to send, and the telegraphic code re-
quired simplification. But more importantly it was the intro-
duction of the typewriter that put a lot of pressure on all East
Asian societies to reform their scripts. It is interesting that the
misrecognition of the typewriter and its limitation led to polit-
translation /
ical campaigns that targeted the native script in China, Japan,
and many other places as a backward writing system. Progress
124
meant forward looking, efficiency, rapid literacy and educa-
tion, so the national elite believed that their language or their
writing systems were backward and must be replaced. They
overlooked the limitation of the typewriter and focused on the
perceived constraints of the writing system. In hindsight, it
was the technology of the typewriter that was backward since
it was incapable of processing nonlinear characters. They went
so far as to design a number of models for Japanese and Chi-
nese, but these were clumsy. In the 1970s, the Japanese mo-
nopolized the manufacture of the fax machine, which could
reproduce both graphs and letters. The fax machine made them
realize for the first time that it was not the writing system—it
was the backwardness of the machine itself that was to blame!
The typewriter was too simple to reproduce something that the
fax machine could easily capture, and now, of course, the com-
puter can do even better. Today, nobody would even bring up
Romanization issues in China or elsewhere because the com-
puter is so advanced in terms of its input methods and its abili-
ty to process large quantities of information, whether visual or
alphabetical.
CS: My second question is about how you have recently been framing translation
as a political problem in your work, notably in your article in the Politics and
Translation issue (Issue 4) of this journal. Could you talk about the way politics
contributes to the way you think about translation?
LL: I have always been unhappy with the way translation studies
have been conceptualized. From the mid-1990s I distanced my-
self from translation studies because I thought it was too con-
straining—for instance, the source/target language distinction
which I tried to refashion as a distinction between host language
and guest language in Translingual Practice—but nobody
seemed to pay attention. Then, when I did my research on the
Opium Wars, especially treaties and international law, and saw
how central translation was to imperial politics, it became clear
to me that translation could provide an illuminating angle for un-
derstanding international politics. For instance, one of the chap-
ters in The Clash of Empires looks at how the British included an
article in the 1858 Sino-British treaty at the Second Opium War,
translation /
125
Article 51, which outlaws a Chinese character. It’s pronounced
yi—at that time written as i, Romanizing it—and it is the Chi-
nese character that the British translated as “barbarian,” arguing
that the Chinese called the English barbarians on the evidence of
that character. After establishing the translation or the semantic
equivalence which I dispute in my book, they relied on the un-
equal treaty to forbid the Chinese to use the character. Of course,
they did not outlaw the other side of the equivalence, the English
word “barbarian” that they continued to apply to the Chinese. A
fascinating story, isn’t it? Amitav Ghosh’s recent novel Flood
of Fire draws on the research from my book and retells this sto-
ry of translation from the Opium War. I sometimes wonder if
there are any similar legal prohibitions against other people’s
words elsewhere in international relations, other attempts to kill
a native word through translation. The Chinese word (yi) was
killed after the Opium War and hasn’t been used for more than
a hundred years.
In The Clash of Empires I also look at how a text in interna-
tional law was translated into Chinese for the first time and
fundamentally prepared the ground for modern political theory
in China. Many familiar modern Chinese concepts—including
“sovereignty” and “human rights”—were first coined in the
1864 translation called Wanguo gongfa from the Elements of
International Law by American legal scholar Henry Wheaton.
This was the first international law book introduced to China or
East Asia. The Japanese relied on this Chinese translation to gain
an understanding of the modern world and used it to refute the
West’s extraterritorial demands on Japan, as well as justify their
own annexation of Korea and Taiwan. I took that translation as
a triple event: a textual event, a diplomatic event, and an episte-
mological event, anticipating the global importance of sovereign
rights and human rights in the twentieth century. In short, the
event of that translation did not just “happen” in 1864 and it has
traversed a temporality that spans our own times.
CS: I’d like to ask about another element in the title of your article in translation: the
phrase “competing universals.” Since today at the Nida Symposium the theme
translation /
was “Untranslatability and Cultural Complexity,” how would you articulate com-
peting universals and untranslatability?
126
LL: It’s only when you begin to worry about the whereabouts of
meaning that untranslatability becomes a central concern. The
idea of “competing universals” emerged out of the research
I did in the archives of the UN to reopen the moment when
the Universal Declaration of Human Rights was being drafted.
That document was initially conceptualized as the “Interna-
tional Declaration of Human Rights.” In the process of drafting
it, the UN Commission on Human Rights decided to change
the word “international” to “universal” in the title to empha-
size the moral and philosophical importance of the Declara-
tion. One question that I like to put to my students and others is
this: do you think the Universal Declaration of Human Rights
is a Western document? Without thinking twice, most people
answer yes. This reaction says something about where the uni-
versal lies in most people’s minds. My answer is that, on the
contrary, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights is NOT
a Western document. This conclusion is based on my research
on the minutes, summary reports, and a lot of other UN archival
material as well as the secondary studies of the drafting of the
UN document. For instance, Article 1 includes the term “con-
science” and it is English, but if you look at the discussions
that went on behind the scenes, there was a Confucian concept
proposed by the Vice-Chair of the UN Drafting Committee, P.
C. Chang, who worked closely to craft the document with El-
eanor Roosevelt, the Chair, along with a number of other dele-
gates from Asia, Africa, and Latin America. Chang was the one
who proposed that human attributes should not just be defined
as reason, but must also include ren, a written character from
Confucian philosophy that consists of a human radical plus
number two, which Chang rendered as “Two-man minded-
ness” whereas I would translate the character as “the plural hu-
man.” Chang tried to explain the word in a way that would help
the committee members reground the idea of human rights in
the plurality or sociality of human beings, rather than in indi-
viduality. There is a fundamental difference between the two.
I see Chang’s move as proposing a competing universal. Some
people might object that Chang’s stance was merely nationalis-
tic, but this is not the case because the Confucian classics were
translation /
127
the shared legacy of many societies across East Asia, including
the Japanese and Koreans and Vietnamese who all contributed
to the study of Confucianism in the past. Confucianism was
one of the civilizational resources that P. C. Chang tried to mo-
bilize. He made many other contributions—for instance, his
refusal to let a Christian understanding of natural rights be the
dominant, determining factor in the definition of rights. Theo-
logical terms were debated and some terms were taken out.
Conscience—an inadequate translation of the Chinese, ren—
was eventually added. This drafting process staged a play of
competing universals among the delegates from many coun-
tries around the world. Let’s not let this document be taken as
simply a European-inspired, or American-inspired, document.
My argument in the essay is that if you look at the actual day-
to-day debates at the UN on concepts—very important con-
cepts that we tend to associate with the Western tradition of
human rights today—you would be surprised to find multiple
contributions, not only from a Confucian humanist like P. C.
Chang, but also from feminist activists, Latin American legal
traditions, and Islamic traditions. I conclude that the Declara-
tion of Human Rights is not a Western document but a docu-
ment that registers competing universals.
CS: I have another question about the notion of “eventfulness.” I’d like to quote one
of your phrases from a footnote in your article, in which you suggest that rather
than “an endless rehashing or deconstruction of the biblical story” of the Tower
of Babel, it might be more productive to think about translation in terms of an
event. I wonder if you could talk about this, perhaps relating it to the way that
you have discussed the history of translation in specific contexts, such as the
Afro-Asian Writers Conferences?
LL: Eventfulness helps me in my attempt to work out the tempo-
rality and spatiality of the act of translation. Translation is not
just reduced to one instance of textual transfer, based on a com-
munication model—which I reject—or a theological model,
concerned with the fulfillment of meaning, since hermeneutics
is still part of that tradition. How can we radically reconceptu-
translation /
alize the problem of translation in terms of its situatedness in
time—whether we call it history or not—and place, where it
128
happens? Eventfulness might help us grapple with this prob-
lem if we were not to think of translation as merely a textual
event going after meanings across languages. If we were to
think of it, for instance, in terms of the Afro-Asian Writers’
Conferences and the multiple translation projects they carried
out, through journals, correspondence, conferences, collabora-
tions across many divides, then translation is something else
as well—it may inhabit multiple temporalities. I want to free
us from thinking of it merely as one time, one place, with its
significance limited to whether one gets the meaning or not. To
open it instead to the multiplicity of texts, open it to interpreta-
tions, open it to other temporalities. Some people argue that the
Universal Declaration of Human Rights was simply crafted by
an international elite, and that it didn’t really mean much at that
time, in the Cold War. But you never know its mode of exis-
tence. Human rights can be appropriated in any given instance
and can generate surprising modes of survival. For instance, in
the 1930s human rights discourse was mobilized in China to
fight fascism when the nationalist government was rounding
up Communists and leftwing intellectuals and putting them in
jail, but in the Cold War it was mobilized to fight Communist,
totalitarian regimes. So it never had a stable meaning. While
the Declaration of Human Rights gave us a blueprint, the in-
terpretation itself varies from place to place, time to time, and
so I grant the concept itself a certain mobility, an openness to
other languages and other intellectual traditions. Eventfulness
allows these temporalities to give any particular text a new
mode of life in a new language. That’s how I wanted to take
translation in the direction of eventfulness and then to identify
its political mode of being.
The kind of translation work that took place among those who
participated in the post-Bandung Afro-Asian Writers Confer-
ences is a good example of this. There was a tremendous ef-
fort to collaborate across nations and they produced so much—I
think in my article I mentioned one instance of the translation
of some of the writers from Africa, such as the Nigerian writ-
er, Chinua Achebe, who was known in the 1960s and 1970s as
an Afro-Asian writer—he was not primarily thought of as an
Anglophone writer, as we call him now in Anglo-American ac-
translation /
129
ademia. I have become wary of the imperial reappropriation of
Afro-Asian writers as Anglophone writers, as Francophone writ-
ers. . . What does this mean? They disavow that earlier history,
the Afro-Asian writers’ solidarity and their mutual translations
and wipe it out by incorporating them into English departments,
or Francophone departments, across American and European
universities. Today the teaching of Afro-Asian writers is redis-
tributed among these departments, but in the recent past the writ-
ers belonged together in a mode of political solidarity.
CS: Today in your lecture you touched on la petite lettre. Since I understand that you
are working on psychoanalysis, translation, and media studies, I was hoping for
a few comments on these new directions in your thought.
LL: The Freudian Robot didn’t really focus on translation, al-
though translation was part of it. For instance, the translation
of Lacan into American academia is a fascinating story that I
dug out when I was writing the book. What puzzled me was
that Lacan’s reading of Poe’s “Purloined Letter” has been in-
terpreted by American translators and American literary critics
and theorists as something entirely different from what Lacan
was actually doing. I traced that to the Yale French Studies
(No. 48, French Freud: Structural Studies in Psychoanalysis
[1972], 39–72) translation of Lacan: they eliminated a third of
Lacan’s original essay, which dealt with cybernetics and infor-
mation theory, and thereby created something called French
theory. The United States has been fabricating French theo-
ry for some time—even today with the translation of Barbara
Cassin’s Dictionary of Untranslatables! I looked at the Cold
War situation during which disciplines did not speak to each
other in the United States, but Lacan himself read across the
disciplines. He was reading Freud along with cybernetics—so
how did we miss this? Using Lacan as an example—but he
was not the only one—I point out that there is an economy of
translation: French theory has been manufactured by American
academia through translation.
translation /
CS: In 2013 you published The Nesbitt Code in Chinese, which has not yet been
translated. Would you consider translating it?
130
LL: Last month when I was in Beijing, a friend of mine asked me
the same question: whether I would consider rendering it into
English. I feel ambivalent about this. The main reason is that
I wrote this book as part of a collective effort among Chinese
writers to rethink the political history of the twentieth centu-
ry. I was involved in a three-year-long Indian–Chinese writ-
ers’ conversation and I consider myself as a writer in Chinese.
The Nesbitt Code—a kind of pseudodetective novel—emerged
out of that conversation because I was very interested in the
way that Chinese and India poets and novelists remembered
their histories. I wrote the book to reflect on the history of the
twentieth century, starting with the Russian Revolution and the
writers who went into exile, connecting the life stories of these
people to reflect on the legacy of the Chinese Revolution. I’m
not sure that people in the West are very interested in the psy-
chic aspect of the Russian Revolution and the Chinese Revo-
lution, whereas in China this resonates because it’s their lived
history. Since the Revolution ended in failure, there’s a great
deal of melancholy and soul searching in China, a lot of pain
associated with that history and many personal tragedies. But
a question persists: why did so many intellectuals and scien-
tists—Chinese, British, Russian, and others—rally around the
idea of the Revolution? It’s something one cannot brush aside.
I wrote this book to confront that question. What has deterred
me from translating it into English is that the readership of
English language publications is only interested in testimonial
literature against the Communist regime. That’s why I hesitate.
This melancholy story about the fundamental homelessness of
modern intellectuals and the tragedy of the Revolution is not
something that would resonate with publishers in the West.
Look at how they talk about China! They talk about the hor-
rors of the Cultural Revolution in the same breath as they talk
about the Holocaust and are only excited by the evils of Com-
munism. What do they know? Next to nothing! But I’m not
at all interested in telling them what transpired in the Cultural
Revolution. For the most part, the reading public in the United
States and Europe only seek repeated confirmation of the supe-
riority of their political system, the superiority of their culture,
and superiority in general. They are not interested in learning
translation /
131
about the difficult existential decisions that faced intellectuals
in other parts of the world from the First to the Second World
War and all the way to the Cultural Revolution. So you see
where my difficulty lies.
CS: Maybe it’s not for them. But what about in India? Have you thought of this,
since the book came out of these exchanges? In that context do you think there
would be an interest?
LL: Maybe, there will be an interest when another worldwide rev-
olution looms on the horizon or a new generation of the intel-
ligentsia is born. Translating the book into English for my In-
dian friends who actually asked for it would make good sense.
That would be a compelling argument. Maybe I should have it
translated into English, not for North American and European
or British readers but for other English language readers. I’ll
give it some thought.
References
Liu, Lydia H. 1995. Translingual Practice: Literature, National Culture, and Trans-
lated Modernity. China 1900-1936. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
––––. 2004. The Clash of Empires: The Invention of China in Modern World Making.
Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
––––. 2010. The Freudian Robot: Digital Media and the Future of the Unconscious.
Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
––––. 2013. The Nesbitt Code (六個字母的解法 non-fiction, in Chinese) Hong
Kong: Oxford University Press.
Lydia H. Liu is a theorist of media and translation living in New York. She is Wun
Tsun Tam Professor in the Humanities at Columbia University and has published on
literary theory, translation, digital media, Chinese feminism, and empire in English and
Chinese. Her English works include The Freudian Robot: Digital Media and the Future
of the Un- conscious (2010), The Clash of Empires: The Invention of China in Modern
World Making (2004) and, more recently, a coedited translation with Rebecca Karl
and Dorothy Ko called The Birth of Chinese Feminism: Essential Texts in Transnational
translation /
Theory (2013).
132
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] | Translation does not concern a comparison
between two languages but the interpretation
of two texts in two different languages.
Umberto Eco (2001)
Ever since we started publishing this journal I have wanted to
dedicate a special issue to memory. Memory and translation are
so obviously connected, yet so little studied. Memory—as the
retrieval, reconstruction, inscription, and leaving of traces and
their effects—plays a central role in any translation process, and
translation, in its inherently transformative character, is intrinsic
to every memory and memorializing act.
Loss, furthering, circulation, redefinition, distancing,
transmigration, rewriting are all possible aspects and effects of
translation that could not take place if not for some sort of
memorialization.
*
Since the initial planning of this special issue, my
editors of choice were also clear to me. I am so grateful to the
two fine scholars—and dear friends—Bella Brodzki and
Cristina Demaria for having accepted to serve as guest editors
for this issue. Their backgrounds and research make them a
perfect duo for the present issue.
Bella Brodzki’s brilliant Can These Bones Live?
Translation, Survival, and Cultural Memory (2007) is perhaps
the most important publication bringing together translation and
memory, demonstrating how “excavating or unearthing burial
sites or ruins in order to reconstruct traces of the physical and
textual past in a new context is also a mode of translation, just
as resurrecting a memory or interpreting a dream are acts of
translation.” I found reading this book truly illuminating.
Bringing Bella together with Cristina, who for years has
studied memory from the somewhat different angle of the
semiotics of culture, was a fortunate choice. Cristina’s research
is in the most various expressions and testimonies of memory—
from reconciliation processes in South Africa and Chile to
documentaries of events and experiences of trauma. “Studying
memory [as a cultural phenomenon] means considering not only
the material conditions, means, or devices through which it is
inscribed and transmitted, but also the models, forms, and
practices that define those genres that orient, and also retranslate
or reenunciate, narrations of the past” (2012, 10; my
translation).
*
I would like to thank Bella and Cristina for their
wonderful work in putting this issue together. I also want to
thank the authors for their contributions, each of which provides
new and diversified insights into how translation works through
memory. I am also very grateful for their patience during the
many publication delays.
Regrettably, it took much longer than expected and
originally programmed to publish this special issue. On behalf
of the board, I want to apologize to our guest editors, authors,
and readers for the unconscionable delay in delivering our
journal. Over the past few years, we moved from one publisher
to another but now, after a lengthy hiatus, we have finally found
a new home with Eurilink University Press in Rome.
*
Reading this issue’s essays has enriched my under-
standing of the relations between translation and memory. I
have learned new things, and I have been surprised and pleased.
I hope you will join me in appreciating this special issue.
*
This issue is dedicated to the memory of Umberto Eco,
who passed away more than a year ago while we were busy
preparing this issue. Translation was one of the themes to which
he devoted much interest and writing in his last few years, and
his contributions on translation as negotiation, based on his
experience both as a translator and as a widely translated author,
will continue to accompany us. I am most grateful for the
opportunity he gave me to discover and investigate translation
through the lens of semiotics, and Cristina Demaria and I, who
both completed our doctorates under his supervision, share fond
memories of the lively discussions on translation and its limits
during our university seminars.
S. N.
References
Brodzki, Bella. 2007. Can These Bones Live? Translation, Survival, and
Cultural Memory. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Demaria, Cristina. 2012. Il trauma, l’archivio e il testimone. La semiotica, il
documentario e la rappresentazione del “reale”. (Trauma, archive, and
witness. Semiotics, documentaries, and the representation of the “real”).
Bologna: Bononia University Press.
Eco, Umberto. 2001. Experiences in Translation. Translated by Alastair
McEwen. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Eco, Umberto. 2003. Mouse or Rat? Translation as Negotiation. Translator/s
not specified. London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson.
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] | 0. A preface on the translational internationalization of the
humanities
This special volume is the result of a very long, exciting, yet
rather difficult struggle, involving translations and self-
translations. Who writes here is the “effect” of two people’s
endeavors; two people who have come to know each other to
some extent across text, screen, and phone line—who, surely,
respect and cherish one another, without ever having met. One
is American, the other Italian; they have been invited to write
for an International Journal in English, a journal that hosts
articles that engage, obviously, not only translation, but that
are themselves the product of self-translations. This very
process has necessarily become part of the volume’s
introduction, since one of its authors is not a native speaker.
This is a “fact” that nowadays has become routine at least in
the Western-Eurocentric worlds, and none dares question it:
we must write in English. Otherwise, our international status
will be affected, and not only will we go back to being
provincial, addressing only a limited audience, but we will be
devalued, score lower on all the national evaluations that
determine individual and institutional research funding. This
seems to be a one-way trajectory that everyone acknowledges,
that some occasionally criticize, but is never actually resisted,
since it is the way the global production of knowledge and
educational systems work.
One might wonder why we are foregrounding the
obvious, when we should be writing about translation and
memory. As many of the essays here demonstrate, however,
the relationship between translation and memory has very
much to do with not only the position of the person who is
translating, but also with that of the person who is writing
about translation, and thus creating an archive–memory of all
the lives a text might have, along with its histories and
narratives, its former and new translated meanings. If all
critical analysis and meditation on the differences between
languages—which includes the memory that sustains them,
and the memory-texts in the languages that manage to
survive—are but a translation/self-translation, often erasing
nuances and disregarding untranslatability, then in which
recesses of translation (from and into English and into every
other language) and memory does the future of the humanities
reside?
1. Memory and translation of past intercourses
Isn’t this what a translation does? [. . .] By elevating
the signifier to its meaning or value, all the while preserving
the mournful and debt-laden memory of the singular body, the
first body, the unique body that the translation thus elevates,
preserves, and negates [relève]? Since it is a question of a
travail—indeed, as we noted, a travail of the negative—this
relevance is a travail of mourning, in the most enigmatic sense
of this word [. . .] The measure of the relève or relevance, the
price of a translation, is always what is called meaning, that
is, value, preservation, truth as preservation (Wahrheit,
bewahren) or the value of meaning, namely, what, in being
freed from the body, is elevated above it, interiorizes it,
spiritualizes it, preserves it in memory. A faithful and mournful
memory.
(Derrida 2013, 378)
Among the many theoretical perspectives from which one can
look at translation, as well as the many objects that can be
considered from the point of view of translation theories and
practices, the translation/memory nexus is among the most
fraught, precisely because memory is by definition contesta-
tory, and always mediated, and thereby the most complex and
difficult to qualify on almost every level. Because of their tight
intertwining, one runs the risk of reiterating or echoing what
has been said and done already (see, for example, the recent
book by one of the author of this volume: Brownlie 2016).
Oversaturated, we struggle to find what else could come from
further confrontations between these two concepts: how to
consider and render truly heuristic an encounter between
translation and memory now, in the age of posttranslation
studies (Gentzler 2017)?
The quoted passage above from Jacques Derrida dates
back many years, and, in the domain of translation theories
influenced by poststructuralism, it serves as a milestone in the
encounter between translation and memory. In what follows,
we would like to go back to what might belong to even older
history of memory and translation engagements. If for literary
critics and translation specialists this history sounds passé, it is
not the case for philosophers or scholars working with
language and meaning.
One of the first fields of confrontation and exchange
between translation and memory was the study of the
“meaning of meaning”—semiotics, philosophy of language—
whereby the implications of any act of translation became part
of many theories and speculations on the working of meaning
between languages and cultures (Nergaard 1995). Should this
seem peripheral to the main event, we could point to
structuralism, and even to the beginnings of poststructuralism,
up to its recent neomaterialist transformations, as a way of
rethinking languages, cultures, and their relation with history
and the “material” world. There we find the crucial work of
translation and memory as perspectives and/or as epistemic
positions that have enabled the study of languages and cultures
and the effects of different temporalities, politics, subjectivities
and bodies—that is, of the transformative character of
translation in memorializing act.
As clarification, let us start from some basic
assumptions underlining not a post-, but a no-longer-
structuralist, interpretative, and translational conception of
how semiosis works, looking at the work of Umberto Eco, to
whom this issue is dedicated.
Even though his work is recognized as having
significantly contributed to the development of Roman
Jakobson’s three-fold classification of translation (Eco 2001),1
here we want to mention briefly another concept that he used
to explain the workings of semiosis, along with that of
memory.
The operative first assumption is that every act of
interpretation that comprises acts of translation has recourse to
an encyclopedia, in the semiotic sense that Umberto Eco (1976,
1984) has given to the term—that in its turn refers to semantic
and iconic memories that are part not only of every langue
system, but of every act of parole, to go back to Ferdinand de
Saussure. In other words, the very idea of how meaning works
had already changed in the 1980s, thanks also to Eco’s
perspective for which the idea of a semiotic universe is
made not so much of signs, but of cultural units; entities that absorb and
reflect the influence of the culture in which they find themselves, and which
are no longer the lemmas [word; term] of a rigid system of content
organization (a dictionary), but rather the nodes of a network of meanings
that can be treaded upon in multiple directions, depending on the inferences
and the interpretive connections one chooses: a semiotic universe that takes
the shape of an encyclopedia. (Lorusso 2015, 81)
In respect to translation processes, this concept is
relevant for two different reasons. The first is that, in accepting
semiosis as operating within encyclopedias, what is most
relevant is that every term composing a code is always already
interpreted, bringing along the history of its uses and
translations; the working of languages moving from its
structure to the actual effects and transformations of every
signifying practices that define not so much what is a
1 One of the most significant contributions to Jakobson’s classification was made by Eco in
Experiences in Translation (2001), starting from Charles S. Peirce’s influence on Jakobson. Even
though Eco emphasizes that for Peirce “meaning, in its primary sense, is a ‘translation of a sign
into another system of signs’” (Eco 2001, 69), he also argues that Peirce “uses translation in a
figurative sense: not like a metaphor, but pars pro toto (in the sense that he assumes
‘translation’ as a synecdoche for ‘interpretation’)” (Eco 2001, 69).
language, but what concurs to its different kinds of circulation
and transmissions, that is, to its translations. As Patrizia Violi
summarizes: “The encyclopaedia marks the transformation of
the code from a rule that defines signification and
interpretation, into the idea of a system of possible inferences,
in which even a principle of choice and of freedom may find a
place” (Violi 1992, 99).
In a culture conceived as an encyclopedia, the
hierarchies fall, because the priorities and the dependencies
change according to circumstances (thus locally, and bodily).
Meaning starts to be thought of as always already constructed
and reconstructed, hence translated, in time (and space), within
a dialectic between what is already deposited in the
encyclopedia and what is historically and culturally negotiated;
between consolidated habits2 and their possible transform-
ations. And here is the second reason this concept might play a
role: collective memories, thought of in their contingent
political, social and historical formations, are what is filtered
and negotiated and transformed from local, national and
cultural encyclopedia. Memory and its processes are what, in
different contexts, emerge as different processes of cultural
translation.
Every translator, therefore, deals not only with those
memories belonging to the cultural and historical contexts in
which she operates, and with the different politics of memory
surrounding the particular text being translated, but also with
the semantic and pragmatic fields (scripts, genres, frames) of
which each term, each name, is part. In other words,
languages, and not only natural languages but images and
sounds as well, are thought of as forms of cultural and
historical memory, often capable of directing, but, at least,
influencing, what we now think of as the fluxes of linguistic
traffic that are produced in those border and contact zones—
again, temporal and spatial—wherein translation operates.
In other words, whenever we look at the processes of
archiving and preserving cultures, we find the modeling, and
translating, nature of memory. Yuri Lotman and Boris
Uspensky wrote more than forty years ago that the “implanting
2 We refer here to the notion of habit as theorized by Charles S. Peirce (see especially Collect-
ed Papers V.4000).
of a fact into the collective memory, then, is like a translation
from one language into another—in this case, into the
‘language of culture’” (Lotman and Uspensky 1971, 214). And
they add—prior to much more recent theorizations of what an
“event” is in light of transmedia and current transnational
thinking: “Events have multilayered interpretations, they are
subject to corrections, revisions. The construction of the
historical event is nothing but the translation of something into
the language of memory” (Lorusso 2015, 101).
A visual example of such influence is the concept of
Pathosformel by, recently rediscovered and much discussed in
memory studies and aesthetic theory. Developed throughout
his life, the unfinished project of the atlas of Mnemosyne,
Pathosformeln refers to all those images and forms of pathos
(emotions, passions such as fear, awe, and horror) that survive
as a cultural heritage imprinted in our collective memory.
There are, in other words, antique roots sustaining modern
images, their translations—the very way in which their
meaning can be reversed—that is at stake whenever we
analyze visual cultures.3
2. Memory and translation current transactions
However, even though the intersections and exchanges
between memory and translation are undeniable, indisputable,
and generative, they do not exclude several critical issues: how
can these intersections be truly heuristic? Is any confrontation
possible without ironing out the actual differences between the
two concepts? That is, on the one hand, to think of translation
as a way to construct collective memories, their survival, and
on the other hand, of memory as always requiring a transfer of
time and space, a recontextualizing of its representations and
expressions? And even more so if we think of translation as
the transformation of one’s own traditions and identity, in
itself a process that implies the fatigue of welcoming and of
hospitality, the hard work of transmitting one’s own otherness;
3 In the past few years, there has been an increasing interest in Warburg’s project and his
idea of Pathosforlmen in many fields (visual studies, aesthetics, history) dealing with the
construction and circulation of memory images. Amongst the many author, see the work of
Georges Didi-Huberman (2005, 2011).
moreover, as a widening of the very concept of multidirec-
tional memory (Rothberg 2009).
One has to remember all the different practices—
individual and collective, linguistic and social—that are at
stake in every engagement, to think of practices of translation
as both a metaphorical transfer and, as Barbara Godard (see
Karpinski, Henderson, Sowton, and Ellenwood 2013)
suggests, as metonymical links (see also Tymoczko 1999). In
other words, one must not forget the implications of using
translation as a metaphor standing in for the encounter with the
other that is, also, a transformation of one’s own tradition and
memory. This is a choice that is always conveyed by the real
labor that accompanies welcoming not only another language,
but also another future and another possible past into the
negotiations between the translator, the texts, the discourses,
and the places, spaces, and times surrounding them. What
happens when translation is “translated,” transferred as an
expansion and an extension of memories through the figure of
testimony and witnessing? And how does translation function
in the dynamics of postmemory, as conceptualized by
Marianne Hirsch4 and others (see Hirsch 1997, 2012) , in the
intergenerational passage that structures both filiation and
affiliation?
In as much as the concepts and processes of translation
and memory are understood to be mutually implicating, if not
interpenetrating, in literary critical studies, philosophy,
linguistics, distinctions between individual (or autobiographic-
al memory) and collective or cultural memory are often not
acknowledged. Even when the topic is traumatic memory, in
particular, and the analytic categories are drawn from the
familiar models of psychoanalytic theory, memory as a
phenomenon and a practice is considered to operate across
(hence our volume’s title) realms and registers.
Likewise, we—as the editors of this volume—are not
inclined to privilege either personal or public memory, or
engage in debate over the question of priority or precedence.
Our essays treat translation in regard to both social and
individual memory, reflecting our conviction that, for our
4See the interview with Marianne Hirsch in this issue, in which she revisits the concept of
postmemory in its relationship with practices of translation.
interpretive purposes, both draw from the same well. There is
analytic force and ethical impact in studying the uses and
effects of each, and their interconnectedness, as autobiogra-
phical narratives, fiction, as well as other forms of literary and
cultural expression demonstrate. However, in the disciplines of
psychology and the social sciences such as anthropology,
sociology, political science, and history, these distinctions do
matter, differently; indeed, they are foundational. Having said
that, there appears to be a strong drift now in the direction of
stressing the effects of the social and the public on personal
memory, or an attempt to bridge social science and
psychological approaches.
This is the case in cutting-edge empirical research in
the neurosciences and cognitive psychology, where arguably
the greatest advances in memory studies have recently taken
place. “Mnemonic consequences,” or what is otherwise
referred to as the dialectic of remembering and forgetting, are
attributed to the role of conversation/the impact of silence, the
said and the unsaid (Stone et al. 2012); this is also true for
studies in the reconstructing of memory, which reached its
greatest visibility (and notoriety) in the 1990s. Whereas in
psychoanalysis the agent of repression is the unconscious
(both singular and collective, though to different effect), recent
research in cognitive and neurobiological science finds the
suppressing or controlling of unwanted memories to be the
product of brain systems similar to the mechanisms that stop
reflexive motor responses (Anderson and Levy 2009). In
studies that seek to bridge psychology—which is method-
logyically individually based and functional in its
perspective—and the disciplines more generally focused on
groups, whether they are nations, tribes, generations, or other
units, an important connection is psychology’s recent
affirmation that individuals are embedded in complex social
networks. Memory, according to neuroscientists, has an
epidemiological dimension in the sense of social contagion,
which is now exacerbated by social media. Whether mnemonic
formations are primarily biological or social in origin,
psychology is not interested in the individual qua individual,
but in general or universal principles or features that can be
extracted. In other words, just because the locus is the
individual doesn’t mean that the investment is in the subject or
subjectivity.
Despite this fundamental difference between the
various disciplinary approaches that, nevertheless, needed to
be mentioned, what steers much of this work back to literary
and cultural perspectives on memory and translation of
psychic phenomena is the centrality accorded to narrative and
identity.
In this respect, Aleida Assmann’s (2015) recent
reflections on the working of cultural memory merits mention.
Assmann comments not only on neuroscience’s and media
studies’ shared “basis in the constructivist hypothesis that
events and experiences have no ontological status but are made
and remade over and over again” (Assmann 2015, 42), as
Lotman and Uspensky (1978) have also said. Her work is also
relevant because of her perspective on cultural memory as a
domain that must engage with the role of affects—both
individual and collective, along with their intertwining—
within a diachronic and transgenerational analytical gaze.
What does her “model” suggest? Arguably, a sort of
rearticulation of the very notion of postmemory, with the
added insights of a constructivist point of view. The latter
emphasizes the synchronic and embedded quality of a memory
fabricated according to actual needs and demands in the
present, calls for approaches that focus on the affective
dimension of memory in a long-term diachronic perspective,
both at the individual and at the collective transgenerational
transmission levels.
It is probably in this very rearticulation of the
relationship between cultural memory and postmemory that
processes of translation and rewriting of memories are not only
significant because they create an “afterlife of repeated
transformations, but also a prehistory”: what is at stake are the
ways in which “memory traces interact with previous
experiences and cultural patterns; how both of these provide
templates that gain a steering function within our mental
cosmos” (Assmann 2015, 43).
Resonance is thus a form of “stimulating and
strengthening the affective charge in the process of remem-
bering” (44), where
[t]he concept of resonance implies the interaction of two separate entities,
one located in the foreground, one in the background. In this case, the
element in the foreground does not cover up or elide what exists in the
background; on the contrary, the element in the foreground triggers the
background and fuses with it. We may also speak of a cooperation, in which
the background element nonconconsciously or unconsciously guides, forms,
shapes the foreground element. My emphasis here is on the hidden
correspondence and the tacit agreement between a surface stimulus and its
response on a deeper and nonconscious level, which can enlarge our
understanding of the nonconscious but not necessarily unconscious, let
alone occult, dynamics of memory. (Assmann 2015, 45)
Resonance and a prehistory of memories can be found
in the ways in which translation processes, when dealing with
the past, are forms of cooperation between background and
foreground that might differ, involving both temporalization
and spatialization strategies, as our essays and interviews
amply demonstrate. As the interview with James Young that
we present online (http://translation.fusp.it) amply suggests,
ongoing interest in the link between language and landscape,
memorial sites, ruins, and layered translations points to the
manifold ways that translation is instrumentalized for different
memorializing ends, whether they be in the service of creation,
reclamation, or effacement of a memory or former version
(one’s own or another’s). Arguably, every act of translation
displaces a previous one; sometimes, they continue to coexist,
even if one of the languages or versions is in the ascendant or
dominant position. Translation works in two directions, toward
both remembrance/reification and oblivion, along a continuum
which is, of course, subject to change over time. Although, for
example, we witness the erasing and mistranslating of place
names in Brian Friel’s (1981) famous play Translations—in
which in 1883 British surveyors are redrawing the map, that is,
converting Gaelic names to English ones—in 1922 both Irish
and English were made the official languages of the Republic
of Ireland and Northern Ireland. Linguistic appropriation is the
primary form of displacement of the other; linguistic
imperialism in this form has been one of the great weapons of
choice in history. It is important to note, however, that
translation involves reaction and resistance, as well as
aggression and enactment. Isabelle Jenin’s essay in our volume
addresses the replacement of place names in Leslie Marmon
Silko’s novel Ceremony, in which the original Indian names
for the American landscape are changed to English and
Spanish ones. The text, she argues, shows that the “translated”
landscape is in some way fundamentally untranslatable, that
the Laguna Pueblo spirits that haunt the European settlers’
imprint are exercising their own dominion, keeping their
names alive.
Toponymy isn’t inherently political, but the history
and meaning of place names are dramatically associated with
changes of regime, occupation, settlement, and linguistic/
cultural imperialism in general; acts of translation—
renaming—are complicit with memorializing and monument-
alizing efforts that represent symbolic as well as economic
capital investments. They shape, even distort, cultural memory
and identity by ensuring certain legacies while effacing,
sometimes even burying others.
4. Traces of translatability and untranslatability
The working of memory and translation as a kind of urban
archaeology has recently been reclaimed and further developed
by Sherry Simon (2012). Simon’s overarching project deals
with those urban spaces that are divided and polyglot, such as
Nicosia, Trieste, and Montreal, addressing translation studies
in relation to its growing engagement with those cultural,
economic, and political disparities and variations that act on
each process of “mediation”. According to Simon, “[s]uch an
enlarged understanding of translation includes acts of
mediation which are not language transfers in the conventional
sense, but are more broadly practices of writing that take place
at the crossroads” (8), and “[t]ranslation is a useful and often
neglected entry point into questions of diversity and
accommodation, identity and community, and the kinds of
durable links that can be established across histories and
memories” (156).
Processes of translation are capable of mobilizing and
circulating divergent, indeed conflictual, memories. Therefore,
if translation can be thought of as an act that contributes to
redefining not only cultural spaces, but also the very spaces
where citizenship is identified, it becomes something more
than the acknowledgement and the expression of differences.
It is also in this sense that translation become a mode, a
dispositif in the Foucauldian employment of the term, thanks
to which what has passed away, what is apparently past,
disappeared, removed, and suppressed, overtakes and exceeds
its own predetermined destiny through a rebirth in other
contexts, in other times and places, with renewed images.
At the same time, the very nature of a dispositif might
direct us to reflect again on the status and condition of
translatability and untranslatability, whereby speaking of
untranslatability does not mean to deny the potentiality of any
translation; on the contrary, it means accepting, and always
interrogating translation as an actual transformation and
interpretation of the memory of cultures or, better yet, of the
cultures of memories, their resilience and their resonances.
It means continually interrogating the discontinuities
and heterogeneities inhabiting every memory construction and
tracing of borders, in regards to which we should always
exercise not only the work of comparison but, as Marianne
Hirsch expresses in her interview in this volume, an effort to
imagine new possible political connections and affiliations,
new ways of mobilizing memories and their visual, verbal, and
performative translations.
For Simon, it is undeniable that in every context in
which there is a strong awareness of the border—of different
languages coexisting, along with competing and often
conflicting memories—the suspicion of the “other language”
prevails, the other language here acquiring another kind of
“untranslatability” entailing any deviation from one’s own, or
any inclusion of the translated histories and stories of those
living across the material or symbolic border that separates
them from us. Both acts of inclusion and exclusion are charged
with deep ideological valence: how can we translate what we
do not want to translate? Most times, the enemy is the one
whose story we do not want to hear; that we do not want to
recognize and actually translate, since we might understand it,
thus allowing the other’s memory possibly to haunt us.
However, as Simon says, cities crossed by linguistic borders—
more Trieste and Montreal (to mention her examples) than
Jerusalem, or Cape Town (to mention other examples)—are
places in which translation can become a very powerful tool,
first by bringing along in its very practice the social force of
distancing. That is in the confirmation of alterity in the
emphasis on social and cultural differences, in the recognition
and yielding to religious and national belonging. Second, by
calling on the force of furthering, that is, in the creation of new
links and bonds through deviant and excessive forms of cross-
over: interferences, self-translation, rewriting, transmigration,
and countermemorialization. The practice of furthering does
not entail a presupposition of sameness; on the contrary, it
presumes the integration of memories in conflict or, rather, of
their relocation within their own cultural and historical
contexts. But is this really possible?
5. Trauma and translation
Many of the essays we present here reflect on the practice of
translation as a means of managing not only internal borders
and conflicting memories. At the same time they address the
challenges any translator faces when converting traumatic
memories into diverse contexts and spaces with different or
competing Histories, whether of the Shoah, the Native
American, or the Armenian genocide.
It is risky to enter here into a multifaceted debate that
some may regard as already “old,” or over-utilized as a trope.
However, some of the most significant contemporary
“thinking [about] trauma’s future” (Rothberg 2014, xii)
includes voices that try to understand the ways in which the
category of trauma as an interpretive model might still have an
impact on our experience of temporality and its structure. One
option is to look at trauma along with its implicated concept of
belatedness (Freud’s idea of Nachträglichkeit) This suggests
reading trauma not in and for itself, but for its possible
representations—verbal, visual, spatial—for when it tries to
express a structure of feeling for a (no longer unclaimed)
experience; it also implies looking at the coming together of
different times, whereby the category of trauma does not point
to the disruptive nature of experienced time, but to how we
write about it, translate it. These are the complexities of
belatedness weaving into the writing, or the (re)calling and the
repealing, of past experiences within which trauma is made
manifest: questions of narrative and time that are inseparable
from ethical and political questions.
A further level of confrontation between “new” trauma
theory and translation studies emerges once it has become
almost unavoidable for any discourse on trauma to travel
elsewhere, geographically and geoculturally, to go beyond a
Eurocentric and monocultural orientation, to move to another
affect-world, in order to better apprehend its impact (Rothberg
2014); to test its future-tense and its slow violence (Kaplan
2015). In so doing, a paradigm in which translation and trauma
meet might also start to answer different questions: how do
states colonize a disruptive temporality into sovereign
chronologies, and how do they translate them; or how is the
changing biopolitical horizon in which trauma is both
produced and policed affecting its very experience—an
example of which is when what is produced and policed
regards different people, different places, refugees and exiles;
different bodies?
There is no doubt that the contemporary technological
versions of subjectivity and identity have moved the idea of
trauma through many translations and transmutations. We
must contemplate the cultural and historical specificity of the
concepts and categories of trauma, thanks to its translations, as
Michael Rothberg reminds us: “The category of trauma ought
to trouble the historicist gesture of much contemporary
criticism as well as its concomitant notions of history and
culture” (Rothberg 2014, xv). As much as the category of
trauma might enable the political, cultural, and social impact
of translation, it involves the dislocation of subjects, histories,
and cultures. And even though there could be multiple forms
of dislocation, deriving from “punctual” events (a massacre,
for example) or from systemic violence or transhistorical
structural trauma (LaCapra 2001), there is continuity,
nonetheless. The task of “theory” is to find it, to look for
connections, overlaps, similitude, and translation across the
cultural and historical contexts under scrutiny. We discern
connections and similarities in the current climate of History
and its forms of violence involving different scales of
temporality and modes of subjectivity; these are pertinent to
both in trauma and in translation studies, but they have
probably not, thus far, been addressed sufficiently.
In sum, the challenge seems to be how to critically
engage with classical trauma theory’s dominant paradigm by
rethinking and rewriting how to connect events of extreme
violence, disjunctive structures of subjective and collective
experience, and discursive and aesthetic forms of rewriting and
translation.
6. Media transmediality and the archive
Yet another question comes to mind: what is specific to the
concept and practices of translation when the current
mobilizing of memory results in new and different
representations of form and content, which are transformed by
what is being called a post-roadcast era (Hoskins 2011)?
What does it mean today to move from the unknown to the
known, to render something from the past familiar, within the
ever-changing forms and formations of contemporary
mediascapes and memoryscapes, or else to accept their untrans-
latability?
In order to answer these questions in their intertwining
with memory, one could engage in dialogue with Media-
Specific Analysis, which deals mainly with contemporary
examples of how a literary genre, as Hayles states, “mutates
and transforms when it is instantiated in different media [. . .]
MSA insists that texts must always be embodied to exist in the
world. The materiality of these embodiments interacts
dynamically with linguistic, rhetorical, and literary practice to
create the effects we call ‘literature’” (Hayles 2014, 21).
Or, also, it could confront itself with a more
sociologically oriented tendency that maintains that media
“functions” have been unhooked from both the tools and the
objects with which they have been traditionally associated. To
give the most common example, what we once normally
thought of as television has now gone beyond the television set
itself, its content released from its “container,” from its
specific embodiment, its own materiality. In other words, what
used to be defined as a media product—even what is labeled as
“literature”—is now a transmedia set of translated events and
practices of consumption: programs are seen through
streaming or downloaded from the Internet in different
countries, fandom providing almost instantaneous subtitles;
books and their characters cannot be launched without a
YouTube trailer that immediately receives global comments;
programs have websites and Facebook pages, their actors
living many other lives as characters of a proliferation of
narratives produced and archived in fan fiction websites from
all over the world, where they become adaptations and local
versions of the “original,” of a matrix that is changed through
on-going transmedia storytelling (Demaria 2014).
What we have briefly described here is now almost a
cliché in Media Studies; it is part of a phenomenon that has
been called, and from then on overtly quoted as, a convergent
and participative culture, of media spreadability (Jenkins,
Green, Ford 2013) that endlessly rewrites the return of history
and memory through prosthetic tools (Landsberg 2004). The
narrative complexity on one hand and the transmedia
overflows exemplified by fanfic websites on the other
supposedly constitute the evidence of a participatory and
spectator-centered culture of prosumers, of a diffuse audience
whose agency has helped to blur the boundaries between an
original “text” (such as, for example, a TV series) and its
transformations and local translations (how the characters and
their stories are transformed and reimagined, and their format
readapted in different countries).
Hence, we still need a reflection on a language of the
text that does not exclude the “materiality” of the screen or the
computer, as well as the effects of the notion that content
outside its containers might induce the very thinking of new
forms of translation. The different media and screens
implicated in all studies of contemporary digital transmu-
tations, their specificity but also their syncreticity—that is, the
simultaneous presence of different languages and their
particular intertwining effects and affects (verbal, visual,
textual, aural)—can allow us to reflect on the peculiar ways in
which content might migrate from one digital space to another.
Moreover, different—or else very similar—stories might be
told. What might be at stake are the main transformations
undergone by narrative imaginations (Montani 2010)—from a
mimetic account of time (as in epic or ancient theatre), to a
more productive projection, first helped by the narrative
configurations allowed by the novel and cinema, and currently
by contemporary media narratives—remediations and
translations of all previous forms and genres (the novel,
cinema, TV, and so on) and of the memory of all the antique
images (Pathosformeln), languages, and cultures they involve.
What is the role of translation in those processes of
selection and management of what becomes part of an archive
as a set of rules and criteria, as a collection, as a process of
distribution and delivery of memory?
This problem involves a critical reading of those
technologies of memory that are supported by different politics
of digital archives, whereby one faces the double and
ambivalent dimension of archive as origin and archive as law,
of the authority and authorship of the archive. It is the case, to
quote but one example, of the recent transfer of CIA and other
former classified verbal, visual, and audiovisual documents
dealing with the US involvement with the Pinochet dictatorship
to the Museo de la Memoria y los Derechos Humanos in
Santiago de Chile.5 These political documents rest on a
techno-ethical paradox: between providing free access to
memory as a civil or human right and the opacity of a history
preserved as a trace of and a testimony to its very secrecy.
More generally speaking, when translation meets the archive,
it encounters its possible displacements and various
transnational administrations of memory (NGOs, humanitarian
agencies that demand to speak and designate, to classify and
preserve documents in the name of other people’s memories).
Hence, how can one analyze such performative acts, this
verbal and visual documentality? This refers to the exercises of
power that affect subjective and collective investments, the
comprehensive power of knowledge-production in relation to
the rights and meanings of contemporary archives.
5 For more on this project led by Cristián Gomez-Moya on the archive and human rights, see
http://hemisphericinstitute.org/hemi/en/e-misferica-91/gomezmoya#sthash.g0wBGq8a.dpuf;
and http://www.wordsinspace.net/lib-arch-data/2013-fall/?ai1ec_event=declassifying-the-
archive-declassification-documentation-human-rights&instance_id. Accessed July 1, 2016.
In conclusion
The articles that make up this issue of translation: an
interdisciplinary journal offer indeed a range of meditations
on an intriguing set of case studies that bring new perspectives
on many of the topics we have raised. Each elaborates, in its
own fashion, on the author’s respective engagement with the
act of translation and transmission as an act that opens up
memory’s archive and its various resonances.
Instead of individually summarizing the contents of
our volume’s contributors’ articles, we have chosen to
continue weaving our shared considerations by incorporating
some of their principal insights as an ongoing discussion and
highlighting the questions they have provoked us into posing.
The essays are bookended by interviews with Marianne Hirsch
and James Young, respectively. Their impact on this most
consequential field of study, as it engages history, architecture,
literature, and art, has been extraordinary. Indeed, the field of
Memory Studies as such would not exist without their
definitive, groundbreaking work. One regards the role of
memory when the author is both a translator and a critic of
translational processes, as in Adams Bodomo’s essay, in which
we find the author’s own poems that he himself translates, and
Bernard McGuirk’s article, where he meditates on his own
translation both of Haroldo De Campos’s poems and of
Brazilian protest songs. Here we find the challenge posed by
the echoes, influences, hybridities, and intertexts of
contemporary transculturations, whereby the task of the
translator involves not abandoning but suspending certain
spontaneous choices of literal translation in favor of
interaction and indeed transaction. Moreover, underlying all
the works, the role translation plays in changing—and even in
radically transforming—local, national, and global memories
emerges in all its effects, as in the case of the Armenian
genocide thanks to the many translations and the cinematic
version of Antonia Arslan’s 2007 novel Skylark Farm, which
Sona Haroutyunian analyzes, focusing on the relationship
between the historical event and its various kinds of
representations.
Along with these questions, what is put under scrutiny
is both the role of the writer as the translator of a fading oral
memory (as in Bodomo’s, Jenin’s, and McGuirk’s articles) and
of the translator as a witness or a second-degree witness
(Deane-Cox); coming into contact with—and sometimes be-
traying—the memory of the texts and the memory the texts
sought to convey. Or else preserving memory by transforming
it into a new genre, a new type of storytelling, as Isabelle Jenin
shows us in her analysis of Silko’s novel.
These questions are raised and further problematized in
Brownlie’s article, where she addresses the ways in which two
autobiographical stories by Katherine Mansfield—“Prelude”
and “At the Bay”—reflect in style and structure the processes
of autobiographical memory. They are also articulated in
David Amezcua Gomez’s study of Muñoz Molina’s novel
Sefarad, in which he traces how in multidirectional memory
(of the Spanish Civil War, World War II, and post-Civil War
Spain) “empathetic connections” are translated into
monumental fiction. Or yet into monuments tout court, as
James Young here (see infra) discusses with Bella Brodzki and
Siri Nergaard, pointing to how, in order to understand
traumatic memories and their translations, topography,
literature, diaries, ruins all collapse into a fragmented yet
resonant text, of which one element cannot be read without the
other.
The problem of accountability and responsibility
remains paramount: how much do we really want to translate?
And how much can we translate when it comes to postmemories
of the Holocaust? Language issues and questions emerging from
the translation of first and second generation testimonies are at
the core of memory studies, as both Young and Hirsch comment
in their interviews, referring both to their own work, and to the
influence that a graphic novel such as Art Spieglman’s Mauss
and a documentary such as Claude Lanzmann’s Shoah had on
their own thinking. Moreover: what to give to, or for, the
“other”? How is the other constructed as such? How is the other
interchangeable with oneself under diasporic conditions; is it a
fluid category or status? How is nostalgia translated across these
different contexts?
Here we go back to the very ambivalent notion of who
is a witness in translation and to what she is a witness of, and
for whom, given the complexities of postmemory, and the
consequences of legacy and identification that this category
invokes (see the interview, infra), since processes of trans-
mission and forms of aesthetic affiliation are both modes of
translation.
What emerges from all the contributions is that public,
cultural, and national memories (with all the due distinctions)
are rewritten every day no matter how previous institutionalized
versions have prevailed. The construction of homogeneous
cultural and national memories takes place notwithstanding their
potential translations, ruins, and ghosts; yet, new translations
can affect and determine different politics of memory, changing
their archival prospects.
What keeps translation itself alive is the tension between
self-referentiality and extrareferentiality; it is simultaneously an
open and a closed system. There are countless examples
throughout history of the dialectic between preservation and
destruction (through neglect as well as abuse), and, as a result,
of active struggles for restoration of sites of memory, however
contested their value. But memory, given that it projects both
forward and backward, provides residual rewards for those who
desire the new. For this volume’s editors and contributors, the
question of how we translate translation—as a carrying over
and a covering over of the past—is the means by which, the
gesture towards which, we name and rename until infinity.
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is Professor of Comparative Literature at Sarah Lawrence College. She
teaches courses in autobiography; modern and contemporary fiction; literary and cultural
theory; and translation studies. Her articles and essays on the critical intersections with and
impact of translation on other fields and disciplines have appeared in a range of publications,
most recently in the collection, Translating Women, edited by Luise von Flotow (2011). She
is the coeditor of Life/Lines: Theorizing Women's Autobiography (1989) and author of Can
These Bones Live?: Translation, Survival, and Cultural Memory (2007). Her current project is
coediting a special volume of Comparative Literature Studies entitled Trials of Trauma.
is Associate Professor of Semiotics at the University of Bologna (Italy),
where she teaches Semiotics of Media and Semiotics of Conflict. She has worked on
gender and translation and, in the past ten years, on collective and cultural memories and
their visual, trans-media, performative and artistic representations, focusing recently on
traumatic memories of postdictatorship in Argentina and Chile, along the way they intersect
with questions regarding biological identity and documentality.
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15529 | [
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] | Abstract: This paper proposes a theoretical and methodological strategy
for reconceptualizing African literature in the twenty-first century.
Twentieth-century African literature was characterized by colonial
concepts through which literature in indigenous African languages was
largely neglected while literature in colonial languages was promoted
with problematic notions such as “Anglophone African literature,”
“Francophone African literature,” and “Lusophone African literature.”
African literature needs to be reconceptualized as Afriphone literature,
where the notion of African literature must prototypically subsume
literature in languages indigenous to Africa. African literature must be
reconceptualized first and foremost as African language literature. Many
scholars interested in the documentation and revitalization of African
languages and cultures, which constitute attempts to preserve the
collective memory of these African traditional knowledge systems, are
largely in agreement with this, but how to go about doing Afriphone
literature remains a research challenge. This paper proposes an approach
to addressing the problem based on the theoretical and methodological
notion of parallel text.
1. Introduction
The Ivorian writer Ahmadou Kourouma, author of the novel Les
Soleils des indépendances (1968), has invented the term
“diplosie” (Kourouma 1991) to express what he considers to be the
reality that the vast majority of African writers presumably think
in one language and express themselves (speak, enchant, or write)
in another. It is indeed true that many African writers of the
twentieth century and earlier did speak their native African
languages on the one hand and then wrote many of their works in
the former colonial language of their countries, including English,
French, or Portuguese, on the other hand. It is also true, however,
that while this has continued into the twenty-first Century more
and more writers, conscious of the need to document their
traditional verbal art and other collective cultural memories of
their societies, are beginning to “translate” their own work.
This exercise is what I call parallel text practice or
parallel-texting. More and more African writers have resolved
that the only major way forward to produce literature in African
languages and thus preserve these languages, big and small, is for
Western-educated writers who still speak their African languages
to write parallel texts—that is, produce the same texts that they
wrote in English, French, or Portuguese in their African language
following the theme, genre, and style of the original as much as
possible but not necessarily a word for word translation. Of
course, more importantly, they should write first in the African
language and then translate into English or other languages, but
irrespective of which language the original text is in it has the
same effect of producing literature in African languages and
making it available for a wider readership because the practice of
parallel texts means that the two or more texts must be published
concurrently and contiguously—that is, side by side.
Parallel text practice as described here is part of a
comprehensive agenda by myself (Bodomo 2013, 2014a, 2014b)
and a group of academics dedicated to the promotion of African
language literature, as part of the general program of
documenting the languages and cultures of Africa to
reconceptualize African literature and general humanities in the
twenty-first century.
One of the earliest African writers to set the agenda for
producing literature in African languages is the Kenyan writer,
Ngugi wa Thiong’o. Ngugi started his writing career by writing
in English but then later realized that the best, and indeed most
natural, way to promote African literature is through writing in
African languages, so he started writing in Kikuyu and Swahili
and translating many of his works into English, especially with
works such as Caitani Matharabaini (translated as Devil on the
Cross). Indeed, Ngugi at some point did not recognize as African
literature any literature that was not produced in indigenous
African languages, preferring to call literature in European
languages written by Africans Afro-European literature, and
decried the constant “Europhonism” of African writers (Ngugi
1986, 2009). The following excerpt from his seminal work of
literary criticism, Decolonizing the Mind (1986), captures this
thinking:
What is the difference between a politician who says Africa cannot do without
imperialism and the writer who says Africa cannot do without European
languages? While we were haranguing enemies in European tongues,
imperialists have continued to spout their lies in our native tongues (such as
translating the Bible into all African languages...). So, we’re losing the battle
because we haven’t been fighting. And the literature that’s been created
should be called Afro-European, not African. (Ngugi 1986, 26)
From this angle, then, it does not make sense to Ngugi
and many African writers who push for an African language
literature agenda to describe African literature in seemingly
obsolete, contradictory terms such as “Anglophone African
literature,” “Francophone African literature,” or “Lusophone
African literature,” terms whose definitions we will have to
reconsider in the “Discussion” section of this essay.
Of course, other African writers had and still have a very
different position from that of Ngugi and other campaigners for
an African language literature agenda. They often give reasons
for why we must not worry about writing in African languages
and why we must continue to write in European languages. Some
of these include the fact that not all African languages have a
script, and that the market share for a writer of African literature
in African languages would be insignificant. They also point to
the fact that European languages continue to be official languages
in African countries where they serve as a lingua franca to
speakers who speak a diverse set of languages, so writing in
English, French, or Portuguese would be a way of developing a
certain kind of “national” literature.
The late Chinua Achebe, one of Nigeria’s and Africa’s
most renowned novelists, belongs to this group and, in a long
polemical argumentation with Ngugi, expressed many of his
counterpoints to Ngugi in his seminal “Politics and Politicians of
Language in African Literature” (Achebe 1989).
Defending why he writes in English in terms of its
serving as a unifying “national” language, he states the following:
I write in English. English is a world language. But I do not write in English
because it is a world language. My romance with the world is subsidiary to my
involvement with Nigeria and Africa. Nigeria is a reality which I could not
ignore. (Achebe 1989, 100)
Ngugi, however, points to the glaring “abnormality” of arguing
for writing African literature in European languages in the
following telling statement:
The very fact that what common sense dictates in the literary practice of other
cultures [to write in your own spoken language] is being questioned in an
African writer is a measure of how far imperialism has distorted the view of
African realities. It has turned reality upside down: the abnormal is viewed as
normal and the normal is viewed as abnormal. Africa actually enriches
Europe: but Africa is made to believe that it needs Europe to rescue it from
poverty. Africa’s natural and human resources continue to develop Europe and
America: but Africa is made to feel grateful for aid from the same quarters that
still sit on the back of the continent. Africa even produces intellectuals who
now rationalise this upside-down way of looking at Africa. (Ngugi 1986, 28)
The foregoing shows that there is clearly a great debate going on
within African literature about which language/s is/are best suited
for African literature. It is of course not simply an “either–or”
scenario, and it is indeed possible to write in both African
languages and in European languages.
In this essay, I propose how we can write in African
languages and still not lose the visibility that is implicit in many
of the arguments against the use of African languages. In section
2, I define and sketch the idea of parallel texts as a theoretical
methodology for doing African language literature which
involves actually having parallel texts in African languages and in
European or other languages of wider communication. The theory
subsumes the following definition of African literature:
African literature is any form of artistic creation produced in the medium of
African languages, first and foremost, or any other natural language (written,
spoken, or enchanted) by an artist or group of artists with substantial enough
experiences of the landscape of the continental landmass of Africa and its
associated islands, along with diasporic exportations of the cultures of this
continental landmass. (Bodomo 2013, 2014a, 2014b)
This definition,1 as can be seen, emphasizes the import-
ance of African languages without necessarily excluding a role
played by other natural languages, and the literature can be
written, spoken or even enchanted as done in libation pouring
practices in West Africa. The authors do not have to be African,
but must have enough substantial experiences of Africa to be able
to express its cultures, both as seen on the continent itself and
also in its diaspora communities.
In section 3, I use two of my poems written in both
Dagaare—my mother tongue, a language spoken by some two
million people who live in northwestern Ghana and adjacent parts
of Burkina Faso and Ivory Coast—and in English. The two are
poems about important events in recent African history that might
continue to be in the collective memory of many Africans for a
long time: the death of Nelson Mandela in December 2013 and
the kidnapping of about three hundred schoolgirls by Boko
Haram militants in northeastern Nigeria in April 2014. Section 4
contains a brief discussion of the consequences of such an
approach that involves the redefinition of a number of issues in
African literature and the renaming of African language literature
as Afriphone literature, along with a relation of this discussion to
a society’s collective memory, while section 5 concludes the
essay with a recap of the major points, and points to how we
might sustain the agenda for Afriphone literature in the future.
1 Other ways of defining African literature include cataloguing the major themes and stylistic
devices that recur in texts by African writers (magic, witchcraft, proverbs, etc). Ayuk (2014) is
an example of such an approach.
1. Parallel texts: theory and methodology
A parallel text, as used here, is a set of texts in which written (or
even spoken and sung) literary expressions in two or more
languages are mediated in the form of translation at various
levels, including the graphemic, the morphological, the syntactic,
the phonological, and certainly the semantic. In effect, the end
result of the translation at one or more of these levels is a set of
texts existing side by side for ease of cognitive processing by the
recipient.
A theory of parallel texts is postulated as follows: in a
bilingual and biliterate (or multilingual and multiliterate)
environment, for more effective and optimal knowledge and
information dissemination, language users should produce
contiguous texts in at least two of the languages within the
bilingual and biliterate environment.
The raison d’être for translation is in the fact that
multilingualism within a speech community doesn’t necessarily
guarantee that all individuals within a community will be
polyglottic. There is often a rather intricate distinction between
plurality of language at the community level and plurality of
language at the individual level. An individual who has lived all
her life in a rural area and speaks only one language fluently who
now arrives to live in a city where many languages are spoken
may be called a monoglot in a multilingual community; on the
other hand a person born in a multilingual city and most likely
speaking many languages who now gets posted as a civil servant
to a rural area where only one language is spoken would be a
polyglot functioning within a monolingual community.
Theoretically then, since multilingualism is not
synonymous with polyglottism, in a multilingual environment
where one might have some monoglots, parallel texts as a form of
translation are justified if we want to achieve optimal knowledge
acquisition and information dissemination within the community.
The concept of parallel texts is both a theory and a
methodology in the sense that, theoretically, it mediates any
dissonance that exists between the number of languages at the
community level and the number of languages within individuals;
parallel texts mediate and try to resolve the discords between
multilingualism and polyglottism, between “lingualism” and
“glottism.” Methodologically, it gives writers an opportunity to
optimally express themselves by “placing” oral or written texts
side by side within a given context, so simultaneous translation or
interpretation is a parallel text, and poems written on the same
theme and style and placed side by side constitute a parallel text,
as I will illustrate in the next section.
2. An illustration with two poems
Two important events that attracted much of Africa’s and the
world’s attention and are now arguably part of our global
collective memory occurred in December 2013 and April 2014—
only about four months apart. The first involved the death of the
legendary South African freedom fighter, Nelson Mandela, which
occurred on December 5, 2013. The other event involved the
capture of almost three hundred schoolgirls in the town of Chibok
in northeastern Nigeria, where Islamic militants calling
themselves Boko Haram are fighting for a separate polity.
I captured each of these events in the form of a parallel
text, first writing in my mother tongue, Dagaare, spoken in Ghana
as mentioned above, and in English. So each of these two poems
about important African events are parallel-texted in Dagaare and
English—and here parallel-texting actually means producing
them side by side. A piece of work written and published in a
volume and later written and published in another volume is not a
parallel text, it is simply a (delayed) translation. Pairs of text
about the same topic and genre qualify as parallel texts only if
they exist side by side, on the same page or on contiguous pages.
With this background clarification, I now present the two
parallel texts, beginning first with the “Mandela” poem to be
followed by the “Chibok girls” poem:
MANDɛLA GAA LA DAPARE
N bakori mine woi Friends
N mabiiri woi Children of one Mother
Zenɛ Dizemba beraanuu Today December 5
bebiri News coming in bodes not
Te yelpaala na ba taa nimiri well
N gaa la BBC I flipped unto BBC
Ka N noɔre maa fɛlɛlɛ And the news was tasteless
A gaa CNN Clicked unto CNN
Ka N polaa teɛ kpelele And my heart pumped
A yuo CCTV ka a ne a zu CCTV was not any different
A gaa GBC ka a le ang deɛ And GBC confirmed it all:
la Grandfather, ancestor
Ka te saakoma Mandɛla Mandela
Deɛ ba la be a tengɛ nyɛ zu Is no longer with us on
Earth
Te GANDAA Mandɛla na It is our HERO Mandela!
la! There he goes as always!
O paa yaa deɛ wa yie la! Majestically, in his
Dagakparoo, Gangalang! dagakparoo!
Kurilane, Sangsalang! Gallantly, in his kurilane!
A zɛle tammo ne logiri Bow, army of arrows in tow
A te kulo o yiri He is on his way home
A kyaare sapare Facing East
A te gɛrɛ Dapare On the ultimate journey to
Dapare
CHIBOK MAMINE HAPPY MOTHER’S
DAY WHISPERS FROM
BOKO HARAM
Yɛ Mamine Bebiri Yaane! A year ago
Deyang: 300 sweet little voices said
to you:
A yɛ pɔgsarebilii kɔɔre ata Mom, mama, mma,
Da wa age mare yɛ la Happy Mother's Day!
A vare poɔre yɛ You saw them smile, cry
A yeli ko yɛ: tears of love
Plastering you with ever so
Mma, ne fo Mamine Bebiri gentle hugs of gratitude
Yaane! In Nico Mbargan language:
N puori fo la yaga “Sweet Mother, I no go
Ne fo nang wong tuo forget you,
Kaa ma ka N baa I no go forget this suffer
Kyɛ zenɛ wey you suffer for me”
A yɛ pɔgsarebilii kɔɔre ata Today
nyɛ 300 sweet little voices are
quietened, you may think
Yɛ deɛ ba la wong ba yɛlɛ But listen, listen carefully
Togitogitogi To the gentle caressing
A mang boɔle ka winds of Chibok
Ligiligiligi To the chirping little birds
over the hills of Maiduguri
Yɛ na teɛre ka ba wa yele
yeli zaa To the hissing sonics of the
praying mantis up on the
Kyɛ yɛ kyɛlle, a kyɛlle Jos plateau
velaa
Kyɛlle a Chibok saseɛ nang And you will hear 300
fuuro lɛ sweet little voices
Kyɛlle a Maidugri nuuli From Boko Haram
nang kono lɛ dungeons
Kyɛlle a Jos tangazu
salingsobo nang voorɔ lɛ
Yɛ na wong la a yɛ Obstinately whispering to
pɔgsarebilii kɔɔre ata kanga you:
na zaa Mom, mama, Mma,
Happy Mother’s Day!
Boko Haram nang pɔge
bare (Vienna, May 2014)
Kyɛ ka ba nang sɔgle yele:
Mma, Ne fo Mamine Bebiri
Yaane!
(Veɛna, Mee 2014)
In the “Mandela” poem, after hearing breaking news on most of
the news media of the world, we are imagining how Mandela,
our newly minted ancestor, is preparing for the journey to
Dapare—the mythical homeland of all departed spirits, of our
ancestors—like all men, all warriors in our Dagaare culture, he
would have had to wear the smock, our war uniform, arm
himself with bows and arrows, face East, and walk away
majestically. . .
The smock is not only the traditional dress of the
Dagaaba, the people who speak Dagaare, it is also a warrior
dress etymologically, and is thus appropriate for a man like
Mandela who has been a warrior all his life. Indeed, when
Kwame Nkrumah, the first President of Ghana, was declaring
the independence of Ghana on March 6, 1957, after a long
struggle, he and his lieutenants wore the smock as a dress for
the victorious warriors they were. The bow and arrow are
further symbols for a great warrior but also meant to help him
protect himself as he goes home, and even to hunt for some
game if he so desires. As for the symbolism of facing East in
Dagaare culture, it expresses the idea that a good man, a good
farmer must always rise early in the morning, and make sure he
goes before sunrise to the farm. Women in the culture are
metaphorically facing West since they stay at home and must
particularly check that by sunset they prepare food for the man
who comes back home from the farm, from the hunting
grounds, or from the war front after a hard day’s job in the
wilderness.
The “Chibok girls” poem is imagining how the mothers
of these girls would have enjoyed their company on Mothers’
Day and other days when they stayed close together and enjoyed
each other’s company. It then imagines how it would be without
them when the next Mothers’ Day comes around and they
would be without these children.
The poem, which may be termed a “telepathic poem,” then
evokes instances in which the girls may be communicating with
their mothers through the medium of the birds, the winds, and
the singing insects in the vicinity of the Jos plateau, the most
important landmark in that region of Nigeria.
3. Discussion
What are some of the consequences for an agenda of parallel
texts for the promotion of African literature, and how might we
relate the need to produce literary works in African languages to
the issue of a society’s collective memory?
Reconceptualizations. First, a number of recon-
ceptualizations have to take place to put things in perspective as
a consequence of this agenda. We agree with Ngugi that the
“normal” for African literature should be African language
literature. We reconceptualize that here as Afriphone literature,
and claim in this paper and in previous work (Bodomo 2013,
2014a, 2014b) that the most prototypical form of African
literature is Afriphone literature.
This does not in any way exclude the use of European
languages in African literature, but those cannot be the norm.
Indeed, terms like Anglophone African literature, Francophone
African literature, and Lusophone African literature are
obsolete, twentieth-century colonial notions about African
literature. Rather, we reconceptualize that Anglophone African
literature as used in the twentieth century is literature that was
written about Africa in English. It is essentially English
literature about Africa. The new conceptualization of
Anglophone African literature is one of translated literature. A
piece of work is, first and foremost, considered Anglophone
African literature if it was first written in an African language
and then translated into English. Any piece of work that was
first written in English about Africa (whether or not by an
African) is English literature about Africa. However, if a piece
of work is written in English and translated into an African
language, that translated version is African literature.
In the same vein, Francophone African literature as used
in the twentieth century meant literature that was written in
French about Africa. But we shall not refer to it like that now—
we shall refer to it as French literature about Africa (whether or
not written by an African). In the twenty-first century, the
reconceptualization of Francophone African literature is
literature that was first written in an African language and then
translated into French. If a piece of work is written in French
about Africa and translated into an African language, that piece
of work qualifies as African literature.
Finally, Lusophone African literature in the twentieth
century meant literature written in Portuguese about Africa.
However, in the twenty-first century, where there is a robust
agenda for the promotion of Afriphone literature, Lusophone
African literature qualifies as such if the original text was
written in an African language. Lusophone African literature is
not literature first written in Portuguese but that which was
translated into Portuguese from an African language. If however
a piece of work originally written in Portuguese now gets
translated into an African language, the translated text is African
literature.
As can be seen from this reconceptualization of Anglophone
African literature, Francophone African literature, and
Lusophone African literature, the parallel text pair is a pair
comprising Afriphone literature and Europhone African
literature; in the case of the “Mandela” and “Chibok girls”
poems, a Dagaare-phone African literature and an Anglophone
African literature. Afriphone, then, in itself is a cover term for
the many African language literatures that are expected to
blossom from the Afriphone literary agenda in the twenty-first
century.
Parallel texts and collective memory. The
practice of parallel texts as outlined in this paper is clearly a
specialized form of translation. This specialized form of literary
translation connects to an important discussion on the
relationship between literary translation and cultural memory
(what I call collective memory here), as espoused in works like
Long’s (2008). In Long’s paper, she investigates “the
relationship between literary translation and cultural memory,
using a twentieth century film version of one of Shakespeare’s
plays as a case study in inter-semiotic translation” (1). The work
goes on to clarify that the
common perception of translation is often confined to its use as a language
learning tool or as a means of information transfer between languages. The
wider academic concept embraces not only inter-lingual translation, but both
intra-lingual activity or rewording in the same language and inter-semiotic
translation defined by Roman Jacobson as “the interpretation of verbal signs
by means of signs of nonverbal sign systems” (Jakobson 1959, 114). (Long
2008, 1)
If more and more African writers do parallel-texting, as
proposed here, the end result of this literary practice would be
the documentation of the verbal art and other traditional
linguistic knowledge systems, including ideophones, proverbs,
and other kinds of verbal indirection towards preserving and
enriching the collective memory of contemporary African
societies.
The term “collective memory” as I use it here could form
the basis of what one may term “African memory” 1 in the sense
that it evokes some typically traditional African ways of
remembering the past—including not just the oral transmission
modes involved but also of recognizing some older individuals
with experiences of the society’s past as repositories of the
history and culture of their society. In short, knowledgeable
elders are considered as authoritative custodians of each rural
African society’s past. This fact is encoded by an African saying
that whenever an old man dies it is like a library that burns
down! These traditional collective memory practices have
formed the basis of memory documentation in contemporary
African polities, with two of the most prominent ones being
attempts to document the painful apartheid past in South Africa
through its Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) sittings
(Gade 2013), and the attempt to document the collective
1 I would like to thank Critina Demaria, one of the editors of the present journal, for
suggesting that I connect my idea of parallel text as a translation/writing process to the idea of
memory documentation, and for questioning whether one can indeed talk of an “African
memory.”
memory of the 1994 Rwandan genocide (Rettig 2008) in which
more than half a million people lost their lives.
Parallel texts in the Curriculum. To summa-
rize this discussion section, further consequences for the
practice of African literature in school and university curricula
are that African literature programs ought to focus on African
language literatures and not literature in European languages
about Africa. They may, obviously, do courses on Anglophone
African literature, Francophone African literature, and
Lusophone African literature but, in line with the twenty-first-
century definition of these literatures, these must be translations
into English, French, and Portuguese respectively from African
language literature.
In sum then, African literature in the twenty-first century
is literature that is written originally in an indigenous African
language or that has been translated from an African language
into other languages. It is Afriphone literature if it stays in the
original African language, Anglophone African literature if it is
translated from an African language into English, Francophone
African literature if it is translated from an African language
into French, and Lusophone African literature if it is translated
from an African language into Portuguese.
5. Conclusion
In this paper, we have proposed the concept of parallel texts as a
theoretical and methodological strategy for reconceptualizing
African literature in the twenty-first century.
As described in the paper, a theory of parallel texts
stipulates that in a multilingual and multiliterate environment,
for more effective and optimal knowledge and information
dissemination, users of language should produce contiguous
texts in at least two of the languages within the said environ-
ment.
Drawing from this, a parallel text would then be a set of
texts in which written literary expressions in two or more
languages are mediated in the form of translation at various
levels, including the graphemic, the morphological, the
syntactic, the phonological, and certainly the semantic.
Conclusively, the end result of the translation at one or more of
these levels is a set of texts existing side by side for ease of
cognitive processing by the recipient, and may serve to
document the collective memories of African traditional
societies in the form of preserving various kinds of indigenous
verbal art.
Two poems by the author have been used as illustrations
of these concepts and it is expected that more writers would set
about practicing parallel-texting, and indeed that publishers will
from now onwards encourage the publication of parallel-texted
volumes.
Many scholars of African languages, linguistics, and
literatures are interested in the documentation and revitalization
of African languages and their associated cultures. They are
largely in agreement that this is an urgent task, but how to go
about doing this remains a research challenge. This paper has
proposed an approach to addressing the problem with the
theoretical and methodological notion of parallel texts. It is
hoped that more parallel-texted volumes will be published
within the next ten years for the promotion of Afriphone
literatures.
This parallel-text approach as a special kind of writing
and translation process could indeed be contributing to the
construction of a new and richer collective memory which is an
instance of the idea of African memory, as discussed above.
References
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linguistiques et littéraires (Proceedings of the Seventeenth Triennial
Congress of the Fédération Internationale del Langues et Littératures
Modernes held at the University of Guelph, August 18–25), edited by G.
D. Killam, 3–8. Guelph, Ontario: University of Guelph.
Ayuk, Hamilton. 2014. What is African literature? Accessed June 6, 2014.
http://princehamilton.blogspot.co.at/2009/06/what-is-african-
literature.html.
Bodomo, Adams. 2013. Lecture notes for “Language, Literacy, and
Literature: The Language Question in African Literary Expression”
(Course no. 140251), Department of African Studies, University of
Vienna.
———. 2014a. “Survey Report on African Languages and Literatures.”
Unpublished manuscript, University of Vienna, Austria.
———. 2014b. “The Language Question in Defining African literature:
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at the Vereinigung für Afrikawissenschaften in Deutschland (VAD),
Bayreuth University, June 11–14, 2014.
Gade, Christian B. N. 2013. “Restorative Justice and the South African Truth
and Reconciliation Process.” South African Journal of Philosophy
32(1): 10–35. doi:10.1080/02580136.2013.810412.
Jakobson, Roman. 1959. On Linguistics aspects of Translation. Accessed
November 12, 2014. http://complit.utoronto.ca/wp-
content/uploads/COL1000H_Roman_Jakobson_LinguisticAspects.pdf
Kourouma, Ahmadou. 1968. Les Soleils des indépendances. Montreal:
Presses de l’Université de Montréal. Repr. Paris: Les Éditions du Seuil,
1970.
———. 1991. Comments. In Proceedings of the International Symposium on
African Literatures. Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilization,
Lagos, Nigeria.
Long, Lynne. 2008. “Literary translation and cultural memory.” Unpublished
article, draft version, University of Warwick, UK. Last accessed
November 12, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/202/.
Ngugi, wa Thiong’o. 1986. Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language
in African Literature. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers Ltd.
———. 2009. Something Torn and New: An African Renaissance. New
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Rettig, Max. 2008. “Gacaca: Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Postconflict
in Rwanda?” African Studies Review 51 (3):25–50. doi:
10.1353/arw.0.0091.
is Professor of African Studies and holds the chair of African
Languages and Literatures at the University of Vienna. He specializes in African
linguistics, African language literatures, global African diaspora studies, and digital
humanities with particular reference to the digitization of African languages and their
oral cultures. As Director of the Global African Diaspora Studies (GADS) research
platform at the University of Vienna, he has expertise and broad interests in the
study of the sociocultural and sociopolitical aspects of Africa and its global relations.
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] | Abstract: “Get thee behind me Satan, I want to resist”. . . To translate
memory across cultures and disciplines is an act of defiance, a proud sign
of disobedience, tacitly performed by one of the most celebrated and
internationally renowned practitioners and seminal theoreticians of the
tasks facing the translator, the Brazilian poet Haroldo de Campos. In “On
Mephistofaustic Transluciferation,” he writes: “If it has no Muse, it could
be said to have an Angel; translation has an angelical function, that of
bearer, of messenger. It is a messianic point or a semiotic place of
convergence of intentionality.” Addressed here are the challenges posed
in translating memory, memories, as the retrieval, reconstruction,
inscription, and leaving of the traces and effects of a markedly
memorializing act. The task of the trans(at)l(antic)ator involves not
abandoning but suspending certain spontaneous choices of literal
translation in favor of inter- and trans-action. The responses are: differ,
defer, never with indifference, always without deference; address not only
urgently political issues of The Movimento dos Sem Terra, primordial in
Brazil, but also the transactions, with and in the Movement, of so many
poets and songwriters and now, perhaps even more defiantly, with a
Brazilian-inflected countertheory to the rescue.
Remembering (belated) versions
The invitation to “establish a dialogue with and among scholars
working on the intersections between translation studies and
memory studies as they are presently configured and might be
envisioned in the future,” keynote of this special issue on
translating memory across cultures and disciplines, proleptically,
had been tacitly accepted avant la lettre and throughout his career
by one of the most celebrated and internationally renowned
practitioners and seminal theoreticians of the tasks and challenges
facing the translator, the Brazilian poet and transcreator, Haroldo
de Campos.
In “Committing Translation or the Task of the
Trans(at)l(antic)ator,” the introductory essay to my translations of
the ineradicably political memories and cultural expressions of
ideological indignation of the MST (Movement of the Landless
Rural Workers in Brazil) in Landless Voices in Song and Poetry.
The Movimento dos Sem Terra of Brazil (Vieira and McGuirck
2007, XXI–XXIV), I addressed and now return to the challenges
posed in translating memory, memories, as the retrieval,
reconstruction, inscription, and leaving of traces and their effects
of a markedly “memorializing act” (Vieria and McGuirck 2007);
in and for a Brazil confronting its own secular inequalities and
injustices, alerted to that sovereign state’s and that nation’s
continuing struggle to emerge from the cliché-ridden inscription
on its national flag, the ever-ironic “Ordem e Progresso.” Under
whose orders and for the progress of whom was national memory
to be reinscribed, translated, indeed transferred from the
hegemonies of a very recent twenty-year military regime and its
transitional legacies in the period of rebuilding a democracy from
1984?
Further, on undertaking this commission, I recalled the
advice of Umberto Eco as I reflected on the experience of having
worked, together with the Brazilian critic and translation theorist,
Else Vieira, in preparation of Haroldo de Campos in
Conversation (McGuirck and Vieira 2009), the volume that
arose, in memoriam, not least from the numerous meetings that,
as editors, we held between 1999 and 2002 with Haroldo and his
wife Carmen Arruda Campos in the hospitality of their Library of
Babel home:1
I frequently feel irritated when I read essays on the theory of translation that,
even though brilliant and perceptive, do not provide enough examples. I think
translation scholars should have had at least one of the following experiences
1 This volume contains renderings in English of the following Haroldo de Campos essays
touching variously on his theories of translation: ”On Translation as Creation and Criticism,”
”Constructivism in Brazil: Concretism and Neo-Concretism. A Personal Post Scriptum,” “On
Mephistofaustic Transluciferation,” “On Homerotherapy: Translating The Iliad,” and “The Ex-
centric Viewpoint: Tradition, Transcreation, Transculturation.”
during their life: translating, checking and editing translations, or being
translated and working in close co-operation with their translators [. . .]
Between the purely theoretical argument that, since languages are differently
structured, translation is impossible, and the commonsensical
acknowledgement that people, after all, do translate and understand each
other, it seems to me that the idea of translation as a process of negotiation
(between author and text, between author and readers, as well as between the
structure of two languages and the encyclopaedias of two cultures) is the only
one that matches experience. (Eco 2003, 36)
In such “a process of negotiation,” in that multiple “in-
betweenness,” here evoked by Eco but previously the subject of
an indispensable meditation on a specifically Latin American
project, the “entre-lugar” of Silviano Santiago, “between sacrifice
and play, between prison and transgression, between submission
to the code and aggression, between obedience and rebellion”
(Santiago 1978, 11), and as translator of the poems and songs of
the Movimento dos Sem Terra (MST, or Movement of the
landless rural workers), I soon confronted commitment, in
various of its encyclopaedic forms.
What had they done to my song?
The preceding decades had witnessed the revitalizing of popular
music as a vehicle for political activisms in Brazil. One obvious
source had been the música sertaneja of land-deprived migrant
workers, driven to the cities and taking with them their country
music, be it traditional or, more recently, influenced by the
commercial brands of the southern cultures of the United States.
No less influential had been the pagode movement’s samba-
esque registering of the violent tensions of poverty in hardly
couched critiques of repressive regimes, military or otherwise.
The performances echoed, consciously or subliminally, the
prosodies—high and low—of Brazilian Portuguese and the
broadsheet and cordel strains of popular imaginaries from
across and beyond the nation. For Brazil has never ceased to
explore and express its sensitivity to the ideological power of
the protest song; not least, and latterly, against the imagined and
projected versions of what is to come peddled, for many of its
displaced, unrepresented and unlikely-to-be-remembered vic-
tims, by the invasive myth-makers of a nation awarded the
Trojan horses of a World Cup and an Olympic Games.
At the time of committing myself to undertake the
translations of unabashedly radical texts, it was the centenary of
the birth of the celebrated Chilean poet Pablo Neruda. Inspiration
of politically committed poetry and song for not a continent but a
world, he had long ago been described by Federico García Lorca
as being closer to blood than to ink. It was on such a note—often
indissociable from tears or from wine—that the anguish and
euphoria, the despair and hope that suffuse the texts I translated
were approached and embraced. My locus of transcreation was,
and is, unavoidably and unapologetically, Anglophone; it is also,
though tempered, European. As a critic and translator of,
primarily, literatures in Portuguese, Spanish, French, and Italian, I
exploited the availability of translation alternatives from those
traditions as well as from any Brazil-specific contexts that
informed the choices made. Pace Umberto Eco, I often wrote as
both Mouse and Rat, chewing or munching in a further in-
betweenness or the negotiated hybridity that I had experienced in
tussling with Haroldo de Campos himself.2 For part of our
“translating, checking and editing translations, or being translated
and working in close co-operation” had been the daunting
enterprise of revisiting “o anjo esquerdo da história”; beginning
with the resonantly intertextual reference to Walter Benjamin’s
“angel of history. His face [. . .] turned towards the past”
(Benjamin 1999, 249), broached at once in the title of this long de
Campos poem. Written to commemorate the victims of the
notorious massacre in 1996 of nineteen protesting members of the
MST at El Dorado dos Carajás in the State of Pará, and originally
rendered into English by Haroldo as “the left-winged angel of
history.”
Engagement with the calculatedly syntagmatic disconti-
nuity and attendant staccato rhythms of the Brazilian Portuguese
text also had to take into account a context of commitment and
contributions, to and in the Movement, of such distinguished
Brazilian artists as Chico Buarque, Caetano Veloso, Gilberto Gil,
Milton Nascimento, Frei Betto, and many others, including
Haroldo de Campos himself, and thus readdress previous tasks of
the other—cultural inseparably from linguistic—translator(s).
2See the facsimile of Haroldo de Campos’s scribbled distinction between chewing and
munching with reference to my translation of “quoheletic poem 2: in praise of the termite,” in
McGuirck and Vieira 2009, 339.
The Latin American protest song explosions of the late
1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, of which Robert Pring-Mill reminded
us in “Gracias a la vida” The Power and Poetry of Song (1990),
had hardly left Brazil unaffected by the echoes, influences,
hybridities, and intertexts of contemporary transculturations. He
listed civil rights, the peace movement, and the anti-Vietnam war
demonstrations in the US; Italian CantAcronache; the Greece of
Theodorakis; the Catalan Nova Cançó; the Portuguese Nova
Canção; Irish songs of “the troubles”; and Asian and African
instances from the Philipines, East Timor, and Mongolia, to
Mozambique and Angola. Not least of the intertexts of Brazilian
protest song and poetry were the Cuban, Argentine, and Chilean
expressions that sprinkled the MST artists with inspirations taken
from the archives of the Fidel Castro, Che Guevara, and nueva
canción traditions. If any one element of Pring-Mill’s seminal
analysis can be said to have informed the texts of the MST, it is
this evocation: “Asked about his own songs (in 1973), the
Uruguayan Daniel Vigliette said firmly that they were as much de
propuesta as de protesta: designed not merely to protest but to
propose—in other words not merely to ‘tear down fences’ (quite
literally so in Viglietti’s own anti-latifundista ‘A desalambrar!’)
but also ‘to build bridges’ and to be constructive” (Pring-Mill
1990, 10). Pring-Mill identified three functions of such texts:
“response to an immediate environment”; “instrument of political
and social change”; communicating a “horizon of expectations”
and “presuppositions.” Yet he was quick to add a vital rider on
cultural difference: “the whole rhetoric of such poems and songs
is very different from ours, partly because Spanish [and here read
Portuguese] handles issues more violently—more dramatically
and emotionally—than English (sometimes in ways which we
may find indecorous)” (Pring-Mill 1990, 10–14). He continued:
The messages of individual Latin American songs function within the
framework of belief they foster and reinforce, in that extremely different social
context. In countries where illiteracy is as high as it is in most of Latin
America, where censorship and repression are so often at work, and where the
official media are so rarely to be trusted, the message-bearing function of
poesía de compromiso—sung or unsung—has an importance which it is not
easy for a more literate academic audience to appreciate. Its messages perform
a varied series of useful social functions [. . .] all of which are doubly
important in the context of predominantly oral cultures. Thus they serve both
to report and to record events (interpreting them, naturally enough, from
specific points of view, which will strike all those who disagree with them as
prejudiced); they praise, or lament, heroes and denounce tyrants; they protest
against abuses and propound solutions (whether these are viable or not); and
they teach many kinds of practical lessons, which their listeners are
encouraged to put into practice. (Pring-Mill 1990, 77)
Pring-Mill, a decade or so on, would hardly have been
surprised not to have the last word. He might also have smiled at
the risky certainty, in respect not only of rhetoric but also of
politics, of Perry Anderson, as a heady mixture of denunciation
and the recuperation of misappropriated national memories
promised to turn to propounded solution in the form of a first left-
wing figure, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, democratically elected in
2002, on the crest of the MST wave of popular protest: “the
symbolism of a former shoe-shine boy and street vendor
achieving supreme power in the most unequal major society on
earth speaks for itself [. . .] A climate of popular expectation
surrounds Lula that no President of the New Republic has ever
enjoyed at the outset of his mandate. Hope of relief from the
misery of the last years will not vanish overnight” (Anderson
2002, 21).
Get thee behind me Satan, I want to resist. . .
The risk of failing to render the textual wrath of a poem written in
the indignation of 1996 protest amidst the 2002 days of heady
triumphalist expectation—with popular memory of tyranny and
criminality and a consciousness of the threat of impunity all too
readily fading—seemed but one looming contention. The task of
the trans(at)l(antic)ator therefore involved not abandoning but
suspending certain spontaneous choices of literal translation in
favor of inter- and trans-action. The challenges were: differ, defer,
never with indifference, always without deference; address not
only issues dear to the MST, primordial in Brazil, but also the
transactions, with and in the Movement, of so many poets and
songwriters and now, perhaps even more challengingly, but with a
Brazilian inflected countertheory to the rescue, of Haroldo de
Campos himself, from his essay on “On Mephistofaustic
Transluciferation”:
Translation, like philosophy, has no Muse [. . .] says Walter Benjamin (“Die
Aufgabe des Uebersetzers”). And yet, if it has no Muse, it could be said to have
an Angel [. . .] translation has an angelical function, that of bearer, messenger
[. . .] it is even, for the original [. . .] a messianic point or, in lay terms of modern
theory of signs, a semiotic place of convergence of intentionality [. . .] Benjamin
inverts the relation of servitude which, as a rule, affects ingenuous conceptions
of translation as a tribute to fidelity. Fidelity (so-called translation literal to
meaning, or, simply, inverted, servile, translation) [. . .] Therefore, in the
Benjaminian perspective [. . .] the original is what in a certain way serves the
translation, at the moment when it unburdens it from the task of transporting the
unessential content of the message [. . .] and permits it to dedicate itself to an
other enterprise of fidelity [. . .] the “fidelity to reproduction of form” [. . .] It is
oriented by the rebellious slogan of non serviam, of non-submission to a
presence which is exterior to it, to a content which remains intrinsically
unessential to it [. . .] a satanic enterprise. The “cursed” counterpart of the
angelical nature of translation is Hubris, the semiological sin of Satan, il
trapassar del segno (Paradiso XXXVI, 117), the transgression of sign limits
[. . .] A translator of poetry is a choreographer of the inner dance of languages
[. . .]. (Haroldo de Campos 2009, 233–236)
How many angels?
On the head of opin. . . ionated Manicheans be it, however,
whether scholastic or materialist, to limit the inspirers of Brazilian
or any other translators to but two angels: the good, the bad. And
the ugly configuration of Haroldo’s predecessor poet Drummond
de Andrade’s anjo torto (“crooked angel”), in “Poema de sete
faces” (Poem of seven faces), as long ago as 1930, should have
alerted subsequent and would-be theorists to both the revelations
and the dangers of going transcendental in “the retrieval,
reconstruction, and inscription” of remembering, as surely as the
Shakespearean “seven” it echoes had led to “mere oblivion/Sans
teeth, sans eyes, sans taste, sans everything.”3 The figure of the
postmodern angel, always and already fallen, was also one too
easily overlooked, left behind (Drummond’s “gauche na vida”/
“gauche in life”?), in the long march of historical materialism. . .
3 The caution of such philosophers as Richard Rorty in respect of the temptation to go transcendental
in the memorializing of historical events had long ago been poeticized by Drummond de Andrade and,
inherited, by Haroldo de Campos, not least in echo of William Shakespeare’s Jaques in As You Like It,
Act II scene VII: “Last scene of all, that ends this strange eventful history.”
often the most dogmatic of “the imagined and projected versions of
what is to come” on the part of de Campos’s Marxisant Brazilian
detractors, as will be revealed in and after a reading of the poem;
and of its guest.4 For into the space of neglect—of suppressed
memory—Haroldo de Campos had injected “o anjo esquerdo da
história,” for him “the left-winged angel of history”; “the angel on
the left of history” in my transjection, my inherently
“transformative” but necessarily subsequent swerve, my own
anxious clinamen).
o anjo esquerdo da história the angel on the left of history
os sem-terra afinal the landless at last
estão assentados na are settled in
pleniposse da terra: full possession of the land:
de sem-terra passaram a from landless to
com-terra: ei-los landed: here they’re
enterrados interred
desterrados de seu sopro their life’s breath
de vida unearthly
aterrados earthed
terrorizados terrified
terra que à terra earth which onto earth
torna returns
pleniposseiros terra- land-holders pleni-
tenentes de uma potentiary of a (single
vala (bala) comum: bullet) common grave:
pelo avesso afinal outside in at last
entranhados no holed deep into
lato ventre do the broad-bellied
latifúndio acres of the latifundio-
que de im- land once barren
produtivo re- so sudden-
velou-se assim u- ly shown to be most f-
bérrimo: gerando pingue ecund: udder-spawning profit
messe de crop of
sangue vermelhoso reddening blood
4 In ”Constructivism in Brazil: Concretism and Neo-Concretism. A Personal Post Scriptum,”
Haroldo de Campos offers his riposte to Roberto Schwarz, as emblematic propagator of the
attacks levied against the concretists and de Campos’s notion of a postutopical poetry. My
“Laughin’ again he’s awake: de Campos a l’oreille de l’autre celte” addresses the polemic
extensively in McGuirck and Vieira 2009, 126–152.
lavradores sem un-labored
lavra ei- labor: here they’re
los: afinal con- larvaed at
vertidos em larvas last
em mortuá- on mortal
rios despojos: remains
ataúdes lavrados coffins labored
na escassa madeira from the scanty timber
(matéria) (timbre)
de si mesmos: a bala assassina of themselves: the assassin bullet
atocaiou-os stalks them
mortiassentados thirst-squatting
sitibundos death-settlers
decúbito-abatidos pre- decumbents cut down pre-
destinatários de uma destined for a
agra (magra) meagre (earth) acre a-
re(dis)(forme) forma grarian
—fome—a- —famine—
grária: ei- re (de)(formed) form
los gregária here they are: gregarious
comunidade de meeiros commune share-cropping
do nada: nothingness:
enver- shame-
gonhada a- faced in
goniada agony
avexada vexed
—envergoncorroída de —shamecorroded by
imo-abrasivo re- inmost abrasive re-
morso - morse-
a pátria landless
(como ufanar-se da?) (‘how shall we extol thee?’)
apátrida homeland
pranteia os seus des- laments its dis-
possuídos párias – possessed pariahs –
pátria parricida: parricide patria
que talvez só afinal a for maybe only at last the
espada flamejante fiery sword
do anjo torto da his- of the crooked angel of his-
tória cha- tory flam-
mejando a contravento e ing against the wind and
afogueando os burning the
agrossicários sócios desse agrokilltural cronies of that
fúnebre sodalício onde a somber sodality where
morte-marechala comanda uma field-marshal death commands a
torva milícia de janízaros-ja- grim militia of janissary-gun-
gunços: men:
somente o anjo esquerdo only the angel on the left
da história escovada a of a history groomed against
contrapelo com sua the grain shall manage with its
multigirante espada po- multiswirling sword
derá (quem dera! ) um dia (if only!) one day to
convocar do ror convoke from the nebulous
nebuloso dos dias vin- mass of days to
douros o dia come the at last
afinal sobreveniente do overriding day of the
justo just
ajuste de adjustment of
contas accounts
(Haroldo de Campos, 1996 © Translation Bernard McGuirk 2002)
The task of transacting—trans/dancing—with Haroldo de
Campos’s poetry was made the more challenging by his
Mephistofaustic promptings. In the essay, he had willingly reen-
gaged with both Marx and Nietzsche in a reminder that
translation in particular and writing in general always perform the
act of transcreation, a refutation of original (etiology) and target
(teleology), not only linguistically but also culturally and, let it be
stressed, ideologically. Self-consciously, he had echoed Marx’s
precursor complaint against the censuring of his style. Self-
mockingly, he had appropriated Nietzsche’s plea for the neces-
sarily sublime “maldade”—the “evil”—of mischievous content
and form.
Radical content radical form radical translation
Countless Brazilian artists had reacted, in creative political
interventions, to the obscenity of the murderous repressions
perpetrated against the MST—as did de Campos, here, to the
massacre of Eldorado dos Carajás. Cyclical repetitions of
organized violence, the option against the poor—in cynical
inversion of the “for the poor” slogan of Liberation Theology—
had triggered the indignation and the artistry of such as Frei
Betto’s “Receita para matar um sem-terra”/“Recipe for Killing
the Landless”, Sebastião Salgado’s (1997) photography, in Terra,
and Chico Buarque’s “Levantados do chão” (Raised from the
ground). These contemporary artists, however, no less than their
predecessors Graciliano Ramos, João Cabral de Melo Neto, or
Glauber Rocha, will not be remembered for their indignation
alone. Each—and differently—had had to make another option,
broadly definable as the style of mischief-making that is the
prerogative of any radical art. Style also functions as a
sharecropping, a participating in the intertextuality available to
the individual artist; or, in de Campos’s formulation, Karl Marx’s
“property of form,” inseparable from his “individual spirituality.”
Such an option, being for the poor, should never be poor. Even to
think as much would be either to neglect the need for creativity or
to misread it. To confuse, say, Graciliano Ramos’s calculatedly
daring minimalism, in Vidas secas (Barren lives) of 1938, with
some unmediated response to the prescriptive exclusions of the
Soviet Writers’ Congress of 1934. To ignore João Cabral de Melo
Neto’s career-long engagement with the materiality of words or
with what Francis Ponge called Le parti pris des choses. To
undersell, perversely, the difficulty of his own challenge: “É
difícil defender/só com palavras a vida” (It’s hard to defend/only
with words life) (Morte e vida severina [Death and Life of
Severino]), of 1956. To imagine a tabula rasa (inter-cine-text-
less) Glauber Rocha, deprived, in the 1960s, of a dialogical
relationship with Italian neorealism. To conceive that, in
postmodernity, the compassions of Sebastião Salgado did not
reflect, and reflect on, Don Macullin’s 1970s photography of the
oppressed. To fail to hear in Chico Buarque’s song the 1990s
echo of José Saramago’s “Do chão pode levantar-se um livro,
como uma espiga de trigo ou uma flor brava. Ou uma ave. Ou
uma bandeira” (From the ground a book can rise, like an ear of
wheat or a wild flower. Or a bird. Or a banner). But there is
neither need nor time for doubt. The urgent indivisibility of
radical content from radical form is better demonstrated by
critical artistry than by artless criticism.
An unapologetic option for the inseparably transcendental
and material underpins the very title of “o anjo esquerdo da
história.” Whether God is dead or not (and whether such a
dominant metaphysics of absence might be Marxian or
Nietzschean in inspiration), the conspiracies of history are still
played out amidst the configurations of narrative. Which is not to
see history as narrative (that is, only as troped)—for that would
be to deradicalize both history’s powers and any reading of it. In
Le monolinguisme de l’autre (1996), Derrida elaborated on the
“call for an outside.” In “o anjo. . . ,” de Campos called upon a
figure, that of the avenging angel, which inhabits, simultaneously,
both the inside and the outside of “a história.” He even staked out
for it a particular location, the place of enunciation for a nuncio to
a nation, for a committed messenger. Yet the call is not voiced
until after that necessary delay that enables the poem to revisit, to
reinhabit, to relive the arduous struggle for a hearing,
paradoxically, on behalf of a voice—that of poetry—no less
excluded, traditionally, than the referents of its echoing anger.
Thus, by way of (not) analyzing the poem, I prefer to comment
on aspects of my own transjection of it.
Cheek to cheek. . . and the ear of the other
Cast at me as a throw of the dice, the poem impelled me to reject
paraphrase. Haphazardly, I projected it, rather, only as recastable.
For the game was too serious to stop at a single appropriation.
The ear of this other, too, had its particularity, its “properties of
form,” its “individual spirituality.” An Irish specific of a past
inherited, part-interred (ex-patria), in an England pre- , pro- , and
post-Thatcher, suffused and infused my option for an irony that
filtered distorted echoes of another, unofficial, “national” anthem:
“Land of Hope and Glory.” “How shall we extol Thee?” who
were born not of, but only on, Thee. Here I played with another
geopolitics, one of parallel clichés, terra firma, “broad acres,”
“field-marshals” of a homeland unheimlich and—sublime
“maldade”—of the Mal-vinas, with their no less somber
soldiery.5
That the translation must speak for, and of, itself is but
part of the point. In language, for Bakhtin, the word was always
half someone else’s. . . whether spoken or written. Had de
Campos not taken but half of Mallarmé’s angelism, appropriating
5“Land of Hope and Glory” operates as a much appropriated English national hymn. It has been
adopted as the official anthem and is sung at the annual conferences of the Conservative Party.
poetry’s power of memory but adding to it a specifically
Brazilian infernal vision (“quem dera!”), that of Canudos, and of
Antônio Conselheiro? A post-Blake m(isc)arriage wherein the
legacy of revolutionary mysticism assailed, as forcefully as does
dialectical materialism, the hell-on-earth of landless utopians yet
to glimpse a Brazilian heaven of agrarian reform? Such a
politico-poetics could not presume to deprive those sem terra of
the configurations, including the martyrs, saints, and avenging
angels, of their local narratives, small or grand. . . sem céu?
Heaven-less? Who knows? Who would impose? If their
collective history had certainly been groomed against the grain
(where every day was—is?—a last day), at least the poem leaves
its protagonists “lying still” with their theology and with its (dis-)
placements.6
Haroldo de Campos was no angel, least of all in his own
poetic practice. He was unstintingly confident, certainly enough
to lampoon critical and ideological rigidities and excesses.
Acutely alert to the fact that Brazilian neo-Hegelians, no less than
their counterparts elsewhere, in their determination to confront
the brutality of much of Latin American society, have fallen
precisely into the lure of a discourse too mimetic of brute reality,
too mirroring ever to achieve a cutting edge, Haroldo de Campos
convoked the figure of poetry itself. He knew that poetry is a
master teaser, a baiter of stiff contemporary realists or the limp
lamp bearers of reflection theories past and present. The inter-
and intracultural transluciferations of his textual performances
had allowed for the inter-action of Brazilians speaking and
listening to Brazilians being listened and spoken to; in turn, they
inspired that other, the present trans(at)l(antic)ator whose
sign/ature shuttles to and fro, ever seeking to perform intra-, but
never faithful, ever faith-less, illusorily face-less, scorn-fully
masking source, mourn-fully eschewing target, settling
(lawlessly), for an ever extra-trans-mission of occupations, pre-
occupations, needs, urgencies.
6 The reference is to the 1902 foundational memorializing of the Canudos war of 1896–1897 in
the seminal text of Euclides da Cunha, Os Sertões, in which the rebellion and massacre of the
sertanejo inhabitants of the Brazilian interior, in the State of Bahia, prefigure the plight, a century
on, of the sem terra of El Dorado dos Carajás.
Stormy (whether you like it or not. . . )
Whence, for Haroldo de Campos, the “anjo esquerdo da
história”? In his unapologetic rejection of “unacceptable
cognitive models,” the challenge of de Campos is consistent,
not least when addressing the angel as an appropriated icon of
the left, inherited from Walter Benjamin’s seminal
formulation:
This is how one pictures the angel of history. His face is turned toward the
past. Where we perceive a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe
that keeps piling wreckage and hurls it in front of his feet. The angel
would like to stay, awaken the dead, and make whole what has been
smashed. But a storm is blowing in from Paradise; it has got caught in his
wings with such violence that the angel can no longer close them. The
storm irresistibly propels him into the future to which his back is turned,
while the pile of debris before him grows skyward. This storm is what we
call progress. (Benjamin 1999, 249)
His reconfiguration, in poetry, of the readily packaged but not so smoothly
imported “anjo,” regarded by Else Vieira as a de Campos “mutation” in the poet’s
resistance to allowing Benjamin’s “Angelus Novus” cum “angel of history” to be
unproblematically appropriated as emblematic of a Brazilian historical materialism,
must also be seen as an instrument of Haroldo’s staunch debunking of those
theorists who would unquestioningly identify their ideological stance with “the
storm of progress.”7 Most notoriously, Roberto Schwarz, “sociologizing critic, of
vocational incompatibility with the new in poetry” (de Campos, in McGuirk and
Vieira 2009,197):
The basic scheme is as follows: a tiny élite devotes itself to copying Old
World culture [. . .] As a result, literature and politics occupy an exotic
position, and we become incapable of creating things of our own that spring
from the depths of our life and history [....] But why not reverse the argument?
Why should the imitative character of our life not stem from forms of
inequality so brutal that they lack the minimal reciprocity [. . .] without which
modern society can only appear artificial and “imported”? (Schwarz 1992, 85–
89).
7 See the sections “Protean Angels: Shifting Spectres of Walter Benjamin” and “Crooked
Angels, Satanic Angels: From Determinism to the Recovery of Revolutionary Possibility” in
“Weaving Histories and Cultural Memories. The (Inter)National Materialisms of o anjo esquerdo
da história,“ in McGuirck and Vieira 2009, 170–175.
Far from resembling “devoted copying,” such Haroldo de
Campos performances as I have dealt with here, whether in his
criticism or in his poetry, are, to use his own formulation, “textos
de ruptura”(rupture texts). In Panorama do Finnegans Wake
(1962), the de Campos brothers, Augusto and Haroldo, had
already embarked—for a hybrid genre of transl-iter-ation—on the
journey of strenuous excursions demanded, by the modern artist
par excellence, Stéphane Mallarmé.8 As has been seen in respect
of “o anjo esquerdo da história”, any “angelism” inherited from
Mallarmé is supplemented by the daemonic; is traced (as even
Roberto Schwarz might admit) by the diabolic. The recuperative
moves of the poem play with “fallen” transcendentalism and that
corrective shift which—for Haroldo de Campos, no less than for
any Marxist—tugs “a história” (history and the story of history)
always to the Left. Not “going transcendental,” but refusing to
forget that particular -ism (without being “-ista”). Not
appropriating an already unbalanced Brazilian history (which
ever was and still is on the Right). Rather, engaging with it and in
it through concrete performances. Destabilizing the dubious claim
that we judge our own time by its politicians, the past by its
artists. Searching for poetry’s readmission to a Res Pública
Brasileira in which the artist (in academic freedom, pace Roberto
et al) might also stage the still-to be-negotiated identities of the
nation. Writ(h)ing, in agon, so that sub-alterity (sic) might no
longer be a leper’s bell to be hung, by the dark forces of any
“sociologizing” thought-police, about the neck of Brazil’s
excluded artists.
Are Haroldo de Campos’s “o anjo esquerdo da história”
and my transjection of it—as not abandoned or to be forgotten,
mutilatedly only “left winged” and but formerly “of history,” but
rather ever active, whole, uncut, as ”the angel on the left of
history”—merely a further negotiated staging? Or just a plea for
the performative poet–critic to be heard as also improvising
politically against, in counterpoint to, “unacceptable cognitive
8 “The double effort required to allow Mallarmé’s gaps their full disjunctive and destructive power,
yet at the same time remain attentive to the multitude of invisible currents which pass back and forth
between the separated segments, will strike many readers as inexcusably arduous and
unrewarding,” and “such moments are of the essence in Mallarmé [. . .] the type of modern artist
[. . .] intent on breaking up ready-made Gestalten and smooth surface textures in order to compel his
audience to look elsewhere for artistic coherence, to venture beneath the surface into the difficult,
undifferentiated world of unconscious process, to interrupt the easy flow of horizontal perception
with strenuous excursions into multi-level, all-at-once ‘verticality’” (Bowie 1978, 6 and 16,
respectively).
models” of a Brazil in construction. . . though sorely lacking in
deconstruction?
Trans memoriam
To Jacques Derrida’s “there is always something sexual at stake
in the resistance to deconstruction” (1987, 196), this particular re-
reader—and re-hearer—of Haroldo de Campos would add: “and
cultural, and ideological.” But isn’t that where the guest translator
came, invited, between 1999 and 2002, by and with Haroldo and
Carmen, and with Else, into the hospitality of the Babelic home
of Brazil and Brazilian letters?
Unheimlich? Years on, I am still questioning the
possibility of speaking or hearing “do exterior,” “from abroad”;
but, now, it is because I have listened, learned, read, and may
even write, that intra- has a history which includes extra-; that il
n’y a pas d’hors contexte.
At, and beyond, the limits of the languages and the antics
of nations—not least in transatlantications—the sting and the
contamination of the tse-tse flies in the face of hygienic, much
less immune, bodies such as text, context, literary, semiotic,
cultural, or translation studies. In aporetic threshold perfor-
mances, where differences between some “outside” and some “in”
are never abolished but ever undermined, not merely inverted but
politically subverted, “transtextuality” is a new wor(l)d. . . but it is
readable, habitable, pleasurable; like tsextuality.
This place of aporia is before a door, a threshold,
a border, a line, or simply the edge
or the approach of the other as such
Jacques Derrida (1993, 12)
Coda: translator’s note
The discourse of the author of the above is considered by the
journal reviewer to perform that approach to translation theory to
which it attempts to give (further) voice. Subsequent to the
medium chosen by Haroldo de Campos to deliver a poetic rebuke
to the perpetrators of the 1996 massacre at El Dorado dos Carajás,
will there have been, will there be, a creative intervention that,
similarly or comparably, addresses and challenges the contem-
porary social upheavals and political manifestations of the
opposition to a contemporary Brazil that projects as heaven-sent
the staging of a World Cup and an Olympic Games in the best of
all possible wor(l)ds? A diabolic fait accompli; or do post-Haroldo
undoings—the transluciferations of successor artists—loom. . . ?
The task of the present trans(at)l(antic)ator is to await texts
from writers who, also, will have undertaken such “imagined and
projected versions of what is to come.” Then, in a necessarily
matching performative meditation, will it be conceivable to
“update.” Pace academe passim. . . Ite, missa est. The sacrifice (of
the masses) in the interim will have found but formulaic, liturgical,
expressions of their material—street, stadium, factory, favela,
commune, congress—protests, however real, however righteous;
whether or not arising from the left of history. Chronicles of a
dearth foretold; testimony to a lack of devilishly challenging
artistic engagement? The avenging angel of poiesis awaits;
translations will follow.
References
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(24): 18–22. December 12. http://www.lrb.co.uk/v24/n24/perry-
anderson/the-cardoso-legacy.
Andrade, Drummond de. 1930. “Poema de sete faces.” In Alguma poesia.
Belo Horizonte: Edicoes Pindorama. Reproduced in Alguma Poesia.
Carlos Drummond de Andrade: Poesia e prosa, 70. Rio de Janeiro:
Nova Aguilar, 1979.
Benjamin, Walter. 1999. Illuminations. Edited and with an introduction by
Hannah Arendt. Translated by Harry Zohn. London: Pimlico.
Betto, Frei. 2002. “Receita para matar um sem-terra.” In Landless Voices in
Song and Poetry, edited by Else Ribeiro Pires Vieira and Bernard
McGuirk, 77–78. Nottingham: Critical, Cultural and Communications
Press, 2007.
Bowie, Malcolm. 1978. Mallarmé and the Art of Being Difficult. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Campos, Augusto de, and Haroldo de Campos. 1962. Panorama do
Finnegans Wake. n.c.: Conselho Estadual de Cultura, Comissão de
Literatura.
Campos, Haroldo de. [n.d.]1998. “anjo equerdo da história.” In Crisantempo:
no espaço curvo nasce um, 69–72. São Paulo: Perspectiva. Originally in
ptnotícias. São Paulo: Diretório Nacional do Partido dos Trabalhadores.
———. 2009. “On Mephistofaustic Transluciferation.” In McGuirk and
Vieira 2009, 233–236. Translation by Bernard McGuirk.
Derrida, Jacques. [1984] 1987. “Women in the Beehive: A Seminar with
Jacques Derrida.” In Men in Feminism, edited by Alice Jardine and Paul
Smith, 189–203. New York and London: Routledge. Originally
published in Subjects/Objects 2 (12).
———. 1993. “Finis.” In Aporias: dying—awaiting (one another at)the
“limits of truth”; mourir—s’attendre aux “limites de la vérité”, 1–42.
Translated by Thomas Dutoit. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
———. 1996. Le monolinguisme de l’autre, ou, La prothèse d’origine. Paris:
Galilée.
Eco, Umberto. 2003. “Of Mice and Men.” The Guardian Review, November
1. Complete version available at https://free-
minds.org/forum/index.php?topic=7425.0.
McGuirk, Bernard, and Else Ribeiro Pires Vieira. 2009. Haroldo de Campos
in conversation: in memoriam 1929–2003. London: Zoilus.
Melo Neto, João Cabral de. 2000. Morte e vida severina e outros poemas
para vozes. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Fronteira.
Pring-Mill, Robert D. F. 1990. “Gracias a la vida”: The Power and Poetry of
Song. The Kate Elder Lecture, Queen Mary University of London. An
expanded version published London: University of London, Dept. of
Hispanic Studies, 1999.
Santiago, Silviano. 1978. “O entre-lugar do discurso latino-americano.” In
Uma literatura nos trópicos, 11–28. São Paulo: Perspectiva.
Salgado, Sebastião. 1997. Terra. Preface by José Saramago, and poetry by
Chico Buarque. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. English edition
published as Terra: Struggle of the Landless. London: Phaidon, 1997.
Schwarz, Roberto. 1992. Misplaced Ideas: Essays on Brazilian Culture.
Edited and with an introduction by John Gledson. London and New
York: Verso.
Vieira, Else Ribeiro Pires, and Bernard McGuirk. 2007. Landless Voices in
Song and Poetry: The Movimento dos Sem Terra of Brazil. Nottingham:
Critical, Cultural and Communications Press.
is Emeritus Professor of Romance Literatures and Literary Theory at
the University of Nottingham. He is president of the International Consortium for the
Study of Post-Conflict and has published widely on and translated literatures in English,
French, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese. His most recent books are Latin American
Literature: Symptoms, Risks and Strategies of Poststructuralist Criticism (2013), Poesia
de Guerra (1998), Falklands–Malvinas: An Unfinished Business (2007), and Erasing
Fernando Pessoa (2017). He has also edited, with Else Ribeiro Pires Vieira, Landless
Voices in Song and Poetry: The Movimento Dos Sem Terra of Brazil (2007) and Haroldo
de Campos in Conversation: In Memoriam 1929–2003 (2007); and, with Constance Goh,
Happiness and Post-Conflict (2007).
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15531 | [
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] | Abstract: “I have invented very little in the stories and voices that weave
through this book. Some of them I was told and have carried in my
memory for a long time. Others I found in books.” These words—from
the Author’s Note of Muñoz Molina’s Sepharad—could be said to be the
starting point of my article. Muñoz Molina’s novel illustrates a good
example of what Michael Rothberg defines as “multidirectional memory”
since the memory of the Holocaust, the multiple exiles that have taken
place in Europe, and the memory of postwar Spain coexist—like the
tesserae of a mosaic—in the structure of this novel. In this sense,
Sepharad can be seen as a landmark in recent Spanish literature, being the
first novel that provides a juxtaposition of these formerly isolated
memories in a fictional work. It is, therefore, the aim of this article to
explore the manner in which Muñoz Molina manages to translate into
fiction the shared European memory of the twentieth century, also paying
attention to the narrative techniques used by this Spanish author.
1This paper is a result of the METAPHORA research project (Reference FFI2014-53391-P), funded by State Secretariat for
Research, Development and Innovation of Spain.
Cómo atreverse a la vana frivolidad de inventar, habiendo tantas
vidas que merecieron ser contadas, cada una de ellas una novela,
una malla de ramificaciones que conducen a otras novelas y otras
vidas”.2
Antonio Muñoz Molina, Sefarad (2003, 720-721)
“De te fabula. The story is about you”.
Northrop Frye, The Secular Scripture (1976, 186)
One of the most revealing passages that the reader of
Antonio Muñoz Molina’s Sefarad (first published in 2001) may
encounter in this so-called “novela de novelas” occurs in the
“Author’s Note,” which brings this novel to its end: “I have
invented very little in the stories and voices that weave through
this book. Some of them I was told and have carried in my
memory for a long time. Others I found in books” (Muñoz
Molina 2003, 383). This passage could be said to be the starting
point of this essay since it helps explain the complex relationship
which we find in this novel between memory and imagination, as
well as between storytelling and memoir. Sefarad is described by
Muñoz Molina as “un mapa de todos los exilios posibles” (a map
of all possible exiles) (Valdivia 2013, 26), and in this sense the
novel represents a manifold and heterogeneous approach to this
theme. Similarly, this novel constitutes a landmark in Spanish
literature, as it juxtaposes in a fictional work both the Spanish and
European shared history of the twentieth century in an
unprecedented manner (see Valdivia 2013; Hristova 2011; Baer
2011). As it could be claimed that Sefarad is founded on a
multidirectional approach to memory (Valdivia 2013, 13), it is
my purpose to explore the manner in which this approach is
translated into fiction in this novel. Similarly, I would like to pay
attention to those narrative techniques used by Muñoz Molina
that enhance this multidirectional approach. In this sense, both
polyacroasis (that is, the plural interpretation of discourses), as
2 All quotations in Spanish from Sefarad are from the 2013 edition (see References list) and referenced
in parentheses as such in the text. All quotations in English are from the 2003 edition of Margaret
Sayers Peden’s translation (see References list). The English translation will be offered throughout in
footnotes, except where only short passages are cited in-text.
“How, when there are so many lives that deserve to be told, can one attempt to invent a novel for
each, in a vast network of interlinking novels and lives?” (Muñoz Molina 2003, 365)
defined by Tomás Albaladejo (1998, 2011), and the empathetic
turn of Muñoz Molina’s novel, account for an effective
translation of memory, as I will try to demonstrate.
Multidirectional Memory in Sefarad
Instead of the idea of collective memory as competitive memory
(Rothberg 2009, 3), in Multidirectional Memory: Remembering
the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization a new conceptual
framework is proposed which “consider[s] memory as
multidirectional: as subject to ongoing negotiation, cross-
referencing [. . .] as productive and not privative” (Rothberg
2009, 3). In other words, this model of competitive memory
should be replaced by a dynamic multidirectional model that
allows the interaction of different historical memories (Rothberg
2009, 2–3). In Rothberg’s study, the work of the French
sociologist Maurice Halbwachs is considered crucial, since for
him “all memories are simultaneously individual and collective”
(Rothberg 2009, 14–15) so that an effective transmission of the
past depends on the manner in which the interaction and
juxtaposition of both individual and collective memory is
understood.
In this sense, as Pablo Valdivia has stated in his edition of
Sefarad, the structure of Muñoz Molina’s novel could be said to
represent a good illustration of what Michael Rothberg has
defined as “multidirectional memory” (Valdivia 2013, 13). The
memory of the Holocaust, the multiple exiles that have taken
place in Europe, including the Spanish republican exile, and the
memory of postwar Spain coexist in the structure of these
seventeen intertwined chapters or “novelas” that shape Sefarad.
Thus, Sefarad constitutes a landmark in recent Spanish
literature since, before this novel was published in 2001, the
juxtaposition of the Spanish and European shared memory of the
Holocaust and its aftermath, along with the memory of the
Spanish republican exile, its Civil War, and its postwar period has
never been staged in a fictional work (Valdivia 2013, 14; see also
Hristova 2011). As a result of this, Muñoz Molina’s novel also
constitutes an attempt to connect the Spanish and European
shared culture so as to fill the voids of our shared history3 (Baer
3 As Pablo Valdivia has suggested in his edition of Sefarad, in the article “Escuchando a
Canetti,” published in the Spanish newspaper El País in 1997, we can clearly appreciate Muñoz
2011; Valdivia 2013). In order to illuminate those cultural links,
the Spanish author creates a complex and ambitious fictional
artifact haunted by voices rather than characters in the traditional
sense (Valdivia 2013). Actually, voices (“voces”) is the word
Muñoz Molina uses in the “Author’s Note” to refer to the
characters who weave through the book. Some of these voices are
fictional and others belong to real people who bore witness to
their atrocious experiences, and they all constitute an “imagined
community of voices” (Herzberger 2004, 85; Valdivia 2013, 15).
Hence, in Sefarad we read the testimonies and listen to the voices
of Victor Klemperer, Margarete Buber-Neumann, Primo Levi,
Francisco Ayala, Evgenia Ginzburg, José Luis Pinillos, Franz
Kafka, or Milena Jesenska, to name but a few. Marije Hristova
(2011) has referred to these characters as “iconic characters” or
“iconic writers”—that is, historical figures appearing in the novel
who in turn have bequeathed to us their “iconic testimonies.”
According to Baer, the weak connection between Spain
and the memory of the Holocaust is not historical but cultural
(Baer 2011, 114). In this sense, this cultural disjointedness is also
suggested in the “Author’s Note,” when Muñoz Molina reveals
that many of the testimonies and memoirs of victims of
totalitarian regimes that led him to write Sefarad were not
translated into Spanish by the time he was writing and published
his novel. This is the case of Margarete Buber Neumann’s Als
Gefangene bei Stalin und Hitler. Eine Welt im Dunkel ([1947]
1997), Victor Klemperer’s “Ich will Zeugnis ablegen bis zum
letzten.” Tagebücher 1933–1945 (1995), Jean Améry’s Jenseits
von Schuld und Sühne: Bewältigungsversuche eines Überwäl-
tigten (1997), and Evgenia Semyonovna Ginzburg’s Journey into
the Whirlwind (1967), whose memoirs the author could only read
in their French and English translations. In fact, it was Antonio
Muñoz Molina himself who inserted in the novel his own
translation of passages taken from the memoirs we have
Molina’s reflections on what he considers a certain lack of interest in Spain regarding the
international discussions on the Holocaust memory: “Me llama la atención lo poco que se ha
escrito en nuestro país sobre el Holocausto, y el eco tan débil o simplemente nulo que tienen
entre nosotros los grandes debates internacionales sobre ese acontecimiento que, junto a la
tecnología de la guerra total y el terror de las tiranías estalinistas, ha definido este siglo [. . .] se
diría que a nosotros tales cosas no nos afectan, como si España fuera ajena a la historia judía de
los últimos cinco siglos, o como si nuestro país no hubiera padecido durante casi cuarenta años
una dictadura que debió su triunfo, en gran parte, a la ayuda del mismo régimen que provocó el
Holocausto y arrasó Europa entera” (Muñoz Molina 2007, 377–380).
previously mentioned. Thus, in Sefarad the creative writer and
the translator meet, as will be analyzed in the last section.
In Sefarad, the author introduces a variety of testimonies
and memories that had been previously overshadowed by other
memories, to the extent that they were unknown for many
Spanish readers, an aspect which suggests a parallelism between
Rothberg’s multidirectional memory model and Muñoz Molina’s
novel (Valdivia 2013, 13). In this sense, Sefarad can be
contemplated as a mosaic made of many tesserae, every one of
which is part of an imagined community of voices. Needless to
say, every tessera is required to understand the whole picture.
In “Münzenberg,” one of the seventeen chapters that
make up Sefarad, Muñoz Molina’s “basic narrator” (Hristova
2011) reveals his plans to write a novel, which, quite startlingly,
seems to be inspired by the same approach to fiction that
Rothberg proposes for history (Valdivia 2013):
He intuido, a lo largo de dos o tres años, la tentación y la posibilidad de una
novela, he imaginado situaciones y lugares, como fotografías sueltas o como
esos fotogramas de películas que ponían antes, armados en grandes carteleras,
a las entradas de los cines [. . .] Cada uno cobraba una valiosa cualidad de
misterio, se yuxtaponía sin orden a los otros, se iluminaban entre sí en
conexiones plurales e instantáneas, que yo podía deshacer o modificar a mi
antojo, y en las que ninguna imagen anulaba a las otras o alcanzaba una
primacía segura sobre ellas, o perdía en beneficio del conjunto su singularidad
irreductible. (Muñoz Molina 2013, 383)4
This passage is highly revealing since we are told that the
narrator’s plan for writing his novel consists of juxtaposing
snapshots in order to create a pattern where no image nullifies or
overshadows the others, since each of these images is unique and
necessary to produce a true and coherent mosaic. This is what we
find precisely in Sefarad; different testimonies and memoirs from
victims of any political regime or from any kind of exile, each of
which are equally significant in a clear multidirectional approach
to memory (Valdivia 2013).
4 “For two or three years I have flirted with the idea of writing a novel, imagined situations and
places, like snapshots, or like those posters displayed on large billboards at the entrance to a movie
theatre. [. . .] Each became a mystery, illuminating the others, creating multiple links that I could
break or modify at my whim, patterns in which no image nullified the others or gained precedence
or lost its uniqueness within the whole” (Muñoz Molina 2003,140).
Thus, one of the essential questions that are raised while
reading Sefarad is how appropriate literature may be as a vehicle
for bearing witness to history (Gilmour 2011, 840). The main
narrator of Sefarad does not evade this issue, something which is
reflected on many occasions throughout the novel. This is the
case of the chapter “Narva,” in which the narrator meets a friend
of his for lunch, the Spanish psychologist José Luis Pinillos.
Pinillos enlisted in the Blue Division, the Spanish Army that
served in the German Army during the Second World War. The
testimony that the Spanish psychologist bequeaths to the narrator
is that of his dramatic experience in the Estonian city of Narva.
There, Pinillos met a Jewish woman who asks him to bear
witness to the extermination of the Jewish population. At a
certain point of the narration, the Spanish psychologist admits
that “[y]o no sabía nada entonces, pero lo peor de todo era que
me negaba a saber, que no veía lo que estaba delante de mis ojos”
(Muñoz Molina 2013, 630) (“I didn’t know anything then, but
worst of all was my refusal to know, what was before my eyes”
(Muñoz Molina 2003, 307)), attracted as he was by what German
civilization represented during his student years: “no quiero
ocultarlo, ni quiero disculparme, creía que Alemania era la
civilización, y Rusia la barbarie” (Muñoz Molina 2013, 630) (“I
don’t want to hide anything or try to excuse myself, I thought that
Germany was civilization and Russia barbarism” (Muñoz Molina
2003, 307)). After that meeting, he would never see the Jewish
woman again and the experience of that meeting haunted him for
many decades, until the very day the narrator and the Spanish
psychologist met for lunch.
This chapter contains essential reflections on the role of
literature as a vehicle for transmitting the memory of the past.
Moreover, the very mechanisms of storytelling are unveiled in a
remarkable manner. After hearing Pinillos’s testimony, and
particularly what meeting the Jewish woman meant for him, the
basic narrator has an epiphanic revelation, which is reflected in
the following passage:
Él, que no quiso ni pudo olvidarla en más de medio siglo, me la ha legado
ahora, de su memoria la ha trasladado a mi imaginación, pero yo no quiero
inventarle ni un origen ni un nombre, tal vez ni siquiera tengo derecho: no es
un fantasma, ni un personaje de ficción, es alguien que pertenecía a la vida
real tanto como yo, que tuvo un destino tan único como el mío aunque
inimaginablemente más atroz, una biografía que no puede ser suplantada por
la sombra bella y mentirosa de la literatura [. . .] (Muñoz Molina 2013, 637)5
As the previous passage reflects, Muñoz Molina is aware
of the risks involved in transmitting and translating memory into
fiction. He is aware, in other words, of the limits of literature and
invention (Gilmour 2011, 840),6 which is probably why Muñoz
Molina declares in his “Author’s Note” that there is very little
invention “in the stories and voices that weave through
[Sefarad]” (Muñoz Molina 2003, 383).
On the other hand, Sefarad never stops questioning the
legitimacy of literature to approach memory. Perhaps, José Luis
Pinillos’s testimony faithfully illustrates the author’s approach to
memory:
[. . .] si yo estoy vivo tengo la obligación de hablar por ellos, tengo que contar
lo que les hicieron, no puedo quedarme sin hacer nada y dejar que les olviden,
y que se pierda del todo lo poco que va quedando de ellos. No quedará nada
cuando se haya extinguido mi generación, nadie que se acuerde, a no ser que
alguno de vosotros repitáis lo que os hemos contado. (Muñoz Molina 2013,
644)7
At the very end of this passage, the Spanish psychologist
appeals to the narrator and asks him to narrate what he has just
told him (an idea that is lost in the English translation we offer
below). In this sense, it is relevant to refer to Cristina Demaria’s
study Semiotica e Memoria. Analisi del post-conflitto. In this
study, Demaria refers to the necessity of exploring what Lotman
defined as the process of translating experience into the text
(“processi di traduzione dell’esperienza in testo”) when we
transmit the past, paying special attention to the interaction
5 “He who has not been able to forget her for more than half a century has bequeathed her to
me now, transferring the memory of her to my imagination, but I won’t give her an origin or a
name, I haven’t the authority, she isn’t a ghost or a fictional character but someone who was as
real as I am, who had a destiny as unique as mine although far more cruel, a biography that can
neither be supplanted by the beautiful lie of literature” (Muñoz Molina 2003, 312).
6 Concerning the issue of how legitimate it is for fiction to transmit memories of traumatic
experiences, Gilmour has observed that “the dilemma of how to keep memories of these
experiences alive and to transmit them to future generations has become a pressing question in
contemporary cultural studies, in particular in relation to the Holocaust” (Gilmour 2011, 839).
7 “[. . .] because I’m alive I have the obligation to speak for them, say what was done, so that
the little that remains of them in people’s memories will not be lost for all time” (Muñoz Molina
2003, 317).
between individual and collective memory (Demaria 2006, 37).8
Hence, I would affirm that the inclusion of the iconic characters’
testimonies in Sefarad accounts for this sort of translation of
experience into the text.
The issue of the legitimacy of literature as a vehicle for
the transmission of memory and traumatic knowledge is an
essential feature in Muñoz Molina’s Sefarad, which, I feel, is
effectively carried out (Gilmour 2011, 840). On the other hand, it
should not be overlooked that the transmission of memory may
function—as we consider it does in Sefarad—as “a spur to
unexpected acts of empathy and solidarity” (Rothberg 2009, 19).
Empathetic polyacroasis as a narrative principle in Sefarad
One of the most remarkable aspects of Muñoz Molina’s Sefarad
is the importance of storytelling as a principle that articulates the
novel (Herzberger 2004, 85; Valdivia 2013). As Herzberger has
pointed out Sefarad “is a novel of multiple narrators, characters,
and plots that turns inward to celebrate the construction of its
stories.” (Herzberger 2004, 85). It is important to highlight how
significant storytelling, listening, and reading are in the
construction of this novel. In this sense, the inclusion of the
iconic characters’ testimonies in a novel where storytelling and
listening is vital accounts for what Herzberger defines as “a
hybridized narrative rooted in imagination and reference”
(Herzberger 2004, 86). A fruitful tension that contributes to
trigger an empathetic response from the reader (Herzberger 2004,
86).
On the other hand, one of the most remarkable
achievements of Sefarad is its “basic narrator”—that is, the
oscillating narrative voice underlying the seventeen chapters or
“novelas” (Hristova 2011; Gilmour 2011; Valdivia 2012, 591–
592). Actually, this basic narrator constantly changes the
grammatical person from “yo” to “tú,” “él,” “vosotros,” or “ellos”
(Valdivia 2012, 591–592; see also Gilmour 2011). Thus, orality
and storytelling are essential features for this basic narrator to
8 Cristina Demaria affirms in her study that “[l]a trasmissione del significato del passato, la trama
in cui si intrecciano alcuni eventi che divengono così rilevanti, può cioè trovarsi a dipendere dal
modo in cui, di volta in volta, memoria individuale e memoria collettiva interagiscono. È
necessario dunque indagare più a fondo quelli che Lotman definisce come processi di traduzione
dell’esperienza in testo, l’interazione e anche il conflitto fra una memoria individuale e una
collettiva, culturale e sociale” (Demaria 2006, 37).
develop his narrative possibilities. Characters, be they iconic or
fictional, tell each other stories and transmit their testimonies to
those who are willing to listen, to the extent that the manner in
which their identities may be perceived depends to a great extent
on those stories (Herzberger 2004; Gilmour 2011; Hristova 2011;
Valdivia 2012; Valdivia 2013).
Hence, both orality and storytelling allow us to establish a
connection with the rhetorical concept of polyacroasis (Valdivia
2012, 593–594). The term polyacroasis (polyakróasis)—that is, a
plural hearing, plural interpretation of an oral discourse—has
been proposed by Tomás Albaladejo “to refer to the characteristic
consisting of the differences between the hearers of rhetorical
discourse” (Albaladejo 1998, 156). Thus, polyacroasis
contributes to illuminate and elucidate the mechanisms of the
plural reception of discourses taking place in a given rhetorical
event (Albaladejo 1998). As this reception is not only restricted to
oratorical events, Albaladejo has also proposed this concept to
analyze literary works, especially those at the very core of which
literary communication lies (Albaladejo 2009, 2). Polyacroasis
therefore contributes to elucidate the strong link between
literature and orality (Albaladejo 2009, 3–4).
In this sense, Sefarad constitutes a rhetorical event where
the characters or voices that dwell in the novel narrate to each
other the novel they take with them.9 Yet the reader is also
appealed to and turned into another character of the novel by
means of empathy, to the extent that readers may experience what
Northrop Frye affirmed the final message of the genre of
romance was—that is, “de te fabula: the story is about you” (Frye
1976, 186). In this sense, the use in the novel of the rhetorical
figure of apostrophe reinforces the sense of empathy the novel
conveys, since the reader’s attention is drawn in a very effective
manner (Valdivia 2013):
Y tú qué harías si supieras que en cualquier momento pueden venir a
buscarte, que tal vez ya figura tu nombre en una lista mecanografiada de
9In Sefarad, there are multiple references to Benito Pérez Galdós’s Fortunata y Jacinta. Muñoz
Molina introduces in Sefarad a famous quotation taken from that novel, “Doquiera que el
hombre va lleva consigo su novela,” which Margaret Sayers Peden translated into English as
“Wherever a man goes, he takes his novel with him”(Muñoz Molina 2003, 44).
presos o de muertos futuros, de sospechosos, de traidores. (Muñoz Molina
2013, 243)10
Clearly, the use of apostrophe triggers an empathetic
response from the reader, who may experience a total
identification with the voices that dwell in Sefarad (Gilmour
2011, 851). In addition to this, empathy is similarly stimulated by
manipulating the voice of the basic narrator (Gilmour 2011, 851;
Valdivia 2012). What Gilmour has described as “a constant
oscillation between the third person, él or ella, and the first
person, yo,” (Gilmour 2011, 852; Valdivia 2012; Valdivia 2013,
258) creates a web of empathetic connections among the main
narrator, the gallery of multiple voices that weave through the
book, and an empathetic reader. As we have seen before, Muñoz
Molina tells us in the “Author’s note” that both the testimonies he
listened to and stored for a long time in his memory and the
books he read were vital while plotting and writing Sefarad: the
rest was invention. However, it could be affirmed that the part of
the novel that stems from invention completes full circle this web
of empathetic links (Gilmour 2011). In other words, as Gilmour
has pointed out, the use of an empathetic imagination accounts
for the manner in which Muñoz Molina, via his basic narrator,
translates into fiction other people’s memories (Gilmour 2011,
847). This basic narrator has been referred to by Valdivia as a “yo
fluido,” a sort of flowing manifold narrator whose nature is
clearly explained in the following passage taken from the chapter
“Dime tu nombre”:
Nunca soy más yo mismo que cuando guardo silencio y escucho, cuando dejo
a un lado mi fatigosa identidad y mi propia memoria para concentrarme del
todo en el acto de escuchar, de ser plenamente habitado por las experiencias y
recuerdos de otros. (Muñoz Molina 2013, 680)11
This multiple oscillation among different grammatical
persons is accompanied by the use of direct speech, as we can
appreciate when Muñoz Molina provides his own translation into
10 “And you, what would you do if you knew that at any moment they could come for you, that
your name may already be on a typed list of prisoners or future dead, or suspects, or traitors?”
(Muñoz Molina 2003, 45).
11 “I am never more myself than when I am silent and listening, when I set aside my tedious
identity and tedious memory to concentrate totally on the act of listening, on the experiences of
another” (Muñoz Molina 2003, 340).
Spanish of the iconic characters’ testimonies he has read in
books. In the following passage we can appreciate a clear
example of this flowing oscillating narrator:
Evgenia, te están tendiendo una trampa, y es preciso que escapes mientras
puedas, antes de que te partan el cuello. Pero cómo voy yo, una comunista, a
esconderme de mi Partido, lo que tengo que hacer es demostrarle al Partido
que soy inocente. Hablan en voz baja, procurando que los niños no escuchen
nada, temiendo que el teléfono, aunque está colgado, sirva para que les espíen
las conversaciones. (Muñoz Molina 2013, 258)12
The quotation that appears in italics is an excerpt, translated into
Spanish by the author himself, and taken from Evgenia
Ginzburg’s Journey into the Whirlwind, a memoir that had not
yet been translated into Spanish when Sefarad was being written.
Then, after that passage, without using quotation marks, the first
person is used and we are told what the “basic narrator” imagines
Evgenia Ginzburg might have said in the very moment she learnt
she was under threat. In other words, the basic narrator haunts
Ginzburg’s mind and empathetically imagines how Ginzburg
might have reacted. Finally, in the last sentence, the basic narrator
shifts to the third person plural (Valdivia 2013, 258). Needless to
say, this masterly use of narrative technique requires an
empathetic imagination on the author’s part (Gilmour 2011;
Valdivia 2013, 258).
The manner in which polyacroasis functions in this novel
can not be explained if we are unaware of that web of empathetic
connections—or “malla de ramificaciones”—among the different
voices, the reader’s response, and the empathetic imagination
deployed by Muñoz Molina. Therefore, a new question should
now be raised. Is empathy an effective vehicle for both
transmitting and translating memories? Does the author’s
empathetic involvement in retelling and translating testimonies
account for a successful transmission of memory?
According to Rothberg, remembrance and imagination
can be seen as both material and fundamentally human forces that
12“Eugenia, they’re setting a trap for you, and you must run away while you can, before they
have your head. But why would I, a Communist, hide from my Party? I must show the Party that
I’m innocent. They speak in low voices, trying not to let the children hear, afraid that the
telephone, even though the receiver’s down, will allow someone to listen” (Muñoz Molina 2003,
53).
“should not lead to assumptions of memory’s insubstantiality”
(Rothberg 2009, 19). It is possible that, as Sefarad reflects,
translating multidirectional memory into fiction acquires a more
significant and enriched dimension when empathetic imagination
is present.
Translating the Other culturally in Sefarad
The role of translation in postconflict cultures is an aspect that
has been taken into consideration in Nergaard’s “Translating the
Other: Journalism in Post Conflict Cultures” (Demaria and
Wright, 2006). In this article, Nergaard analyzes examples where
one culture translates another (Nergaard 2006, 189). In this sense,
Nergaard proposes an understanding of translation “as the process
through which concepts and discourses in one culture are
interpreted and transformed in order to be introduced into
another” (Nergaard 2006, 189). Translation is also referred to as
“one of the privileged spaces where cultures meet [. . .] in terms
of alterity and difference” (Nergaard 2006, 189). Translation thus
allows us to represent the Other, a complex process that Nergaard
calls cultural translation (Nergaard 2006, 191). In this epigraph I
would like to explore the presence of cultural translation in
Muñoz Molina’s novel, and to what extent fiction may contribute
to an effective translation of the Other and, as a result of that, can
contribute to create and shape knowledge.
When the so-called basic narrator declares that he is never
more himself than when he sets aside his identity to concentrate
on the experiences of another (Muñoz Molina 2013, 680), he is
suggesting that “he is never more fully himself than when
experiencing both self and other” (Gilmour 2011, 849.) In this
sense, it seems that the very idea of representing and translating
the Other appears to be one of the engines of Sefarad, being the
other and the translation of his or her experiences one of the key
motifs that articulate the novel.
We have previously referred to the manner in which
Muñoz Molina translates into fiction the iconic characters’
testimonies. In some occasions the author himself translates
passages into Spanish, which lend verisimilitude to the novel. In
other occasions, the iconic characters are haunted by the
oscillating narrator (“yo fluido,” as proposed by Valdivia) who
imagines empathetically what these “iconic characters and
writers” might have thought or said (Valdivia 2013). This
exploration of the characters’ thoughts appearing in Sefarad, via
an oscillating narrator, constitutes an example of what could be
defined as an empathetic cultural translation.
The most significant instance of this representation of the
Other in Sefarad appears in the chapter “Eres.” In this chapter,
Muñoz Molina appeals empathetically to the reader by means of
the use of apostrophe. Thus, the chapter triggers in the reader a
sense of identification between him or her and the Other
(Valdivia 2013, 601). In this sense in Sefarad “the possibility of
becoming ‘the other’ is a recurrent theme” (Hristova-Dijkstra and
Adema 2010, 74), something that is illustrated when the reader is
asked the following question: “Y tú qué harías si supieras que en
cualquier momento pueden venir a buscarte, que tal vez ya figura
tu nombre en una lista mecanografiada de presos o de muertos
futuros, de sospechosos, de traidores”(Muñoz Molina 2013, 243)
(“what would you do if you knew that at any moment they could
come for you, that your name may already be on a typed list of
prisoners or future dead, or suspects, or traitors?” [Muñoz Molina
2003, 45]).
In the following passage from the chapter mentioned
above, we encounter a representative example of the manner in
which the virtual identification between reader (Self) and the
Other is triggered:
Eres quien mira su normalidad perdida desde el otro lado del cristal que te
separa de ella, quien entre las rendijas de las tablas de un vagón de deportados
mira las últimas casas de la ciudad que creyó suya y a la que nunca volverá.
(Muñoz Molina 2013, 619)13
The effect these words have on the reader is that of fostering a
total identification with the Other, to the extent that we come to
recognize how “the ‘totally other’ constitutes one’s identity”
(Hristova-Dijkstra and Adema 2010, 74).
*
13 As Margaret Sayers Peden’s 2003 translation into English of the 2001 Spanish edition of
Sefarad is being used throughout this article, and as this translation omits many passages from
the original 2001 Spanish edition, including the passage I have just cited, no English translation
is being provided in this instance.
Sefarad has been described by its author as a “mapa de todos los
exilios posibles” (a map of possible exiles) (Valdivia 2013, 26).
In this sense, it could be affirmed that the theme of exile
constitutes a subtext in Sefarad since it is the place where the
narrator and the reader empathize imaginatively with the Other
(Gilmour 2011, 854):
Aún despojándote de todo queda algo que permanece siempre, que está en ti
desde que tienes memoria [. . .] el núcleo o la médula de lo que eres [. . .]: eres
el sentimiento del desarraigo y de la extrañeza, de no estar del todo en ninguna
parte [. . .] (Muñoz Molina 2013, 609)14
In the Introduction to Translation and Power (2002)
Maria Tymoczko and Edwin Gentzler assert that translators “as
much as creative writers and politicians, participate in the
powerful acts that create knowledge and shape culture”
(Tymoczko and Gentzler 2002, xxi). In this sense, in Sefarad
both the translator and the creative writer meet. The fact that
some of the books containing the iconic characters’ testimonies
were not translated into Spanish implied an obvious lack of
knowledge of vital testimonies that has shaped postwar Europe.
Thus, the Spanish author’s decision to insert and translate
passages from the previously mentioned testimonies accounts for
a strong desire to create knowledge both as a creative writer and
as a translator.
If we take into consideration, for instance, the passages
taken from Victor Klemperer’s I will Bear Witness. 1933–1941. A
Diary of the Nazi Years (1999), we can appreciate a clear
illustration of Muñoz Molina’s masterly use of historical
reference and empathetic imagination. In “Quien espera,” a
gallery of “iconic characters” weaves through this chapter, which
includes Victor Klemperer himself, Margarete Buber-Neumann,
Eugenia Ginzburg, Jean Améry, and even fictional characters
such as Josef K. from Kafka’s Der Prozess. In the following
passage we can appreciate the narrative technique deployed by
the author:
14“Something persists that has been inside you for as long as you can remember [. . .] it is the
marrow of what you are [. . .] You are uprootedness and foreignness, not being completely in
any one place [. . .]” (Muñoz Moina 2003, 295).
El jueves 30 de marzo de 1933 el profesor Victor Klemperer, de Dresde, anota
en su diario que ha visto en el escaparate de una tienda de juguetes un balón de
goma infantil con una gran esvástica. Ya no puedo librarme de la sensación de
disgusto y vergüenza. Y nadie se mueve; todo el mundo tiembla, se esconde.
(Muñoz Molina 2013, 247)15
The journal entry corresponds to March 30, 1933. In fact,
the sentence that we encounter at the end of that journal entry—
that is, “In a toy shop a children’s ball with the swastika”
(Klemperer 1999, 10)—occurs unexpectedly, as a juxtaposed
image with no apparent connection with the rest of the
paragraph.16 Thus, Muñoz Molina is clearly retelling what he has
read in the diary, after which he introduces in italics his own
translation of a passage extracted from the English translation of
Klemperer’s diaries. Hence, Muñoz Molina sets a boundary
between real testimonies and literary recreation. Yet, it should be
noticed that the passage in italics does not correspond to the same
day Klemperer saw the child’s ball with the swastika (that is,
March 30) but to May 17 of the same year. This narrative
device—which we can appreciate in other iconic testimonies
throughout the novel—has significant implications from the point
of view of translation, since it reveals a concept of translation that
Tymoczko and Gentzler have described as “not simply an act of
faithful reproduction but, rather, a deliberate and conscious act of
selection [and] assemblage” (Tymoczko and Gentzler 2002, xxi).
In other words, Muñoz Molina’s choice constitutes a conscious act
of juxtaposing his own empathetic retelling of the journal with real
testimonies extracted from it (that is, “I can no longer get rid of the
feeling of disgust and shame. And no one stirs; everyone trembles,
keeps out of sight” (Klemperer 1999, 7) (“Ich kann das Gefühl des
15 “On Thursday, March 30, 1933, Professor Victor Klemperer, of Dresden, notes in his diary
that in a toy-shop window he saw a child’s balloon with a large swastika. I can no longer rid
myself of the disgust and shame. Yet no one makes a move; everyone trembles, hides” (Muñoz
Molina 2003, 47).
16 We provide in this footnote the English translation of Victor Klemperer’s diaries and the
original German: “Yesterday a wretched statement in the Dresdener Neueste Nachrichten—‘on
your own account.’ They are 92.5 percent founded on Aryan capital, Herr Wollf, owner of the
remaining 7.5 percent, has resigned as chief editor, one Jewish editor has been given leave of
absence (poor Fentl!), the other ten are Aryans. Terrible!—In a toy shop a children’s ball with the
swastika.” (Klemperer 1999, 10); „Gestern jämmerliche Erklärung der Dresdener NN ‚in eigener
Sache’. Sie seien zu 92,5 Prozent auf arisches Kapital gestützt, Herr Wollf, Besitzer der übrigen
7,5 Prozent, lege Chefredaktion nieder, ein jüdischer Redakteur sei beurlaubt (armer Fentl!), die
andern zehn seien Arier. Entsetzlich! – In einem Spielzeugladen ein Kinderball mit Hakenkreuz”
(Klemperer, 1995: 15–16).
Ekels und der Scham nicht mehr loswerden. Und niemand rührt
sich; alles zittert, verkriecht sich.” [Klemperer 1995, 12]).
In “Quien espera” we encounter a web of testimonies or
voices that are intertwined throughout this chapter, including
Buber-Neumann’s, Ginzburg’s, and Klemperer’s. In the last
paragraph of this chapter the testimonies of both Klemperer and
Buber-Neumann come together. In a masterly juxtaposition of
voices and testimonies, the oscillating narrator concludes this
chapter in the following manner:
Llegaron una mañana muy temprano, del 19 de Julio, y al comprobar que esta
vez sí que venían de verdad por ella [Margarete] no sintió pánico, sino más bien
alivio [. . .]. El 12 de julio el profesor Klemperer recuerda en su diario a algunos
amigos que se marcharon de Alemania, que han encontrado trabajo en Estados
Unidos o en Inglaterra. Pero cómo irse sin nada, él, un viejo, y su mujer una
enferma [. . .]. Nosotros nos hemos quedado aquí, en la vergüenza y la penuria,
como enterrados vivos, enterrados hasta el cuello, esperando día tras día las
últimas paletadas. (Muñoz Molina 2013, 267)17
The responsibility that translation may have in creating
knowledge has been previously mentioned. I agree with Tymoczko
and Genztler when they affirm that “translation [. . .] actively
participates in the construction of knowledge [. . .] and that the act
of translation is itself very much involved in the creation of [it]”
(Tymoczko and Gentzler 2002, xxi). Leaving aside the enormous
literary value of a novel like Sefarad, I would affirm that this novel
is also an example of how a fictional work can participate in that
construction of knowledge through an empathetic imagination.
Conclusion
Throughout this article I have tried to analyze the manner in which
Muñoz Molina juxtaposes in Sefarad the shared European and
Spanish memory of the twentieth century via a multidirectional
memory approach to fiction. In this sense, I would affirm that
Michael Rothberg’s approach helps explain the narrative
mechanisms underlying Sefarad. In other words, Rothberg’s
17 “They came one morning very early, on July 19, and when she realized that they had finally
come for her, [Margarete] felt only a kind of relief [. . .]. On July 12, Professor Klemperer refers
in his diary to some friends who left Germany and found work in the United States or England.
But how do you leave when you don’t have anything? He, an old man with a sick wife [. . .]. We
have stayed here, in shame and penury, as if buried alive, buried up to our necks, waiting day
after day for the last spadefuls of dirt” (Muñoz Molina 2003, 60).
dynamic multidirectional model accounts effectively for the
interaction of different historical memories which we can
appreciate in Sefarad (Rothberg 2009, 3).
Muñoz Molina thus translates into fiction previously
isolated memories and presents a map of all possible exiles in an
unprecedented manner in recent Spanish literature. In this sense, I
would state that one of Muñoz Molina’s greatest achievements is
the manner in which he carries out a translation of experience into
a fictional text. There are multiple instances of that translation of
experiences into Sefarad, such as the iconic characters’
testimonies. In addition to this, I would like to point out that
empathetic polyacroasis contributes to a great extent to this
effective translation of experience. Thus, I believe that the presence
of polyacroasis in Sefarad enhances that empathetic translation and
transmission of memory, since it allows both a plural interpretation
and a powerful interaction among the different “voices” that dwell
in the novel, and it also increases the readers’ empathetic response.
In my opinion, translating multidirectional memory into fiction
becomes more effective when empathetic polyacroasis takes place.
Needless to say, this “hybridized narrative rooted in imagination
and reference” (Herzberger 2004, 86) clearly contributes and
participates in the construction of knowledge.
Finally, I would like to conclude this essay with an excerpt
from Antonio Muñoz Molina’s Sefarad that, to a great extent, may
function as a concise summary of the argument I have presented:
No eres una sola persona y no tienes una sola historia, y ni tu cara ni tu oficio ni
las demás circunstancias de tu vida pasada o presente permanecen invariables. El
pasado se mueve y los espejos son imprevisibles. (Muñoz Molina 2013, 596)18
18“You are not an isolated person and do not have an isolated story, and neither your face nor
your profession nor the other circumstances of your past or present life are cast in stone. The
past shifts and reforms, and mirrors are unpredictable” (Muñoz Molina 2003, 288).
References
Albaladejo, Tomás. 1998. “Polyacroasis in Rhetorical Discourse.” The
Canadian Journal of Rhetorical Studies/La Revue Canadienne d’Études
Rhétoriques 9: 155–167.
———. 2009. “La poliacroasis en la representación literaria: Un
componente de la retórica cultural.” Castilla. Estudios de Literatura 0:
1–26. PDF available at http://uvadoc.uva.es/handle/10324/12153.
Améry, Jean. 1997. Jenseits von Schuld und Sühne: Bewältigungsversuche
eines Überwältigten. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta Verlag.
Baer, Alejandro. 2011. “The Voids of Sepharad: The memory of the
Holocaust in Spain.” Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 12 (1): 95–
120. doi:10.1080/14636204.2011/556879.
Buber-Neumann, Margarete. [1947] 1997. Als Gefangene bei Stalin und
Hitler. Eine Welt im Dunkel. Berlin: Ullstein Buchverlage.
Demaria, Cristina. 2006. Semiotica e memoria. Analisi del post-conflitto.
Roma: Carocci.
Demaria, Cristina, and Colin Wright. 2006. Post-Conflict Cultures. Rituals of
Representation. London: Zoilus Press.
Frye, Northrop. 1976. The Secular Scripture: A Study of the Structure of
Romance. Cambridge (MA): Harvard University Press.
Gilmour, Nicola. 2011. “The Afterlife of Traumatic Memories: The Workings
and Uses of Empathy in Antonio Muñoz Molina’s Sefarad.” Bulletin of
Spanish Studies: Hispanic Studies and Researches on Spain, Portugal
and Latin America 88 (6): 839–862.
doi:10.1080/14753820.2011.603491.
Ginzburg, Eugenia Semyonovna. 1967. Journey into the Whirlwind.
Translated by Paul Stevenson and Max Hayward. London: Harcourt.
Herzberger, David K. 2004. “Representing the Holocaust: Story and
Experience in Antonio Muñoz Molina’s Sefarad.” Romance Quarterly
51 (2): 85–96. doi:10.3200/RQTR.51.2.85-96.
Hristova, Marije. 2011. “Memoria prestada. El Holocausto en la novela
española contemporánea: Los casos de Sefarad de Muñoz Molina y El
Comprador de aniversarios de García Ortega.” MA thesis, University of
Amsterdam. PDF available at http://dare.uva.nl/document/342563.
Hristova-Dijkstra, Marije J., and Janneke Adema. 2010. “The exile condition.
Space–time dissociation in historical experience. A reading of Sefarad.”
Krisis, 1: 62–76.
Klemperer, Victor. 1995. “Ich will Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten.”
Tagebücher 1933–1941. Berlin: Aufbau-Verlag.
———. 1999. I Will Bear Witness. 1933–1941. A Diary of the Nazi Years.
Translated by Martin Chalmers. New York: The Modern Library.
Muñoz Molina, Antonio. 2003. Sepharad. Translated by Margaret Sayers
Peden. London: Harcourt.
———. 2007. Travesías. Edited by Jorge F. Hernández. Mexico City:
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.
———. 2013. Sefarad. Edited by Pablo Valdivia. Madrid: Cátedra.
Nergaard, Siri. 2006. “Translating the Other: Journalism in Post-Conflict
Cultures.” In Cristina Demaria and Colin Wright 2006, 189–207.
Rothberg, Michael. 2009. Multidirectional Memory: Remembering the
Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization. Stanford: Stanford University
Press.
Tymoczko, Maria, and Edwin Gentzler, eds. 2002. Translation and Power.
Amherst and Boston: University of Massachusetts Press.
Valdivia, Pablo. 2012. “Poliacroasis, memoria e identidad en la articulación
de los discursos de poder: el caso de Sefarad de Antonio Muñoz
Molina.” In Retórica y política. Los discursos de la construcción de la
sociedad, edited by Emilio del Río Sanz, María del Carmen Ruiz de la
Cierva, and Tomás Albaladejo, 591–604. Logroño: Instituto de Estudios
Riojanos.
———. 2013. Introduction to Muñoz Molina 2013.
obtained his BA in English Philology and his PhD from the
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. He is currently lecturer in Contemporary
Literature, English Literature, and English at the Universidad CEU San Pablo, Madrid,
and member of the research group C [P y R] (Communication, poetics and rhetoric)
at the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. He is currently a member of the
METAPHORA project and has been a member of a previous research project on
Cultural Rhetoric. His research interests include comparative literature, rhetoric, and
literary translation.
| Unimi Open Journals |
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] | Abstract: Holocaust survivor testimonies are frequently read, explored,
and interpreted in English translation—that is, beyond their original
linguistic, temporal, and cultural points of telling. And yet only meager
attention has been paid to the epistemological and ethical implications of
translation as a mode of re-mediating Holocaust memory. Significant
questions remain regarding the potentialities of translation, both positive
and negative, for shaping the way in which readers come to know about,
and respond to, the lived experiences of the survivors. Specifically, this
article hopes to encourage more sustained and critical thinking about the
decisive and moral role of the translator as a secondary witness, “one who
listens to the testimony with empathy and helps to record, store and
transmit it” (Assmann 2006, 9). The article presents a case study of two
acts of secondary witnessing which re-mediate the experiences of French
female deportees into English: Barbara Mellor’s translation of Agnès
Humbert’s (1946) Notre guerre, published in 2008 as Résistance, and
Margaret S. Summers’s translation of Micheline Maurel’s (1957) Un
camp très ordinaire, published in 1958 as An Ordinary Camp. Attention
will be paid to how the translators have listened to and re-mediated the
experiences of the survivors for a new readership, while the sociocultural
contexts of and influences on these acts of secondary witnessing will also
be considered.
Introduction
Translating the written memory of an individual into another
language and culture entails a twofold act of perpetuation; first,
the lived experiences of that individual are recorded in an
additional repository and are then carried beyond the immediate
borders of the original telling. Yet, in order that this
perpetuation might be realized through translation, the particular
threads of memory which constitute the original narrative—
whether in the form of autobiography, memoir, diary or
testimony—are necessarily reworked by the hands of another,
by a translator who, in most instances, has no direct connection
with the remembered events or emotions.1 The warp and weft of
the initial act of memory may subsequently emerge intact,
preserved by translation to bear enduring and accurate witness
to the life of the individual; alternatively, it may not withstand
the process, becoming distorted in its appearance, texture or
purpose once reconstructed in another setting.
This article sets out to identify and critically examine
the role of the translator in the transmission of individual
memory within the specific context of survivor accounts of the
Holocaust. In this respect, any exploration of how the translator
re-mediates life in the camps must be fully mindful of the
unique representational, epistemological and ethical
complexities that can beset attempts to tell and retell those
stories of suffering and survival. Many Holocaust narratives are
marked by a tension between the (communicative,
commemorative, and often cathartic) need to commit lived
experience to writing and the aridity of words whose capacity to
tell withers before the sheer horror of the events they venture to
describe. The complexities of representation may be
compounded further by the contingencies of memory, which can
fade but also sharpen with the passing of time.2 In turn, the
translator of the Holocaust narrative is potentially brought into
an encounter with a text that is, deliberately or otherwise,
halting, uneven; a text that may attempt to lay bare some or all
of the concentrationary universe, and in so doing, charge itself
with a particular moral burden to remember, to understand, or
indeed to resist any such understanding. How the translator
1 A notable exception to this distance between the one who remembers and the one who
translates can, of course, be found in the phenomenon of self-translation. The conflation of
these two positions necessarily raises an alternative set of questions to the ones I address here.
2 Contrary to the antinarrative stance adopted by literary theorists such as Cathy Caruth (1996),
scientific studies have shown that traumatic experiences are recoverable and representable, as
opposed to repressed and unspeakable. As is noted by Beverley R. King in 21st Century
Psychology: A Reference Handbook, “Overwhelmingly, the research supports the trauma
superiority argument—memories for stressful experiences are not easily forgotten, especially
the central details of the events” (2009, 452). For further criticism of Caruth, see Ruth Leys
(2000), and Wulf Kansteiner and Harald Weilnböck (2008).
responds to such complexities will be considered in reference to
the concept of the secondary witness, 3 defined by Geoffrey
Hartman as someone who “provides a witness for the witness,
[and] actively receives words that reflect the darkness of the
event” (1998, 48). It is precisely the nature and extent of the
translator’s act of receiving that will be considered in the case
study below, always heedful of what Colin Davis terms the
“insidious dangers inherent in secondary witnessing” (2011, 20)
which threaten to belie the experiences, pain and otherness of
the Holocaust survivor. For the manner in which the translator
serves as secondary witness will ultimately determine whether
the target language reader has a window onto past events that is
as broad or narrow, as transparent or opaque, as whole or
fragmented, as the one originally offered by the survivor.
The present case study centers on two remarkable
French testimonies of life in and liberation from the Nazi labor
camps for women. Agnès Humbert’s Notre guerre: Journal de
Résistance 1940–1945 was published in the immediate
aftermath of World War II in 1946; it begins with the art
historian’s diary entries which record her early involvement in
the French Resistance movement and then proceeds to a
retrospective account of her arrest and internment in the Parisian
prisons of Cherche-Midi, La Santé, and Fresnes, her subsequent
deportation to the German forced labor camps of Krefeld-
Anrath, Hövelhof and Schwelm, and her eventual liberation
from the town of Wanfried. Micheline Maurel, a literary
scholar, was also arrested for Resistance activities, and her
testimony, Un camp très ordinaire, appeared in 1957. In her
work, Maurel documents her experiences of daily life and
hardship in the Neubrandenburg labor camp, a satellite of the
Ravensbrück concentration camp for women, as well as her
difficult return home following liberation. These accounts will
be brought into relief with their English translations—
respectively, Résistance: Memoirs of Occupied France
translated by Barbara Mellor (2008) and Ravensbrück by
Margaret S. Summers (1958)4—as a means of establishing how
these translators have served as witnesses to the survivors, while
3 This present study follows on from my 2013 work in which I also draw on secondary
witnessing to scrutinize the English translation of Robert Antelme’s (1947) L’espèce humaine.
4 Page references will here be given to the UK edition published in 1958 by Digit Books, an
imprint of Brown Watson. See reference list for an overview of all available UK and US editions.
also recognizing that the translator is not the sole agent
responsible for the way in which these individual memories
have been transmitted.
The decision to explore these two particular female
survivor accounts has been made in light Margaret-Anne
Hutton’s observation that “French women deported to Nazi
concentration and death camps […] have, as yet, received little
to no critical attention” (2005, 2), in Holocaust studies or
elsewhere. With the exception perhaps of Charlotte Delbo,
analytical focus has tended to fall on male memories and
narratives of life in the camps; this case study can thus be read
as an attempt to bring two marginalized, eclipsed voices of
female survivors further to the fore. In more general terms, the
article can also be seen as a contribution towards a burgeoning
body of work by scholars who situate themselves at the
intersection between Translation Studies and Holocaust Studies
in order to better understand how the linguistic and cultural
dynamics of translation have shaped the transmission and
reception of Holocaust writing. Susan Suleiman observes in
1996 that “[w ]hile students of Holocaust literature are keenly
aware of problems of language and representation, they have
paid surprisingly little attention to a problem one might call
representing—or remembering, or memorializing—the
Holocaust in translation” (1996, 640). Almost a decade later,
and that much needed critical attention is beginning to emerge
in revelatory studies, underpinned by comparative textual and
cultural analyses across a range of language pairs and genres.
Of particular note is the work of Jean Boase-Beier who
approaches the poetry of Paul Celan from the dual and ethically
engaged position of researcher and translator; she argues (2014)
that reading a Holocaust poem for translation entails a more
penetrating, exacting encounter with the silences, ambiguities,
and tensions of the original and maintains (2011) that these
potent features must be retained in the translation where they
might be perceived and interpreted by the new reader.
Conversely, Peter Davies adopts a decisively descriptive
approach to the translations of Borowski (2008), Wiesel (2011),
and Höß (2014) to frame textual and paratextual decisions in
terms of the status and function of Holocaust testimony in the
target culture, and in reference to target language reader
expectations. A recent special edition of Translation and
Literature (2014) on “Holocaust Testimony and Translation,”
edited by Davies, further signals the upsurge in interest in
questions of how, why and to what effect Holocaust writing
travels in translation. In addition to Boase-Beier’s (2014) work
mentioned above, specific cases in point are Sue Vice’s (2014)
examination of how reading false Holocaust testimonies in
translation can lay bare their constructedness, as well as Angela
Kershaw’s (2014) exploration of how translation can restrict and
release the complex network of intertextual references in French
Holocaust fiction. Also of interest is Kershaw’s (2013) detailed
examination on how translated Holocaust fiction is marketed
and received within Britain’s literary landscape. More broadly,
Bella Brodzki (2007) understands translation as a trope for the
textual reconstruction and transmission of memory, dedicating a
chapter of Can These Bones Live to the connections between
memorializing, mourning, and translation in the writing of Jorge
Semprùn.
These studies unarguably serve to provide a more
detailed and nuanced picture of the various ways in which
translation functions as a mode of reinscribing and imparting
Holocaust memory. In turn, this article endeavors to illustrate
the strategies on which the mediation and reception of the two
translated French testimonies are premised, supplementing thus
the existing body of work in an empirical sense and proposing
the figure of the secondary witness as a framework for better
understanding the responsibility of the translator of first hand
Holocaust accounts.
Secondary witnessing in translation
The notion of secondary witnessing can be traced back to the
establishment of the Fortunoff Video Archive for Holocaust
Testimonies for which over 4,400 eye-witness accounts were
recorded on videotape. One of the co-founders of the project,
psychoanalyst Dori Laub, has reflected critically on his role as
an interviewer, or “the immediate receiver of these testimonies”
(1991, 76). He frames his position in relation to the survivor as
“a companion on the eerie journey of the testimony. As an
interviewer, I am present as someone who actually participates
in the reliving and reexperiencing of the event” (1991, 76). Such
companionship and participation is a decisive factor in the very
elicitation of the testimony; the interviewer bears witness to the
witness and, in so doing, becomes an auxiliary to the telling of
the story, a secondary witness. Accordingly, an ethical onus is
placed on the secondary witness; as Thomas Trezise puts it:
The general lesson Laub draws from his intervention is that the listener
actively contributes, for better or for worse, to the construction of
testimonial narrative, that the receiving is analogous to the giving of
testimony insofar as it involves a process of selection and omission,
attention and inattention, highlighting and overshadowing, for which the
listener remains responsible. (2013, 19)
The translator of the Holocaust testimony can likewise be
placed in this position of receiving and responsibility. Although
the dialogic immediacy that characterizes the relationship
between the survivor–witness and interviewer–secondary
witness on tape is, in many cases, no longer tenable in the
context of translation,5 it is nevertheless the case that the
translator is a present and operative force in the bringing forth
of the testimony in another language, as well as in its journey to
another time and place. It is the translator who first participates
in shaping the contours of the account, and only then can its
content be repackaged and transmitted to a subsequent, broader
audience in the target culture.
The role of any secondary witness is a demanding and a
complex one which entreats the listener to hear affectively and
exactingly: “The listener has to feel the victim’s victories,
defeats and silences, know them from within, so that they can
assume the form of testimony” (Laub 1992, 58). At the same
time, the secondary witness is called to be mindful of this
attempt to feel and know the survivor, so as to preclude any
collapse of the distinction between the two subject positions.
Hartman expresses the dilemma of the secondary (or what he
terms ‘intellectual’) witness as follows: “Every identification
approaches over-identification and leads to a personifying and
then appropriation of the identity of others. The distance
between the self and other is violated and the possibility of
5 The retranslation of Wiesel’s La nuit by his wife in 2006 is a rare example of proximity
between survivor and translator.
intellectual witness aborted” (1998, 4). In order to avert such a
failure, secondary witnessing must be predicated instead on the
core value of empathy, an empathy which pertains in all
contexts of the act. In the case of the historian as secondary
witness, Dominick LaCapra insists on an ethically desirable
form of empathy that “involves not full identification but what
might be termed empathic unsettlement in the face of traumatic
limit events” (2001, 102). Likewise, memory studies scholars
Marianne Hirsch and Leo Spitzer contend that the secondary
witness “must allow the testimony to move, haunt and endanger
her; she must allow it to inhabit her, without appropriating or
owning it” (2010, 402). As I have argued elsewhere (Deane-Cox
2013), this empathic mode of bearing witness to the witness
must also extend to the context of translation. However, the risk
of crossing the threshold from empathy into over-identification
is stronger here still given the appropriative thrust of translation
and the subjective filter of the translator who may “feed [their]
own beliefs, knowledge, attitudes and so on into [their]
processing of texts, so that any translation will, to some extent,
reflect the translator’s own mental and cultural outlook” (Hatim
and Mason 1990, 11). If the translator of the Holocaust
testimony is to serve as a secondary witness, as “the blank
screen on which the event comes to be inscribed for the first
time” (Laub 1992, 57), here in a new linguistic, cultural and
temporal setting, then he or she must strive to engage
empathically with that telling and to respect the distance that
separates him or herself from the survivor. Otherwise, the testi-
mony is at danger of being overwritten by the assumptions and
the excesses (hearing too much) or insufficiencies (hearing too
little or inaccurately) of the translator, at which point the
testimony will cease to function as such.
However, participation in the communicative exchange
is not restricted to the witness and the secondary witness alone,
for the account that emerges from this encounter can also be
heard by additional audiences and used to different ends.
Although Laub does not address this point explicitly in his
work, Trezise sees there a “suggest[ion] that the reception of the
Holocaust survivor testimony requires not only attending to the
voices of witnesses while remaining aware of one’s own, but
also attending, with equal self-awareness, to the voices of other
listeners” (2013, 9). And within the paradigm of the translator as
secondary witness, those other listeners are the translation
readers as well as other interested parties such as literary agents,
publishers and editors, their presence and needs positioning the
translator, once again, in that familiar continuum bounded by
source and target concerns. Or, as Francis Jones writes, “the call
to the primary other (the source-writer or source-culture) must
be tempered by a constant awareness of ‘the other other’”
(2004, 723). Referring here to his experiences of translating
literary texts against the backdrop of the Yugoslav wars in the
1990s, Jones clearly foregrounds the dual obligation of the
translator whose loyalty towards the source text writer is in
ever-present negotiation with the differentiated social, ethical,
ideological, aesthetic, economic etc. goals of these “other
others.”
In this respect, the loyalty of the translator as secondary
witness can never be wholly and exclusively be ascribed to the
Holocaust survivor; there are no unique circumstances which
might allow the translator of any published target text to stand
outside the communicative context in which he or she operates.
Such a position is doubtless implausible. But the impossibility
of absolute loyalty does not exclude the very real possibility of
privileging the original survivor’s account, of listening
attentively despite, or even in the face of, the demands of other
parties. For the translator is never an impartial mediator,
situated squarely between source and target values; to think
otherwise, according to Maria Tymozcko, leads to “the
evisceration of the agency of the translator as a committed,
engaged and responsible figure” (2007, 7). Indeed, the translator
as secondary witness who purposely decides that their first and
foremost obligation is to the survivor becomes the very
embodiment of a translator as an ethically motivated agent.
At the same time, this agency functions to dispel the
similarly restrictive idea that translators are irrevocably
beholden to the norms and expectations of the target culture. Of
course, there may be implications for translation decisions that
fall outside of established conventions and values; non-
publication, censorship and poor sales are amongst the most
obvious. But there is also a danger in overemphasizing the
influence exerted by the target culture norms in the translation
process. Siobhan Brownlie (2007, 155–157) has argued that
adopting a broad normative approach has its blind spots since
the specific motivations behind the decision to translate can
vary from one text to the next, translation strategies may
fluctuate within a given text, and there is often no neat
concurrence between distinct norms and distinct time periods
given the potential of norms to coexist, reappear or be
challenged at any moment. In other words, the engaged
translator will necessarily take the wider cultural context into
consideration, but will proceed in accordance with their own
agenda, be that in line with or in opposition to supposed
prevailing norms.
In her work Disappearing Traces: Holocaust Testimo-
nials, Ethics and Aesthetics, Dorota Glowacka (2012) also
gestures towards translation as an ethically charged act of
bearing witness, where translation is understood to function on
various levels in Holocaust testimonial writing: the original
witness translates the self from past to present and often across
multilingual contexts, while subsequent interlingual translations
are framed in Levinasian terms as “a response to the summons
from another language, the language of the other” (2012, 94).
Glowacka also proceeds from the premise that the events of the
Holocaust exist in the realm of the unspeakable, so that any act
of witnessing will be suffused with communicative loss.
Nevertheless, Walter Benjamin’s concept of “pure language” is
proposed as restorative mode of telling; specifically, Glowacka
suggests that the call of the other can be answered across
Babelian disunities of language by means of translation that
initiates “linguistic complementation” (Benjamin 2000, 21),
namely the blending and synthesis of source and target
languages that culminates in pure language. For Glowacka, a
translation that responds ethically to the other is one that draws
on multiple linguistic repertoires in order to transmit and ensure
the survival of the testimony; only then can it transcend the
limitations of the monolingual utterance.
However, while this view of translation certainly calls
attention to the responsibility of the interlingual translator in the
witnessing process, numerous tensions arise if pure language is
pressed into the service of concrete textual communication.
First, the concept of pure language is an abstract one whose end
goal is the elevation of language itself to an always distant point
where language “no longer means or expresses anything but is
[…] that which is meant in all languages” (Benjamin 2000, 22).
It is a matter of form alone, and its realization through
translation “ultimately serves the purpose of expressing the
innermost relationship of languages to one another” (2000, 17).
Conversely, the translation of content is considered by
Benjamin to be a redundant task: “any translation which intends
to perform a transmitting function cannot transmit anything but
information—hence, something inessential” (2000, 15). On the
one hand, this conceptualization fits with discourses of
unspeakability and trauma—the very act of telling, the manner
in which it is told, is more important than what is told. But on
the other, it is difficult to reconcile this stance with the demands
of secondary witnessing: how will the referential function of a
testimony endure if the task of the translator is to invariably
defer meanings? And how will the relationship between the
original and secondary witness be sustained if precedence is
given to the relationship between languages? James E. Young
cautions against an exclusive emphasis on poetics in Holocaust
narratives: “By seeming to emphasize the ways we know the
Holocaust to the apparent exclusion of the realities themselves,
critics threaten to make the mere form of study their content as
well” (1988, 3). This warning is particularly pertinent in the
context of pure language which would seem to offer all but a
restricted, abstruse mode of secondary witnessing; a mode that
neglects the facts (as understood by the survivors) of existence
and suffering, and one that certainly eschews over-identifi-
cation, but does so by promoting the linguistic over and above
the human.
When we move from the abstract to the concrete to
consider Benjamin’s proposal of literal translation strategies as a
means of approaching pure language, obstacles to secondary
witnessing are still discernible. According to Glowacka,
Benjamin’s literalness will instigate a process whereby “native
words are transformed from an inscription of belonging into the
mark of strangeness” (2012, 99), and the translated testimony
reader is forcefully confronted with and called to respond to the
(multi)linguistic and experiential alterity of the other. The claim
that translation, as a signal of difference, “can potentially stand
guard against linguistic ethnonationalism, remaining vigilant
against the sedimentation of words into tools of oppression,
exclusion and discrimination” (2012, 99) strongly echoes
Lawrence Venuti’s claim that foreignization “can be a form of
resistance against ethnocentrism and racism, cultural narcissism
and imperialism” (1995, 20). But, although foreignizing
translation can be revelatory and responsive to the needs of the
other, it can also conceal under the weight of its impenetrability:
as Tymoczko questions, “how do we distinguish resistant
translations from translations that are unreadable?” (2000, 37).
The danger here is that the reader finds nothing on which to
hinge their reading and response, thereby rendering translation
if not ineffectual as a mode of address, then at least diminished
in what Glowacka regards as its “potential to create
communities of speakers” (2012, 101). So, while Glowacka is
right to insist on the ethical responsibility of the translator to
preserve and transmit survivor testimonies, neither pure
language nor its textualization as literal translation are perhaps
the most enduring bridges across the divide between the other
and the other other.
Instead, the translator who serves as an ethically
committed secondary witness is one who listens astutely and
empathically to the survivor’s story, giving primacy to its
preservation and not to any lofty ideas of pure language or the
assumed demands of a target culture, all the while aware that
some concessions must be made in the name of accessibility.
Admittedly, though, discussions of the secondary witness have
predominantly remained notional and detached from empirical
practice. The following case studies will therefore direct
attention towards more applied considerations of secondary
witnessing in order to explore the implications of actual textual
translation decisions, while also attempting to discern the extent
to which pressure has been exerted by external factors.
Given the ethical dimension of secondary witnessing, the
comparisons between source and target testimonies will be
openly evaluative. In this sense, my analytical stance is informed
by Phil Goodwin who has challenged the displacement of ethical
questions in translation by technical labels such as “free” or
“literal,” “foreignizing” or “domesticating”; one of his aims is “to
remind us that translation always takes place within a human
context” (2010, 23) and, consequently, that it is “almost wilfully
absurd to view the translation question in these circumstances as
a purely technical one” (2010, 24). By consciously moving
beyond the realm of objective description, the question of
translation as secondary witnessing can thus be fully
foregrounded as an ethical one. The stakes are high; the
translator has a clear responsibility towards the Holocaust
survivor, and, whether they have a conscious awareness of this
obligation or not, the ways in which the translator (dis)continues
the original act of witnessing merit a critical and a vigilant
approach.
Humbert and Maurel: translated experiences
How have the translators of Humbert and Maurel engaged with
the survivors’ stories and how have their translation decisions
impacted on the process of secondary witnessing? Before
turning to the analysis itself, it is worth briefly underscoring a
basic premise of this study, namely that, although written
accounts of the Holocaust may have been borne of an onerous
struggle with language, such accounts should not be placed
under the sign of the ineffable. This is not to deny the extremity
of the events, but rather to acknowledge the efforts that
witnesses have made to put their lived experiences into words.
Accordingly, both content and form are fundamental to the
transmission of survivor memory; neither can be omitted from
the analytical approach. First, while there may be some slippage
between lived experiences and their verbal representations, this
should not undermine the potential of words to tell or to record.
As Pascaline Lefort argues, “the existence of testimonies shows
that the camp survivors [. . .] have successfully dealt with the
unspeakable, moved beyond its limitations” (2012, 585, my
translation), while Zoë Waxman likewise affirms that
“[l]anguage may not be adequate to convey the horrors of the
Holocaust, but this does not mean that nothing can be said”
(2006, 175). In short, saying something is understood as the
counterpoint to ineffability. Secondly, the form of that saying is
also central to renouncing silence. Although Young’s (1988, 3)
previously discussed warning against an exclusive focus on
form is to be heeded, it would be equally restrictive to dismiss
the revelatory function of poetics in Holocaust accounts, since,
as Margaret-Anne Hutton contends, “such literary and rhetorical
traits can be seen to function as aids to communication” (2005,
69). So, if the form and content of words have been
simultaneously charged with the task of communication by the
original witness, then the secondary witness is compelled to
uphold and preserve those referential and aesthetic dimensions.
The examples below will thus consider how and to what effect
the translators have responded to the communicative efforts of
Humbert and Maurel.
On irony
One of the most striking narrative features of the testimonies of
both Maurel and Humbert is the way in which they draw on
irony, verging on dark humor, in order to record their physical
experiences and to signal their resistant stances in the face of
such suffering. Referring to its use in Holocaust testimonies,
Hutton has noted that “irony, as a non-literal mode, requires the
reader to decode the unspoken message. When and if these
conditions are met, a powerful bond based on what remains
unsaid is created, and communication is intensified” (2005, 84).
But for the reader of the translated testimony, this potential
bond already hinges on an act of decoding, or hearing the
unsaid, as carried out by the translator. Critically, if the
translator does not pay sufficient heed to irony, then the voice of
the survivor and the adverse conditions of which they speak risk
being submerged in translation, which would mark a collapse of
secondary witnessing.
Maurel’s account is, from time to time, accentuated by
litotic observations that are caustically delivered in a single
sentence. Indeed, a good number of these have been heard and
reinscribed in the English versions by her translator, Summers.
Accordingly, where Maurel downplays her brutal treatment at
the hands of the guards by remarking that “Il est apparu très vite
que j’avais une tête à claques” (1957, 49), this sardonic tone is
preserved in the translation as “It soon became apparent that my
head invited blows” (1958, 39). And where Maurel declares that
“C’est à cause de [Frau Schuppe] en grande partie que les
Françaises mouraient si bien” (1957, 87), the mordant inflection
is paralleled in English, where the reader learns that “It was
mainly because of her that the French were dying in such
satisfactory numbers” (1958, 71). By preserving Maurel’s irony,
Summers offers the translation readers an insight into both the
daily threat of punishment and death in the camps, as well as the
survivor’s defiance in the face of such hardship.
But certain restrictions seem to have been placed on the
transfer of irony that is self-deprecating or particularly sensitive.
In the first instance, Maurel, reflecting on her physical and
emotional dishevelment, comments that “Nous devions être si
ridicules à voir [We must have been such a ridiculous sight]”
(1957, 81–82);6 in contrast, the translation lessens the derision
in its more neutral estimation that “we must have presented an
incongruous sight” (1958, 66). Secondly, Maurel is scathing in
her critique of the unthinking way in which people responded to
her return to France. The question most frequently posed to the
survivor was whether she had been raped, leading her to react as
follows: “Finalement, je regrettais d’avoir évité cela. J’avais
manqué par ma faute une partie de l’aventure, et cela décevait le
public. Heureusement que je pouvais au moins raconter le viol
des autres [I came to regret having avoided that. Through fault
of my own, I had missed out on a part of the adventure, and that
disappointed the public. Fortunately, I could at least tell them
about the rape of others]” (1957, 185). Although Summers
retains the ironic sense of regret expressed by Maurel, a few
telling attenuations of the full force of the irony occur in the
translation. The survivor’s wry self-blame is first limited by the
shift from the original active construction of “having avoided”
rape to a much more passive state in which she “regretted
having been spared this” (1958, 154, italics mine). Secondly, a
tentative adverb is added to the passage: “Seemingly, by my
own fault, I had missed one part of the adventure” (1958, 154,
italics mine) which detracts once again from the sardonic notion
that she is guilty by deliberate omission. In addition, the
discordantly positive “Fortunately” of the original is replaced by
a concessive adverb in the statement that “However, I could at
least tell them of the rape of others” (1958, 154), which has the
potential to be read in a more straightforward manner.
6 All back translations in square brackets are mine and they serve two purposes: as normal, they
allow non-French speaking readers access to the original, but they also demonstrate that a more
attentive translation is possible.
Perhaps these changes were motivated by a sense of
probity on the part of the translator, but this lessening of
Maurel’s irony effectively dampens a form of communication
that the survivor relied on as both a means of communicating
and of coping. Indeed, the cumulative effect of this strategy can
be read in the Kirkus Review which describes the translation in
the following terms: “More as a reminder, than as recrimination,
this sensitive and softspoken memoir patterns the days spent
over a period of two years in the concentration camp of
Neubrandenburg” (n.d.). But the original is scathing, bold,
outspoken. The review thus points to the potential of translation
to fundamentally alter the tone of a given testimony.
The piercing use of irony comes even further to the fore
in Humbert’s writing, extending over entire passages. By way of
illustration, Humbert describes the harmful and humiliating
effects of working with acid in the rayon factory as follows:
J’ai passé l’âge des costumes genre Folies-Bergère. L’acide brûle
naturellement non pas seulement notre peau, mais il brûle aussi le tissu de
notre uniforme. Chaque goutte fait un trou… plusieurs petits trous réunis en
font un grand. […] Je fais voir à la gardienne que j’ai maintenant le sein
gauche à l’air… elle a refusé de me faire donner une autre chemise, refusé
une aiguillée de fil, refusé une épingle, il faudra que je travaille le sein à
l’air ! [I’m past the age of wearing Folies-Bergère style costumes. Of
course, the acid doesn’t just burn our skin, it burns the fabric of our uniform
too. Each drop makes a hole… several small holes join up and make a large
one. […] I let the female guard see that my left breast is hanging out now…
she has refused to let me have another shirt, refused a needle and thread,
refused a pin, I’ll just have to work with my breast hanging out!] (1946,
217)
Although the translation starts off by capturing Humbert’s glib
tone in the statement that “I really do believe I am too old for
this Folies-Bergère lark” (2008, 161), the remainder of the
episode is conveyed in a more dispassionate manner which
conceals the original flippancy:
The acid burns holes not only in our skin, but also, naturally, in our
uniforms. Every drop makes a hole, and the little holes join up to make big
holes. […] I have shown the wardress how my left breast is now on view.
She has refused to let me have a new shirt, a needle and thread, or a pin,
declaring that I’ll just have to work as I am. (2008, 161)
The comparative reduction in irony stems first from the shift in
register from the irreverent allusion to “le sein à l’air,” her
breast hanging out, to the more factual statement that “my left
breast is now on view.” Mellor’s translation also neglects to
repeat the phrase at the end of the passage and to retain the
exclamation mark, thereby eliding the dry humor and self-
ridicule of the original interjection. Another significant
alteration comes at the same point in the translation with the
introduction of reported speech as signaled by the verb
“declaring.” So, whereas the free indirect speech of the original
echoes Humbert’s attempt to make light of her deplorable work
conditions, the translation effectively takes the words from the
survivor’s mouth and reattributes them to the female guard. This
is a move that strips Humbert’s words of the power to resist her
inhumane treatment at the hands of the one who now speaks in
her place.
Also suppressed in this passage is Humbert’s use of
aposiopesis whereby the unfinished sentences silently, but
deliberately, communicate the frustrating impossibility of her
situation. The translation reader is thus no longer called on to
sense the futility that lies in these discontinuities, which in turn
detracts from Humbert’s ironic treatment of the scene. In point
of fact, the use of irony is diminished elsewhere in the
translation through the reduction in or omission of exclamation
points and ellipsis; such is the case, for example, in Humbert’s
account of an underwear inspection (1946, 180; 2008, 130) and
the shared drinking bowl (1946, 184-5; 2008, 134).
The examples above reveal that, in some instances at
least, the irony of both Maurel and Humbert has been palpably
conveyed to the translation reader. At the same time, however,
where the tone of that irony is neutralized, misappropriated, or
its typographic markers discarded, the reader will be left with
less immediate and identifiable clues on which to base their
interpretation. If the irony should cease to function as such, then
the critical and unyielding voice of the survivor is also
submerged by and in translation, marking thus a collapse of
secondary witnessing.
On narrative time
Lawrence Langer draws a fundamental distinction between the
linear movement of “chronological time” and the more oblique
dynamics of “durational time” in Holocaust testimonies, where
the latter “relentlessly stalks the memory of the witness,
imprinting there moments immune to the ebb and flow of
chronological time” (1995, 22). This durational past does make
its haunting presence felt in the accounts of Maurel and
Humbert, albeit in different ways, with both survivors slipping
between and across temporal perspectives in their shifting use of
tense. The translator as secondary witness is then called on to
listen attentively to the subtleties and significances of how the
past is retold in the present of the survivor.
The passage in which Maurel recounts her arrival and
processing at Ravensbrück is a revelatory example of how tense
and aspect can serve to unsettle the narrative and point towards
the abiding anguish of the survivor. It opens with alternating
moves between narration in an imperfect tense that intimates the
horrifyingly unending nature of the ordeal for the survivor and
the use of the infinitive, an impersonal and timeless form that
reverberates with the inhumanity and ubiquity of the guards’
orders. This sequence is followed by a sudden shift to the
present tense, heavy with the weight of inescapable immediacy
and dread, while the subsequent use of the perfect tense situates
the survivor in the close aftermath of the event to convey a
transitory moment of reprieve:
Les choses se passaient vite derrière les portes. Déposer les valises, se
déshabiller en vitesse; on vous arrachait les vêtements à mesure. Se
coucher sur une table, où une femme vous maintenait pendant qu’une autre
explorait du doigt tous vous orifices naturels. S’asseoir sur un tabouret
pour être tondue. Une main fourrage dans mes cheveux. Je n’ai pas été
tondue cette fois. [Things were happening quickly behind the doors. Put
down the suitcases, quickly get undressed; your clothes were being
snatched away as you went along. Lie on a table where a women was
holding you down while another was exploring all your natural orifices
with a finger. Sit on a stool to be shorn. A hand rummages through my
hair. I have not been shorn this time.] (Maurel 1957: 18, emphasis mine)
The translated narrative undergoes an aspectual reframe-
ing that obscures the inescapable, interminable and durational
thrust of the time to which these temporal manoeuvres attest in
the original. Maurel’s arrival at the camp has been wholly recast
by the translator in a simple past that dissembles the difficult
relationship between the survivor and the lived experience:
Things happened fast behind those doors: a moment to set the bags down, to
undress quickly, hastened on by hands that reached out to tear the clothing off;
a moment to lie on a table, where one woman held us down while another
passed an exploring finger into all our natural orifices; a moment to sit on a
stool to have our hair cut off. A hand rumpled my hair, but on this occasion I
was not shorn. (1958, 13, emphasis mine)
The elision of the present tense marks, above all, a breach of
attentiveness on the part of the translator as it fails to herald
what Oren Stier has termed “the palpable presence of the past
[…] [that] disrupts the space-time of the survivor” (2003, 87).
But the use of the imperfect tense has also been passed over in
the translation, leaving little indication that Maurel found
herself suspended in the dreadful moments she described, while
the replacement of the infinitive imperatives with the temporal
phrase “a moment to” further masks the threatening persistence
of the guards’ orders. Although objective details about Maurel’s
arrival at the camp remain, the translation reader can no longer
discern the more subjective painful blurring of temporal
boundaries enacted by the survivor, and the appropriation of the
narrative flow into one of chronological time therefore blunts
the act of secondary witnessing.
The use of the present tense in Holocaust writing is
widely held to be a narrative marker of trauma. As Anne
Whitehead explains, “This method of narration emphasizes the
traumatic nature of the memories described, which are not so
much remembered as re-experienced or relived” (2004, 35).
However, an altogether different dynamic emerges from the
writing of Humbert; her account begins with the diary entries
made in the months prior to her arrest, and her ensuing
experiences of imprisonment and deportation are also recounted
in this immediate narrative style of the diarist. In his afterword
to Mellor’s translation, Julien Blanc writes that Humbert “was
consistent in using the present tense throughout” (2008: 275),
but this statement is only partly true. On the one hand, the use of
the present tense is undeniably frequent, signalling less the
steely grip of durational time on the survivor, and more her own
lucid control over chronological time. On the other hand,
though, Humbert’s work does bear the traces of tense switching,
from this dominant use of the present tense that speaks of
resistance and strength to a sparing, but nevertheless
compelling, use of the past tense that speaks too, in its own way,
of defiance and escape.
The following example is telling in its understated shift
from the immediacy of the present to the completedness of the
perfect tense, transitioning through free indirect speech back to
the present in an episode that details the survivor’s increased
suffering due to acid burns and her descent into the confines of
the cellar where prisoners supposedly had the opportunity to
convalesce. Humbert writes:
Mes mains me font autant souffrir que les yeux ; j’ai connu, car j’étais seule à
la cave, la signification de cette locution, « se taper la tête contre le mur » ;
oui, j’ai tapé ma tête contre le mur, et puis je me suis reprise. [. . .] Pour mes
mains, il faudrait des pansements humides, oui, mais il n’y avait pas d’eau…
Alors, essayons autre chose. J’urine sur mes malheureuses mains, les chiffons
qui me servent de pansements sont imprégnés de pipi… [My hands are
making me suffer as much as my eyes; because I was alone in the cellar I’ve
known the meaning of this saying, ‘to bang your head against the wall’; yes,
I’ve banged my head against the wall, and then I’ve pulled myself together
again. […] For my hands, some damp bandages would be needed, yes, but
there was no water… So, let’s try something else. I urinate on my pitiful
hands, the rags that serve me as bandages are soaked in pee. . .] (1946, 252,
emphasis mine)
Here, the slippage into the use of the past perfect tense might be
read as an attempt on the part of the survivor to contain her most
unnerving memory of the event, marking it off as one
concluded, isolated incident before she finds the determination
once more to take charge of her situation. If durational time is
indeed pursuing Humbert, she turns its trap on itself to restrict
and defy its reach, distancing herself temporally and
emotionally from this horrific moment. The return to the present
tense indicates thus a return to resistance, a return that is further
paralleled in Humbert’s flippant lexical choice and the dry
humor of her ellipsis.
These fleeting, yet important, variations in narrative
time are indiscernible in the translation, where the episode is
retold consistently in the present tense:
My hands are as agonizing as my eyes; finding myself alone in the cellar, I
understand the true significance of the phrase “banging your head against a
brick wall.” Yes, I bang my head against the wall. Then I pull myself
together. […] What I need for my hands is damp dressings, but there is no
water. So let’s try something else. I urinate on my wretched hands, soaking
the rags that serve as dressings. (2008, 190, emphasis mine).
The translator does not appear to have heard the undertones of
defiance in Humbert’s singular step into the past; or, this move
may have been ignored in a misled endeavor to unify the
temporal aspect of the narrative. The result stands as a warning
against the potential dangers of inattention and appropriation in
secondary witnessing; the lack of aspectual contrast mitigates
the force of Humbert’s renewed refusal to give up, while the
omission of the ellipsis and self-deprecating tone once again
hides the survivor’s tenacity in the face of suffering.
On language
For many prisoners, experience of the Nazi camps was also
marked by a confrontation with and assimilation of the language
of their German oppressors, but also the Polish, Yiddish,
Hebrew, Russian, to name but the predominant tongues, of their
fellow prisoners. The result of this linguistic conflation was the
emergence of a “Lagersprache,” a vernacular particular to the
camps that was necessary for communication between the
prisoners themselves, as well as between the guards and the
prisoners. In her testimony, Humbert remarks that, rather than
speak fluent German, “Je ne parle que ce charabia international,
cet espéranto étrange que vingt million de déportés ont dû
apprendre [I speak only this international gobbledygook, this
strange esperanto that twenty million deportess have had to
learn]” (1946, 296). Her narrative is interspersed with individual
German words that resounded throughout her internment and
served to shape her experience. Mellor retains, in large part, the
echo of these discordant and often terrifying lexical items; by
way of illustration, the English language reader is introduced to
the concept of the “kommando” (2008, 115), to the “little
coshes, known here as ‘gummi Knüppel’” (2008, 128, italics in
the original), to the “Spinnerei, or rayon mill” (2008, 147, italics
in the original) and to the markings, “G=Gefangene: convict”
(2008, 148, italics in the original) on the prisoners’ work
uniforms. Nevertheless, there are a few occasions on which the
lexical specificity of the camps is subsumed into standard
modes of expression by Mellor. First, Humbert’s observation
that the food in the Ziegenhain prison is “acceptable, mais knap
[sic]” (1946, 286, italics in the original), is simply remediated as
“tolerable but scarce” (2008, 219), without any attempt to retain
the German term. Consequently, the translation silences the
linguistic hybridity and alterity of Humbert’s “strange
Esperanto,” while simultaneously obscuring the misspelling
(German: knapp) which attests to the survivor’s adequate but
imperfect use of a German idiom, undoubtedly acquired as a
result of constant food privations.
In addition, the prisoners would often create new turns
of phrase, or rework existing ones, to convey the extreme
conditions of their existence. Such is the case when Humbert
and her fellow inmates adapt an idiom to capture the caustic
effects of working in the rayon factory: “Selon notre expression
« mes yeux coulaient dans ma bouche »” [According to our
expression, “my eyes were running in my mouth”] (1946, 245).
The translation omits reference to the singularity of the
expression and also undoes its distinctiveness, reverting instead
to the recognizable idiom of “eyes streaming” (2008, 184). The
reader is at once disallowed access to the extent of the suffering
and the process of linguistic inventiveness that characterized life
in the camps.
Language too plays a prominent role in the testimony of
Maurel which bears the traces of the German, Polish and
Russian with which she came into contact. Summers’ transla-
tion, in turn, demonstrates a keen sensitivity to these markers of
otherness, preserving a vast array of German orders (Raus!;
Schnell!; Aufstehen!), insults (Schweinehund; Schmutzstück),
and the nomenclature that designates the reality of the camps
(Revier; Verfügbar; Strafstehen; Kretze). Snatches of Russian
and Polish are also to be heard in the translation, while verses of
French poetry and song are retained in their original form and
then followed by their interpretation in English. The
preservation strategy is an effective one, serving to provide a
distant reverberation of the Babelian disquiet that prevailed in
the camps. It is only on the rare occasion that the non-translation
is discontinued, that the real force of appropriation comes to the
fore. Notably, this occurs when the German command
“Achtung!” (1957, 50, italics in the original) is articulated in the
translation as “Atten-shun!” (1958, 40). Instead of a German
imperative, an order now rings out that suggests the diction of a
stereotypical British sergeant major in an act of appropriation
that closes the reader off from a distinguishing verbal feature of
the camps.
Of further linguistic significance is the process whereby
Maurel and her companions “Frenchify” some of the camp
vocabulary: “Nous avons transformé Kopftuch en « coiffe-
tout », Schüssel en « jusselle », Nachtschicht en « narchiste »,
Schmutzstück en « schmoustique ». Et les brutes en uniforme
qui nous surveillaient, les Aufseherinnen était pour nous les
« officerines »” [We transformed Kopftuch/headscarf into
“coiffe-tout,” Schüssel/bowl into “jusselle,” Nachtschicht/
nightshift into “narchiste,” Schmutzstück/piece of dirt into
“schmoustique.” And the brutes in uniform who guarded us, the
Aufseherinnen/female overseers were for us the “officerines”]
(1957, 15, italics in the original). This assimilation of German
words into a French pronunciation resonates with Reiter’s
reflection that “The highest priority for concentration camp
prisoners was to lessen the alien character of their experience.
They were helped in this if they could name new things with
their existing vocabulary and thus include them in the horizon of
the familiar” (2000, 99).
However, the significance of this use of language as
survival has been overlooked by Summers who, in her
translator’s preface, begins by explaining the etymology and
pronunciation of “coiffe-tout,” “schmoustique,” and
“officerine,” but then goes on to undermine the prevalence and
dismiss the importance of the remaining terms, claiming:
“Certain other words, like Schüssel, a bowl or basin,
pronounced jusselle by the French, Nachtschicht, nightshift,
which became narchiste, occur only once or twice in the French
text and have been omitted in this translation for simplicity’s
sake, though they might have added local colour” (1958, 10).
This approach to the survivor’s own appropriation of the
German words attests to a further act of appropriation on the
part of the translator, one that fails to heed the importance of the
re-naming process. For these words lend more than a touch of
“local colour” to the depiction of life in the camps; they
represent a strategy of survival and of resistance. Evidently,
Summers has made the decision to privilege simplicity over
complexity in order to facilitate a more fluid reading experience
in English. In so doing, though, Summers also closes the reader
off from the entangled linguistic landscape of the camps and
from Maurel’s coping mechanism amidst the unfamiliar. At this
point, the translation strategy stands as a barrier to secondary
witnessing.
On accuracy
Survivor testimonies are generally not held to be reliable
sources of fact given the reconstructive fallibility of memory
and the alleged representational failings of words. As Aleida
Assman has noted, “The survivors as witness do not, as a rule,
add to our knowledge of factual history; their testimonies have,
in fact, often proved inaccurate” (2006, 263). But this does not
preclude the possibility that, at any moment in the telling,
survivors can fully and precisely convey the kind of empirical,
objective information valued by historians.7 Although it may
reasonably be presumed that this latter type of information is
more readily discernible and less problematic for the translator
as secondary witness, the following example from Summers’
translation of Maurel’s testimony would suggest otherwise.
At the beginning of her account, Maurel records that:
Le convoi dont je faisais partie […] a été immatriculé à Ravensbrück sous
les numéros 22.000. J’étais le numéro 22.410. Au bout d’un mois de
quarantaine, le convoi des 22.000 a été envoyé à Neubrandebourg [The
convey I was part of […] had been registered in Ravensbrück in the
7 For a discussion of how historians have rejected personal testimony on the basis of its
supposed inaccuracies, see Laub 1992, 59–63.
22,000s. I was number 22,410. After a month in quarantine, the convoy of
the 22,000s was sent to Neubrandenburg]” (1957, 13).
As prisoners entered the concentration and work camps, they
were assigned a matriculation number; for Maurel’s particular
French convoy, registration began at the number 22,000 and her
own number was 22,410. However, it becomes clear that
Summers has misinterpreted this numerical information as in
the English version we read that the convoy was “registered and
given numbers. I was number 22,410. At the end of a month of
quarantine, the 22,000-odd were sent to Neubrandenburg”
(1958, 8, emphasis mine). Here, the number that assigns identity
to the group—that is, the “convoy of the 22,000s”—has been
misattributed by Summers to the size of the group. Nor is this
erroneous tally an isolated occurrence, for the translator then
reworks Maurel’s observations in Chapter Four in line with her
own reckonings. Consequently, where Maurel documents that
“En automne 1943 le camp de Neubrandebourg contenait
environ 2.000 femmes [In the autumn of 1943 the
Neubrandenburg camp contained around 2,000 women]” (1957,
38), that “le convoi des 22.000 était pourtant bien mélangé [the
convoy of the 20,000s was nevertheless well mixed]” in terms
of political and religious beliefs (ibid., 41) and that “nous étions
2.000 sur le terrain [there were 2,000 of us on the parade
ground]” (ibid., 46), Summers purports that “the camp at
Neubrandenburg contained approximately 22,000 women”
(1958, 30), the French “numbered 2,000” (ibid., 32) and the
camp was “22,000 strong on the parade ground” (ibid., 37).
Whether the reversal of the numbers stems from a misplaced
attempt on the part of the translator to “correct” an inferred
inaccuracy can itself only be surmised. But it does seem as
though Summers was not fully aware of the dehumanizing Nazi
practice of replacing prisoner names with numbers.
Nor does Summers appear to have an understanding of
the camp classification system of colored markings. Following
liberation, Maurel has her friend remake “mon numéro et mon
triangle rouge [my number and my red triangle]” (1957: 171) in
order to avoid being mistaken for a German; these items are
stripped of their specificity and their personal resonance for
Maurel in the translation as “a triangle and some numerals”
(1958: 143). The implications of such an inattentive treatment
of the serial numbers and statistics are such that, not only does
Summers obscure the imposed identity of the convoy, but the
capacity of the labor camp is also inflated well beyond its actual
dimensions. In line with Maurel, The United States Holocaust
Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos places
the number of female prisoners in Neubrandenburg at “almost
2,000 at the end of February 1944” (Strebel 2009, 1215); the
translation thus runs the risk of misinforming its readership, and
of giving ammunition to the Holocaust deniers who “are quick
to seize upon errors and inaccuracies in witness accounts”
(Hutton 2005, 33).
Regrettably, the errors and inaccuracies in this case are
all those of the translator; worse, they have made their way into
both reviews and scholarship, as a result of which the
misinformation becomes more broadly disseminated. In 1959,
the Catholic Herald printed a review of Ravensbrück in which it
is noted that at Neubrandenburg “some 22,000 women,
including 2,000 French, were engaged in munition works”
(1959, 3). The Kirkus Review similarly goes on to record that
“Neubrandenburg numbered some 22,000 women” (n.d.) on the
basis of the translation, while the entry for Maurel in The Jewish
Holocaust: An Annotated Guide to Books in English also states
that “Over 22,000 women were sent to Neubrandenburg during
the war” (1995, 192). Of even more significance is Rochelle G.
Saidel’s (2004) work, The Jewish Women of Ravensbrück
Concentration Camp. Drawing explicitly on the English
translation of Maurel’s account, Saidel challenges the statistics
of another scholar as follows: “Morrison cites Maurel that there
were two thousand women in the camp in late 1943, but she
wrote there were twenty-two thousand women,” and she then
refers the reader to An Ordinary Camp (the title under which the
US edition was published) “regarding this discrepancy” (ibid.,
250n. 12). Of course the unfortunate irony here is that the real
discrepancy is to be found in the translation, not the original. In
reference to Holocaust scholarship, Kuhiwczak notes that “large
quantities of primary source material have been translated into
English, and many conclusions have been drawn from texts read
only in translation” (2007, 62). The above is a clear example of
how translation can substantially (in both senses of the word)
alter this interpretation of the camps that is presented to the
translation receiver.
And yet, in the face of such distortion, it is also
important to bear in mind that translation has the potential to
retransmit the accuracy and precision with which life in the
camps has been reported in the original testimony. Such is the
case in Mellor’s translation of Humbert’s account; although the
survivor focuses less on the quantitative dimensions of the
various camps to which she is sent, there is sustained evidence
of a high degree of concordance between the details presented
by the primary and secondary witnesses. Take for example the
exactitude with which the classification system at Krefeld has
been explained in the translation: “The Russian girls have a
label sewn on their clothes, a little rectangle of blue material
with the word ‘Ost’ in white” while the Polish women wear a
“yellow lozenge with a dark-blue ‘P’” (2008, 132, italics in the
original). Similarly, the complex mechanical process Humbert
was forced to learn in the rayon factory has been recorded with
careful adherence to the original telling, to reveal the torturous
work of the spinner who, amongst other tasks, “grasps the
filament in her left hand and, holding it between her index and
middle fingers, takes it on to the glass wheel, follows it through
and pulls it towards the funnel slightly” (2008, 153). There does
appear to be one isolated instance in which Mellor has misheard
the dynamics of life in the camps. The bartering (and theft) of
commodities was widespread amongst prisoners, and Humbert
recounts that “Mon amie Martha […] me promet, contre deux
tartines, de me ravoir ma défroque [My friend Martha […]
promises, in return for two slices of bread, to get my old rag
back for me]” (1946, 204, italics mine). However, it would seem
that Mellor has heard “entre” as opposed to “contre,” and thus
reworks the situation into one where Martha “promises me
between two slices of bread that she will get my old rag back”
(2008, 150). Although evidence of the theft remains in the
translation, one of the common and vital practices that shaped
the (often and necessarily unscrupulous) relationship between
prisoners has been obscured on the basis of a prepositional slip.
Nevertheless, Mellor’s translation rigorously attends to the cruel
physical realities of the labor camps as experienced by Humbert,
thereby attesting to the re-presentational contingencies of
interlingual secondary witnessing.
Memory mediation in context
It goes without saying that the translator is not the only figure
involved in the transmission of the survivor’s account; when a
translation appears, its packaging and intended audience are all
shaped, to some degree, by context of production. By this token,
the readership (the “other others”) that the translator as
secondary witness reaches and their response to the testimony
will be in large part be determined by the publisher, and not
least by the ways in which the account is reframed by
paratextual material. Although it is difficult to reconstruct a
comprehensive account of all the editorial and contextual factors
that have influenced the translations of Summers and Mellor,
and therefore their reception, it is nevertheless possible to
retrace some of the wider sociocultural and economic backdrop
against which they appeared and offer some suggestions as to
how the process of secondary witnessing is affected under such
circumstances.
Despite the parallels between the original testimonies of
Humbert and Maurel in terms of referential content and style,
the moment of publication and the paratextual presentation of
the English translations differ widely. Whereas the translation of
Maurel’s account is separated from its source text by just one
year (i.e. 1957 to 1958), Humbert’s work does not appear in
English until some sixty years after its publication in France
(i.e. 1946 to 2008). This discrepancy may in part be explained
by the dynamics of both the source and target cultures, and in
particular by changes in the prevailing attitudes towards
survivor accounts.
To begin with Humbert’s Notre guerre, its appearance
in France in 1946 came at a moment when the literary field was
becoming (over-)saturated with testimonial writing from
recently returned deportees. According to Damien Mannarion,
the accounts which appear between 1944 and 1951 are not
simply motivated by a desire to tell: “in this period when [the
survivors] say “remember,” they are really addressing their
contemporaries and not future generations, […] they want to
denounce those responsible and see them condemned” (1998,
20, my translation). Given both the volume of published
accounts and the contextual immediacy of their goals
(acknowledgment of and justice for their sufferings), Humbert’s
source text may well have been rendered invisible to British
publishers or translators alike. Neither was there an expansive
audience for any such translation in the target audience at that
time. This is not to suggest that British readers were closed to
accounts from the Nazi camps; on the contrary, the problem, as
identified by David Cesarani, was one of a market flooded by
very raw, disturbing writing, as a consequence of which
readership began to dwindle: “Reading these memoirs and
testimonies it is easy to understand why, by the end of the
1940s, the public turned away” (2012, 20). And so source and
target conditions contrived to obscure Humbert’s work. But in
France, a recovery of her writing was instigated by the
publishing house Tallandier in 2004 when they issued a re-
edition of Notre guerre, thereby introducing the survivor to a
new, broader audience. The text’s journey was succinctly
described by Daniel Rondeau, a journalist for L’Express, as
follows: “out of sight for years, often quoted by historians, here
is Notre guerre once again” (2004, n.p.). However, there seems
to be no direct link between the appearance of the new French
edition and the introduction of Humbert to English readers in
translation, for this second recovery came about only when
Mellor happened across the original 1946 edition on French
ebay (Mellor, 2008, np.) and initiated the translation process
herself.
Likewise, the English version of Maurel’s Un camp très
ordinaire appeared as a direct result of the translator. In this
case, though, the link was of a more personal nature since
Summers and Maurel shared a mutual acquaintance. According
to a reviewer in The Vassar Chronicle:
Mrs. Margaret Summers of the French Department has just completed a
translation of AN ORDINARY CAMP by Micheline Maurel. […] Mrs.
Summers became interested in this factual account of the author’s life in a
German concentration camp through Mlle. Louisiene [Lucienne] Idoine,
formerly of the Vassar French Department. Mlle. Idoine met Mlle. Maurel,
the author of the original version at the German concentration camp of
Ravenbruck [sic]. […] Mrs. Summers decided to undertake the translation
of Mlle. Maurel’s book, for she wanted people to know about these German
camps. (1958, 3)
The relatively quick appearance of the target text can thus be
explained through the biographical circumstances of the
translator, as well as her desire to raise awareness of Nazi
atrocities. For even though the translation was published more
than a ten years after the liberation of the camps, Anglo-
American audiences would still not have been familiar then with
the full scale and horror of the events we now know as the
Holocaust.8 As Andy Pearce has argued, “We cannot speak of
‘Holocaust consciousness’ in the opening postwar decade or so
no simply because the substantive concept of ‘the Holocaust’
did not yet exist, but because […] there remained considerable
ignorance, ambiguity and variance” (2014, 12–13). Indeed, this
rather patchy understanding is likely to have extended to
Summers herself and may go some way to explaining some of
her more problematic translation decisions, especially the
treatment of the Lagersprache and matriculation numbers as
discussed above.
Events in the source culture may also have had a bearing
on the appearance of Summers’ translation, for the prominence
of Un camp très ordinaire was greatly enhanced by the
involvement of François Mauriac who helped to secure its
publication in 1957.9 Interest in survivor testimonies was on the
wane in France at this time, and Mauriac felt a duty to
remember “an abomination that the world has determined to
forgot” (1957, 9, my translation). His presence as a preface
writer inevitably lent weight and authority to the source text,
and so, while Summers may have shared Mauriac’s ideological
agenda, the additional symbolic and potential economic capital
generated by his name would also have been appealing to
Anglo-American publishers. Both Mellor and Summers then
played integral roles in bringing the testimonies of Humbert and
Maurel respectively to an English-speaking readership. But
target culture publishers also made an undeniable contribution
to this process of transmission, and a close examination of
8 The Eichmann trial is, at this point, still some years off. See Annette Wieviorka (2006) for a
discussion of how the trial came to be a global watershed moment in Holocaust witnessing.
9 A year later, Mauriac would also help to bring about the publication of Elie Wiesel’s La nuit.
editorial paratext can reveal some of their underlying
motivations and agendas.
What is instantly remarkable about Bloomsbury’s
publication of Humbert’s account is the use of a modified title.
Rather than adopt a literal translation of the original—that is,
“Our War: Diary of Resistance 1940–1945,” the publisher has
instead opted for Résistance: Memoirs of Occupied France. On
the one hand, this alteration can perhaps be explained by the
reticence, first, to retain a possessive marker that would jar in a
new cultural setting, and secondly, to present the work as a
diary when only parts of the work can be claimed as such. But
on the other hand, the revised title introduces some
misconstruals of its own; for the account is not restricted in
scope to Humbert’s time in an occupied France, but rather, the
greatest proportion of the work deals with her experiences as a
deportee. Indeed, this discrepancy has been noted by historian
Simon Kitson who remarks in his review of the translation that
“the English title is slightly misleading. Whilst the author’s
spirit of resistance is present throughout, almost two-thirds of
the book is set in Nazi Germany” (2008, n.p.). Furthermore, the
cover graphics which show two lovers on the banks of the
Seine, with a barbed-wire barricade in the foreground, also
accentuates an occupied Paris that figures only in the beginning
of the memoir. It may well be the case that cynical ploys of
marketing lie behind this repositioning of focus; it is perhaps no
coincidence that the cover image in many respects mirrors that
of Suite Française, the highly successful novel written by
Holocaust victim Irène Némirovsky and published in English
translation by Chatto and Windus in 2006. Likewise, the revised
subtitle, “Memoirs of Occupied France” also suggests a
thematic correlation with the latter. Rather than present the work
on its own terms, the publisher may have skewed its title in line
with market forces.
However, within the covers of the translation, the reader
is afforded an abundance of supporting editorial and allographic
paratextual material, including a preface by writer William
Boyd, photographic illustrations, an afterword by French
historian Julien Leblanc (who provided the introduction to the
French 2004 re-edition of the work), historical documents on the
Resistance movement, and a bibliography for further reading. In
contrast to, or perhaps as compensation for, the title of the work,
this material ensures that the interested reader has the
opportunity to arrive at a more informed understanding of
Humbert’s experiences, her character and her writing style.
The first UK edition of Maurel’s Un camp très ordinaire
was published in 1958 by Digit Books (an imprint of Brown
Watson publishers) under the tile Ravensbrück, leaving the
Catholic Herald reviewer unable to answer the “mystery why it
should have been misleadingly re-christened” (1959, 3). One
possible reason may be that Ravensbrück was becoming more
recognizable to Anglo-American readers as part of the Nazi
apparatus. For example, in 1954 Lord Russell published his
book The Scourge of the Swastika which “enjoyed immense
commercial success” (Pearce 2014, 16) and contained details of
Ravensbrück and sketches of the camp drawn by former inmate
Violette Lecoq, meaning that knowledge of its deadly function
was expanding. The book cover also makes the prominent claim
that the work is “As Real as THE DIARY of ANNE
FRANK…” (1958, emphasis in the original), thereby suggesting
that the publishers were tapping into an existing market demand
for Holocaust writing, especially given the bestselling success
of the latter’s translation in 1952.
But other factors suggest that interest in the work was
being generated not along the lines of understanding, but of
sensationalism. At the top of the cover is the quote from a
Sunday Times reviewer that this is “a coarse, savage book.”
Below this appears the bold and fallacious depiction of a
voluptuous, perfectly coiffed, red-lipped prisoner who bears
more than a passing resemblance to Vivian Leigh, gripping a
barbed-wire fence, and dressed in a well-tailored, low-cut khaki
dress. For Maurel’s work has found its way on to the list of a
publisher who caters for an audience that enjoys tales of
derring-do such as Jungle Pilot, Against the Gestapo and
Conscript. Interestingly, writer Ken Worpole recalls his own
experiences of Ravensbrück in his work on popular literature in
Britain, placing it on a list of nineteen WWII-related titles
(mostly written by men) that “were sold in millions and read in
even larger numbers” (1983, 50). The popularity of these books
appears to have been enormous, with Worpole claiming that
“they were the staple reading diet of myself and my school
peers, and the sales figures also suggest that they were the staple
reading diet of the adult male British reading public, and,
possibly, of a significant portion of the female reading public”
(1983, 50–51). But Worpole also sounds a strong note of
concern about the way in which the Digit Books edition has
been visually presented to its readers, defining it “as part of the
pornography of sadism” (1983, 64). There can be no doubt the
cover sets out to titillate, not educate; it sells a sexualized image
of the survivor, rather than depict the arduous, unrelenting
conditions of her captivity. Worse still is the US edition issued
by Belmont in 1958 whose cover page depicts a distressed, yet
appealing, blond behind whom stands a menacing SS figure,
whip in hand. The original title has also been eschewed in favor
of The Slave, while the cover carries an extract from Maurel’s
text (but wrongly attributed to Mauriac) that asks “Were you
raped? Were you beaten? Were you tortured?” and in so doing,
overtly fetishizes the testimony.
Unquestionably, these two publishers are extreme in
their misappropriation; other editions released in the US by
Simon and Schuster (1958) under the title An Ordinary Camp
and in the UK by Anthony Blond (1958) as Ravensbrück are
more muted in their cover design, opting instead for a plain
barbed-wire motif. Nevertheless, both Digit Books and Belmont
serve as an example of how publishers are positioned as initial
gatekeepers to the survivor’s story, attracting a particular type of
reader seeking action or cheap thrills. If Mauriac was troubled
about forgetting in the source culture in the 1950s, there are
parallel concerns to be raised in the target culture about the
dubious ways in which the Holocaust was being remembered
then.
The last issue to be addressed in reference to the
framing of the target texts is that of the translatorial paratext. 10
In Résistance, Mellor has provided a “Translator’s Acknowl-
edgements” section in which she thanks those who helped in the
process and alludes to her reasons for undertaking the
translation of the original: “Surely it deserved to be more widely
known? Surely it should be made available in an English
10I use this term as a means of supplementing Genette’s (1987) paradigm of authorial, editorial,
and allographic paratext in order to carve out a more visible and definite space for the translator.
See also Deane-Cox 2014, 27–29.
translation?” (2008, vi). There are also extensive “Translator’s
Notes” (2008, 325–357) at the back of the work which provide
detailed explanations of references in the text to people, places
and events. As discussed above, Summers also establishes her
presence around the text by means of the “Translator’s Note”
which focuses on the use of Lagersprache and Maurel’s
Frenchification of certain words (1958, 10–11). So, although the
translatorial paratext is a clear signal to the reader that they are
reading a text in translation, neither translator provides any
sustained or penetrating reflection on the challenges and
possibilities they may have confronted during their engagement
with the source text.
I would like to argue that the paratext offers a space in
which the translator can make explicit their role as secondary
witness, in contrast to the text itself where “the task of the
listener is to be unobtrusively present” (Laub 1992, 71).
Accordingly, the position of the translator as secondary witness
can be mapped once more on to that of the interviewer for the
Fortunoff project. Hartman observes that throughout the
recording process, “the interviewers are almost completely out
of sight [and] seem not to intrude into the testimony, even as
they continue to direct it” (Young 1988, 166). In the same way
as the interviewers are visible on the margins of the screen, so
too can the translator be visible on the margins of the text,
whether in a preface, in footnotes or any other form of
translatorial paratext. This peripheral material can thus function
as a record of how the translator has interacted with the original
witness, how they have elicited and facilitated the transmission
of a testimony from one setting to another, what obstacles they
might have encountered, and how they regard their own ethical
responsibility. Trezise has noted that, in the video testimonies,
“the audible and occasionally visible presence of the
interviewer(s) lends to the dialogical relation of witnessing a
concreteness far removed from what may seem, in written
testimony, to be only a disembodied interaction of pronouns”
(2013, 34). The translator as secondary witness can thus add a
concrete dimension to the transmission process by acknowl-
edging their own role as listener to and perpetuator of the
original act of witness. In so doing, the community of receivers
will be more informed, more alert to any potential barriers to
communication and more conscious of the survivor behind the
pronouns.
Conclusion: Remembering Forwards
Translation, as a mode of remembering forwards, is not an
unshakable one. Despite resisting a more perfidious and total
lapse of memory, the above inquiry has shown that translation
equally has the potential to distort, amongst other aspects, the
factual, linguistic and tonal qualities encoded in the original
telling, while paratextual material can also function as a site of
appropriation and transformation. The extent to which a
translator listens closely to the original telling may be the result
of numerous factors: over-identification with the survivor, the
onset of secondary trauma that leads to a distancing or a
numbing of the translator, or, more prosaically, the temporal and
editorial constraints imposed by publishers. In turn, the listening
realized by the translator has the capacity to shape the response
of the reader to the events of the past. In other words, the
manner in which the reader positions him or herself on an
ethical and epistemological level in relation to the Holocaust, as
well as to the specific struggles of the survivors, will hinge on
the strength and integrity of the bond established between the
original and secondary witness. It has also become evident that
the ties of that bond hold more securely in some parts of a
translation than in others; within the boundaries of a given text,
translation can serve either as an empathic re-telling or as a
trespass.
Granted, this article has given more space to what,
following Antoine Berman (2000), could be termed a “negative
analytic” of translation, the emphasis here being on the forces
that deform the survivor’s account. Peter Davies has warned
against such a focus on the negative in reference to Holocaust
translations, claiming that “What is missing from the discussion
of translation is a sense of the far-reaching achievement [of
translators]. If we move beyond melancholy reflections on loss,
we are able to shed a much fuller light on the role that
translation and translators have played” (2014, 166–167).
However, the reasoning behind my negative approach is
twofold. First, the wider empirical evidence that emerged from
my comparative analyses had a discouraging tendency to point
in this direction, particularly in the Summers translation; the
examples discussed above are a small, but representative sample
of this trend. Secondly, the study should in no way be
understood as a personal attack against the translators, but
rather, as a means of accentuating the very real transgressive
potential of translation as a form of secondary witnessing. By
flagging up the lapses in secondary witnessing in these texts and
underlining the translation strategies from which they stemmed,
it becomes possible to inform future Holocaust translation
practice and to prevent such breaks in transmission from
reoccurring elsewhere.
It may well be the case that the all-hearing, non-
appropriating figure of the secondary witness is an impossible
ideal, but this does not mean that it is not one worth striving for.
Speaking more broadly about the readers of Holocaust
narratives, Colin Davis points out that “the best we can do may
be to try to attend as honourably as possible to the traces of that
which remains foreign to us” (2011, 40). Similarly, Francis
Jones has proposed some basic guidelines for the translator
working in sensitive circumstances, namely “a principle of
maximum awareness of ethical implications together with one
of least harm” (2004, 725). And so the translator as secondary
witness is one who undertakes to be attentive and self-reflexive,
and who weighs the better part of translation decisions in favor
of the survivor. Although some of these endeavors will
inevitably fall short of their mark, the crucial step is in the
trying. It has often been noted in recent times that the need to
document Holocaust testimonies is growing as the survivors
themselves diminish in number. As these accounts continue to
be committed to paper or audiovisual media, or are recovered
from the past, so too does the potential increase for the
communicative force of translation be brought consciously and
effectively into the service of the original witness and the
perpetuation of his or her memory.
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joined the University of Strathclyde as a lecturer in translation
and interpreting in 2016, having previously held a British Academy Postdoctoral
Fellowship at the University of Edinburgh, where she also completed her PhD in
2011. Her research is anchored in the field of Translation Studies, but currently
intersects with Memory Studies, Holocaust Studies, and Museum Studies. She is
particularly interested in the translation of French individual and collective memories
of occupation and deportation during World War II. She is author of the monograph
Retranslation: Translation, Literature and Reinterpretation (2014) and a member of
the IATIS Regional Workshops Committee.
| Unimi Open Journals |
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] | Abstract: This article explores how memory—the central issue of Leslie
Marmon Silko’s Ceremony (1977)—has induced a specific type of
writing that makes its translation a more challenging task in terms of
stylistic, lexical, and syntactical choices. Tayo, the main character, is
haunted by painful memories of his traumatic war experience, powerful
nightmares and daytime visions blending seamlessly into the vacuity of
his present life on the reservation. However, memory is also a healing
force when it means going back to the traditional Indian way and adapting
it to the broken present. Silko navigates between storytelling and
storywriting, weaving a circular vision of time into the linear format of
the novel and bridging the gap between her Indian ancestry and her white
academic education. Translating Ceremony raises many interesting issues,
three of which are discussed here: the treatment of intermingling
narratives whose chronology the readers have to reconstruct for
themselves, the network of echoes and repetitions that structure the novel,
and the description of the Indian landscape. The article finally asserts that
translation contributes to the circulation of memory and is a positive force
ensuring the survival of texts written to resist acculturation.
Introduction
Ceremony is a landmark publication in the advent of Native
American literature. Published in 1977 by Leslie Marion
Silko, it received much critical acclaim and soon became a
commercial success and was translated intoseveral foreign
language (Norwegian, German, Japanese, Italian, French,
Dutch). It is often part of the selection of Native American
novels on university syllabi next to House Made of Dawn by N.
Scott Momaday (1968) and The Death of Jim Loney by James
Welch (1979). Those are the titles readers remember as they
have become the “memory” of Native American literary
Renaissance. Whether they should be seen in terms of “ethnic
minority fiction” or as part of mainstream American fiction is
subject to debate. For instance, Joseph Bruchac states that the
“‘mainstream’ in America is being turned back by a tide of
multiculturalism” (Bruchac 1994, xviii). According to Robert N.
Nelson, Native American novels have distinct features that set
them apart: their authors are “Native American” (like the
protagonists), the settings “include Indian reservations,” they
allude to, or widely incorporate, “tribal traditions” 1 (Nelson
1993, 3). As a consequence some of their content is perceived as
being difficult to grasp for the readers who are not “tribally
literate” (to use Nelson’s word), those who do not share the
memory of the tribal heritage. Memory is an essential dimension
to Native American fiction and to Ceremony. According to
Robert Dale Parker, Native American Literature was “invented”
by “Indian writers,” drawing on both “Indian and literary
traditions” (Parker 2003, 1). In trying to keep tribal culture
alive, Native American writers have explored memory in
different ways. Memory is what is left of all that has been
destroyed and eradicated by colonization, industrialization, and
forced assimilation. It is the main force enabling Native
Americans to resist acculturation. Cultural memory was traditi-
onally transmitted through storytelling, an endangered activity
in a world ruled by the written word, where communities and
families have been increasingly scattered across the whole
1 The choice of the most appropriate word to designate the people from Native American tribes
is still highly controversial. The issue has not yet been settled, which explains what may seem
like confusion in most essays and books about Native American art and fiction. Christina Berry
writes in her article published on the All Things Cherokee website: “So what is it? Indian?
American Indian? Native American? First Americans? First People? We all hear different terms
but no one can seem to agree on what to call us” (Berry, 2013). Although the word “Native
American” seems more neutral, many Native Americans object to it as it is seen as a creation
by the Federal government aiming at erasing the sufferings of the Native tribes and making the
colonial past more acceptable. The actor and political activist Russell Means declares: “I am an
American Indian, not a Native American! I abhor the term Native American. It is a generic
government term used to describe all the indigenous prisoners of the United States” (Means,
1996). Silko uses both the word “Indian” and “Native American.” In this article the word
“Native American” has been kept to refer to the ethnic origin of the people involved but the
word “Indian” has been preferred to indicate the cultural connotations as in “the Indian way” or
“Indian memory” since it is closer to the ideas developed by Silko.
country. Native American writers therefore invented a new type
of storytelling that can survive and thrive in their new
environment, translating traditional memory and storytelling
into novels. Those novels are hybrid forms, close enough to the
template of the Western novel to be recognized and understood
by all while being innovative enough to cater for values and
notions radically alien to Western culture. However, Indian
memory is also a traumatic memory and offers many common
points with other works and narratives problematizing memory
such as writings by holocaust survivors and by victims of
intense trauma (see Brodski 2007). Writing is not only a means
of transmitting memory and struggling against oblivion, but it
also transforms the unbearable memory of the trauma—which
lies on the side of death and destruction—into a resilient force
that makes life possible. The memory of the horror beyond the
scope of human understanding is translated into words in order
to help the victims make sense of the events and reappropriate
their lives.
Through the case study of Ceremony, I will demonstrate
how memory can be a haunting force of destruction as well as a
healing type of energy. Memory is both the theme and the
material chosen by Silko for her novel. Her literary approach is
characterized by a specific type of writing that makes
interlingual translation particularly challenging in terms of
stylistic, lexical, and syntactic choices. The novel was translated
into French by Michel Valmary, who later translated two other
books—Archie Fire Lame Deer’s Gift of Power (Le cercle
sacré) and James Welch’s Killing Custer (C’est un beau jour
pour mourir). The translation was published in 1992 by Albin
Michel in the Terre Indienne collection, which specializes in
Native American fiction (director: Francis Geffard), and its
French title was Cérémonie.
After studying how memory is at the core of the themes
and textual identity of Ceremony, I will focus on three points: 1)
writing/translating the fluctuating and unstable time of memory
through a limited choice of possible grammatical tenses; 2) the
construction/destruction of echoes, memories, and correspon-
dences; 3) the translation of words and names referring to the
landscape that is central to Indian memory. Finally, I will
examine the close relationship between writing and translating
in the case of Indian memory and discuss whether the trans-
lation of Native American fiction is possible/advisable/neces-
sary.
Memory as the Main Theme and Material of Ceremony
The theme of memory is crucial to Ceremony. The protagonist,
Tayo, is a Laguna Pueblo of mixed ancestry, a “half-breed”2
living on the reservation near Albuquerque in New Mexico.
When the story begins, he is back from the Second World War.
Suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder, or “battle fatigue”
according to the white psychiatrists who have discharged him
from the hospital, he is unable to resume his old life. He is
haunted by memories of the war and overwhelmed by guilt as
he feels responsible for all the disruption that took place when
he was away: the death of his cousin who went to war with him,
the death of his uncle Josiah, and finally the drought that he sees
as retribution for his swearing at the rain in the prisoner camp in
the Philippines: “The old people used to say that droughts
happen when people forget, when people misbehave”(Silko
1977, 46). These destructive memories disrupt his present life
and make him mentally and physically ill as they invade his
everyday life in the form of nightmares and daytime visions that
leave him empty. His war memories are interspersed with his
childhood memories as he is also trying to cope with his sense
of alienation as a “half-breed” brought up by his aunt after his
own mother left him. However the past, which is a source of
suffering, is also the key to his recovery. Knowing that white
medicine cannot save him, Grandma convinces him to visit a
medicine man because “The only cure/I know/is a good
ceremony” (Silko 1977, 3). Although the visits to Ku’oosh and
then Old Betonie do not succeed immediately and the healing
ceremony cannot be completed, Tayo gradually recovers his
ancestral memory. He learns to understand the traditional signs
and rites, becomes able to read the landscape around him again
and to realign his life with a broader universal pattern of
meaning. Thanks to his recovering the traditional cultural
memory of his ancestors, Tayo can complete the ceremony by
himself, adjust, and find his place back on the reservation. His
2Although “half-breed” may seem offensive, it is the word used by Silko to describe Tayo’s as
well as her own ancestry (Laguna Pueblo, Mexican, and white).
healing is symbolic of and preparatory to a more global change
as rain returns to the region saving the crops and cattle. Tayo’s
journey, out of his destructive memories, which are
manifestations of evil and witchcraft and back to the healing
memory of the Indian way, enables him to restore balance and
harmony in the universe as thought can again circulate between
the fifth world (the world inhabited by human beings) and the
other worlds inhabited by spirits.
Memory is at the core of Ceremony. The different
encounters with the medicine men, the traditional one and Old
Betonie, the modern one, with the women Tayo loves, all
avatars of Tse’pina, the spirit of the mountain, are various
memories of the same quest or the same healing ceremony. It is
by remembering them and understanding their correspondences
that Tayo progresses on his way to recovery and that the readers
gradually understand the way the novel is structured and what it
means. The novel functions like memory itself, giving birth to
seemingly disconnected episodes that make sense when put
together, reassembled and realigned. Moreover the conventional
narrative structure of Tayo’s quest is framed by and intertwined
with traditional stories and poems, memories of traditional
Laguna storytelling, as if the real creator of the story was not
Silko but Thought Woman. The book begins with the poem:
Ts’its’tsi’nako, Thought-Woman,
is sitting in her room
and whatever she thinks about
appears [. . .]
I’m telling you the story
she is thinking.
Those traditional passages draw on Silko’s personal memories
of the stories she was told when a child on the reservation or
memories she has revived from the collection of stories
published in Franz Boas’s Keresan Texts (a transcription of
traditional tales published in 1928, see Nelson 2001). There are
altogether 28 “storytelling memories” (whose length varies from
a few lines to four pages). Silko blends traditional Indian
forms—based on circular patterns, repetitions and circulation
from memory and myth to reality—into a novel, a genre
favoring a linear conception of time, a sequential and historical
development of the story, and a clear-cut distinction between
past and present, memory, and reality. She thus creates her own
language, one that can express memory. Moreover, the novel is
a way for Silko to come to terms with her own mixed ancestry
and her sense of alienation. She started writing Ceremony after
having been away in Alaska for two years where she felt she
had been exiled. The novel is a personal remembrance
ceremony enabling Silko to weave the loose threads of her
attachment to her Native ancestry and of her white academic
education back into significance: “Writing a novel was a
ceremony for me to stay sane” (Arnold 2000, 24).
Memory and the Blurred Frontiers between Past and
Present
The treatment of diegetic time is quite unconventional in
Ceremony, as noted by most critics and reviewers. Although
analepsis is a common device in most conventional novels, time
shifts are so frequent in Ceremony that they blur the frontier
between the main narrative and the secondary narratives that are
Tayo’s various memories and visions. The story shifts to and fro
between the time of Tayo’s return to the reservation after he is
back from the war, and various memories—childhood scenes,
war episodes, and other times before he left for the war. Those
shifts back in time are not systematically signaled as such—
there are few dates, few accurate references to places which
would help the readers to chronologically reorganize the diverse
fragments constituting Tayo’s story. The fragmented narratives
are the representations on paper of the disruptive forces released
by Tayo’s memories and the readers must agree to getting lost
in the succession of embedded stories going back in circles
rather than following a straight time line from beginning to end.
Like Tayo, the readers will understand later and what they
remember will then make sense, as Night Swan (one of the
female characters Tayo meets during his quest) tells him: “You
don’t have to understand what is happening. But remember this
day. You will recognize it later” (Silko 1977, 100).
Only when the tense of the first verb of the analepsis is a
pluperfect is the shift clearly indicated. Even then, the following
verbs are in the simple past (also the prevailing tense of the
main narrative), which creates ambiguity as to the exact point
where the main narrative is resumed, as in the following
example:3
“You see,” Josiah had said, with the sound of the water trickling out of the
hose into the empty wooden barrel [. . .]. He pointed his chin at the springs
[. . .]. He took off his hat and wiped his forehead [. . .].
Tayo knelt on the edge of the pool and let the dampness soak into the knees
of his jeans. (Silko 1977, 45–46)
Although it is quite clear that the first paragraph is a
memory because of the use of the pluperfect and the situation
(Josiah is dead by the time Tayo returns from the war), the
status of the following paragraph (“Tayo knelt…”) is
ambiguous, and the similarity of the setting misleads the readers
into believing initially that it is part of the same memory
sequence whereas the main narrative has been resumed.
The translation into French reads thus:
“Tu vois, lui avait dit Josiah par-dessus le bruit de l’eau qui dégoulinait du
tuyau dans les tonneau de bois vide [. . .]. Du menton, il avait montré les
sources [. . .]. Il avait enlevé son chapeau et essuyé son front [. . .].
Tayo s’agenouilla au bord du bassin sans se soucier de l’eau qui trempait
les genoux de ses jeans. (Silko 1992, 55)
The translator has made a grammatically safe choice.
The shift from pluperfect to past, which is quite frequent in
English fiction, has been neutralized through a more consistent
use of a plus que parfait in French. The passé simple, used for
the main narrative, is deemed inadequate as soon as the diegetic
chronology is upset—a stylistic rule many, but not all, French
novelists adhere to. That “safe” choice is not consistently
applied. For other time shifts the passé simple is used for
anterior actions but only after a series of plus que parfait has
clearly delineated the time frame:
He stood outside the train depot in Los Angeles and felt the sunshine; he
saw the palm trees [. . .] he realized why he was here and he remembered
Rocky and he started to cry. [. . .]
3 Words discussed in the ensuing analysis are given in bold in the quotes.
The new doctor asked him if he had ever been visible and Tayo spoke to
him softly and said that he was sorry but nobody was allowed to speak to an
invisible one. (Silko 1977, 15)
Devant la gare de Los Angeles, il avait senti la caresse du soleil; il avait vu
les palmiers [. . .] il comprit pourquoi il était là, il se souvint de Rocky et il
se mit à pleurer. [. . .]
Quand le nouveau docteur lui avait demandé s’il avait jamais été visible,
Tayo lui avait répondu d’une voix douce qu’il était désolé mais que
personne n’avait le droit de parler à un être invisible. (Silko 1992, 23)
Whereas the English original allows for more
indeterminacy (the readers will not immediately understand that
the first passage is the memory of a scene that took place just
before Tayo’s return and that the second passage is another shift
in time, neither the continuation of the preceding passage nor
the resuming of the main narrative), the French readers are
guided by the translator’s choice, which clarifies the order of the
successive time sequences.
Although choosing between imparfait, plus que parfait,
passé simple, and passé composé to render a simple past is a
controversial point, the passé simple—even if it is an obvious
choice for a translator—may not be the most appropriate tense
in the case of Ceremony. The use of the imparfait in some
passages makes it possible to keep some referential
indeterminacy as shown in that example where it is not clear if
the second passage is still part of Tayo’s memory of the war or
of the main narrative:
Rocky had reasoned it out with him; […] Tayo nodded, slapped at the
insects mechanically [. . .].
He had to keep busy; he had to keep moving so that the sinews connected
behind his eyes did not slip loose and spin his eyes to the interior of his
skull where the scenes waited for him. (Silko 1977, 8–9)
Rocky s’était efforcé de le ramener à la raison ; [. . .] Tayo avait acquiescé;
d’un geste machinal de la main, il avait écrasé quelques insectes [. . .].
Il fallait qu’il s’occupe ; il fallait qu’il reste actif pour que les muscles qui
se rejoignent à l’arrière de ses yeux ne se relâchent pas, les faisant ainsi
pivoter vers l’intérieur du crâne, là où toutes ces scènes l’attendaient. (Silko
1992, 16–17)
Even if it is not conventional to use the imparfait for
single past actions, that tense might have the potential to
accommodate Silko’s literary treatment of memory, as some
French writers have done to give extra depth to their past
narratives, J. M. G. Le Clézio, for instance (see Lepage 2008).
Alternatively, using a passé composé instead of a passé
simple as the prevailing tense for both the main narrative and
the memories would have been a way to signal the shift from
conventional fiction writing and would have insisted on the
connection with oral tradition.
Grammatical constraints and the translator’s wish to
conform to the more conventional writing norms do not explain
all the occurrences of plus que parfait in the French text. They
illustrate the translator’s symptomatic wish to guide his readers,
to help them through the maze of the original novel, as in the
following example where a whole sentence has been added:
They unloaded the cows one by one, looking them over carefully. (Silko
1977, 77)
Quand Tayo eut ouvert le grand portail du couloir d’entrée du corral,
Robert ouvrit la porte de la bétaillère. Ils firent sortir les vaches une par
une, en les inspectant attentivement. (Silko 1992, 88)
The time of the action as well as the identity of the
characters have been made explicit in French. However,
reducing ambiguity and reordering Tayo’s memories imposes a
Eurocentric vision on a hybrid text. In fact, it brings more
confusion to the readers as it prevents them from being aware of
the blurred frontiers between past and present and between
memory and reality, essential to the understanding of the novel.
Indeed Ceremony reintroduces in the linear development of the
novel the memory of a more ancient time, the Indian vision of
time, which is circular, cyclical, always moving but not going
directly from one point to another:
The Pueblo people and the indigenous people of the Americas see time as
round, not as a long linear string. If time is round, if time is an ocean, then
something that happened 500 years ago may be quite immediate and real,
whereas something inconsequential that happened an hour ago could be far
away. Think of time as an ocean always moving. (Arnold 2000, 149)
Memory as Repetitions, Echoes, and Resonances
Repetitions and echoes are the backbone of the writing in
Ceremony, and the coherent structure they create counter-
balances the confusion brought about by Silko’s fluctuating
treatment of diegetic time. Repetitions work at the level of
sentences and paragraphs but also at the higher level of the
whole novel.
In sentences, repetitions give rhythm to the narrative and
endow it with a typically oral dimension. The following passage
illustrates how repetitions structure the sentences and help the
readers/listeners keep track of the important notions:
He could get no rest as long as the memories were tangled with the present,
tangled up like colored threads from old Grandma’s wicker sewing basket
when he was a child [. . .]. He could feel it inside his skull—the tension of
little threads being pulled and how it was with tangled things, things tied
together, and as he tried to pull them apart and rewind them into their
places, they snagged and tangled even more. So Tayo had to sweat through
those nights when thoughts became entangled; he had to sweat to think of
something that wasn’t unraveled or tied in knots to the past (Silko 1977, 6–7)
Il ne pourrait trouver le repos tant que les souvenirs et le présent
s’enchevêtreraient comme les fils de couleur dans le panier à couture de
Grand-mère : [. . .] Sous son crâne, c’est cela qu’il sentait, la tension des fils
minces que l’on tirait, et les choses emmêlées, attachées ensemble, qui,
lorsqu’il essayait de les démêler et de les rembobiner, chacune à sa place,
s’accrochaient et s’emmêlaient encore davantage. C’est ainsi que Tayo
devait passer de longues nuits en sueur quand ses pensées
s’embrouillaient; il devait faire d’énormes efforts pour penser à quelque
chose dont le fil ne soit pas défait ou attaché au passé par des nœuds
inextricables (Silko 1992, 14–15)
The translator has reduced the number of repetitions by erasing
some occurrences (the two occurrences of tangled have been
reduced to one in the first sentence) and by resorting to
synonyms (s’enchevêtrer, emmêlées, s’emmêler, s’embrouiller
for tangled; en sueur and faire d’énormes efforts for sweat).
The destruction is not systematic, however. For instance,
the translator manages to keep the repetition of comfort and
comfortable (a word difficult to translate into French) by using
bien and bien-être which work on both material and moral
levels:
We know these hills, and we are comfortable here.” There was something
about the way the old man said the word “comfortable.” It had a different
meaning—not the comfort of big houses or rich food or even clean streets,
but the comfort of belonging with the land and the peace of being with
these hills. (Silko 1977, 117)
Nous connaissons ces collines, et nous y sommes bien. » Il y avait quelque
chose de spécial dans la façon dont le vieil homme avait dit le mot « bien ».
Il prenait un sens différent : ce n’était pas le bien-être que procuraient les
grandes maisons, une nourriture riche ou même des rues propres, mais le
bien-être né du fait d’être à l’unisson de la terre, la paix ressentie à se
trouver dans ces collines. (Silko 1992, 129–130)
At the macro level of the whole novel, repetitions give
meaning to the various interconnected episodes. Repetitions of
words create a textual memory that enables the readers to
interpret the story correctly, exactly like Tayo who will
gradually learn to recognize the pattern underlying what he goes
through. For instance, when Tayo walks to the toilets in a bar
(Silko 1977, 56), the dirty wet floor mentally takes him back to
his ordeal in the jungle (Silko 1977, 11). The shift from a real
situation to a memory is textually signified by the repetition of
the same phrase—“It was soaking through his boots/it soaked
into their boots”—in the two passages. In the translation,
although the readers will understand the situation, there is no
textual link between the two scenes but only a semantic link as
two different phrases are used: “qui pénétrait dans ses bottes”
(Silko 1992, 66)/“s’infiltrait dans les chaussures” (Silko 1992,
19).
Many passages echo each other as if the various
episodes and the various characters were diverse avatars of the
same event, Tayo’s encounter with the spirit of the mountain
and his becoming whole again.
Repeated words form a network of key words whose
occurrences weave a significant textual material connecting and
reuniting what first seems disconnected. Through their
reiteration the readers can recognize the resemblance and
understand that time and storytelling are cyclical as Old
Grandma concludes: “It seems like I already heard these stories
before . . . only thing is, the names sound different” (Silko 1977,
260). The network of recurring words organizes the novel
around key themes such as dampness and dryness, circles and
whirls, weaving and scattering. In the translation, the structure is
less obvious because of lexical variety. For instance, the word
scatter which is central to Tayo’s broken psyche is translated by
two different verbs, disséminer and disperser, as well as by a
whole range of words according to the cotext: l’entouraient
(Silko 1992, 117), franchirent le sommet (Silko 1992, 195),
faire voler (Silko 1992, 231), laisser derrière (Silko 1992, 250),
s’effriter (Silko 1992, 214), parmi (Silko 1992, 168), and
s’égaillèrent (Silko 1992, 243). The important word scatter has
virtually disappeared from the French translation, made
invisible by the translator’s decision not to maintain its
repetition.
The destruction of repetitions is not systematic, how-
ever, as the recurrences of some words are maintained. For
instance whorls (of flesh, of skin), which appears in the morbid
episodes dealing with witchcraft, is systematically translated by
volute, making it possible for the French readers to link the
various scenes together and to establish the connection with the
poems relating the invasion of the evil spirit: “il se peignit le
corps/les volutes de chair” (the poem about Pa’caya’nyi who
tricks people into witchcraft, Silko 1992, 56), “D’autres défirent
des paquets en peau/pleins d’objets répugnants:/des silex
sombres, des cendres de hogans brûlés/où reposaient les
morts,/Des volutes de peau” (the poem about a witchcraft
competition during which white people are invented and turned
loose to destroy the Indian world, Silko 1992, 147), “Pinkie lui
maintint la jambe, et Leroy trancha la volute de chair sous le
gros orteil de Harley” (the torture scene in which witchcraft
attempts to engulf Tayo’s life and the world in general, Silko
1992, 271).
By reducing the number of repetitions, the translator
brings considerable changes to the material texture of Silko’s
novel of textual memory. His motivations may be an adherence
to French stylistic norms that still consider repetition to be
inelegant despite its use by great writers. He thus imposes his
own view, his own cultural memory on the original text and
destroys its inner rhythm and its signifiance (to use
Meschonnic’s (1999) word). Repetitions are essential to Silko’s
endeavor to write a text which reads as a memory of the oral
tradition of storytelling and deliberately blurs the frontier
between genres (tales, songs, poems, and novels), between
storytelling and story-writing, between Indian traditions and
Western culture: “So I play with the page and things that you
could do on the page, and repetitions. When you have an
audience, when you’re telling a story and people are listening,
there’s repetition of crucial points” (Arnold 2000, 71).
Systematicity is essential to maintain the way lexical
networks function. Each repetition is important. As Berman
states when he studies how the deforming tendencies transform
a text, each word must be chosen carefully and the use of
synonyms is deceptive. Words have their own lives, their own
textual bodies from which they derive their power: “The words
of the story poured out of his mouth as if they had substance,
pebbles and stone extending to hold the corporal up” (Silko
1977, 12). Silko’s writing is like weaving: the intricate patterns
suffer no mistakes, no holes. Storytelling and story-writing is a
sacred act, a ceremony in which each word has its part to play.
Memory and the Landscape
The landscape is the central character of Ceremony. As stated in
Place and Vision, in which Nelson dedicates a whole chapter to
the landscape of Ceremony, the geophysical landscapes “serve
not only as the ‘settings’ of these [Native American] fictions but
also as principal ‘characters’ in them” (Nelson 1993, 9). It is
only after being reunited with the landscape that Tayo can
recover his vital energy. The landscape is the place where
Indian memory lies, the landscape is Indian memory: “We are
the land. [. . .] More than remembered, the earth is the mind of
the people as we are the mind of the earth” (Paula Gunn Allen
in Nelson 1993, 1). Describing and naming the landscape is
therefore a delicate part of the ceremony of writing. Locations
and directions are given with accuracy. The words connected to
the landscape are the names of the places, the words describing
those places as well as the names of the plants, animals, and
spirits inhabiting the land. All those names recreate the
landscape of the American Southwest where the Laguna Pueblo
reservation is located and they bear the memory of its history.
The original Indian names have been largely replaced by
English names or by Spanish names, the languages of the
enemy, to use Gloria Bird’s phrase in Reinventing the Enemy’s
Language (Harjo and Bird 1997), that is to say the languages of
the settlers: “But the fifth world had become entangled with
European names: the names of the rivers, the hills, the names of
the animals and plants—all of creation suddenly had two names:
an Indian name and a white name” (Silko 1977, 68). The Pueblo
names are still there, though, in the names of the characters of
the traditional stories and the names of the spirits inhabiting the
land. They stand out in the English text as their morphology is
quite different from that of the European names and display a
characteristic apostrophe: Tse-pi’na orTs’eh, K’ou’ko, Ck’o’yo,
A’moo’ooh, Ku’oosh. . . The Pueblo names have been used in
the translation without any change as if they had resisted one
more displacement. Most Spanish names are maintained too:
mesa, arroyo, Casa Blanca . . . with the exception of burro
(âne, bourricot).
It is the English names that are problematic for the
translation into French. When they are kept, which is the case of
many place-names, they stand out as memories or traces of the
original English text, whereas in the original they blend
seamlessly into the main narrative in English. In Cérémonie,
place-names such as Wake Island, Dixie Tavern, Purple Heart,
or Prairie Dog Hill remind the readers of the European settlers’
imprint on the American landscape but also suggest that the
“entanglement” with English names is only a passing stage in
the history of the landscape. The names and languages may
change, but the landscape and its ancient memory will remain
unchanged. The English language, which dominates the text of
Ceremony, is pushed back to the margin through translation.
The names of plants and animals are translated into
French and raise many difficulties. Most English names are both
simple and precise. As they are based on a simple generic word
(grass, tree, weed, hill. . . ), names such as wild rose bush, salt
bushes, snakeweed, rabbit brush, foothills create a realistically
complex environment (Silko has drawn on her accurate
knowledge of the Southwest landscape). The geographically-
literate readers will recognize it. However, those who are
unfamiliar with such settings will not be lost and will manage to
find their way among grass, trees, weeds, and hills. In French,
the translator has to negotiate between two options. He can
favor the exact translation which is very often a scientific term
unknown to most readers: Salt bushes/atriplex, arroche;
snakeweed/bistorte, gramma grass/ bouteloue. . . Alternatively,
he may opt for a literal translation that will be understood but
may not refer to an actual plant or animal. The few cases when
literal translations correspond to the reality of the environment
(rock sage/sauge de rocher, bee-wee plants/l’herbe-aux-
abeilles, rabbit weed/herbe-aux-lapins. . . ) are not enough to
compensate for the different vision of the world the numerous
scientific names produce.
Moreover, the scientific words in French do not allow
the correspondence between geography and myth. The words of
the landscape in Ceremony are meaningful and contribute to
weave a consistent memory of the universe that reinforces the
links between the human world and the spirits. When Tayo
meets the mountain lion (puma in French), he also meets the
hunter spirit, the companion of Tse’pina, the mountain spirit.
When he meets Tse, she is sitting next to a moonflower plant
(marguerite dorée) that indicates the feminine power she
represents. Tse is a woman and a spirit and the earth, as this
passage underlines: “He dreamed he made love with her. He felt
the warm sand on his toes and knees; he felt her body, and it
was as warm as the sand, and he couldn’t feel where her body
ended and the sand began” (Silko 1977, 222). It echoes Josiah’s
comment: “This is where we come from, see. This sand, this
stone” (Silko 1977, 45). Once Tayo acknowledges he is sand
and stone like the sandstone cliffs around him, he can be whole
again. In the translation, the link connecting sand (sable), stone
(pierre), and sandstone (grès) is severed. The landscape in
Cérémonie is therefore more scientific and more obscure than in
the original; it does not work as the main representation and
memory of the harmony of the Indian way. It is not the “living
text” mentioned by Nelson, which can be read by the readers.
Memory and Translation as Transformation
Beyond the linguistic and stylistic difficulties the translator has
to face when translating a narrative of memory such as
Ceremony, broader questions must be addressed. Is it possible
or even legitimate to translate memory in the case of Native
American fiction? Can Indian memory, which is so deeply
rooted in the ancient languages and in the local environment,
survive when uprooted and transferred into a culturally and
linguistically alien environment?
Silko has already provided part of the answer. Drawing
on Indian memory to write her novel, she has opened up a new
frontier and contributed to the invention and development of the
Native American novel, essentially transgenre and multilingual.
She is the one who has translated—that is to say, transformed
and rewritten—the oral traditional stories: “I write them down
because I like seeing how I can translate this sort of feeling or
flavor or sense of a story that’s told and heard onto the page”
(Arnold 2000, 71). Therefore, translating Ceremony into another
language is doing a second-hand translation in which the main
choices have already been made: the degree of multilingualism,
of obscurity to which the readers—and more particularly the
“tribally illiterate” ones—will be submitted. The inherent
tension between the source and target languages, between what we
understand and what we do not, between what the translator
chooses to reveal and what he/she leaves unexplained is already
present in the original. Even the reception of her work and the issue
of the target reader has been addressed, as Silko is aware that her
readership falls into two categories—Native Americans (who
know a lot about Indian memory) and non-Natives (whom she
does not want to alienate). For her, making Indian memory
accessible to all through her translation is a political choice: “I’m
political, but I’m political in my stories. That’s different. I think the
work should be accessible and that’s always the challenge and task
of the teller—to make accessible perceptions that the people need”
(Arnold 2000, 26).
Translators have always been suspected of betrayal and
Silko is no exception. Being of mixed ancestry, born on the
reservation but educated outside it, she is the perfect go-between
and a highly suspicious one. Paula Gunn Allen criticized her for
giving away tribal secrets which should only be known by Native
people, as Nelson reminds us: “In fact, a few years ago another
Laguna writer, Paula Gunn Allen, criticized Silko for using some
of this oral traditional material, contending that by including a clan
story in her novel Ceremony Silko has violated local conventions
regarding proper dissemination of such stories” (Nelson 2001).
For Silko, translating and rewriting Indian memory is not a
betrayal but, on the contrary, a way to redeem Native traditions.
Those must not be kept as museum artifacts which are the dead
collectible pieces recorded and translated by ethnologists such as
Boas, but they must be given the possibility to carry on as living
entities. Memory pines for transmission as a way out of oblivion
and eradication. Through her translation, Silko reminds the
American readers of the Native American heritage of their country
and promotes it as a living force in today’s world. Interlingual
translation goes one step further in the same direction. Translating
Indian memory strengthens it as it will be kept in the minds of
more and more readers across the world, and in turn they will pass
it on. It will then be safe from destruction, as when kept in the belly
of the storyteller (Silko 1977, 2). Paradoxical though it may seem,
translating Indian memory is a form of repatriation as it takes it
back to its original purpose, helping the people understand and live
in harmony. In a globalized world, the people may just mean
people in general: “Something in writing Ceremony that I had to
discover for myself was indeed that the old stories still have in their
deepest level a content that can give the individual a possibility to
understand” (Arnold 2000, 147). On a more practical level, the
translation and transmission of memory may increase people’s
awareness and support of the Native cause and give more visibility
to the Indian alternative to the materialistic “American way of life”
taking over the world. Silko is aware of the potential impact of
Native memory across languages and nations: “In other words, we
feel that we get cultural, intellectual, spiritual support from all the
people outside the United States. [. . .] There are no isolated
people, there is truly now a global village and it matters” (Arnold
2000, 151).
The teller/writer is one link in the long chain of the
circulation of memory, and the translator another one. The
important point is to keep the transmission going even if it means
changes on the way. Changes are not always for the worse. In the
case of Indian memory, the displacement brought about by the
interlingual translation opens up new possibilities. In the French
translation, the stories may thrive better in a new medium, freed
from the English language (the linguistic memory of the trauma of
colonization).
Memory itself is not a fixed form. It is based on repetitions
and differences, like translation—two notions at the core of
Deleuze’s early philosophical thought and analyzed at length in
Différence et Répétition in link with the power of language: “La
répétition est la puissance du langage” (“Repetition is the power of
language”—translation mine—Deleuze 1968, 373). The memory
of an event is a repetition of the event, both similar to and different
from it. Each time the memory comes back it is slightly modified,
too, as repetitions are never identical. The same relationship links
the text and its translations, which are the memory of the text. They
are not equivalents but repetitions of the original, different but not
necessarily less valuable, less trustworthy, or less authentic. The
transformation process at the core of memory and translation is a
regenerative power that keeps life going. The old stories, like the
old healing ceremonies, must be adapted to their new
environment—be it linguistic or cultural—the way Betonie has
managed to devise a new ceremony to cure Tayo of his modern
disease. Translation and memory are two modes of survival
(“‘survival’ as a cultural practice and symbolic action, and above
all as a process that extends life” (Brodzki 2007, 5)) and revival, a
way to share the gift of the healing force or the burden of the
trauma.
Conclusion
Memory as the main theme and material of Ceremony has shaped
the novel’s language. It is based on correspondences and
resonances that can evoke the chaos of traumatic memory and of
witchcraft but that also symbolize the redeeming force of the
Indian way whose ceremonies can restore harmony. The specificity
of Silko’s writing requires attentive translating strategies that
enable the transmission of its textual and poetic density. The
memory of the text is particularly threatened when the translator
yields to some of the deforming tendencies defined by Berman in
his chapter “L’analytique de la traduction et la systématique de la
déformation” (Berman 1985, 65–82), and more particularly
clarification (thus replacing cyclical time with linear time), the
destruction of rhythm (the rhythm of oral tradition), and the loss of
meaningful networks which equate writing with healing
ceremonies. Like all poetical texts, Ceremony challenges easy
solutions. Those texts need transformation rather than stereotyped
equivalences. To translate them is to listen to the text and its
resonances, to its signifiance rather than concentrate on its
superficial narrative meaning. Translators will then be able to draw
on that intimate memory of the text to rewrite it in an act of sharing
and transformation, not a move of appropriation. Narratives of
memory ask for translation more than anything else as
transformation and circulation are their essence. Like the Indian
stories they have “a life of their own” (Arnold 2000, 72) whose
natural development is translation. Translators are similar to
Betonie, the modern healer. “But after the white people came,
elements in this world began to shift; and it became necessary to
create new ceremonies [. . .] things which don’t shift and grow are
dead things” (Silko 1977, 126). Translators, as life-givers of those
narratives, have the responsibility of choosing carefully and
creatively so that reading the translated text will be a renewed
ceremony that revives the power of the original and transmits its
memory.
References
Allen, Paula Gunn, ed. 1996. Song of the Turtle: American Indian literature,
1974–1994. New York: Ballantine Books.
Arnold, Ellen L., ed. 2000. Conversations with Leslie Marmon Silko. Jackson:
University Press of Mississippi.
Berman, Antoine. 1985. Les Tours de Babel: Essais sur la traduction.
Mauvezin: Trans-Europ-Repress.
Berry, Christina. 2013. “What’s in a Name? Indians and Political
Correctness.” All Things Cherokee website. Accessed November 20,
2013:
http://www.allthingscherokee.com/articles_culture_events_070101.html.
Brodzki, Bella. 2007. Can These Bones Live? Translation, Survival, and
Cultural Memory. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Bruchac, Joseph, ed. 1994. Returning the Gift: Poetry and Prose from the
First North American Native Writers’ Festival. Tucson: The University
of Arizona Press.
Deleuze, Gilles. 1968. Différence et répétition. Paris: Presses universitaires de
France.
Harjo, Joy, and Gloria Bird, eds. 1997. Reinventing the Enemy’s Language:
Contemporary Native Women’s Writings of North America. New York:
W. W. Norton.
Lepage, Pierre. 2008. “Le Clézio et l’oubli de l’Afrique.” Le Monde des
Livres, September 9. Accessed November 20, 2013.
http://www.lemonde.fr/livres/article/2008/10/09/le-clezio-et-l-oubli-de-
l-afrique_1105152_3260.html.
Means, Russell. 1996. “I am an Indian American, not a Native American!”
Accessed November 20, 2013:
https://web.archive.org/web/20010208120908/http://www.peaknet.net/~
aardvark/means.html.
Meschonnic, Henri. 1999. Poétique du traduire. Lagrasse: Verdier.
Momaday, N. Scott. [1968] 2010. House Made of Dawn. New York:
HarperCollins.
Nelson, Robert M. 1993. Place and Vision: The Function of Landscape in
Native American Fiction. New York: Peter Lang.
———. 2001. “Rewriting Ethnography: the Embedded Texts in Leslie
Silko’s Ceremony.” In Telling the Stories: Essays on American Indian
Literatures and Cultures, edited by Elizabeth Hoffman Nelson and
Malcolm Nelson,
47–58. New York: Peter Lang. PDF available at
https://facultystaff.richmond.edu/~rnelson/ethnography.html
Parker, Robert Dale. 2003. The Invention of Native American Fiction. Ithaca
and London: Cornell University Press.
Silko, Leslie Marmon. 1977. Ceremony. New York: Penguin Books.
———. 1992. Cérémonie. Translated by Michel Valmary. Paris: Albin
Michel.
———. 1997. Yellow Woman and a Beauty of the Spirit: Essays on Native
American Life Today. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Welch, James. [1979] 2008. The Death of Jim Loney. London: Penguin
Classics.
Wright, Anne, ed. 1986. The Delicacy and Strength of Lace: Letters between
Leslie Marmon Silko and James Wright. Saint Paul MN: Graywolf.
is senior lecturer in Translation Studies at the Université Sorbonne
Nouvelle—Paris 3. Her research concentrates on the interaction between form and
meaning, on the translation of the voice, and the syntactic organization as well as
normalizing effect at play in the translation process. She has either edited or coedited
Palimpsestes 18 (Traduire l’intertextualité, 2006), Palimpsestes 24 (Le réel en traduction:
greffage, traces, mémoire, 2011), and Translating the Voices of Theory (2015). She is also
interested in intersemiotic forms of translation and Native American voices.
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] | Abstract: Over the course of the last five years my research has led me to
conclude that the literary representation of a trauma is not the immediate
step after the historical event and that there are other, intervening layers in
between. First is the occurrence of the historical event. What then follows
is the translation of that event in the minds of the survivors—that is, in
their memory and interpretation of the event. Then, memory becomes the
subject of oral history. This oral history enters the minds of the writers of
memoir and fiction, where it becomes a literary translation. Finally, the
filmmaker, if such a story makes it to this step, translates the text in order
to render her interpretation of it as film. If we acknowledge that
translation involves interpretation, then what exists here are different
layers of translation. The aim of the paper is to analyze the different
effects that each medium (literature, translation, cinema) may have on the
experience of its readers and audience—what that medium is trying to
cultivate, the limitations of each, and how all of them in different ways
bring greater attention to the historical phenomenon of the Armenian
Genocide.
Introduction
Thinking about the contribution of literature to raising awareness
about the Armenian Genocide, I have asked myself whether
literature is the immediate step after the historical event. My
research has led me to think that it is not. In this paper, I will
propose the following schema to chart the development in
Genocide awareness from the historical event to its interpretation
within an act of artistic representation. First is the occurrence of
the historical event. What then follows is the translation of that
even in the minds of the survivors—that is, in their memory and
interpretation of the event. Memory then becomes the subject of
oral history, and this oral history enters the minds of the writers
of memoir and fiction, where it becomes a literary translation.
Finally, the filmmaker, if such a story makes it to this step,
translates the text in order to render his or her interpretation of it
as film. In effect, we have here different layers of translation
upon translation—to use memoirist Günter Grass’s term, with
this theory we are “peeling the onion” (Grass 2008).
With a focus on the renowned Italian–Armenian novelist
Antonia Arslan’s Genocide narrative La masseria delle allodole
(2004; English translation Skylark Farm, Arslan 2006), I’ll first
discuss the literary genre as an instrument that brings greater
attention to the historical memory of the Armenian Genocide.
Then the power of translation related to the Genocide as
an instrument of cultural, historical, and linguistic interaction will
be both explored and problematized. For example, why has this
particular book been chosen for translation into sixteen
languages?1 In what ways have these translations contributed to
the awareness of the Genocide in their given countries? Exploring
the impacts these translations have had in their given countries,
there will also be an examination of readers’ reactions following
their respective publications in various languages by presenting
interviews with some of the translators. Finally, I will focus on
the theme of the Armenian Genocide in cinema and will deal with
the dramatized version of the Genocide narrative La masseria
delle allodole by the Italian directors the Taviani brothers
(Taviani and Taviani 2007).2
The Armenian Genocide in Literature
In every trauma, in every situation, there are always at least two
sides, two prevalent stories, and the power dynamics are strong.
On the one hand, the side that “successfully” commits Genocide
usually determines the way its history is written (or not written),
as is the case of the Armenian Genocide, which is varied and has
been contested for many years. Then there is the side of the
1 So far, the book has been translated into Dutch, English (four editions), Eastern Armenian (two
editions), Finnish, French, German (two editions), Greek, Hungarian, Japanese, Persian,
Romanian, Russian, Western Armenian, Slovenian, Spanish, and Swedish.
2 The present study springs directly from my experience in translating Armenian Genocide
narratives and from the outcomes of the course I taught at California State University, Fresno—
Armenian Genocide and Translation while being the 10th Henry S. Khanzadian Kazan Visiting
Professor in Armenian Studies at CSUF.
people who have suffered the overwhelming trauma. This side,
especially when silenced by the perpetrator, attempts to record
any history of the event, albeit painful, and often, as we look over
these testimonies, it is clear that any proper investigation or
analysis of this traumatic event should be undertaken by someone
with psychoanalytic and linguistic skills.
One of the consequences of the Armenian Genocide was
the dispersal of those who survived into a global Diaspora.
Traumatized and impoverished, involuntary exiles and
immigrants in a new land, they struggled to survive. Part of their
survival strategy was to write what they had experienced and
witnessed. Survivor stories emerged painfully and with great
difficulty. The obstacles were many: a fragmented, traumatized
community with far too few resources. The challenges they faced
included the fact that they were either forced to write in a
language that few in their new lands understood or that they had
to struggle to describe the indescribable in a foreign tongue.
Despite all the trauma and difficulties, the immigrants decided to
put pen to paper to document that which the world needs to better
know and comprehend. Even though the potential audience and
publishers were greatly limited, these important survivor memoirs
emerged, often in isolation, in small print runs and sometimes as
unpublished manuscripts. They emerged in a variety of locales
and conditions that characterized the global Diaspora.
These Diaspora fragments disseminate Armenian
culture and seeds across differing landscapes. In so doing, the
Armenian identity has evolved and become more diverse and
complex and has contributed to an emerging multiculturalism in
the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.
The survivor memoirs provided and continue to constitute
an invaluable research tool not only for researchers but also for
Genocide fiction writers, who take their insights from those
stories and, in thousands of literary flavors, offer the reader the
historical dimension of the Armenian Genocide.
It is true that it is not possible to penetrate the world of
the Armenian Genocide without reading the history. However, as
Rubina Peroomian asserts (Peroomian 2012, 7), documents,
statistics, and data do not provide the whole story. On the other
hand, the extremely important memoirs and eye witness accounts
alone often cannot express the unthinkable horror of the
Genocide as the blockages and psychological borders can impede
the author’s revealing the whole trauma. Hence the importance of
historical fiction, which, by fusing historical fact and creative
writing, can provide access to a larger readership in terms of
global impact. An example of this phenomenon, with a particular
symbolic and powerful radiation and with a priority function of
meaning, is the Italian–Armenian novelist Antonia Arslan’s
Genocide novel La masseria delle allodole (Arslan 2004).
Antonia Arslan, who was born and grew up in Italy and
was professor of modern and contemporary Italian literature at
the University of Padua, has published on Italian popular fiction
and Italian women writers of the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries. However, her most recent publications have focused on
her Armenian heritage. Her first approach to her Armenian
heritage was, surprisingly, through translation. With the help of
two Armenians (as she doesn’t know Armenian) she has
translated/edited two volumes by Daniel Varujan, one of the most
significant Armenian poets of the twentieth century, into Italian:
Il canto del pane (Varujan 1992) and Mari di grano (Varujan
1995).3 Here is Antonia Arslan’s testimony about her translation:
Poetry functions in an immediate and unexpected way. I discovered Daniel
Varujan, his strength and his grace, when reading some of his poems in Italian
and the entire The Song of Bread in French, translated by Vahé Godel. So it
was that I concentrated on the text of his last work, which completely
fascinated me. I already had a lot of experience translating poetry—from
French, English and German—but my work with Varujan was a great
adventure, also because of my collaboration with two young and enthusiastic
scholars, C. H. Megighian and A. H. Siraky. The Italian edition of The Song of
Bread (Varujan 1992) became the seventh one, and it enjoyed much success
within the Italian secondary schools. I further translated other pieces of
Varujan’s poetry; I published twenty of them in the volume Seas of Wheat
(Varujan 1995) and the others in magazines. I also want to remind us that he was
a great poet, one of the major ones since the beginning of the 1900s, equal to no
one, but less known because he wrote in a minority language. (Haroutyunian
2012a)
Translating Varujan’s poetry became part of the process of
3 In 1915 at the age of thirty-one, Daniel Varujan was on the verge of becoming an
internationally renowned poet but he was brutally murdered by the government of the Young
Turks, like other Armenian poets such as Siamanto, Grigor Zohrab, and so on.
discovery of her own Armenian identity.4 It brought her to the
unknown path of her lost ancestry and the birth of her first novel,
the best-seller Skylark Farm, in which, drawing on the history of
her own ancestors, she tells of the attempts of the members of an
Armenian family caught up in the Armenian Genocide to escape to
Italy and join a relative who had been living there for forty years.
This book won many prestigious awards in Italy and worldwide.5
Skylark Farm belongs to a genre that mixes
autobiography and biography, history and fiction, documentary
and memory. First of all, Arslan introduces her fifty-three-year-
old grandfather Yerwant, an important physician living in his
adopted Italian hometown of Padua in the months leading up to
the Second World War.
[H]is mother, Iskuhi, the little princess, died at nineteen giving birth to him. My
great-grandfather then remarried an “evil stepmother,” who bore him many other
children; my grandfather couldn’t stand her, and so, at the age of thirteen, he
requested and was granted permission to leave the little city and go to Venice, to
study at Moorat-Raphael, the boarding school for Armenian children. (Arslan
2006, 17)
Yerwant never again returned home. Now, after forty
years, he hopes to reunite with his brother Sempad, a successful
pharmacist, who continued living in his little city in Anatolia.
In 1915, Yerwant enters his fiftieth year, and he is
satisfied—and alone. . . “I am now a citizen of Italy; the
Ottomans can’t touch me any more,” he thinks. (Arslan 2006, 45)
But World War I begins, and the ruling Young Turk
party closes the border and when Italy enters the war on May 24,
1915, Yerwant’s dream vanishes. He will never be able to return
to his country of origin in his red Isotta Fraschini, the doors of
which were encrusted with the silver coat of arms that featured
an intertwined Y and A, standing for Yerwant Arslanian. He will
4 She then went on to edit different works on the Armenian Genocide, including Hushèr: la
memoria. Voci italiane di sopravvissuti armeni (Arslan, Pisanello, and Ohanian 2001); she has
worked with Boghos Levon Zekiyan on the Italian version of Gérard Dédéyan’s Histoire du
peuple arménien (Dédéyan 2002) and Vahakn Dadrian’s Storia del genocidio armeno (Dadrian
2003); and translated Claude Mutafian’s brief history of the Armenian genocide from the French
(Mutafian 2001).
5 Arslan’s more recent publications include Il libro di Mush (2012), which is an account of the
largest extant Armenian manuscript that was preserved in two halves by two separate women,
each of whom took one half when escaping the city of Mush during the Armenian Genocide; Il
rumore delle perle di legno (2015); and Lettera a una ragazza in Turchia (2016).
never see his family again as they will be exterminated almost
entirely by the Young Turks.
From that moment on for Yerwant the distant Fatherland
remained forever remote, and when his children got older
Yerwant even changed their names. Antonia Arslan talks about a
contradiction in the behavior of her grandfather: at first he did not
want to deny his ancestry, and gave his children four Armenian
names each—Yetward, Erwand, Armenak, and Vardan; Khayel,
Anton, Aram, and Maryam—but later tried to erase their origin:
“And in 1924, he will petition the Italian government to allow
him to legally remove from his surname that embarrassing three-
letter suffix, -ian, that exposes so plainly his Armenian origin”
(Arslan 2006, 160).
During the deportation, the women performed a crucial
role not only by bravely making sacrifices to protect the children,
but by persistently working to preserve memories of their land.
These are a few stories, objects, and photographs, “relics or icons
from a terrible shipwreck” (Arslan 2006, 19), and a few other
items shipped from Sempad as a gift to his relatives in Italy.
Thanks to this “act of memorial transmission,” the author can
now see and touch objects and images belonging to her Armenian
family and therefore be reunited with its indefinite past (Alù
2009, 369).
Here, as readers, we are made witness to familiar
historical narratives—perhaps we share similar ones, perhaps
we’ve read firsthand accounts in books. But what happens when a
historical event penetrates literature? First of all, the literary genre
is a powerful medium that is able to bring the historical
phenomenon to the attention of the masses. By reconstructing her
family history in the novel, Arslan is merging both historical
research and imagination culled from collective memory; she also
becomes the protector of her familial memory and historical
archive.
Taking an input from Bella Brodzki’s idea that
“[c]ulture’s necessarily overarching orientation toward the future
only obtains by sharing its past” (Brodzki 2007, 113), I conducted
an experiment on collective memory and testimony in an
assignment I gave to my students at Fresno State. I set an
assignment in which they were called to write the story of their
ancestor’s survival. Most of them said to me, “I know something
about my great grandparents, but I’m missing a lot of details.
What should I do?” This is exactly what I was hoping for, and
advised them to fill in the gaps with their imaginations and to
take advantage of their parents and grandparents and ask them
questions. As evidenced by Brodzki, “[t]hinking both
psychoanalytically and historically also means that while we
harbor the dream of plentitude, we always begin with a gap”
(Brodzki 2007, 113).
For their assignment, some of my students contacted their
relatives living in other countries to inquire about their
grandparents and, as the students shared some amazing stories in
class.6 This assignment contributed to raising their personal
awareness of their ancestors’ voyages towards refuge.
Antonia Arslan has done the same in filling in the gaps of
an unknown past. In the meantime the geography, the places, and
the itineraries that she describes in her novel reveal not only
significant moments of family history but also its inclusion in a
determinate social space and national history (Alù 2009, 364).7
This is important because it gives the historical part to “historical
fiction.”
For yet another class assignment, based on the concept of
Rushdie’s “translated man,” students worked together to write the
names of the native cities and villages of their ancestors, as well
as the places through which they passed on their long journeys of
migration before arriving in the United States.8 We also included
in the map the languages they had learnt along the way. This
initial exercise helped the students to visualize, re-realize, and
appreciate both their ancestors’ geographical passages and the
students’ indelible connection to them. Further, the act of writing
it on the board—taking pen in hand—implicated them as the
bearers and continuers of their ancestral memories. I have always
been obsessively diligent throughout my academic career to erase
whatever is on the board after any given lesson. However, what
6 Some of these stories have already been published in the Hye Sharzhoom newspaper (Fresno
2013, 35/1, 2).
7 In her article, Alù refers to Anne Muxel who in her Individu et mémoire familiale explains how
rediscovering familiar places and spaces can help us to recover a biographical path as well as
the origin, progress, and decline of a social, individual, and collective destiny (Muxel 1996, 47).
8 In his book of essays Imaginary Homelands, Salman Rushdie asserts that “Having been borne
across the world, we are translated men. It is normally supposed that something always gets
lost in translation; I cling, obstinately to the notion that something can also be gained” (Rushdie
1992, 17).
was created on the board that day was an interwoven tapestry of
names, places, times, and languages that neither my students nor
myself even dared to erase. The memory seemed at once too fresh
and validated yet again. So, we decided to leave it as it was. I
took a picture before the next instructor could “erase our
ancestors,” preserving this image at least through another
medium—if not the word, the image. We were all excited and
surprised to discover that among all our ancestors, they
collectively spoke sixteen languages including Armenian,
English, Arabic, French, Turkish, Spanish, Vai, Pele, Fula,
Russian, German, Romanian, Bulgarian, Latin, Greek, and
Kurdish.
In the same way, Antonia Arslan’s undertaking the
mission of retelling the story continues the voyage of her
ancestors. In one of her numerous public lectures Antonia said:
“The idea of my past was bothering me for years, so one morning
I decided to write: ‘Zio Sempad è solo una leggenda, per noi: ma
una leggenda su cui abbiamo tutti pianto.’”9
This is the very first sentence of the novel, and Antonia
once told me that, while many passages of the book have
undergone editing, that sentence remained unchanged. What is
interesting is that Antonia never mentions the name of her
grandfather’s birthplace, calling it “little city.” “No one, patient
reader, ever went back to the little city,” finishes Antonia Arslan
in her book (Arslan 2006, 268). She does this intentionally—
firstly because this is a novel and not a memoir and secondly
because she doesn’t want to personify but rather render the idea
more globally and not to give the reader the impression that the
Armenians were persecuted in that specific place.
I’d like to share the last classroom example from my
California State University experience, which dealt with the
question of the story’s transmission. By using their part of the
genealogical tapestry I spoke of before, each student illustrated
the geographic and linguistic journeys of their ancestors. I asked
the students, as an extension, to report their family history to one
partner in the classroom. It was then the task of the partner to re-
reflect the story and report it. After a series of retellings, the
students eventually had to report these stories back to the class,
9 Uncle Sempad is only a legend, for us—but a legend that has made us all cry (Arslan 2006, 17).
thus directly engaging in the process of transmission and
translation. Our aim was to internalize the process of a story’s
transmission and to show how feelings, details, chronology, and
so forth are translated as they pass from one person to another.
Thus, the story, especially the oral tale, is a shared substance
between interlocutors, and simply does not exist without both the
teller and the listener, the writer and the reader. So when we
return to consider the gravity of Arslan’s work in the telling of
the Armenian Genocide from a very personal perspective, we
come to the realization that, by sharing her own family history,
we also become a responsible player of that story as readers. In
this case, we are both called upon to consider and remember the
Genocide and are also invited to enter its discourse. To consider
Arslan’s work on such a global scale, then, is of tantamount
importance.
Through the pen of the writer Antonia Arslan, the
Armenian Genocide is thus carried beyond its historical limits,
slipping from the desks of historians and entering the minds and
imaginations of ordinary people. Of course, when a historical
event becomes literature it is enriched with new shades and
colors. New heroes are born who are given names and are
assigned identities. Families are born belonging to one nationality
or to another who are placed in this or that social class. This is
where literary fiction comes into play. And she weaves the plot.
Through a love story, a common conversation in the home, or
between neighbors, and through a description of a relationship
between two individuals of two different nationalities (such as the
Armenian and Turkish) or minorities (Armenians and Greeks),
Antonia Arslan introduces the historical dimension to the story.
A sentence from the prologue that was also used for the
blurb on the book cover reads:
My aunt always used to say: When I’ve finally had it with you, when you get
too mean, I’m leaving. I’ll go stay with Arussiag in Beirut, with Uncle Zareh
in Aleppo, with Philip and Mildred in Boston, with my sister Nevart in Fresno,
with Ani in NY, or even with Cousin Michel in Copacabana—him last,
though, because he married an Assyrian. (Arslan 2006, 5)
With this sentence, the author introduces the complex
phenomenon of the Armenian Diaspora created by the Armenian
Genocide. When a non-Armenian reader, completely ignorant of
not only the essence but also the existence of the Armenian
Genocide, buys the book for its literary value, while reading this
sentence, asks herself: How can a single person, Antonia’s aunt,
have so many relatives around the world? The answer will come
on reading the book.
Before writing her Genocide narrative, Antonia Arslan
consulted many history books. But the plot also came to her
through saved photographs. As Daniel Sherman has it: “Sight is the
only sense powerful enough to bridge the gap between those who
hold a memory rooted in bodily experience and those who, lacking
such experience, nonetheless seek to share the memory” (Sherman
1999, 14).
Thus the picture becomes a complicated form of self-
portrait that reveals the ego of the writer that is necessarily
relational and at the same time fragmentary. Similarly,
descriptions of group photographs in Skylark Farm are used by
Antonia Arslan to recover the bonds with her dispersed
Armenian relatives (Alù 2009, 373):
Arussiag, Henriette, and Nubar, two girls and a little boy dressed as a girl.
Along with Nevart they are the numb survivors who will, after escaping
Aleppo, come to the West. These children now look out at me from a
snapshot taken in Aleppo in 1916, one year after their rescue, just before
they embarked for Italy: their grave, childish eyes are turned mysteriously
inward, opaque and glacial, having accepted—after too many unanswered
questions—the blind selection that has allowed them to survive. They are
wearing decent orphan clothes, but they seem dressed in uniforms of rags,
and at a quick glance the eye sees prison stripes. Their dark Eastern eyes,
with their thick brows tracing a single line across their foreheads, repeat
four times, wordlessly, the fear of a future that will be inexorable and the
hidden nucleus of a secret guilt. (Arslan 2006, 23)
Transforming and translating the protagonists of the
pictures into the characters of the book, Antonia is linking
herself through a bridge towards her ancestors:
But it will be Zareh the skeptic, the European, who will save the family
legacy, the children, and the photographs: the four little malnourished
bodies curled together like dying birds, their small skulls all eyes, and the
precious packet of family portraits, sewn up along with Gregory of Narek’s
prayer book inside a velvet rag and passed from hand to hand from the
dying to the survivors. Parched, dried skeletons—memorials of a life that
had been cordial and boisterous, with plenty of water, plenty of hospitality
and mirth. (Arslan 2006, 29)
These images, along with a few objects protected by the
women during the massacre and deportation, become relics of
which the author becomes the possessor through the acts of
postmemory. In addition, the images included or only described
in Skylark Farm, along with the text, are the subject of memory
and commemoration as well as collective pain, the lieux de
mémoire that stop time, block forgetfulness, immortalize death
and materialize the immaterial (Alù 2009; Nora 1989).
In her 2007 book Can These Bones Live, Bella Brodzki
directs her
attention to processes of intergenerational transmission, conceived as acts of
translation, to how the value of memory or remembrance as an instrument of
historical consciousness is inscribed in a culture [. . .] What connects and divides
two generations and their respective cultural narratives, where are the
borderlines of a life and text, what are the ways in which processes of translation
perform as well as disrupt the work of cultural memory? (Brodzki 2007, 111–
112).
In the case of Antonia Arslan, the intergenerational
transmission took place through her beloved grandfather who
entrusted her with the task of retelling his trauma and memories
for a country that no longer exists, for the columns of deportees, for a family
dying beneath a poisonous sun, for the unmarked graves along the dusty roads
and paths of Anatolia; and for everything that disappeared with them, everything
alive and fragrant, exhausted and joyous, painful and consoling: the country’s
soul. (Arslan 2006, 40)
The Armenian Genocide in Translation
When we talk about Genocide and translation in a global
sense, we inevitably enter a discourse about memory. Let’s
think for a moment of the psychological state of the trauma
victim: they are pained, they block things out, sometimes
repress the memories that are too painful. The Armenian
Genocide survivors’ silence was also due to the fact that they
were over-protective of their children considering them a
representation of survival and treating them as substitutes for
the relatives who perished and communities that had been
wiped out. Thus with the aim to ensure their protection, the
parents often refused to share the trauma with the second
generation.10
Genocide trauma is translated by the very person who
experienced it by the memory they retain of the event. What
about when a trauma is translated into artistic literature? Are
we obliged to then preoccupy ourselves with less important
“factual” matters—was it really fifty days that the woman
walked through the desert, or thirty? Historical fiction is a
genre that fuses a historical fact with creative writing. Thus, as
a fiction, we are ultimately obliged as readers to be less
preoccupied with the precision of less important facts, but
rather occupy ourselves with the rendering of feeling and
narrative form within a historical space. And it is in this
moment of not being preoccupied with the fact or fiction of
memoir, biography, or a historical text that we are able to
immerse ourselves in the heart of the matter. How do we feel
about this situation? How can we relate to it? How do we
interpret it ourselves? Certainly a lot of truth also comes out
through creative writing and not only through memoir or
biography or other forms of factual writing where the
blockages and psychological borders stop the author from
revealing the whole trauma.
***
Every book has its birth story, and analogously every
10 While exploring the impact of World War II on the second-generation Armenian–American
identity, Aftandilian (2009) noticed that the war brought the memory of the Armenian Genocide
to the forefront within Armenian–American families, as survivors of the Genocide had to send
their sons off to war. Aftandilian interviewed World War II Armenian–American veterans and
found that the topic of returning home was more emotional than the topic of their combat
experience. His research on the children of survivors found that many children were named
after the murdered relatives. These children felt special, because an obligation was placed on
them, directly or indirectly, to bear the hopes and aspirations of the survivors not only for the
family, but also for the Armenian people as a whole. One of my students at California State
University, A. Pilavian, wrote in her final paper: “I never really knew the details about how my
family began or how much they sacrificed to live a better life. I used to get angry with my family
when they wouldn’t tell me things that I wanted to know from their past experiences. What I
came to realize is that when people don’t speak of something tragic that has happened in their
life, it actually eats at them more. The reason they feel that it’s better to keep quiet is so that
they don’t disrupt the peace in their life that they finally have now.”
translation has its birth story. Most of the translations of
Antonia Arslan’s Skylark Farm have been executed according
to the standard ways when a publisher decides to commission a
book’s translation. However, there is something immediately
striking about the book’s Hungarian edition. The Hungarian
translation was published in Romania, and not in Hungary
(Arslan 2008).
Here is the explanation given by the book dealer Kinga
Kali:
As you perhaps know Hungary still does not recognize the Armenian
Genocide—and there is not much knowledge about it in the Hungarian book
publishing. The publishers I contacted simply did not respond to my
proposal—to publish the Hungarian translation of Skylark Farm. I had the
idea to go to Mentor, a Hungarian publishing house in Transylvania,
Romania. I also offered a complete plan for advertising the book in
Hungary. They accepted the proposal.
Mentor publishers in Romania took all the risks in
dealing with a theme intentionally kept from public view in
Hungary. This is why Antonia was able to go and give her book
tour in both Hungary and Romania.
The circulation of Antonia’s Genocide novel, thanks to
its Hungarian translation, among common Hungarians is
extremely important because Hungary has yet to recognize the
Armenian Genocide.11
After the publication of Skylark Farm in Romania, the
book dealer together with the publishing house managed to
organize several book presentations in Budapest and in a few
Transylvanian towns in Romania with a Hungarian majority.
While I was in Budapest for a conference, I met the
dealer and asked her about the impact of the translation and its
contribution to raising awareness in Hungary. She replied that
The majority of the people I gave the book [to] as a present and [who]
11 Hungary was the country where, in 2004, Ramil Safarov, a lieutenant of the Azerbaijani
army, used an axe to hack the twenty-six-year-old Armenian lieutenant Gurgen Margaryan to
death in his sleep. Both were participating in an English language training course within the
framework of the NATO-sponsored Partnership for Peace initiative in Budapest. Ramil Safarov
was imprisoned in Budapest for the murder until he was extradited to Azerbaijan in 2012. To
the shock of many, Azerbaijan promoted him and made a hero of the murderer. In reaction,
Armenia formally suspended ties with Hungary.
shared it with their friends said that by reading it for the first time, they were
able to understand what the Armenian Genocide meant. They usually had
knowledge about the Jewish Holocaust, but not about the Armenian one—at
least, the younger generation did not know anything about it. The mother of
a friend of mine was revolted, and cried, “why are people in Hungary not
informed about all of this, and why is this not included in the history classes
at the school?”
Here we see a Hungarian girl dreaming of bringing
knowledge to her people about the historical event of the
Armenian Genocide, by translating the Genocide narrative
Skylark Farm:
When I met Antonia Arslan in 2004 during her book presentation, I decided
to let my Hungarian nation learn about this book, and my dream came true
within four years. In June 2008, the book was released and presented for the
very first time at the Budapest Book Fest.
Narrative and translation therefore once more prove themselves
valid tools in the raising of awareness about the historical event.
Later I had the chance to contact Kinga Júlia Király, the
Hungarian translator of the novel.
Antonia Arslan’s Skylark Farm was the most shocking translation I’ve ever
made, she said. When I got the book from Italy and I started reading it for the
first time, I couldn’t even imagine that such a horrible national destiny does
exist. After reading one fourth of the novel I had to buy a new armchair, which
I still call my “Skylarkfarmchair”: I needed a new position, a new posture for
my body in order not to be absorbed by the novel, not to read as a whatsoever
fiction, but keep my awareness till the end of it. As I have Armenian origins,
too, since my family came to Transylvania in the seventeenth century, the
novel had awakened in me, somewhere deep inside, a never felt receptivity
toward suffering and misery. And I struggled for good amidst with my
shamefacedness which [incapacitated] me in my translation. How should I
translate those terrifying events, bring the best close to the reader, what
Sempad’s family had endured? How should I repaint the “Armenian blood-
flowers” on the walls (Arslan 2006, 118)? Am I allowed to do such things? Is
this reasserting, recommitting a Genocide? It was much more than [a] matter
of ethics or aesthetics. More than literature, as well.
I still remember the deep impact which Nevart’s death in the thunderbolt
made on me (Arslan 2006, 175). When I had to read a sequence from the
book for the first time in front of an audience, I [chose] Nevart’s death. But
I could not do it. I felt such discomposure, such sorrow, such mourning, that
I started to cry. That was too much for me as translating is an intimate act
while sharing Genocide, in fact, [. . .] is a reaction.
I owe this translation a brand new life, since I became wide open for
suffering. Skylark farm – in a sacred sense – had made my life.
Further, I also interviewed Hillary Creek, who
translated into English a section of Antonia Arslan’s second
novel A Road to Smyrna, which has now been entirely translated
into Armenian (Arslan 2012):
I am a historian (economic and social), she said, with a special interest in
the Middle East from 1890 on, as my research has in some part been on
petroleum politics in the area. As a social historian I am obviously interested
in the life of ordinary people and find a rich source in the literature, drama,
art, and music of the period. I researched [the] bare facts, chronological
history of the time, movements, and main characters, before starting
translating. But I was born into postwar London when the city was in large
part rubble, rationing didn’t stop till I was six. The war was still very close,
my mother (a teacher) had spent the Blitz finding and taking care of young
kids who escaped from evacuations and returned to find nothing. So I had
her memories. Then I have many friends who have had to flee from political
persecutions and I have long been interested and involved in human rights
questions. So if anything it was not one event, but rather a combination of
first, second and third hand tales and memories that were my points of
reference.
Now, some of my personal thoughts about the Genocide
novel as an Armenian experience and the Armenian translator of
Antonia Arslan’s Genocide narratives.
In 2004, when I read Skylark Farm all in one sitting, I
could not imagine that three years later I would have the honor
of being the Armenian translator of this best-seller.
It all began in the fall of 2005, when a Festival of
Friendship between Armenia and Italy was organized in
Yerevan and there were many events held both on academic
(conferences, round tables) and popular (Italian opera or cinema
evenings) topics. At that time I was in Armenia participating in
a conference at the Academy of Sciences with a paper on
Dante’s Armenian translations (Haroutyunian 2006, 2012b). Of
course, among the events, I could not miss the presentation of
Skylark Farm, which had just been published in Italy and was
already proving to be very successful. At the event, the author
and the directors Paolo and Vittorio Taviani were supposed to
be there to present the book and forthcoming film.
Antonia suggested that I translate the three most moving
episodes of the book so they could be read at the presentation. It
was after this that Antonia asked me about going forward with
the translation. But the deadlines were very precise. The
Armenian translation had to be ready for the release of the film
by the Taviani Brothers. There was very little time, and the
responsibility was huge. The heroes of the story were talking to
me, just as Antonia says in her acknowledgments:
I must first thank those who spoke to me: Sempad and Shushanig, Ismene
and Isaac, Nazim the beggar, and Yerwant, with his neat Pirandello goatee.
And then Azniv and Veron, the great aunts I never knew; funny, tiny
Henriette, who spoiled me; Zareh and Rupen, my legendary great uncles. I
thank my audacious, whimsical mother, who raised me unleniently; Khayel,
my serious, sly father, who worried about everything; my uncle Yetwart,
and my cousins Yerwant, Ermanno, and Teresa; my little brother Carlo
. . . (Arslan 2006, 271)
I was too emotionally involved in the story. I was feeling a
kind of duty to make their story available to Armenians. I often
skipped lunch. I was so immersed in the book and its characters
that I was almost ashamed to take a break to eat while they were
walking along the dusty roads of Anatolia, hungry and exhausted,
destroyed by deportation. It seemed that they were beckoning me
to tell their story because they desperately wanted to be heard.
When I go to the episode that tells of the horrific
massacre at the Farm, I was completely blocked as it was too
hard to switch off emotionally and think about the word order
of the sentence or make a choice of adjectives when the plot was
describing the murder of the little boys in front of their mother:
Garo lies placidly with his handsome smile, holding his little hands over his
open belly. Leslie, scurrying on all fours, tries to hide beneath the sideboard
sparkling with crystal, but he’s dragged out by his feet and flung against the
wall, where his small round head smashes like a ripe coconut, spraying
blood and brain across the delicate floral design. Thus are flowers born from
the blood of the Armenian Calvary. (Arslan 2006, 118)
After a while, emotionally drained, I decided to skip
those passages and return to them once I’d completed the book.
I finally managed to keep my promise, finishing the
book before the screening of the film, which took place July 10,
2007, at the opening of the Golden Apricot Film Festival in
Yerevan (Arslan 2007).
In the translation I have maintained the foreign
expressions in Turkish, French, and English used by the author
in the Italian text, because it was worth reviving those
expressive nuances in Armenian, especially taking into account
that these terms not only precisely characterized the cultural
environment of that generation during the Genocide, but were
also a part of the characters’ everyday lives. So I precisely
preserved foreign words in transliteration, inserting notes to
facilitate comprehension and reading.
From Text to Reel: Cinematic Translation of Arslan’s Skylark
Farm to the Taviani brothers’ film The Lark Farm
There is always the matter of fidelity of the film to the novel,
generally expressed as a function of adequacy and acceptability,
whereby the former is more or less what we mean by equivalence,
and the latter is more or less what we mean by audience
believability. For example, many readers usually watch movies
based on the books they’ve read and end up being disappointed.
Why? Because so many parts of the story are cut out. So we as
readers look for mistakes and sometimes disregard whether the
movie was well directed, produced, and so on. I think we should
never compare them, but rather consider them separately.
When a book is translated into a movie, questions
inevitably arise. One of the first is to ask about the film genre
(documentary, drama, historical narrative, etc.) that the filmmaker
has chosen since each film genre creates a different kind of
viewing experience for the audience.
The famous Italian film directors and screenwriters the
Taviani brothers’ Lark Farm is based on a historical novel, so the
goal is to awaken curiosity, interest, even engagement in a
historical event; the limitations and strengths of a film translation
are evident in the selection of passages from the novel, the filmic
treatment of those passages, the omission of passages, and so on.
The Taviani brothers announced right away that the film
would be “liberally” based on Skylark Farm—that is, the plot
would be relatively the same but the directors had the right to
change things or make additions, and in fact they editorialized
and accessorized the film and inserted fictional material in the
movie such as love interests and so on. This is quite normal
because, even if it originates in a novel, the filmmaker translates
her or his perception/translation of the fiction into film.
This reflection leads into the relationship of the source
(novel) and the target (film) and opens up such questions as what
other source modeling material is evident in the film. In fact, the
Tavianis have not only cut episodes from the novel but they have
also added some.
There is an episode in the film that recalls a passage from
another Genocide narrative by Alice Tachdjian, Pietre sul cuore
(Stones on the heart), published in Italy in 2003. In the book there
is a scene where two women are forced to dispose of the child by
suffocating him between them as they sit back to back (Tachdjian
2003):
We were terrorized by the Turks’ cruelty, writes Tachdjian in her memoir. We
understood that they were trying to annihilate us all, but before they found joy in
killing the children in front of their mothers, who were going mad throwing
themselves from the cliffs. The Turks were opening the wombs of pregnant
women with yatağan, they were stabbing children and then drowning [them] in
the rivers. They even took [the] clothes from the dead, to resell them afterwards.
[. . .] Our two-month-old baby was crying because he was hungry, there was no
milk in Hripsimé’s breasts, the grass that she ate on the streets caused terrible
stomachache for the child. However the poor creature [was] destined to die of
hunger, diarrhea, or by the sword. To avoid being discovered by his cries, our
mother and sister suffocated the baby in the middle of their backs, one against
the other, without looking at him. He [was] extinguished like a candle . . .12
When the Taviani brothers asked Antonia Arslan to
dramatize Skylark Farm, there was also much interest from
12 Tachdjian’s book hasn’t been translated into English yet. We translated this piece of a memoir
as a class assignment during my Armenian Genocide course at Fresno State as I wanted my
students to experience what Genocide translation meant. Since the memoir was in Italian, the
process of translation took place with me providing the initial translation into English, and then
working collectively with the students.
Hollywood in acquiring the movie rights. But Arslan was aware
that in the past the several attempts to produce a Hollywood film
about the Armenian Genocide were blocked. She knew that
prominent directors and actors throughout the decades had
attempted to produce a film based on Franz Werfel’s novel Forty
Days of Musa Dagh, but without success.13 Antonia Arslan
therefore agreed to the Taviani brothers’ suggestion.
The film is a Spanish coproduction and the Spanish
actress Paz Vega is a central character in the movie. Even the
Spanish translation of the movie Skylark Farm is entitled El
Destino di Nunik as she interprets Nunik’s role.14
In fact when the film had just come out some Armenians
were concerned by the fact that the filmmaker had inserted a
double love story for Nunik with two Turkish officers played by
two actors, the Italian actor Alessandro Preziosi and the German
Moritz Bleibtreu. In her novel Antonia has only one love story.
A change I dislike in the film is Nunik’s second romance with a Turkish
soldier, one who is helping lead a caravan of Armenian women to their death
in Syria, wrote one of my students at California State University Fresno in his
final paper. I feel like Nunik must have a very deep case of Stockholm
Syndrome, as she seems to only fall in love with Turkish soldiers. Besides
catering to fans of romance movies I can’t understand why this change was
made. It almost seems to pander to a Turkish audience by showing a
sympathetic Turkish participant in the Genocide, who we’re meant to feel
sorry for because he doesn’t really want to be there. Was he added to make
any Turk watching feel less guilty? Obviously, the Turkish audience for this
movie would be small if not nonexistent, so the addition of this character is
puzzling. The two characters are both serving the same purpose as a
sympathetic perpetrator and love interest, so it would make a lot more sense to
merge them together, from a storytelling perspective. As it is the second
Turkish soldier is redundant at best, and raises a lot of unfortunate
implications.15
During the “film vs novel” discussion with cinema critic Dr.
Artsvi Bakhchinyan from Armenia, he confessed:
13 According to Variety magazine, The Forty Days of Musa Dagh has become “the most on-
again and off-again motion picture production in Hollywood history” (Torosyan 2012).
14 This character is Azniv in the book, and unlike the film is not a central character in the volume.
15 An excerpt from the final paper by Suren Oganessian.
Like from any artistic display of the Armenian Genocide, Armenians had great
expectations from the Tavianis’ film, and as a general rule these expectations
were unjustified. Of course, we should be grateful to the great masters of
cinema for being able to bring the pain of our people to the public at large,
which was not sufficiently informed of the history of this tragedy. However, in
my humble opinion as a film critic, the extremely classical shape, style, and
language in which the story was presented was at least half a century late. The
same cannot be said about the book. The presented motivations for the film as
a tragedy remain almost undiscovered. According to the film, one perceives
the false notion that those motivations were purely economic. From historical
and psychological points of view, the behavior of the main heroine of the film
is not characteristic of an Armenian woman at the beginning of the twentieth
century and gives the wrong idea that the Armenian women, like Nunik, were
throwing themselves into the arms of the Turks. In fact, the opposite occurred.
The fictional part of the film suffers due to the dialogues that are not
characteristic of everyday home speech. Perhaps the film’s small budget
caused some “artistisms” inappropriate to present-day cinematography (for
example, in the deportation scene, the clothes the deportees are wearing are
not convincing).
From my perspective, the film works especially well for
an audience with little or no knowledge about the Armenian
Genocide. By contrast, Armenians, more aware of the Genocide,
have more mixed sensations, either of gratitude towards the
filmmakers or of disappointment due to the dubious accuracy of
some aspects, as we saw above. A completely unaware person
however would begin to learn about the historical phenomenon of
the Armenian Genocide.
The filmmakers managed to put together an excellent
cast. They stated in one of their interviews that the actors were
not only involved professionally but also emotionally. According
to the directors, after watching the whole film for the first time
the Turkish-born Greek–Jewish actor Tchéky Karyo burst into
tears and when he calmed down he said that he had not only
watched the tragedy that they had played, but he had also seen his
Jewish uncle and grandfather. So in the imagination of the actor
Karyo the Armenian Genocide and the Jewish Holocaust all of a
sudden were superimposed.16
16 Il genocidio dimenticato: intervista ai Fratelli Taviani [Parte 1]
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-Pnyzq4kROA.
When we ask about the effect of a film, we are dealing
with the rhetorical and artistic purposes of the film—that is, we are
probing into the film’s skopos or purpose with regard to the
audience. A novel would have similar artistic and rhetorical
purposes, but executed along different lines since the experience of
reading a novel is stretched out over several hours if not days while
the experience of viewing a film is usually contained in under two
hours. And this is a very important point as movies usually reach
an even larger audience, and sometimes viewing a massacre with
your own eyes might prove more powerful than reading about it.
The grammar, syntax, and vocabulary of film create meaning in
their own right but also invite the viewers to make meaning out of
the viewing experience. Film has the potential to be an excellent
tool in raising awareness about a historical event in less than two
hours to an audience of hundreds of thousands.17
When in 2006 the Taviani brothers were shooting the
film, their intention was to raise awareness about the Armenian
Genocide and show the world the need to stop such crimes
against humanity from reoccurring. Their desire also was to see
their movie circulating in the schools. Today their goal has been
fulfilled as the film is shown in many Italian schools mainly to
eighth-graders who are learning about World War I and students
doing their last year of high school.
This film has two major advantages: it stimulates
reflection on a story known only by a few, in part because few
film makers have brought this Genocide onto the screens before.
Secondly, this film shows that good and evil are not at all on one
side or the other.
Conclusion
In his Les Lieux de Mémoire, Nora asserts that
In fact, memory has never known more than two forms of legitimacy:
historical and literary. These have run parallel to each other but until now
always separately. At present, the boundary between the two is blurring;
following closely upon the successive deaths of memory–history and
memory–fiction, a new kind of history has been born, which owes its
17For audiovisual translation, among others see Zatlin 2005; Díaz-Cintas 2009; Cronin 2009; and
the collection of essays by Agost, Orero, and di Giovanni 2012.
prestige and legitimacy to the new relation it maintains to the past [. . .]
History has become the deep reference of a period that has been wrenched
from its depths, a realistic novel in a period in which there are no real
novels. Memory has been promoted to the center of history: such is the
spectacular bereavement of literature. (Nora 1989, 24)
In the novel, by reconstructing her family history Arslan
is merging both historical research and the imagination from a
collective memory. Historical research and imagination that
have both been brought together by a collective memory are
very important even independently, and the merging of them all
is quite fascinating, especially with regards to the collective.
And the consequence of the novel is a sort of catharsis for
Arslan and her family as she becomes both receptacle and
protector. Here we can also call into question the very genre of
art and literature, depending on the author’s intention. For
example, “art for art’s sake” or art for a social cause, or
testimony for catharsis. Literature and testimony are different,
and then there is the literature of testimony, which is another
genre altogether. Why is the “literature of testimony” an actual
genre? And, further, even if it is not exactly Arslan’s testimony
but a retelling of a retelling, Arslan’s text is a literature of
testimony. Collecting personal and public memories affords
coherence and integrity to interrupted stories that have been
fragmented or compromised by loss, dislocation, and division.
In our case, the journey into Arslan’s family’s past transcends
the silence and fills the gaps in a personal history. Family
history, personal history, and national history are, in fact,
interrelated and at times one.
Finally, in Skylark Farm, through the research of
original documents and acts of postmemory, the author unites
her present to the lost world of her family, and in this way
strengthens her roots and anchors her identity. With the memory
what is past returns to be actual. The memory is not only an act
of remembering, but it can become a living entity, can become a
vibrant emotion.
Antonia Arslan’s Genocide narrative with its thirty-six
reprints in Italy alone, where the Armenian community only has
2,000 members, has sold over 500,000 copies to an Italian
readership for the most part previously unaware of the
Armenian Genocide. However, it is through the power of
translation into fifteen languages that Skylark Farm has
surpassed the borders of Italy, taking the knowledge of the
Armenian Genocide throughout the globe and thereby
contributing to its “afterlife”—to use the word of Walter
Benjamin (Benjamin 1999)—as well as its cinematic rendering
to a global audience.
References
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American Second Generation Identity,” JSAS 18:2, 33–54.
Agost, Rosa, Pilar Orero, and Elena di Giovanni. 2012. Multidisciplinarity in
Audiovisual Translation. Alicante: University of Alicante Press.
Alù, Giorgia. 2009. “Sulle tracce del passato: memoria e frammentazione
familiare in Vita di Melania Mazzucco e La masseria delle allodole di
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Arslan, Antonia. 2004. La masseria delle allodole. Milan: Rizzoli.
———. 2006. Skylark Farm. Translated by Geoffrey Brock. New York: Alfred
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———. 2007. Artuytneri agarake (Skylark Farm). Second edition 2012. Edited
by Sahak Partev. Translated by Sona Haroutyunian. Yerevan: Sahak Partev.
———. 2008. Pacsirtavár. Translated by Kinga Júlia Király.
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Balcani al Caucaso. Edited by Antonia Arsland and Boghos Levon Zekiyan
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Dédéyan, Gérard, ed. 2002. Soria degli armeni. Edited by Antonia Arslan and
Boghos Levon Zekiyan. Milan: Guerini e Associati. Original French edition
Histoire du peuple arménien. Edited by Gérard Dédéyan. Toulouse:
Éditions Privat, 1982.
Díaz-Cintas, Jorge. (2009). New Trends in Audiovisual Translation. Bristol:
Multilingual Matters.
Grass, Günter. 2008. Peeling the Onion. Translated by Michael Henry Heim.
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———. 2012a. “Interview with world famous novelist Antonia Arslan.” PDF
available at book platform: your gateway to book culture in Armenia,
Georgia and Ukraine. Accessed February 16, 2017.
http://www.bookplatform.org/images/activities/417/docs/interviewantoniaar
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———. 2012b. “‘The Homer of Modern Times’: The Reception and Translation
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Nora, Pierre. 1989. “Between Memory and History: Les Lieux de Mémoire.”
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Sherman, Daniel J. 1999. The Construction of Memory in Interwar France.
Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press.
Tachdjian, Alice. 2003. Pietre sul cuore. Milan: Sperling & Kupfer Editori.
Taviani, Paolo, and Vittorio Taviani, directors. 2007. La masseria delle allodole.
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Flach Film et al.
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and Hollywood.” The Armenian Weekly, October 5. Accessed February 16,
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forty-days-of-musa-dagh-and-hollywood/.
Varujan, Daniel. 1992. Il canto del pane. Translated by Antonia Arslan. Milan:
Guerrini e Associati.
———. 1995. Mari di grano e altre poesie armene. Translated by Antonia
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Zatlin, Phyllis. 2005. Theatrical Translation and Film Adaptation. Buffalo:
Multilingual Matters.
teaches Armenian language and literature at the
Università degli Studi di Venezia—Ca’ Foscari (Venice, Italy). She received
her first PhD in philology and translation (Yerevan State University) and her
second in linguistics (Università degli Studi di Venezia—Ca’ Foscari). She
has been visiting professor at the Nida School of Translation Studies,
Yerevan State University, California State University Fresno, and City
University of New York. She has authored many scholarly papers and
translated books, including Antonia Arslan’s bestsellers. In her recent
monograph The Theme of the Armenian Genocide in the Italian Literature
she metaphorically analyses Genocide literature as “translation of trauma.”
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] | Siri Nergaard: Marianne, I would like to start by asking you to
introduce yourself, to tell us how you started to work on memory,
and how you developed the idea of postmemory.
Marianne Hirsch: I was very late coming to questions of
memory. I really started to think about it in the late 1980s which
was, I guess, the beginning of Memory Studies and Holocaust
Studies, when it became a field of inquiry. But actually, thinking
back, my Master’s thesis in 1970 was already on memory. It was a
thesis in Comparative Literature and it was on Nabokov’s Lolita
and Musil’s novella Tonka, and it was, in each case, about the
protagonist’s memory of a lost love. So it is in some ways an old
topic, and also a much newer and different one, though it did not
concern me for a very long time, because I was actually interested
in the new. The new novel, the new wave, postmodernism and the
beginnings of second-wave feminism, and the issue about how to
remake the world: the past was very far from my consciousness for
over a decade. If someone had told me in the ’70s that I would be
working on memory, and particularly my family history and the
history of my parents during the Second World War, I would have
said, “who’s interested in that?” and “why would I be interested in
that?”
When I did come to the study of memory, I think that it
was actually through my work in feminism which was very much
about analyzing, contesting, critiquing the ethos of family, of
traditional family structures. I wrote a book on mothers and
daughters in literature that then led me to genealogies: the story of
genealogies that of course also leads to memory. This trajectory is
not just about my own formation, it’s really about my generation
where actually, strangely, a number of people working in feminism
and women’s literature and feminist theory ended up working on
issues of memory. I see a lot of threads of continuity between these
fields and how we all suddenly, it seemed, moved from one interest
to another. Not that we left behind the questions of gender. On the
contrary, they’re still infused in the work. It’s a work that has a
similar commitment to tell untold stories, to ensure that stories of
suffering and catastrophe aren’t forgotten—those kinds of
commitments. So, this is how I see the relationship.
Cristina Demaria: I have a very similar itinerary. This is also how
I started moving toward memory.
Marianne Hirsch: . . . How do you explain the continuities?
Cristina Demaria: . . . In a very similar way to the one you said:
to give voice to untold stories, or narratives that can be told
differently. And as you said before, in the 1970s the tendency of
critical theory was oriented towards the new and the future.
Nowadays memory is often seen in connection to the future;
memory of course is written in the present to rewrite the past, but
also for a future. So, the very role of memory has changed very
much, but to me its connection to gender studies is still very
important. I remember that the first essay I read of yours is the one
on Claude Lanzmann’s film Shoah and the women.
Marianne Hirsch: . . . that’s really the beginning of my getting
involved in that field, that was the very beginning. . .
Cristina Demaria: Do you agree with those who say that the
concept of memory became important as a category in order to
bring history and materiality back into theory?
Marianne Hirsch: Yes, I agree though it may not be the only
explanation. In fact, materiality and bodies didn’t really disappear:
to say that deconstruction was completely antimaterial is not really
true. But I think people saw it as the linguistic turn and, so, saw
that not only materiality was missing but also history, in a sense.
So, then we had the new historicism that was also about material
objects, and memory studies kind of grew up around the same
time.
I think that there are many other reasons for the appeal of
memory, one of them, the attractiveness of the interdisciplinarity of
this field, that anthropologists, sociologists, historians,
philosophers, and psychoanalysts, literary and visual culture
theorists could actually work together. That didn’t really happen
for me in any other context as vibrantly as around questions about
memory.
Siri Nergaard: And also translation studies, later on, can be, in
many ways, connected to memory. Bella Brodzki, with her book
has demonstrated how strongly connected these two themes are. In
regards to this interdisciplinary connection I would like you to
develop what you just told us about your starting your research on
memory through Shoah, a film in which you noticed the absence of
women, but where the women were translators.
Marianne Hirsch: Exactly, Shoah shows a particular relation to
the Holocaust, which was a very central site of the development of
memory studies. Shoah really shows how central translation is to
the whole, I mean, first of all to the experience of the Holocaust
and its aftermath, and then to the representation and the study of it.
Many films wouldn’t do it that way, but because Lanzmann
decided to take time to show the process of translation and to
foreground it, I think he points to something that’s actually very
much a part of the field, which is that, a lot of people who lived
through that historical moment, may not have had a primary
language but lived their daily lives, at home, in the ghettos and
camps, and in the aftermath, in and through translation.
You asked me earlier, “what's your first language?” and I
said “German,” but neither my parents nor I lived in a German-
speaking country, except for one year in Vienna, so we were
always minority speakers of a language that we claimed as ours,
but that was actually denied us as Jews. So, it’s a very complicated
relationship to a first language, but many survivors of the
Holocaust, may not have had a first language at all. Many people
were young and they might have grown up speaking Yiddish in
school and then Polish on the street, they were deported to a camp
where they learned German, and later they ended up in a DP camp
in Italy, and in the end they went to Israel or the United States.
When you listen to or watch their testimonies, they are most often
speaking a “foreign” language. What is the status of those
testimonies? In the study of memory, testimony, and witness in the
first person is really important, but the witness’s relation to the
language she speaks is very often mediated by the multilingualism
in which she lived and lives.
Siri Nergaard: Yes, and when you then have the person to whom
the memory is transmitted, the generation of postmemory, further
languages are involved. As you told us, you spoke German with
your mother, but the language you are writing in is English, so you
are really translating these memories again, for I don’t know, the
third, fourth, or fifth time.
Marianne Hirsch: Well, you know, it’s very complicated and, I’m
always wondering, what am I doing to these stories, to their
authenticity. The book that Leo Spitzer and I wrote on the
community that my family grew up in, Czernowitz, Ghosts of
Home, was based on a lot of interviews, a lot of readings and
documents and literature as well, but a lot of interviews. We
interviewed people in German, we interviewed them in English,
we interviewed them in Romanian, you know, whatever they
wanted to speak. But the book is in English, so most of the quotes
we used had not only to be edited but also translated. We also used
my father’s memoir quite extensively. He wanted to write it in
English because he wanted to write it for his grandsons. His
English was a language acquired very late in life, and the
experiences he wrote about were in German and Romanian. So, his
words are already a process of translation, of multiple translations.
I think these language issues are at the core of memory studies.
Siri Nergaard: There is also the time of translation in the
metaphorical and literal way.
Marianne Hirsch: It is time, but it’s also the mediation of the
translator, especially significant if the translator is the child of the
person and wants to hear certain things, then it’s more than just a
professional translation, right? There’s a kind of investment that’s
part of what I talk about as postmemory; the personal investments
and the desires, and the curiosities of the second generation. Then,
you get the parents’ words but you have to translate them; how do
you trust that your investments aren’t somehow also structuring the
translation?
Siri Nergaard: As I see it from a translation point of view again,
what you are telling here about the transmission and mediation of a
memory, through language, the personal involvement by the
translator, her investments, are assuming in a way what I see as the
core aspects of what translation is about. In the translation of the
other’s memory you can find a kind of archetype of what
translation really is. Translation always implies change because of
personal and cultural investments giving memory a new nature, a
new identity of that memory since you have put it into another
context and another language.
Marianne Hirsch: Yes, I think that’s true. And then, of course, a
lot of these stories are diaspora stories with memories of migration
and refugeehood that are inherent as well. There, of course, you
have multiple translations, cultural translations, and linguistic
[translations] as well.
Siri Nergaard: Could you tell us how you define and how you
developed this concept that has been so helpful and fruitful for
us—the concept of postmemory?
Cristina Demaria: And together with that, let us include the
question Bella Brodzki wanted to ask you: Have there been
applications or appropriations—translations into new and different
contexts—of your very generative term “postmemory” that have
surprised or perhaps even enlightened you in ways you hadn’t
anticipated or envisioned?
Marianne Hirsch: Well, it started as a very personal need for a
term, not just for me but also for a number of colleagues who met
at feminist conferences in the 1980s. Informally, at lunch or
breakfast we started talking about our family history and then it
turned out that we had similar family histories, and similar
symptoms and syndromes that came from them. It was the moment
when important texts like Art Spielgeman’s Maus and Toni
Morrison’s Beloved, monuments about memory were starting to
come out. We realized that we are the inheritors of these histories
but we hadn’t really thought about what that meant. For me it was
really reading Maus and thinking about it and talking to people like
Bella, who had actually gone through similar family experiences.
We all felt like our parents’ memories of their youth were
overshadowing our own memories of our childhoods. It was a
really powerful sensation that demanded a term that was like
memory but it wasn’t actually memory. So, that’s where the idea
actually came from, so it was quite personal and it was rooted in
this history of inherited histories.
But of course this is part of a much larger story. Just
yesterday, we had a discussion with the filmmaker Laurent Bécue-
Renard who made the film Of Men and War, based on interviews
with traumatized veterans of the Iraq War in a treatment program
in California. He said that the reason he made this film, and his
previous film about Bosnian widows called Tired of War, is
because he felt like he needed to understand his own grandparents.
His two grandfathers fought in the First World War; he never met
them, but he wanted to understand how these very young men
went into trench warfare, came back, started a family of which he
is the product. The widows, wives, grandmothers whom he met
lived with an unspoken history. As he said, “aren’t we all the
inheritors of the wars of the twentieth century?” If this is
postmemory, it is so in the sense not even of stories, it’s really
about the affects and the behaviors and the kinds of. . .
Cristina Demaria: As you said, “products.”
Marianne Hirsch: . . . Yes, the products, it’s really in the DNA
that we have inherited, we are all the products of that. We all live
with those legacies. Laurent Bécue-Renard is trying to understand
how that shapes masculinity and femininity and the culture, and
how these histories are transmitted even if they’re not really told.
And that really kind of subsumed what I wanted to do with that
term. It was fascinating that he’s third generation and he didn’t talk
about his parents in France during the Second World War, but
about his grandfathers. When he was interviewing the veterans of
Iraq who were, probably, twenty years younger than he is, it was as
their grandson, in a sense. This is something I didn’t quite
understand in the beginning—that the temporal implications [. . .]
are so complex that history stops being linear and is somehow
simultaneous rather than genealogical.
So, something else I learned is that although I never saw
postmemory as a strictly biological, biographical, or familial
structure, for some the literal connections are supremely important.
I saw it more as a generational structure and I think that memory is
always mediated through stories, through narratives, through
images, through media. Even when it’s within the family, it’s still
mediated. So, I was always very insistent on that, but then people
who are children or grandchildren of survivors or actors within
certain histories, wanted to preserve a special place for that literal
relationship. In my book on postmemory, I tried to make space for
them by distinguishing between familial and affiliative
postmemory. At first it surprised me that people felt very protective
of that space which is a position I’m not always that sympathetic
to, because it feels like identity politics to me, or some sort of
authenticity that I’ve always been suspicious of.
The other thing that happened in the time that I’ve been
working on postmemory is that a lot of interesting work in queer
theory that complicates linearity, linear histories emerged. A
critique that complicates the idea of genealogy and that looks at
alternative kinds of family structures. And so I felt like my work
was, in some ways, already doing that, even though it looked like it
was about family, it wasn’t really, it was about a contestation about
a kind of traditional family structure. Those are things that
surprised me because I felt like there were some conversations that
I didn’t quite realize I would be in but, I ended up in.
Cristina Demaria: I was thinking of this very idea of affiliation
and the ways in which different forms of commemoration of post
dictatorship have developed in Latin America, very much linked
memory is preserved, as in the movements of the Madres de la
Plaza de Mayo: the bearer of a certain memory is legitimized as
such through a family connection. But there is a tendency now in
Argentinean Memory Studies to go towards a more affiliative idea
of memory and postmemory, since the very idea of family in a
Latin culture can be also very much of a problem; it can be very
traditional and has been used to support the dictatorship: God, the
traditional family, and the country. . .
Marianne Hirsch: Well it’s fascinating in Argentina because of
course, that’s where family have DNA tests actually, so that a very
literal, biological definition of identity has a political impact unlike
many other places. Each context has its own politics and I think
that’s what’s so interesting about working transnationally as you
do and as I have. It is actually, if I can say it in more metaphorical
terms, the untranslatabilities between these contexts: in any other
context, if you wanted to do a DNA test to find out if you’re really
the daughter of this person who’s already handed down to you all
of these histories, you might think that that was a kind of identity
politics, but, in Argentina it’s actually really important, because the
people raising you could be the perpetrators of the crimes against
your biological parents.
Cristina Demaria: In the same context there are different layers.
This idea of limiting the “property” of memory to the biological
family, and to the associations of direct victims had stopped the
more affiliative and cultural ways of elaborating the past. But now
it is changing.
I would like to move to your work within Women Creating
Change, where there are scholars but also artists and performers.
How do you work together, do you translate? And what happens
when you go to a place like Istanbul, as you recently did, where
you confront, different cultures, a very particular past and a
troubled present. . .
Marianne Hirsch: The larger project is called Women Creating
Change but the working group within that that some of us have
started, is called Women Mobilizing Memory and it really has to
do with what you said before: how can memory be mobilized for to
the idea of family transmission. Think of Argentina and how
change in the future? Rather than being weighted down by a past
that you can never get over.
The trauma paradigm that came out of this wonderfully
rich theoretical work of the 1990s is very much about keeping the
wounds open and understanding the unspeakability of certain
crimes, the kind of crushing of the human and of language through
acts of persecution and genocide and the destruction of a culture.
That’s been a very powerful paradigm in the study of memory. Our
thought in working more comparatively and transnationally was to
look at whether the practices of memory look the same in different
places. One of the key questions is how can memory become
activist and how can it become more future-oriented? How can the
past be transmitted, how can we make sure that certain histories
aren’t forgotten…
Cristina Demaria: Not just to be “preserved,” but as living
memories…
Marianne Hirsch: Right, and not for monumentalization in some
kind of a museum, but for change. That’s where the feminist angle
is coming in. To do that work, we really thought it would be
interesting not just to have an interdisciplinary academic group but
to work together with practictioners—artists, activists, curators,
museologists. . . and to see what kind of collaboration would
emerge from that. We are working together with the Hemispheric
Institute on Performance and Politics: Performance Studies is
already the field that takes the kind of embodied nature of memory
very much into account. In those conferences, in the Encuentros of
the Hemispheric Institute, we’ve had working groups in which we
talked about mobilizing memory, but we also always talked about
embodiment. It’s really interesting to have academic conversations
in a room with artists, dancers, theater practitioners, visual artists,
and scholars.
Now, I think that question about embodiment and how
memory functions in the body is a very different question for a
dancer than it is for an academic like me who’s going to write
about it. That’s also a process of translation when you think about
it, it’s really understanding the multidimensionality of knowledge.
When we have visual artists in the group, they’re translating our
ideas into a visual work and I feel that we could use that work to
think with. As literary critics we do that anyway with the texts that
we read, but the multiple texts are very interesting.
And, then, you have the embodied practices of memory,
like the walk of the mothers on Thursdays in Buenos Aires, or the
walk of the Saturday Mothers in Istanbul; similar strategies, very
different kind of impact, politically different moments in the
histories of these mothers–activists. These practices are a kind of
performance, and its cultural impact then becomes a way through
which ideas about memory and memory practices can be
developed. I find these multidimensional conversations really
helpful.
So far, we’ve worked in a triangular structure with Chile,
Turkey, and the US but people in the group may be working on
other sites as well, so it’s more about the conceptual connections
than just about the sites. Often we think we understand something
and we really don’t. So I think, in terms of translation, one of the
things we decided from the very beginning is that we should just
assume that we don’t understand. We shouldn’t just assume that
things can be easily translated. For example, when the group was
in Chile, we went to the Museo de la Memoria, which is a museum
commemorating the coup against Allende and the crimes of the
dictatorship of Pinochet. The narrative of the museum starts on
September 11, 1973—that is, the day of the Golpe. Where’s the
background? How are people supposed to understand how this
happened? Isn’t there a prehistory? To us from the US, it seemed
flawed as a museological choice. But our Chilean partners
responded, “here in Chile, when you talk about the background,
that's the right-wing thing to do,” because the right said the reason
Allende was toppled was because he was failing, and there were
strikes because of his bad government. . . The progressive history
starts on the day and its aftermath. This is the kind of
untranslatability that I think is at the core of this kind of work
which I don’t even want to call comparative work anymore,
because it implies that you can compare things, so I’m trying to
talk about “connective” histories; we provide the connections but
often, they’re not easily connectable. We have to start with,
“maybe we don't understand,” rather than walking into a situation
assuming you know how it should be done, because it’s different in
different contexts.
Siri Nergaard: It’s very interesting what you are saying about
untranslatability and that you don’t want to use the comparative
concept. . .
Marianne: I mean, I was in comparative literature so you can
imagine it’s not so easy for me to say that. . .
Siri Nergaard: I understand. I am saying this also because
recently there has been a sort of shift in translation studies towards
a stronger attention towards untranslatability, an aspect that has
been somehow neglected. We have been so focused on
translatability, and recognizing it everywhere, that we have almost
forgotten that untranslatability exists. Untranslatables exist: as you
said, sometimes universes are uncomparable because they are
untranslatable, but we can create the connections.
Marianne Hirsch: In the conference that we had in Turkey, which
was about mobilizing memory for change, there was a really
interesting talk by the anthropologist Leyla Nezi who interviewed
Kurdish youth and Turkish young people, about the relationship
between the two cultures. She said, “in these interviews, nobody
meets anybody else,” because for the Turkish young people, the
important moments of their lives are ahead of them, but for the
Kurdish young people, the important things have already happened
for them in the losses that preceded their birth. They live in the
same country, but they’re not in the same time zone. I think that’s a
really interesting idea of the nonmeeting. How might their lost past
be turned toward the future as well? What will make these histories
translatable to each other? What kinds of solidarity might be forged
between them? And what can we learn from each other’s
experiences of memory and activism? These are some of the
questions that I’ve been thinking about and translation is at their
core. Thank you for giving me a chance to think with you about
this.
Cristina Demaria and Siri Nergaard: Thank you very much.
writes about the transmission of memories of violence
across generations, combining feminist theory with memory studies in a
global perspective. Her recent books include The Generation of
Postmemory: Writing and Visual Culture After the Holocaust (2012); Ghosts
of Home: The Afterlife of Czernowitz in Jewish Memory (2010), coauthored
with Leo Spitzer; and Rites of Return: Diaspora Poetics and the Politics of
Memory (2011), coedited with Nancy K. Miller. Hirsch is the William
Peterfield Trent Professor of Comparative Literature and Gender Studies at
Columbia University. She is one of the founders of Columbia’s Center for
the Study of Social Difference. She is a former President of the Modern
Language Association of America and a member of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences.
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] | Translation does not concern a comparison
between two languages but the interpretation
of two texts in two different languages.
Umberto Eco (2001)
Ever since we started publishing this journal I have wanted to
dedicate a special issue to memory. Memory and translation are
so obviously connected, yet so little studied. Memory—as the
retrieval, reconstruction, inscription, and leaving of traces and
their effects—plays a central role in any translation process, and
translation, in its inherently transformative character, is intrinsic
to every memory and memorializing act.
Loss, furthering, circulation, redefinition, distancing,
transmigration, rewriting are all possible aspects and effects of
translation that could not take place if not for some sort of
memorialization.
*
Since the initial planning of this special issue, my
editors of choice were also clear to me. I am so grateful to the
two fine scholars—and dear friends—Bella Brodzki and
Cristina Demaria for having accepted to serve as guest editors
for this issue. Their backgrounds and research make them a
perfect duo for the present issue.
Bella Brodzki’s brilliant Can These Bones Live?
Translation, Survival, and Cultural Memory (2007) is perhaps
the most important publication bringing together translation and
memory, demonstrating how “excavating or unearthing burial
sites or ruins in order to reconstruct traces of the physical and
textual past in a new context is also a mode of translation, just
as resurrecting a memory or interpreting a dream are acts of
translation.” I found reading this book truly illuminating.
Bringing Bella together with Cristina, who for years has
studied memory from the somewhat different angle of the
semiotics of culture, was a fortunate choice. Cristina’s research
is in the most various expressions and testimonies of memory—
from reconciliation processes in South Africa and Chile to
documentaries of events and experiences of trauma. “Studying
memory [as a cultural phenomenon] means considering not only
the material conditions, means, or devices through which it is
inscribed and transmitted, but also the models, forms, and
practices that define those genres that orient, and also retranslate
or reenunciate, narrations of the past” (2012, 10; my
translation).
*
I would like to thank Bella and Cristina for their
wonderful work in putting this issue together. I also want to
thank the authors for their contributions, each of which provides
new and diversified insights into how translation works through
memory. I am also very grateful for their patience during the
many publication delays.
Regrettably, it took much longer than expected and
originally programmed to publish this special issue. On behalf
of the board, I want to apologize to our guest editors, authors,
and readers for the unconscionable delay in delivering our
journal. Over the past few years, we moved from one publisher
to another but now, after a lengthy hiatus, we have finally found
a new home with Eurilink University Press in Rome.
*
Reading this issue’s essays has enriched my under-
standing of the relations between translation and memory. I
have learned new things, and I have been surprised and pleased.
I hope you will join me in appreciating this special issue.
*
This issue is dedicated to the memory of Umberto Eco,
who passed away more than a year ago while we were busy
preparing this issue. Translation was one of the themes to which
he devoted much interest and writing in his last few years, and
his contributions on translation as negotiation, based on his
experience both as a translator and as a widely translated author,
will continue to accompany us. I am most grateful for the
opportunity he gave me to discover and investigate translation
through the lens of semiotics, and Cristina Demaria and I, who
both completed our doctorates under his supervision, share fond
memories of the lively discussions on translation and its limits
during our university seminars.
S. N.
References
Brodzki, Bella. 2007. Can These Bones Live? Translation, Survival, and
Cultural Memory. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Demaria, Cristina. 2012. Il trauma, l’archivio e il testimone. La semiotica, il
documentario e la rappresentazione del “reale”. (Trauma, archive, and
witness. Semiotics, documentaries, and the representation of the “real”).
Bologna: Bononia University Press.
Eco, Umberto. 2001. Experiences in Translation. Translated by Alastair
McEwen. Toronto: University of Toronto Press.
Eco, Umberto. 2003. Mouse or Rat? Translation as Negotiation. Translator/s
not specified. London: Weidenfeld & Nicholson.
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] | 0. A preface on the translational internationalization of the
humanities
This special volume is the result of a very long, exciting, yet
rather difficult struggle, involving translations and self-
translations. Who writes here is the “effect” of two people’s
endeavors; two people who have come to know each other to
some extent across text, screen, and phone line—who, surely,
respect and cherish one another, without ever having met. One
is American, the other Italian; they have been invited to write
for an International Journal in English, a journal that hosts
articles that engage, obviously, not only translation, but that
are themselves the product of self-translations. This very
process has necessarily become part of the volume’s
introduction, since one of its authors is not a native speaker.
This is a “fact” that nowadays has become routine at least in
the Western-Eurocentric worlds, and none dares question it:
we must write in English. Otherwise, our international status
will be affected, and not only will we go back to being
provincial, addressing only a limited audience, but we will be
devalued, score lower on all the national evaluations that
determine individual and institutional research funding. This
seems to be a one-way trajectory that everyone acknowledges,
that some occasionally criticize, but is never actually resisted,
since it is the way the global production of knowledge and
educational systems work.
One might wonder why we are foregrounding the
obvious, when we should be writing about translation and
memory. As many of the essays here demonstrate, however,
the relationship between translation and memory has very
much to do with not only the position of the person who is
translating, but also with that of the person who is writing
about translation, and thus creating an archive–memory of all
the lives a text might have, along with its histories and
narratives, its former and new translated meanings. If all
critical analysis and meditation on the differences between
languages—which includes the memory that sustains them,
and the memory-texts in the languages that manage to
survive—are but a translation/self-translation, often erasing
nuances and disregarding untranslatability, then in which
recesses of translation (from and into English and into every
other language) and memory does the future of the humanities
reside?
1. Memory and translation of past intercourses
Isn’t this what a translation does? [. . .] By elevating
the signifier to its meaning or value, all the while preserving
the mournful and debt-laden memory of the singular body, the
first body, the unique body that the translation thus elevates,
preserves, and negates [relève]? Since it is a question of a
travail—indeed, as we noted, a travail of the negative—this
relevance is a travail of mourning, in the most enigmatic sense
of this word [. . .] The measure of the relève or relevance, the
price of a translation, is always what is called meaning, that
is, value, preservation, truth as preservation (Wahrheit,
bewahren) or the value of meaning, namely, what, in being
freed from the body, is elevated above it, interiorizes it,
spiritualizes it, preserves it in memory. A faithful and mournful
memory.
(Derrida 2013, 378)
Among the many theoretical perspectives from which one can
look at translation, as well as the many objects that can be
considered from the point of view of translation theories and
practices, the translation/memory nexus is among the most
fraught, precisely because memory is by definition contesta-
tory, and always mediated, and thereby the most complex and
difficult to qualify on almost every level. Because of their tight
intertwining, one runs the risk of reiterating or echoing what
has been said and done already (see, for example, the recent
book by one of the author of this volume: Brownlie 2016).
Oversaturated, we struggle to find what else could come from
further confrontations between these two concepts: how to
consider and render truly heuristic an encounter between
translation and memory now, in the age of posttranslation
studies (Gentzler 2017)?
The quoted passage above from Jacques Derrida dates
back many years, and, in the domain of translation theories
influenced by poststructuralism, it serves as a milestone in the
encounter between translation and memory. In what follows,
we would like to go back to what might belong to even older
history of memory and translation engagements. If for literary
critics and translation specialists this history sounds passé, it is
not the case for philosophers or scholars working with
language and meaning.
One of the first fields of confrontation and exchange
between translation and memory was the study of the
“meaning of meaning”—semiotics, philosophy of language—
whereby the implications of any act of translation became part
of many theories and speculations on the working of meaning
between languages and cultures (Nergaard 1995). Should this
seem peripheral to the main event, we could point to
structuralism, and even to the beginnings of poststructuralism,
up to its recent neomaterialist transformations, as a way of
rethinking languages, cultures, and their relation with history
and the “material” world. There we find the crucial work of
translation and memory as perspectives and/or as epistemic
positions that have enabled the study of languages and cultures
and the effects of different temporalities, politics, subjectivities
and bodies—that is, of the transformative character of
translation in memorializing act.
As clarification, let us start from some basic
assumptions underlining not a post-, but a no-longer-
structuralist, interpretative, and translational conception of
how semiosis works, looking at the work of Umberto Eco, to
whom this issue is dedicated.
Even though his work is recognized as having
significantly contributed to the development of Roman
Jakobson’s three-fold classification of translation (Eco 2001),1
here we want to mention briefly another concept that he used
to explain the workings of semiosis, along with that of
memory.
The operative first assumption is that every act of
interpretation that comprises acts of translation has recourse to
an encyclopedia, in the semiotic sense that Umberto Eco (1976,
1984) has given to the term—that in its turn refers to semantic
and iconic memories that are part not only of every langue
system, but of every act of parole, to go back to Ferdinand de
Saussure. In other words, the very idea of how meaning works
had already changed in the 1980s, thanks also to Eco’s
perspective for which the idea of a semiotic universe is
made not so much of signs, but of cultural units; entities that absorb and
reflect the influence of the culture in which they find themselves, and which
are no longer the lemmas [word; term] of a rigid system of content
organization (a dictionary), but rather the nodes of a network of meanings
that can be treaded upon in multiple directions, depending on the inferences
and the interpretive connections one chooses: a semiotic universe that takes
the shape of an encyclopedia. (Lorusso 2015, 81)
In respect to translation processes, this concept is
relevant for two different reasons. The first is that, in accepting
semiosis as operating within encyclopedias, what is most
relevant is that every term composing a code is always already
interpreted, bringing along the history of its uses and
translations; the working of languages moving from its
structure to the actual effects and transformations of every
signifying practices that define not so much what is a
1 One of the most significant contributions to Jakobson’s classification was made by Eco in
Experiences in Translation (2001), starting from Charles S. Peirce’s influence on Jakobson. Even
though Eco emphasizes that for Peirce “meaning, in its primary sense, is a ‘translation of a sign
into another system of signs’” (Eco 2001, 69), he also argues that Peirce “uses translation in a
figurative sense: not like a metaphor, but pars pro toto (in the sense that he assumes
‘translation’ as a synecdoche for ‘interpretation’)” (Eco 2001, 69).
language, but what concurs to its different kinds of circulation
and transmissions, that is, to its translations. As Patrizia Violi
summarizes: “The encyclopaedia marks the transformation of
the code from a rule that defines signification and
interpretation, into the idea of a system of possible inferences,
in which even a principle of choice and of freedom may find a
place” (Violi 1992, 99).
In a culture conceived as an encyclopedia, the
hierarchies fall, because the priorities and the dependencies
change according to circumstances (thus locally, and bodily).
Meaning starts to be thought of as always already constructed
and reconstructed, hence translated, in time (and space), within
a dialectic between what is already deposited in the
encyclopedia and what is historically and culturally negotiated;
between consolidated habits2 and their possible transform-
ations. And here is the second reason this concept might play a
role: collective memories, thought of in their contingent
political, social and historical formations, are what is filtered
and negotiated and transformed from local, national and
cultural encyclopedia. Memory and its processes are what, in
different contexts, emerge as different processes of cultural
translation.
Every translator, therefore, deals not only with those
memories belonging to the cultural and historical contexts in
which she operates, and with the different politics of memory
surrounding the particular text being translated, but also with
the semantic and pragmatic fields (scripts, genres, frames) of
which each term, each name, is part. In other words,
languages, and not only natural languages but images and
sounds as well, are thought of as forms of cultural and
historical memory, often capable of directing, but, at least,
influencing, what we now think of as the fluxes of linguistic
traffic that are produced in those border and contact zones—
again, temporal and spatial—wherein translation operates.
In other words, whenever we look at the processes of
archiving and preserving cultures, we find the modeling, and
translating, nature of memory. Yuri Lotman and Boris
Uspensky wrote more than forty years ago that the “implanting
2 We refer here to the notion of habit as theorized by Charles S. Peirce (see especially Collect-
ed Papers V.4000).
of a fact into the collective memory, then, is like a translation
from one language into another—in this case, into the
‘language of culture’” (Lotman and Uspensky 1971, 214). And
they add—prior to much more recent theorizations of what an
“event” is in light of transmedia and current transnational
thinking: “Events have multilayered interpretations, they are
subject to corrections, revisions. The construction of the
historical event is nothing but the translation of something into
the language of memory” (Lorusso 2015, 101).
A visual example of such influence is the concept of
Pathosformel by, recently rediscovered and much discussed in
memory studies and aesthetic theory. Developed throughout
his life, the unfinished project of the atlas of Mnemosyne,
Pathosformeln refers to all those images and forms of pathos
(emotions, passions such as fear, awe, and horror) that survive
as a cultural heritage imprinted in our collective memory.
There are, in other words, antique roots sustaining modern
images, their translations—the very way in which their
meaning can be reversed—that is at stake whenever we
analyze visual cultures.3
2. Memory and translation current transactions
However, even though the intersections and exchanges
between memory and translation are undeniable, indisputable,
and generative, they do not exclude several critical issues: how
can these intersections be truly heuristic? Is any confrontation
possible without ironing out the actual differences between the
two concepts? That is, on the one hand, to think of translation
as a way to construct collective memories, their survival, and
on the other hand, of memory as always requiring a transfer of
time and space, a recontextualizing of its representations and
expressions? And even more so if we think of translation as
the transformation of one’s own traditions and identity, in
itself a process that implies the fatigue of welcoming and of
hospitality, the hard work of transmitting one’s own otherness;
3 In the past few years, there has been an increasing interest in Warburg’s project and his
idea of Pathosforlmen in many fields (visual studies, aesthetics, history) dealing with the
construction and circulation of memory images. Amongst the many author, see the work of
Georges Didi-Huberman (2005, 2011).
moreover, as a widening of the very concept of multidirec-
tional memory (Rothberg 2009).
One has to remember all the different practices—
individual and collective, linguistic and social—that are at
stake in every engagement, to think of practices of translation
as both a metaphorical transfer and, as Barbara Godard (see
Karpinski, Henderson, Sowton, and Ellenwood 2013)
suggests, as metonymical links (see also Tymoczko 1999). In
other words, one must not forget the implications of using
translation as a metaphor standing in for the encounter with the
other that is, also, a transformation of one’s own tradition and
memory. This is a choice that is always conveyed by the real
labor that accompanies welcoming not only another language,
but also another future and another possible past into the
negotiations between the translator, the texts, the discourses,
and the places, spaces, and times surrounding them. What
happens when translation is “translated,” transferred as an
expansion and an extension of memories through the figure of
testimony and witnessing? And how does translation function
in the dynamics of postmemory, as conceptualized by
Marianne Hirsch4 and others (see Hirsch 1997, 2012) , in the
intergenerational passage that structures both filiation and
affiliation?
In as much as the concepts and processes of translation
and memory are understood to be mutually implicating, if not
interpenetrating, in literary critical studies, philosophy,
linguistics, distinctions between individual (or autobiographic-
al memory) and collective or cultural memory are often not
acknowledged. Even when the topic is traumatic memory, in
particular, and the analytic categories are drawn from the
familiar models of psychoanalytic theory, memory as a
phenomenon and a practice is considered to operate across
(hence our volume’s title) realms and registers.
Likewise, we—as the editors of this volume—are not
inclined to privilege either personal or public memory, or
engage in debate over the question of priority or precedence.
Our essays treat translation in regard to both social and
individual memory, reflecting our conviction that, for our
4See the interview with Marianne Hirsch in this issue, in which she revisits the concept of
postmemory in its relationship with practices of translation.
interpretive purposes, both draw from the same well. There is
analytic force and ethical impact in studying the uses and
effects of each, and their interconnectedness, as autobiogra-
phical narratives, fiction, as well as other forms of literary and
cultural expression demonstrate. However, in the disciplines of
psychology and the social sciences such as anthropology,
sociology, political science, and history, these distinctions do
matter, differently; indeed, they are foundational. Having said
that, there appears to be a strong drift now in the direction of
stressing the effects of the social and the public on personal
memory, or an attempt to bridge social science and
psychological approaches.
This is the case in cutting-edge empirical research in
the neurosciences and cognitive psychology, where arguably
the greatest advances in memory studies have recently taken
place. “Mnemonic consequences,” or what is otherwise
referred to as the dialectic of remembering and forgetting, are
attributed to the role of conversation/the impact of silence, the
said and the unsaid (Stone et al. 2012); this is also true for
studies in the reconstructing of memory, which reached its
greatest visibility (and notoriety) in the 1990s. Whereas in
psychoanalysis the agent of repression is the unconscious
(both singular and collective, though to different effect), recent
research in cognitive and neurobiological science finds the
suppressing or controlling of unwanted memories to be the
product of brain systems similar to the mechanisms that stop
reflexive motor responses (Anderson and Levy 2009). In
studies that seek to bridge psychology—which is method-
logyically individually based and functional in its
perspective—and the disciplines more generally focused on
groups, whether they are nations, tribes, generations, or other
units, an important connection is psychology’s recent
affirmation that individuals are embedded in complex social
networks. Memory, according to neuroscientists, has an
epidemiological dimension in the sense of social contagion,
which is now exacerbated by social media. Whether mnemonic
formations are primarily biological or social in origin,
psychology is not interested in the individual qua individual,
but in general or universal principles or features that can be
extracted. In other words, just because the locus is the
individual doesn’t mean that the investment is in the subject or
subjectivity.
Despite this fundamental difference between the
various disciplinary approaches that, nevertheless, needed to
be mentioned, what steers much of this work back to literary
and cultural perspectives on memory and translation of
psychic phenomena is the centrality accorded to narrative and
identity.
In this respect, Aleida Assmann’s (2015) recent
reflections on the working of cultural memory merits mention.
Assmann comments not only on neuroscience’s and media
studies’ shared “basis in the constructivist hypothesis that
events and experiences have no ontological status but are made
and remade over and over again” (Assmann 2015, 42), as
Lotman and Uspensky (1978) have also said. Her work is also
relevant because of her perspective on cultural memory as a
domain that must engage with the role of affects—both
individual and collective, along with their intertwining—
within a diachronic and transgenerational analytical gaze.
What does her “model” suggest? Arguably, a sort of
rearticulation of the very notion of postmemory, with the
added insights of a constructivist point of view. The latter
emphasizes the synchronic and embedded quality of a memory
fabricated according to actual needs and demands in the
present, calls for approaches that focus on the affective
dimension of memory in a long-term diachronic perspective,
both at the individual and at the collective transgenerational
transmission levels.
It is probably in this very rearticulation of the
relationship between cultural memory and postmemory that
processes of translation and rewriting of memories are not only
significant because they create an “afterlife of repeated
transformations, but also a prehistory”: what is at stake are the
ways in which “memory traces interact with previous
experiences and cultural patterns; how both of these provide
templates that gain a steering function within our mental
cosmos” (Assmann 2015, 43).
Resonance is thus a form of “stimulating and
strengthening the affective charge in the process of remem-
bering” (44), where
[t]he concept of resonance implies the interaction of two separate entities,
one located in the foreground, one in the background. In this case, the
element in the foreground does not cover up or elide what exists in the
background; on the contrary, the element in the foreground triggers the
background and fuses with it. We may also speak of a cooperation, in which
the background element nonconconsciously or unconsciously guides, forms,
shapes the foreground element. My emphasis here is on the hidden
correspondence and the tacit agreement between a surface stimulus and its
response on a deeper and nonconscious level, which can enlarge our
understanding of the nonconscious but not necessarily unconscious, let
alone occult, dynamics of memory. (Assmann 2015, 45)
Resonance and a prehistory of memories can be found
in the ways in which translation processes, when dealing with
the past, are forms of cooperation between background and
foreground that might differ, involving both temporalization
and spatialization strategies, as our essays and interviews
amply demonstrate. As the interview with James Young that
we present online (http://translation.fusp.it) amply suggests,
ongoing interest in the link between language and landscape,
memorial sites, ruins, and layered translations points to the
manifold ways that translation is instrumentalized for different
memorializing ends, whether they be in the service of creation,
reclamation, or effacement of a memory or former version
(one’s own or another’s). Arguably, every act of translation
displaces a previous one; sometimes, they continue to coexist,
even if one of the languages or versions is in the ascendant or
dominant position. Translation works in two directions, toward
both remembrance/reification and oblivion, along a continuum
which is, of course, subject to change over time. Although, for
example, we witness the erasing and mistranslating of place
names in Brian Friel’s (1981) famous play Translations—in
which in 1883 British surveyors are redrawing the map, that is,
converting Gaelic names to English ones—in 1922 both Irish
and English were made the official languages of the Republic
of Ireland and Northern Ireland. Linguistic appropriation is the
primary form of displacement of the other; linguistic
imperialism in this form has been one of the great weapons of
choice in history. It is important to note, however, that
translation involves reaction and resistance, as well as
aggression and enactment. Isabelle Jenin’s essay in our volume
addresses the replacement of place names in Leslie Marmon
Silko’s novel Ceremony, in which the original Indian names
for the American landscape are changed to English and
Spanish ones. The text, she argues, shows that the “translated”
landscape is in some way fundamentally untranslatable, that
the Laguna Pueblo spirits that haunt the European settlers’
imprint are exercising their own dominion, keeping their
names alive.
Toponymy isn’t inherently political, but the history
and meaning of place names are dramatically associated with
changes of regime, occupation, settlement, and linguistic/
cultural imperialism in general; acts of translation—
renaming—are complicit with memorializing and monument-
alizing efforts that represent symbolic as well as economic
capital investments. They shape, even distort, cultural memory
and identity by ensuring certain legacies while effacing,
sometimes even burying others.
4. Traces of translatability and untranslatability
The working of memory and translation as a kind of urban
archaeology has recently been reclaimed and further developed
by Sherry Simon (2012). Simon’s overarching project deals
with those urban spaces that are divided and polyglot, such as
Nicosia, Trieste, and Montreal, addressing translation studies
in relation to its growing engagement with those cultural,
economic, and political disparities and variations that act on
each process of “mediation”. According to Simon, “[s]uch an
enlarged understanding of translation includes acts of
mediation which are not language transfers in the conventional
sense, but are more broadly practices of writing that take place
at the crossroads” (8), and “[t]ranslation is a useful and often
neglected entry point into questions of diversity and
accommodation, identity and community, and the kinds of
durable links that can be established across histories and
memories” (156).
Processes of translation are capable of mobilizing and
circulating divergent, indeed conflictual, memories. Therefore,
if translation can be thought of as an act that contributes to
redefining not only cultural spaces, but also the very spaces
where citizenship is identified, it becomes something more
than the acknowledgement and the expression of differences.
It is also in this sense that translation become a mode, a
dispositif in the Foucauldian employment of the term, thanks
to which what has passed away, what is apparently past,
disappeared, removed, and suppressed, overtakes and exceeds
its own predetermined destiny through a rebirth in other
contexts, in other times and places, with renewed images.
At the same time, the very nature of a dispositif might
direct us to reflect again on the status and condition of
translatability and untranslatability, whereby speaking of
untranslatability does not mean to deny the potentiality of any
translation; on the contrary, it means accepting, and always
interrogating translation as an actual transformation and
interpretation of the memory of cultures or, better yet, of the
cultures of memories, their resilience and their resonances.
It means continually interrogating the discontinuities
and heterogeneities inhabiting every memory construction and
tracing of borders, in regards to which we should always
exercise not only the work of comparison but, as Marianne
Hirsch expresses in her interview in this volume, an effort to
imagine new possible political connections and affiliations,
new ways of mobilizing memories and their visual, verbal, and
performative translations.
For Simon, it is undeniable that in every context in
which there is a strong awareness of the border—of different
languages coexisting, along with competing and often
conflicting memories—the suspicion of the “other language”
prevails, the other language here acquiring another kind of
“untranslatability” entailing any deviation from one’s own, or
any inclusion of the translated histories and stories of those
living across the material or symbolic border that separates
them from us. Both acts of inclusion and exclusion are charged
with deep ideological valence: how can we translate what we
do not want to translate? Most times, the enemy is the one
whose story we do not want to hear; that we do not want to
recognize and actually translate, since we might understand it,
thus allowing the other’s memory possibly to haunt us.
However, as Simon says, cities crossed by linguistic borders—
more Trieste and Montreal (to mention her examples) than
Jerusalem, or Cape Town (to mention other examples)—are
places in which translation can become a very powerful tool,
first by bringing along in its very practice the social force of
distancing. That is in the confirmation of alterity in the
emphasis on social and cultural differences, in the recognition
and yielding to religious and national belonging. Second, by
calling on the force of furthering, that is, in the creation of new
links and bonds through deviant and excessive forms of cross-
over: interferences, self-translation, rewriting, transmigration,
and countermemorialization. The practice of furthering does
not entail a presupposition of sameness; on the contrary, it
presumes the integration of memories in conflict or, rather, of
their relocation within their own cultural and historical
contexts. But is this really possible?
5. Trauma and translation
Many of the essays we present here reflect on the practice of
translation as a means of managing not only internal borders
and conflicting memories. At the same time they address the
challenges any translator faces when converting traumatic
memories into diverse contexts and spaces with different or
competing Histories, whether of the Shoah, the Native
American, or the Armenian genocide.
It is risky to enter here into a multifaceted debate that
some may regard as already “old,” or over-utilized as a trope.
However, some of the most significant contemporary
“thinking [about] trauma’s future” (Rothberg 2014, xii)
includes voices that try to understand the ways in which the
category of trauma as an interpretive model might still have an
impact on our experience of temporality and its structure. One
option is to look at trauma along with its implicated concept of
belatedness (Freud’s idea of Nachträglichkeit) This suggests
reading trauma not in and for itself, but for its possible
representations—verbal, visual, spatial—for when it tries to
express a structure of feeling for a (no longer unclaimed)
experience; it also implies looking at the coming together of
different times, whereby the category of trauma does not point
to the disruptive nature of experienced time, but to how we
write about it, translate it. These are the complexities of
belatedness weaving into the writing, or the (re)calling and the
repealing, of past experiences within which trauma is made
manifest: questions of narrative and time that are inseparable
from ethical and political questions.
A further level of confrontation between “new” trauma
theory and translation studies emerges once it has become
almost unavoidable for any discourse on trauma to travel
elsewhere, geographically and geoculturally, to go beyond a
Eurocentric and monocultural orientation, to move to another
affect-world, in order to better apprehend its impact (Rothberg
2014); to test its future-tense and its slow violence (Kaplan
2015). In so doing, a paradigm in which translation and trauma
meet might also start to answer different questions: how do
states colonize a disruptive temporality into sovereign
chronologies, and how do they translate them; or how is the
changing biopolitical horizon in which trauma is both
produced and policed affecting its very experience—an
example of which is when what is produced and policed
regards different people, different places, refugees and exiles;
different bodies?
There is no doubt that the contemporary technological
versions of subjectivity and identity have moved the idea of
trauma through many translations and transmutations. We
must contemplate the cultural and historical specificity of the
concepts and categories of trauma, thanks to its translations, as
Michael Rothberg reminds us: “The category of trauma ought
to trouble the historicist gesture of much contemporary
criticism as well as its concomitant notions of history and
culture” (Rothberg 2014, xv). As much as the category of
trauma might enable the political, cultural, and social impact
of translation, it involves the dislocation of subjects, histories,
and cultures. And even though there could be multiple forms
of dislocation, deriving from “punctual” events (a massacre,
for example) or from systemic violence or transhistorical
structural trauma (LaCapra 2001), there is continuity,
nonetheless. The task of “theory” is to find it, to look for
connections, overlaps, similitude, and translation across the
cultural and historical contexts under scrutiny. We discern
connections and similarities in the current climate of History
and its forms of violence involving different scales of
temporality and modes of subjectivity; these are pertinent to
both in trauma and in translation studies, but they have
probably not, thus far, been addressed sufficiently.
In sum, the challenge seems to be how to critically
engage with classical trauma theory’s dominant paradigm by
rethinking and rewriting how to connect events of extreme
violence, disjunctive structures of subjective and collective
experience, and discursive and aesthetic forms of rewriting and
translation.
6. Media transmediality and the archive
Yet another question comes to mind: what is specific to the
concept and practices of translation when the current
mobilizing of memory results in new and different
representations of form and content, which are transformed by
what is being called a post-roadcast era (Hoskins 2011)?
What does it mean today to move from the unknown to the
known, to render something from the past familiar, within the
ever-changing forms and formations of contemporary
mediascapes and memoryscapes, or else to accept their untrans-
latability?
In order to answer these questions in their intertwining
with memory, one could engage in dialogue with Media-
Specific Analysis, which deals mainly with contemporary
examples of how a literary genre, as Hayles states, “mutates
and transforms when it is instantiated in different media [. . .]
MSA insists that texts must always be embodied to exist in the
world. The materiality of these embodiments interacts
dynamically with linguistic, rhetorical, and literary practice to
create the effects we call ‘literature’” (Hayles 2014, 21).
Or, also, it could confront itself with a more
sociologically oriented tendency that maintains that media
“functions” have been unhooked from both the tools and the
objects with which they have been traditionally associated. To
give the most common example, what we once normally
thought of as television has now gone beyond the television set
itself, its content released from its “container,” from its
specific embodiment, its own materiality. In other words, what
used to be defined as a media product—even what is labeled as
“literature”—is now a transmedia set of translated events and
practices of consumption: programs are seen through
streaming or downloaded from the Internet in different
countries, fandom providing almost instantaneous subtitles;
books and their characters cannot be launched without a
YouTube trailer that immediately receives global comments;
programs have websites and Facebook pages, their actors
living many other lives as characters of a proliferation of
narratives produced and archived in fan fiction websites from
all over the world, where they become adaptations and local
versions of the “original,” of a matrix that is changed through
on-going transmedia storytelling (Demaria 2014).
What we have briefly described here is now almost a
cliché in Media Studies; it is part of a phenomenon that has
been called, and from then on overtly quoted as, a convergent
and participative culture, of media spreadability (Jenkins,
Green, Ford 2013) that endlessly rewrites the return of history
and memory through prosthetic tools (Landsberg 2004). The
narrative complexity on one hand and the transmedia
overflows exemplified by fanfic websites on the other
supposedly constitute the evidence of a participatory and
spectator-centered culture of prosumers, of a diffuse audience
whose agency has helped to blur the boundaries between an
original “text” (such as, for example, a TV series) and its
transformations and local translations (how the characters and
their stories are transformed and reimagined, and their format
readapted in different countries).
Hence, we still need a reflection on a language of the
text that does not exclude the “materiality” of the screen or the
computer, as well as the effects of the notion that content
outside its containers might induce the very thinking of new
forms of translation. The different media and screens
implicated in all studies of contemporary digital transmu-
tations, their specificity but also their syncreticity—that is, the
simultaneous presence of different languages and their
particular intertwining effects and affects (verbal, visual,
textual, aural)—can allow us to reflect on the peculiar ways in
which content might migrate from one digital space to another.
Moreover, different—or else very similar—stories might be
told. What might be at stake are the main transformations
undergone by narrative imaginations (Montani 2010)—from a
mimetic account of time (as in epic or ancient theatre), to a
more productive projection, first helped by the narrative
configurations allowed by the novel and cinema, and currently
by contemporary media narratives—remediations and
translations of all previous forms and genres (the novel,
cinema, TV, and so on) and of the memory of all the antique
images (Pathosformeln), languages, and cultures they involve.
What is the role of translation in those processes of
selection and management of what becomes part of an archive
as a set of rules and criteria, as a collection, as a process of
distribution and delivery of memory?
This problem involves a critical reading of those
technologies of memory that are supported by different politics
of digital archives, whereby one faces the double and
ambivalent dimension of archive as origin and archive as law,
of the authority and authorship of the archive. It is the case, to
quote but one example, of the recent transfer of CIA and other
former classified verbal, visual, and audiovisual documents
dealing with the US involvement with the Pinochet dictatorship
to the Museo de la Memoria y los Derechos Humanos in
Santiago de Chile.5 These political documents rest on a
techno-ethical paradox: between providing free access to
memory as a civil or human right and the opacity of a history
preserved as a trace of and a testimony to its very secrecy.
More generally speaking, when translation meets the archive,
it encounters its possible displacements and various
transnational administrations of memory (NGOs, humanitarian
agencies that demand to speak and designate, to classify and
preserve documents in the name of other people’s memories).
Hence, how can one analyze such performative acts, this
verbal and visual documentality? This refers to the exercises of
power that affect subjective and collective investments, the
comprehensive power of knowledge-production in relation to
the rights and meanings of contemporary archives.
5 For more on this project led by Cristián Gomez-Moya on the archive and human rights, see
http://hemisphericinstitute.org/hemi/en/e-misferica-91/gomezmoya#sthash.g0wBGq8a.dpuf;
and http://www.wordsinspace.net/lib-arch-data/2013-fall/?ai1ec_event=declassifying-the-
archive-declassification-documentation-human-rights&instance_id. Accessed July 1, 2016.
In conclusion
The articles that make up this issue of translation: an
interdisciplinary journal offer indeed a range of meditations
on an intriguing set of case studies that bring new perspectives
on many of the topics we have raised. Each elaborates, in its
own fashion, on the author’s respective engagement with the
act of translation and transmission as an act that opens up
memory’s archive and its various resonances.
Instead of individually summarizing the contents of
our volume’s contributors’ articles, we have chosen to
continue weaving our shared considerations by incorporating
some of their principal insights as an ongoing discussion and
highlighting the questions they have provoked us into posing.
The essays are bookended by interviews with Marianne Hirsch
and James Young, respectively. Their impact on this most
consequential field of study, as it engages history, architecture,
literature, and art, has been extraordinary. Indeed, the field of
Memory Studies as such would not exist without their
definitive, groundbreaking work. One regards the role of
memory when the author is both a translator and a critic of
translational processes, as in Adams Bodomo’s essay, in which
we find the author’s own poems that he himself translates, and
Bernard McGuirk’s article, where he meditates on his own
translation both of Haroldo De Campos’s poems and of
Brazilian protest songs. Here we find the challenge posed by
the echoes, influences, hybridities, and intertexts of
contemporary transculturations, whereby the task of the
translator involves not abandoning but suspending certain
spontaneous choices of literal translation in favor of
interaction and indeed transaction. Moreover, underlying all
the works, the role translation plays in changing—and even in
radically transforming—local, national, and global memories
emerges in all its effects, as in the case of the Armenian
genocide thanks to the many translations and the cinematic
version of Antonia Arslan’s 2007 novel Skylark Farm, which
Sona Haroutyunian analyzes, focusing on the relationship
between the historical event and its various kinds of
representations.
Along with these questions, what is put under scrutiny
is both the role of the writer as the translator of a fading oral
memory (as in Bodomo’s, Jenin’s, and McGuirk’s articles) and
of the translator as a witness or a second-degree witness
(Deane-Cox); coming into contact with—and sometimes be-
traying—the memory of the texts and the memory the texts
sought to convey. Or else preserving memory by transforming
it into a new genre, a new type of storytelling, as Isabelle Jenin
shows us in her analysis of Silko’s novel.
These questions are raised and further problematized in
Brownlie’s article, where she addresses the ways in which two
autobiographical stories by Katherine Mansfield—“Prelude”
and “At the Bay”—reflect in style and structure the processes
of autobiographical memory. They are also articulated in
David Amezcua Gomez’s study of Muñoz Molina’s novel
Sefarad, in which he traces how in multidirectional memory
(of the Spanish Civil War, World War II, and post-Civil War
Spain) “empathetic connections” are translated into
monumental fiction. Or yet into monuments tout court, as
James Young here (see infra) discusses with Bella Brodzki and
Siri Nergaard, pointing to how, in order to understand
traumatic memories and their translations, topography,
literature, diaries, ruins all collapse into a fragmented yet
resonant text, of which one element cannot be read without the
other.
The problem of accountability and responsibility
remains paramount: how much do we really want to translate?
And how much can we translate when it comes to postmemories
of the Holocaust? Language issues and questions emerging from
the translation of first and second generation testimonies are at
the core of memory studies, as both Young and Hirsch comment
in their interviews, referring both to their own work, and to the
influence that a graphic novel such as Art Spieglman’s Mauss
and a documentary such as Claude Lanzmann’s Shoah had on
their own thinking. Moreover: what to give to, or for, the
“other”? How is the other constructed as such? How is the other
interchangeable with oneself under diasporic conditions; is it a
fluid category or status? How is nostalgia translated across these
different contexts?
Here we go back to the very ambivalent notion of who
is a witness in translation and to what she is a witness of, and
for whom, given the complexities of postmemory, and the
consequences of legacy and identification that this category
invokes (see the interview, infra), since processes of trans-
mission and forms of aesthetic affiliation are both modes of
translation.
What emerges from all the contributions is that public,
cultural, and national memories (with all the due distinctions)
are rewritten every day no matter how previous institutionalized
versions have prevailed. The construction of homogeneous
cultural and national memories takes place notwithstanding their
potential translations, ruins, and ghosts; yet, new translations
can affect and determine different politics of memory, changing
their archival prospects.
What keeps translation itself alive is the tension between
self-referentiality and extrareferentiality; it is simultaneously an
open and a closed system. There are countless examples
throughout history of the dialectic between preservation and
destruction (through neglect as well as abuse), and, as a result,
of active struggles for restoration of sites of memory, however
contested their value. But memory, given that it projects both
forward and backward, provides residual rewards for those who
desire the new. For this volume’s editors and contributors, the
question of how we translate translation—as a carrying over
and a covering over of the past—is the means by which, the
gesture towards which, we name and rename until infinity.
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is Professor of Comparative Literature at Sarah Lawrence College. She
teaches courses in autobiography; modern and contemporary fiction; literary and cultural
theory; and translation studies. Her articles and essays on the critical intersections with and
impact of translation on other fields and disciplines have appeared in a range of publications,
most recently in the collection, Translating Women, edited by Luise von Flotow (2011). She
is the coeditor of Life/Lines: Theorizing Women's Autobiography (1989) and author of Can
These Bones Live?: Translation, Survival, and Cultural Memory (2007). Her current project is
coediting a special volume of Comparative Literature Studies entitled Trials of Trauma.
is Associate Professor of Semiotics at the University of Bologna (Italy),
where she teaches Semiotics of Media and Semiotics of Conflict. She has worked on
gender and translation and, in the past ten years, on collective and cultural memories and
their visual, trans-media, performative and artistic representations, focusing recently on
traumatic memories of postdictatorship in Argentina and Chile, along the way they intersect
with questions regarding biological identity and documentality.
| Unimi Open Journals |
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] | Abstract: This paper proposes a theoretical and methodological strategy
for reconceptualizing African literature in the twenty-first century.
Twentieth-century African literature was characterized by colonial
concepts through which literature in indigenous African languages was
largely neglected while literature in colonial languages was promoted
with problematic notions such as “Anglophone African literature,”
“Francophone African literature,” and “Lusophone African literature.”
African literature needs to be reconceptualized as Afriphone literature,
where the notion of African literature must prototypically subsume
literature in languages indigenous to Africa. African literature must be
reconceptualized first and foremost as African language literature. Many
scholars interested in the documentation and revitalization of African
languages and cultures, which constitute attempts to preserve the
collective memory of these African traditional knowledge systems, are
largely in agreement with this, but how to go about doing Afriphone
literature remains a research challenge. This paper proposes an approach
to addressing the problem based on the theoretical and methodological
notion of parallel text.
1. Introduction
The Ivorian writer Ahmadou Kourouma, author of the novel Les
Soleils des indépendances (1968), has invented the term
“diplosie” (Kourouma 1991) to express what he considers to be the
reality that the vast majority of African writers presumably think
in one language and express themselves (speak, enchant, or write)
in another. It is indeed true that many African writers of the
twentieth century and earlier did speak their native African
languages on the one hand and then wrote many of their works in
the former colonial language of their countries, including English,
French, or Portuguese, on the other hand. It is also true, however,
that while this has continued into the twenty-first Century more
and more writers, conscious of the need to document their
traditional verbal art and other collective cultural memories of
their societies, are beginning to “translate” their own work.
This exercise is what I call parallel text practice or
parallel-texting. More and more African writers have resolved
that the only major way forward to produce literature in African
languages and thus preserve these languages, big and small, is for
Western-educated writers who still speak their African languages
to write parallel texts—that is, produce the same texts that they
wrote in English, French, or Portuguese in their African language
following the theme, genre, and style of the original as much as
possible but not necessarily a word for word translation. Of
course, more importantly, they should write first in the African
language and then translate into English or other languages, but
irrespective of which language the original text is in it has the
same effect of producing literature in African languages and
making it available for a wider readership because the practice of
parallel texts means that the two or more texts must be published
concurrently and contiguously—that is, side by side.
Parallel text practice as described here is part of a
comprehensive agenda by myself (Bodomo 2013, 2014a, 2014b)
and a group of academics dedicated to the promotion of African
language literature, as part of the general program of
documenting the languages and cultures of Africa to
reconceptualize African literature and general humanities in the
twenty-first century.
One of the earliest African writers to set the agenda for
producing literature in African languages is the Kenyan writer,
Ngugi wa Thiong’o. Ngugi started his writing career by writing
in English but then later realized that the best, and indeed most
natural, way to promote African literature is through writing in
African languages, so he started writing in Kikuyu and Swahili
and translating many of his works into English, especially with
works such as Caitani Matharabaini (translated as Devil on the
Cross). Indeed, Ngugi at some point did not recognize as African
literature any literature that was not produced in indigenous
African languages, preferring to call literature in European
languages written by Africans Afro-European literature, and
decried the constant “Europhonism” of African writers (Ngugi
1986, 2009). The following excerpt from his seminal work of
literary criticism, Decolonizing the Mind (1986), captures this
thinking:
What is the difference between a politician who says Africa cannot do without
imperialism and the writer who says Africa cannot do without European
languages? While we were haranguing enemies in European tongues,
imperialists have continued to spout their lies in our native tongues (such as
translating the Bible into all African languages...). So, we’re losing the battle
because we haven’t been fighting. And the literature that’s been created
should be called Afro-European, not African. (Ngugi 1986, 26)
From this angle, then, it does not make sense to Ngugi
and many African writers who push for an African language
literature agenda to describe African literature in seemingly
obsolete, contradictory terms such as “Anglophone African
literature,” “Francophone African literature,” or “Lusophone
African literature,” terms whose definitions we will have to
reconsider in the “Discussion” section of this essay.
Of course, other African writers had and still have a very
different position from that of Ngugi and other campaigners for
an African language literature agenda. They often give reasons
for why we must not worry about writing in African languages
and why we must continue to write in European languages. Some
of these include the fact that not all African languages have a
script, and that the market share for a writer of African literature
in African languages would be insignificant. They also point to
the fact that European languages continue to be official languages
in African countries where they serve as a lingua franca to
speakers who speak a diverse set of languages, so writing in
English, French, or Portuguese would be a way of developing a
certain kind of “national” literature.
The late Chinua Achebe, one of Nigeria’s and Africa’s
most renowned novelists, belongs to this group and, in a long
polemical argumentation with Ngugi, expressed many of his
counterpoints to Ngugi in his seminal “Politics and Politicians of
Language in African Literature” (Achebe 1989).
Defending why he writes in English in terms of its
serving as a unifying “national” language, he states the following:
I write in English. English is a world language. But I do not write in English
because it is a world language. My romance with the world is subsidiary to my
involvement with Nigeria and Africa. Nigeria is a reality which I could not
ignore. (Achebe 1989, 100)
Ngugi, however, points to the glaring “abnormality” of arguing
for writing African literature in European languages in the
following telling statement:
The very fact that what common sense dictates in the literary practice of other
cultures [to write in your own spoken language] is being questioned in an
African writer is a measure of how far imperialism has distorted the view of
African realities. It has turned reality upside down: the abnormal is viewed as
normal and the normal is viewed as abnormal. Africa actually enriches
Europe: but Africa is made to believe that it needs Europe to rescue it from
poverty. Africa’s natural and human resources continue to develop Europe and
America: but Africa is made to feel grateful for aid from the same quarters that
still sit on the back of the continent. Africa even produces intellectuals who
now rationalise this upside-down way of looking at Africa. (Ngugi 1986, 28)
The foregoing shows that there is clearly a great debate going on
within African literature about which language/s is/are best suited
for African literature. It is of course not simply an “either–or”
scenario, and it is indeed possible to write in both African
languages and in European languages.
In this essay, I propose how we can write in African
languages and still not lose the visibility that is implicit in many
of the arguments against the use of African languages. In section
2, I define and sketch the idea of parallel texts as a theoretical
methodology for doing African language literature which
involves actually having parallel texts in African languages and in
European or other languages of wider communication. The theory
subsumes the following definition of African literature:
African literature is any form of artistic creation produced in the medium of
African languages, first and foremost, or any other natural language (written,
spoken, or enchanted) by an artist or group of artists with substantial enough
experiences of the landscape of the continental landmass of Africa and its
associated islands, along with diasporic exportations of the cultures of this
continental landmass. (Bodomo 2013, 2014a, 2014b)
This definition,1 as can be seen, emphasizes the import-
ance of African languages without necessarily excluding a role
played by other natural languages, and the literature can be
written, spoken or even enchanted as done in libation pouring
practices in West Africa. The authors do not have to be African,
but must have enough substantial experiences of Africa to be able
to express its cultures, both as seen on the continent itself and
also in its diaspora communities.
In section 3, I use two of my poems written in both
Dagaare—my mother tongue, a language spoken by some two
million people who live in northwestern Ghana and adjacent parts
of Burkina Faso and Ivory Coast—and in English. The two are
poems about important events in recent African history that might
continue to be in the collective memory of many Africans for a
long time: the death of Nelson Mandela in December 2013 and
the kidnapping of about three hundred schoolgirls by Boko
Haram militants in northeastern Nigeria in April 2014. Section 4
contains a brief discussion of the consequences of such an
approach that involves the redefinition of a number of issues in
African literature and the renaming of African language literature
as Afriphone literature, along with a relation of this discussion to
a society’s collective memory, while section 5 concludes the
essay with a recap of the major points, and points to how we
might sustain the agenda for Afriphone literature in the future.
1 Other ways of defining African literature include cataloguing the major themes and stylistic
devices that recur in texts by African writers (magic, witchcraft, proverbs, etc). Ayuk (2014) is
an example of such an approach.
1. Parallel texts: theory and methodology
A parallel text, as used here, is a set of texts in which written (or
even spoken and sung) literary expressions in two or more
languages are mediated in the form of translation at various
levels, including the graphemic, the morphological, the syntactic,
the phonological, and certainly the semantic. In effect, the end
result of the translation at one or more of these levels is a set of
texts existing side by side for ease of cognitive processing by the
recipient.
A theory of parallel texts is postulated as follows: in a
bilingual and biliterate (or multilingual and multiliterate)
environment, for more effective and optimal knowledge and
information dissemination, language users should produce
contiguous texts in at least two of the languages within the
bilingual and biliterate environment.
The raison d’être for translation is in the fact that
multilingualism within a speech community doesn’t necessarily
guarantee that all individuals within a community will be
polyglottic. There is often a rather intricate distinction between
plurality of language at the community level and plurality of
language at the individual level. An individual who has lived all
her life in a rural area and speaks only one language fluently who
now arrives to live in a city where many languages are spoken
may be called a monoglot in a multilingual community; on the
other hand a person born in a multilingual city and most likely
speaking many languages who now gets posted as a civil servant
to a rural area where only one language is spoken would be a
polyglot functioning within a monolingual community.
Theoretically then, since multilingualism is not
synonymous with polyglottism, in a multilingual environment
where one might have some monoglots, parallel texts as a form of
translation are justified if we want to achieve optimal knowledge
acquisition and information dissemination within the community.
The concept of parallel texts is both a theory and a
methodology in the sense that, theoretically, it mediates any
dissonance that exists between the number of languages at the
community level and the number of languages within individuals;
parallel texts mediate and try to resolve the discords between
multilingualism and polyglottism, between “lingualism” and
“glottism.” Methodologically, it gives writers an opportunity to
optimally express themselves by “placing” oral or written texts
side by side within a given context, so simultaneous translation or
interpretation is a parallel text, and poems written on the same
theme and style and placed side by side constitute a parallel text,
as I will illustrate in the next section.
2. An illustration with two poems
Two important events that attracted much of Africa’s and the
world’s attention and are now arguably part of our global
collective memory occurred in December 2013 and April 2014—
only about four months apart. The first involved the death of the
legendary South African freedom fighter, Nelson Mandela, which
occurred on December 5, 2013. The other event involved the
capture of almost three hundred schoolgirls in the town of Chibok
in northeastern Nigeria, where Islamic militants calling
themselves Boko Haram are fighting for a separate polity.
I captured each of these events in the form of a parallel
text, first writing in my mother tongue, Dagaare, spoken in Ghana
as mentioned above, and in English. So each of these two poems
about important African events are parallel-texted in Dagaare and
English—and here parallel-texting actually means producing
them side by side. A piece of work written and published in a
volume and later written and published in another volume is not a
parallel text, it is simply a (delayed) translation. Pairs of text
about the same topic and genre qualify as parallel texts only if
they exist side by side, on the same page or on contiguous pages.
With this background clarification, I now present the two
parallel texts, beginning first with the “Mandela” poem to be
followed by the “Chibok girls” poem:
MANDɛLA GAA LA DAPARE
N bakori mine woi Friends
N mabiiri woi Children of one Mother
Zenɛ Dizemba beraanuu Today December 5
bebiri News coming in bodes not
Te yelpaala na ba taa nimiri well
N gaa la BBC I flipped unto BBC
Ka N noɔre maa fɛlɛlɛ And the news was tasteless
A gaa CNN Clicked unto CNN
Ka N polaa teɛ kpelele And my heart pumped
A yuo CCTV ka a ne a zu CCTV was not any different
A gaa GBC ka a le ang deɛ And GBC confirmed it all:
la Grandfather, ancestor
Ka te saakoma Mandɛla Mandela
Deɛ ba la be a tengɛ nyɛ zu Is no longer with us on
Earth
Te GANDAA Mandɛla na It is our HERO Mandela!
la! There he goes as always!
O paa yaa deɛ wa yie la! Majestically, in his
Dagakparoo, Gangalang! dagakparoo!
Kurilane, Sangsalang! Gallantly, in his kurilane!
A zɛle tammo ne logiri Bow, army of arrows in tow
A te kulo o yiri He is on his way home
A kyaare sapare Facing East
A te gɛrɛ Dapare On the ultimate journey to
Dapare
CHIBOK MAMINE HAPPY MOTHER’S
DAY WHISPERS FROM
BOKO HARAM
Yɛ Mamine Bebiri Yaane! A year ago
Deyang: 300 sweet little voices said
to you:
A yɛ pɔgsarebilii kɔɔre ata Mom, mama, mma,
Da wa age mare yɛ la Happy Mother's Day!
A vare poɔre yɛ You saw them smile, cry
A yeli ko yɛ: tears of love
Plastering you with ever so
Mma, ne fo Mamine Bebiri gentle hugs of gratitude
Yaane! In Nico Mbargan language:
N puori fo la yaga “Sweet Mother, I no go
Ne fo nang wong tuo forget you,
Kaa ma ka N baa I no go forget this suffer
Kyɛ zenɛ wey you suffer for me”
A yɛ pɔgsarebilii kɔɔre ata Today
nyɛ 300 sweet little voices are
quietened, you may think
Yɛ deɛ ba la wong ba yɛlɛ But listen, listen carefully
Togitogitogi To the gentle caressing
A mang boɔle ka winds of Chibok
Ligiligiligi To the chirping little birds
over the hills of Maiduguri
Yɛ na teɛre ka ba wa yele
yeli zaa To the hissing sonics of the
praying mantis up on the
Kyɛ yɛ kyɛlle, a kyɛlle Jos plateau
velaa
Kyɛlle a Chibok saseɛ nang And you will hear 300
fuuro lɛ sweet little voices
Kyɛlle a Maidugri nuuli From Boko Haram
nang kono lɛ dungeons
Kyɛlle a Jos tangazu
salingsobo nang voorɔ lɛ
Yɛ na wong la a yɛ Obstinately whispering to
pɔgsarebilii kɔɔre ata kanga you:
na zaa Mom, mama, Mma,
Happy Mother’s Day!
Boko Haram nang pɔge
bare (Vienna, May 2014)
Kyɛ ka ba nang sɔgle yele:
Mma, Ne fo Mamine Bebiri
Yaane!
(Veɛna, Mee 2014)
In the “Mandela” poem, after hearing breaking news on most of
the news media of the world, we are imagining how Mandela,
our newly minted ancestor, is preparing for the journey to
Dapare—the mythical homeland of all departed spirits, of our
ancestors—like all men, all warriors in our Dagaare culture, he
would have had to wear the smock, our war uniform, arm
himself with bows and arrows, face East, and walk away
majestically. . .
The smock is not only the traditional dress of the
Dagaaba, the people who speak Dagaare, it is also a warrior
dress etymologically, and is thus appropriate for a man like
Mandela who has been a warrior all his life. Indeed, when
Kwame Nkrumah, the first President of Ghana, was declaring
the independence of Ghana on March 6, 1957, after a long
struggle, he and his lieutenants wore the smock as a dress for
the victorious warriors they were. The bow and arrow are
further symbols for a great warrior but also meant to help him
protect himself as he goes home, and even to hunt for some
game if he so desires. As for the symbolism of facing East in
Dagaare culture, it expresses the idea that a good man, a good
farmer must always rise early in the morning, and make sure he
goes before sunrise to the farm. Women in the culture are
metaphorically facing West since they stay at home and must
particularly check that by sunset they prepare food for the man
who comes back home from the farm, from the hunting
grounds, or from the war front after a hard day’s job in the
wilderness.
The “Chibok girls” poem is imagining how the mothers
of these girls would have enjoyed their company on Mothers’
Day and other days when they stayed close together and enjoyed
each other’s company. It then imagines how it would be without
them when the next Mothers’ Day comes around and they
would be without these children.
The poem, which may be termed a “telepathic poem,” then
evokes instances in which the girls may be communicating with
their mothers through the medium of the birds, the winds, and
the singing insects in the vicinity of the Jos plateau, the most
important landmark in that region of Nigeria.
3. Discussion
What are some of the consequences for an agenda of parallel
texts for the promotion of African literature, and how might we
relate the need to produce literary works in African languages to
the issue of a society’s collective memory?
Reconceptualizations. First, a number of recon-
ceptualizations have to take place to put things in perspective as
a consequence of this agenda. We agree with Ngugi that the
“normal” for African literature should be African language
literature. We reconceptualize that here as Afriphone literature,
and claim in this paper and in previous work (Bodomo 2013,
2014a, 2014b) that the most prototypical form of African
literature is Afriphone literature.
This does not in any way exclude the use of European
languages in African literature, but those cannot be the norm.
Indeed, terms like Anglophone African literature, Francophone
African literature, and Lusophone African literature are
obsolete, twentieth-century colonial notions about African
literature. Rather, we reconceptualize that Anglophone African
literature as used in the twentieth century is literature that was
written about Africa in English. It is essentially English
literature about Africa. The new conceptualization of
Anglophone African literature is one of translated literature. A
piece of work is, first and foremost, considered Anglophone
African literature if it was first written in an African language
and then translated into English. Any piece of work that was
first written in English about Africa (whether or not by an
African) is English literature about Africa. However, if a piece
of work is written in English and translated into an African
language, that translated version is African literature.
In the same vein, Francophone African literature as used
in the twentieth century meant literature that was written in
French about Africa. But we shall not refer to it like that now—
we shall refer to it as French literature about Africa (whether or
not written by an African). In the twenty-first century, the
reconceptualization of Francophone African literature is
literature that was first written in an African language and then
translated into French. If a piece of work is written in French
about Africa and translated into an African language, that piece
of work qualifies as African literature.
Finally, Lusophone African literature in the twentieth
century meant literature written in Portuguese about Africa.
However, in the twenty-first century, where there is a robust
agenda for the promotion of Afriphone literature, Lusophone
African literature qualifies as such if the original text was
written in an African language. Lusophone African literature is
not literature first written in Portuguese but that which was
translated into Portuguese from an African language. If however
a piece of work originally written in Portuguese now gets
translated into an African language, the translated text is African
literature.
As can be seen from this reconceptualization of Anglophone
African literature, Francophone African literature, and
Lusophone African literature, the parallel text pair is a pair
comprising Afriphone literature and Europhone African
literature; in the case of the “Mandela” and “Chibok girls”
poems, a Dagaare-phone African literature and an Anglophone
African literature. Afriphone, then, in itself is a cover term for
the many African language literatures that are expected to
blossom from the Afriphone literary agenda in the twenty-first
century.
Parallel texts and collective memory. The
practice of parallel texts as outlined in this paper is clearly a
specialized form of translation. This specialized form of literary
translation connects to an important discussion on the
relationship between literary translation and cultural memory
(what I call collective memory here), as espoused in works like
Long’s (2008). In Long’s paper, she investigates “the
relationship between literary translation and cultural memory,
using a twentieth century film version of one of Shakespeare’s
plays as a case study in inter-semiotic translation” (1). The work
goes on to clarify that the
common perception of translation is often confined to its use as a language
learning tool or as a means of information transfer between languages. The
wider academic concept embraces not only inter-lingual translation, but both
intra-lingual activity or rewording in the same language and inter-semiotic
translation defined by Roman Jacobson as “the interpretation of verbal signs
by means of signs of nonverbal sign systems” (Jakobson 1959, 114). (Long
2008, 1)
If more and more African writers do parallel-texting, as
proposed here, the end result of this literary practice would be
the documentation of the verbal art and other traditional
linguistic knowledge systems, including ideophones, proverbs,
and other kinds of verbal indirection towards preserving and
enriching the collective memory of contemporary African
societies.
The term “collective memory” as I use it here could form
the basis of what one may term “African memory” 1 in the sense
that it evokes some typically traditional African ways of
remembering the past—including not just the oral transmission
modes involved but also of recognizing some older individuals
with experiences of the society’s past as repositories of the
history and culture of their society. In short, knowledgeable
elders are considered as authoritative custodians of each rural
African society’s past. This fact is encoded by an African saying
that whenever an old man dies it is like a library that burns
down! These traditional collective memory practices have
formed the basis of memory documentation in contemporary
African polities, with two of the most prominent ones being
attempts to document the painful apartheid past in South Africa
through its Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) sittings
(Gade 2013), and the attempt to document the collective
1 I would like to thank Critina Demaria, one of the editors of the present journal, for
suggesting that I connect my idea of parallel text as a translation/writing process to the idea of
memory documentation, and for questioning whether one can indeed talk of an “African
memory.”
memory of the 1994 Rwandan genocide (Rettig 2008) in which
more than half a million people lost their lives.
Parallel texts in the Curriculum. To summa-
rize this discussion section, further consequences for the
practice of African literature in school and university curricula
are that African literature programs ought to focus on African
language literatures and not literature in European languages
about Africa. They may, obviously, do courses on Anglophone
African literature, Francophone African literature, and
Lusophone African literature but, in line with the twenty-first-
century definition of these literatures, these must be translations
into English, French, and Portuguese respectively from African
language literature.
In sum then, African literature in the twenty-first century
is literature that is written originally in an indigenous African
language or that has been translated from an African language
into other languages. It is Afriphone literature if it stays in the
original African language, Anglophone African literature if it is
translated from an African language into English, Francophone
African literature if it is translated from an African language
into French, and Lusophone African literature if it is translated
from an African language into Portuguese.
5. Conclusion
In this paper, we have proposed the concept of parallel texts as a
theoretical and methodological strategy for reconceptualizing
African literature in the twenty-first century.
As described in the paper, a theory of parallel texts
stipulates that in a multilingual and multiliterate environment,
for more effective and optimal knowledge and information
dissemination, users of language should produce contiguous
texts in at least two of the languages within the said environ-
ment.
Drawing from this, a parallel text would then be a set of
texts in which written literary expressions in two or more
languages are mediated in the form of translation at various
levels, including the graphemic, the morphological, the
syntactic, the phonological, and certainly the semantic.
Conclusively, the end result of the translation at one or more of
these levels is a set of texts existing side by side for ease of
cognitive processing by the recipient, and may serve to
document the collective memories of African traditional
societies in the form of preserving various kinds of indigenous
verbal art.
Two poems by the author have been used as illustrations
of these concepts and it is expected that more writers would set
about practicing parallel-texting, and indeed that publishers will
from now onwards encourage the publication of parallel-texted
volumes.
Many scholars of African languages, linguistics, and
literatures are interested in the documentation and revitalization
of African languages and their associated cultures. They are
largely in agreement that this is an urgent task, but how to go
about doing this remains a research challenge. This paper has
proposed an approach to addressing the problem with the
theoretical and methodological notion of parallel texts. It is
hoped that more parallel-texted volumes will be published
within the next ten years for the promotion of Afriphone
literatures.
This parallel-text approach as a special kind of writing
and translation process could indeed be contributing to the
construction of a new and richer collective memory which is an
instance of the idea of African memory, as discussed above.
References
Achebe, Chinua. 1989. “Politics and Politicians of Language in African
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linguistiques et littéraires (Proceedings of the Seventeenth Triennial
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Modernes held at the University of Guelph, August 18–25), edited by G.
D. Killam, 3–8. Guelph, Ontario: University of Guelph.
Ayuk, Hamilton. 2014. What is African literature? Accessed June 6, 2014.
http://princehamilton.blogspot.co.at/2009/06/what-is-african-
literature.html.
Bodomo, Adams. 2013. Lecture notes for “Language, Literacy, and
Literature: The Language Question in African Literary Expression”
(Course no. 140251), Department of African Studies, University of
Vienna.
———. 2014a. “Survey Report on African Languages and Literatures.”
Unpublished manuscript, University of Vienna, Austria.
———. 2014b. “The Language Question in Defining African literature:
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at the Vereinigung für Afrikawissenschaften in Deutschland (VAD),
Bayreuth University, June 11–14, 2014.
Gade, Christian B. N. 2013. “Restorative Justice and the South African Truth
and Reconciliation Process.” South African Journal of Philosophy
32(1): 10–35. doi:10.1080/02580136.2013.810412.
Jakobson, Roman. 1959. On Linguistics aspects of Translation. Accessed
November 12, 2014. http://complit.utoronto.ca/wp-
content/uploads/COL1000H_Roman_Jakobson_LinguisticAspects.pdf
Kourouma, Ahmadou. 1968. Les Soleils des indépendances. Montreal:
Presses de l’Université de Montréal. Repr. Paris: Les Éditions du Seuil,
1970.
———. 1991. Comments. In Proceedings of the International Symposium on
African Literatures. Centre for Black and African Arts and Civilization,
Lagos, Nigeria.
Long, Lynne. 2008. “Literary translation and cultural memory.” Unpublished
article, draft version, University of Warwick, UK. Last accessed
November 12, 2014. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/202/.
Ngugi, wa Thiong’o. 1986. Decolonising the Mind: The Politics of Language
in African Literature. Nairobi: East African Educational Publishers Ltd.
———. 2009. Something Torn and New: An African Renaissance. New
York: BasicCivitas Books.
Rettig, Max. 2008. “Gacaca: Truth, Justice, and Reconciliation in Postconflict
in Rwanda?” African Studies Review 51 (3):25–50. doi:
10.1353/arw.0.0091.
is Professor of African Studies and holds the chair of African
Languages and Literatures at the University of Vienna. He specializes in African
linguistics, African language literatures, global African diaspora studies, and digital
humanities with particular reference to the digitization of African languages and their
oral cultures. As Director of the Global African Diaspora Studies (GADS) research
platform at the University of Vienna, he has expertise and broad interests in the
study of the sociocultural and sociopolitical aspects of Africa and its global relations.
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] | Abstract: “Get thee behind me Satan, I want to resist”. . . To translate
memory across cultures and disciplines is an act of defiance, a proud sign
of disobedience, tacitly performed by one of the most celebrated and
internationally renowned practitioners and seminal theoreticians of the
tasks facing the translator, the Brazilian poet Haroldo de Campos. In “On
Mephistofaustic Transluciferation,” he writes: “If it has no Muse, it could
be said to have an Angel; translation has an angelical function, that of
bearer, of messenger. It is a messianic point or a semiotic place of
convergence of intentionality.” Addressed here are the challenges posed
in translating memory, memories, as the retrieval, reconstruction,
inscription, and leaving of the traces and effects of a markedly
memorializing act. The task of the trans(at)l(antic)ator involves not
abandoning but suspending certain spontaneous choices of literal
translation in favor of inter- and trans-action. The responses are: differ,
defer, never with indifference, always without deference; address not only
urgently political issues of The Movimento dos Sem Terra, primordial in
Brazil, but also the transactions, with and in the Movement, of so many
poets and songwriters and now, perhaps even more defiantly, with a
Brazilian-inflected countertheory to the rescue.
Remembering (belated) versions
The invitation to “establish a dialogue with and among scholars
working on the intersections between translation studies and
memory studies as they are presently configured and might be
envisioned in the future,” keynote of this special issue on
translating memory across cultures and disciplines, proleptically,
had been tacitly accepted avant la lettre and throughout his career
by one of the most celebrated and internationally renowned
practitioners and seminal theoreticians of the tasks and challenges
facing the translator, the Brazilian poet and transcreator, Haroldo
de Campos.
In “Committing Translation or the Task of the
Trans(at)l(antic)ator,” the introductory essay to my translations of
the ineradicably political memories and cultural expressions of
ideological indignation of the MST (Movement of the Landless
Rural Workers in Brazil) in Landless Voices in Song and Poetry.
The Movimento dos Sem Terra of Brazil (Vieira and McGuirck
2007, XXI–XXIV), I addressed and now return to the challenges
posed in translating memory, memories, as the retrieval,
reconstruction, inscription, and leaving of traces and their effects
of a markedly “memorializing act” (Vieria and McGuirck 2007);
in and for a Brazil confronting its own secular inequalities and
injustices, alerted to that sovereign state’s and that nation’s
continuing struggle to emerge from the cliché-ridden inscription
on its national flag, the ever-ironic “Ordem e Progresso.” Under
whose orders and for the progress of whom was national memory
to be reinscribed, translated, indeed transferred from the
hegemonies of a very recent twenty-year military regime and its
transitional legacies in the period of rebuilding a democracy from
1984?
Further, on undertaking this commission, I recalled the
advice of Umberto Eco as I reflected on the experience of having
worked, together with the Brazilian critic and translation theorist,
Else Vieira, in preparation of Haroldo de Campos in
Conversation (McGuirck and Vieira 2009), the volume that
arose, in memoriam, not least from the numerous meetings that,
as editors, we held between 1999 and 2002 with Haroldo and his
wife Carmen Arruda Campos in the hospitality of their Library of
Babel home:1
I frequently feel irritated when I read essays on the theory of translation that,
even though brilliant and perceptive, do not provide enough examples. I think
translation scholars should have had at least one of the following experiences
1 This volume contains renderings in English of the following Haroldo de Campos essays
touching variously on his theories of translation: ”On Translation as Creation and Criticism,”
”Constructivism in Brazil: Concretism and Neo-Concretism. A Personal Post Scriptum,” “On
Mephistofaustic Transluciferation,” “On Homerotherapy: Translating The Iliad,” and “The Ex-
centric Viewpoint: Tradition, Transcreation, Transculturation.”
during their life: translating, checking and editing translations, or being
translated and working in close co-operation with their translators [. . .]
Between the purely theoretical argument that, since languages are differently
structured, translation is impossible, and the commonsensical
acknowledgement that people, after all, do translate and understand each
other, it seems to me that the idea of translation as a process of negotiation
(between author and text, between author and readers, as well as between the
structure of two languages and the encyclopaedias of two cultures) is the only
one that matches experience. (Eco 2003, 36)
In such “a process of negotiation,” in that multiple “in-
betweenness,” here evoked by Eco but previously the subject of
an indispensable meditation on a specifically Latin American
project, the “entre-lugar” of Silviano Santiago, “between sacrifice
and play, between prison and transgression, between submission
to the code and aggression, between obedience and rebellion”
(Santiago 1978, 11), and as translator of the poems and songs of
the Movimento dos Sem Terra (MST, or Movement of the
landless rural workers), I soon confronted commitment, in
various of its encyclopaedic forms.
What had they done to my song?
The preceding decades had witnessed the revitalizing of popular
music as a vehicle for political activisms in Brazil. One obvious
source had been the música sertaneja of land-deprived migrant
workers, driven to the cities and taking with them their country
music, be it traditional or, more recently, influenced by the
commercial brands of the southern cultures of the United States.
No less influential had been the pagode movement’s samba-
esque registering of the violent tensions of poverty in hardly
couched critiques of repressive regimes, military or otherwise.
The performances echoed, consciously or subliminally, the
prosodies—high and low—of Brazilian Portuguese and the
broadsheet and cordel strains of popular imaginaries from
across and beyond the nation. For Brazil has never ceased to
explore and express its sensitivity to the ideological power of
the protest song; not least, and latterly, against the imagined and
projected versions of what is to come peddled, for many of its
displaced, unrepresented and unlikely-to-be-remembered vic-
tims, by the invasive myth-makers of a nation awarded the
Trojan horses of a World Cup and an Olympic Games.
At the time of committing myself to undertake the
translations of unabashedly radical texts, it was the centenary of
the birth of the celebrated Chilean poet Pablo Neruda. Inspiration
of politically committed poetry and song for not a continent but a
world, he had long ago been described by Federico García Lorca
as being closer to blood than to ink. It was on such a note—often
indissociable from tears or from wine—that the anguish and
euphoria, the despair and hope that suffuse the texts I translated
were approached and embraced. My locus of transcreation was,
and is, unavoidably and unapologetically, Anglophone; it is also,
though tempered, European. As a critic and translator of,
primarily, literatures in Portuguese, Spanish, French, and Italian, I
exploited the availability of translation alternatives from those
traditions as well as from any Brazil-specific contexts that
informed the choices made. Pace Umberto Eco, I often wrote as
both Mouse and Rat, chewing or munching in a further in-
betweenness or the negotiated hybridity that I had experienced in
tussling with Haroldo de Campos himself.2 For part of our
“translating, checking and editing translations, or being translated
and working in close co-operation” had been the daunting
enterprise of revisiting “o anjo esquerdo da história”; beginning
with the resonantly intertextual reference to Walter Benjamin’s
“angel of history. His face [. . .] turned towards the past”
(Benjamin 1999, 249), broached at once in the title of this long de
Campos poem. Written to commemorate the victims of the
notorious massacre in 1996 of nineteen protesting members of the
MST at El Dorado dos Carajás in the State of Pará, and originally
rendered into English by Haroldo as “the left-winged angel of
history.”
Engagement with the calculatedly syntagmatic disconti-
nuity and attendant staccato rhythms of the Brazilian Portuguese
text also had to take into account a context of commitment and
contributions, to and in the Movement, of such distinguished
Brazilian artists as Chico Buarque, Caetano Veloso, Gilberto Gil,
Milton Nascimento, Frei Betto, and many others, including
Haroldo de Campos himself, and thus readdress previous tasks of
the other—cultural inseparably from linguistic—translator(s).
2See the facsimile of Haroldo de Campos’s scribbled distinction between chewing and
munching with reference to my translation of “quoheletic poem 2: in praise of the termite,” in
McGuirck and Vieira 2009, 339.
The Latin American protest song explosions of the late
1950s, 1960s, and 1970s, of which Robert Pring-Mill reminded
us in “Gracias a la vida” The Power and Poetry of Song (1990),
had hardly left Brazil unaffected by the echoes, influences,
hybridities, and intertexts of contemporary transculturations. He
listed civil rights, the peace movement, and the anti-Vietnam war
demonstrations in the US; Italian CantAcronache; the Greece of
Theodorakis; the Catalan Nova Cançó; the Portuguese Nova
Canção; Irish songs of “the troubles”; and Asian and African
instances from the Philipines, East Timor, and Mongolia, to
Mozambique and Angola. Not least of the intertexts of Brazilian
protest song and poetry were the Cuban, Argentine, and Chilean
expressions that sprinkled the MST artists with inspirations taken
from the archives of the Fidel Castro, Che Guevara, and nueva
canción traditions. If any one element of Pring-Mill’s seminal
analysis can be said to have informed the texts of the MST, it is
this evocation: “Asked about his own songs (in 1973), the
Uruguayan Daniel Vigliette said firmly that they were as much de
propuesta as de protesta: designed not merely to protest but to
propose—in other words not merely to ‘tear down fences’ (quite
literally so in Viglietti’s own anti-latifundista ‘A desalambrar!’)
but also ‘to build bridges’ and to be constructive” (Pring-Mill
1990, 10). Pring-Mill identified three functions of such texts:
“response to an immediate environment”; “instrument of political
and social change”; communicating a “horizon of expectations”
and “presuppositions.” Yet he was quick to add a vital rider on
cultural difference: “the whole rhetoric of such poems and songs
is very different from ours, partly because Spanish [and here read
Portuguese] handles issues more violently—more dramatically
and emotionally—than English (sometimes in ways which we
may find indecorous)” (Pring-Mill 1990, 10–14). He continued:
The messages of individual Latin American songs function within the
framework of belief they foster and reinforce, in that extremely different social
context. In countries where illiteracy is as high as it is in most of Latin
America, where censorship and repression are so often at work, and where the
official media are so rarely to be trusted, the message-bearing function of
poesía de compromiso—sung or unsung—has an importance which it is not
easy for a more literate academic audience to appreciate. Its messages perform
a varied series of useful social functions [. . .] all of which are doubly
important in the context of predominantly oral cultures. Thus they serve both
to report and to record events (interpreting them, naturally enough, from
specific points of view, which will strike all those who disagree with them as
prejudiced); they praise, or lament, heroes and denounce tyrants; they protest
against abuses and propound solutions (whether these are viable or not); and
they teach many kinds of practical lessons, which their listeners are
encouraged to put into practice. (Pring-Mill 1990, 77)
Pring-Mill, a decade or so on, would hardly have been
surprised not to have the last word. He might also have smiled at
the risky certainty, in respect not only of rhetoric but also of
politics, of Perry Anderson, as a heady mixture of denunciation
and the recuperation of misappropriated national memories
promised to turn to propounded solution in the form of a first left-
wing figure, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, democratically elected in
2002, on the crest of the MST wave of popular protest: “the
symbolism of a former shoe-shine boy and street vendor
achieving supreme power in the most unequal major society on
earth speaks for itself [. . .] A climate of popular expectation
surrounds Lula that no President of the New Republic has ever
enjoyed at the outset of his mandate. Hope of relief from the
misery of the last years will not vanish overnight” (Anderson
2002, 21).
Get thee behind me Satan, I want to resist. . .
The risk of failing to render the textual wrath of a poem written in
the indignation of 1996 protest amidst the 2002 days of heady
triumphalist expectation—with popular memory of tyranny and
criminality and a consciousness of the threat of impunity all too
readily fading—seemed but one looming contention. The task of
the trans(at)l(antic)ator therefore involved not abandoning but
suspending certain spontaneous choices of literal translation in
favor of inter- and trans-action. The challenges were: differ, defer,
never with indifference, always without deference; address not
only issues dear to the MST, primordial in Brazil, but also the
transactions, with and in the Movement, of so many poets and
songwriters and now, perhaps even more challengingly, but with a
Brazilian inflected countertheory to the rescue, of Haroldo de
Campos himself, from his essay on “On Mephistofaustic
Transluciferation”:
Translation, like philosophy, has no Muse [. . .] says Walter Benjamin (“Die
Aufgabe des Uebersetzers”). And yet, if it has no Muse, it could be said to have
an Angel [. . .] translation has an angelical function, that of bearer, messenger
[. . .] it is even, for the original [. . .] a messianic point or, in lay terms of modern
theory of signs, a semiotic place of convergence of intentionality [. . .] Benjamin
inverts the relation of servitude which, as a rule, affects ingenuous conceptions
of translation as a tribute to fidelity. Fidelity (so-called translation literal to
meaning, or, simply, inverted, servile, translation) [. . .] Therefore, in the
Benjaminian perspective [. . .] the original is what in a certain way serves the
translation, at the moment when it unburdens it from the task of transporting the
unessential content of the message [. . .] and permits it to dedicate itself to an
other enterprise of fidelity [. . .] the “fidelity to reproduction of form” [. . .] It is
oriented by the rebellious slogan of non serviam, of non-submission to a
presence which is exterior to it, to a content which remains intrinsically
unessential to it [. . .] a satanic enterprise. The “cursed” counterpart of the
angelical nature of translation is Hubris, the semiological sin of Satan, il
trapassar del segno (Paradiso XXXVI, 117), the transgression of sign limits
[. . .] A translator of poetry is a choreographer of the inner dance of languages
[. . .]. (Haroldo de Campos 2009, 233–236)
How many angels?
On the head of opin. . . ionated Manicheans be it, however,
whether scholastic or materialist, to limit the inspirers of Brazilian
or any other translators to but two angels: the good, the bad. And
the ugly configuration of Haroldo’s predecessor poet Drummond
de Andrade’s anjo torto (“crooked angel”), in “Poema de sete
faces” (Poem of seven faces), as long ago as 1930, should have
alerted subsequent and would-be theorists to both the revelations
and the dangers of going transcendental in “the retrieval,
reconstruction, and inscription” of remembering, as surely as the
Shakespearean “seven” it echoes had led to “mere oblivion/Sans
teeth, sans eyes, sans taste, sans everything.”3 The figure of the
postmodern angel, always and already fallen, was also one too
easily overlooked, left behind (Drummond’s “gauche na vida”/
“gauche in life”?), in the long march of historical materialism. . .
3 The caution of such philosophers as Richard Rorty in respect of the temptation to go transcendental
in the memorializing of historical events had long ago been poeticized by Drummond de Andrade and,
inherited, by Haroldo de Campos, not least in echo of William Shakespeare’s Jaques in As You Like It,
Act II scene VII: “Last scene of all, that ends this strange eventful history.”
often the most dogmatic of “the imagined and projected versions of
what is to come” on the part of de Campos’s Marxisant Brazilian
detractors, as will be revealed in and after a reading of the poem;
and of its guest.4 For into the space of neglect—of suppressed
memory—Haroldo de Campos had injected “o anjo esquerdo da
história,” for him “the left-winged angel of history”; “the angel on
the left of history” in my transjection, my inherently
“transformative” but necessarily subsequent swerve, my own
anxious clinamen).
o anjo esquerdo da história the angel on the left of history
os sem-terra afinal the landless at last
estão assentados na are settled in
pleniposse da terra: full possession of the land:
de sem-terra passaram a from landless to
com-terra: ei-los landed: here they’re
enterrados interred
desterrados de seu sopro their life’s breath
de vida unearthly
aterrados earthed
terrorizados terrified
terra que à terra earth which onto earth
torna returns
pleniposseiros terra- land-holders pleni-
tenentes de uma potentiary of a (single
vala (bala) comum: bullet) common grave:
pelo avesso afinal outside in at last
entranhados no holed deep into
lato ventre do the broad-bellied
latifúndio acres of the latifundio-
que de im- land once barren
produtivo re- so sudden-
velou-se assim u- ly shown to be most f-
bérrimo: gerando pingue ecund: udder-spawning profit
messe de crop of
sangue vermelhoso reddening blood
4 In ”Constructivism in Brazil: Concretism and Neo-Concretism. A Personal Post Scriptum,”
Haroldo de Campos offers his riposte to Roberto Schwarz, as emblematic propagator of the
attacks levied against the concretists and de Campos’s notion of a postutopical poetry. My
“Laughin’ again he’s awake: de Campos a l’oreille de l’autre celte” addresses the polemic
extensively in McGuirck and Vieira 2009, 126–152.
lavradores sem un-labored
lavra ei- labor: here they’re
los: afinal con- larvaed at
vertidos em larvas last
em mortuá- on mortal
rios despojos: remains
ataúdes lavrados coffins labored
na escassa madeira from the scanty timber
(matéria) (timbre)
de si mesmos: a bala assassina of themselves: the assassin bullet
atocaiou-os stalks them
mortiassentados thirst-squatting
sitibundos death-settlers
decúbito-abatidos pre- decumbents cut down pre-
destinatários de uma destined for a
agra (magra) meagre (earth) acre a-
re(dis)(forme) forma grarian
—fome—a- —famine—
grária: ei- re (de)(formed) form
los gregária here they are: gregarious
comunidade de meeiros commune share-cropping
do nada: nothingness:
enver- shame-
gonhada a- faced in
goniada agony
avexada vexed
—envergoncorroída de —shamecorroded by
imo-abrasivo re- inmost abrasive re-
morso - morse-
a pátria landless
(como ufanar-se da?) (‘how shall we extol thee?’)
apátrida homeland
pranteia os seus des- laments its dis-
possuídos párias – possessed pariahs –
pátria parricida: parricide patria
que talvez só afinal a for maybe only at last the
espada flamejante fiery sword
do anjo torto da his- of the crooked angel of his-
tória cha- tory flam-
mejando a contravento e ing against the wind and
afogueando os burning the
agrossicários sócios desse agrokilltural cronies of that
fúnebre sodalício onde a somber sodality where
morte-marechala comanda uma field-marshal death commands a
torva milícia de janízaros-ja- grim militia of janissary-gun-
gunços: men:
somente o anjo esquerdo only the angel on the left
da história escovada a of a history groomed against
contrapelo com sua the grain shall manage with its
multigirante espada po- multiswirling sword
derá (quem dera! ) um dia (if only!) one day to
convocar do ror convoke from the nebulous
nebuloso dos dias vin- mass of days to
douros o dia come the at last
afinal sobreveniente do overriding day of the
justo just
ajuste de adjustment of
contas accounts
(Haroldo de Campos, 1996 © Translation Bernard McGuirk 2002)
The task of transacting—trans/dancing—with Haroldo de
Campos’s poetry was made the more challenging by his
Mephistofaustic promptings. In the essay, he had willingly reen-
gaged with both Marx and Nietzsche in a reminder that
translation in particular and writing in general always perform the
act of transcreation, a refutation of original (etiology) and target
(teleology), not only linguistically but also culturally and, let it be
stressed, ideologically. Self-consciously, he had echoed Marx’s
precursor complaint against the censuring of his style. Self-
mockingly, he had appropriated Nietzsche’s plea for the neces-
sarily sublime “maldade”—the “evil”—of mischievous content
and form.
Radical content radical form radical translation
Countless Brazilian artists had reacted, in creative political
interventions, to the obscenity of the murderous repressions
perpetrated against the MST—as did de Campos, here, to the
massacre of Eldorado dos Carajás. Cyclical repetitions of
organized violence, the option against the poor—in cynical
inversion of the “for the poor” slogan of Liberation Theology—
had triggered the indignation and the artistry of such as Frei
Betto’s “Receita para matar um sem-terra”/“Recipe for Killing
the Landless”, Sebastião Salgado’s (1997) photography, in Terra,
and Chico Buarque’s “Levantados do chão” (Raised from the
ground). These contemporary artists, however, no less than their
predecessors Graciliano Ramos, João Cabral de Melo Neto, or
Glauber Rocha, will not be remembered for their indignation
alone. Each—and differently—had had to make another option,
broadly definable as the style of mischief-making that is the
prerogative of any radical art. Style also functions as a
sharecropping, a participating in the intertextuality available to
the individual artist; or, in de Campos’s formulation, Karl Marx’s
“property of form,” inseparable from his “individual spirituality.”
Such an option, being for the poor, should never be poor. Even to
think as much would be either to neglect the need for creativity or
to misread it. To confuse, say, Graciliano Ramos’s calculatedly
daring minimalism, in Vidas secas (Barren lives) of 1938, with
some unmediated response to the prescriptive exclusions of the
Soviet Writers’ Congress of 1934. To ignore João Cabral de Melo
Neto’s career-long engagement with the materiality of words or
with what Francis Ponge called Le parti pris des choses. To
undersell, perversely, the difficulty of his own challenge: “É
difícil defender/só com palavras a vida” (It’s hard to defend/only
with words life) (Morte e vida severina [Death and Life of
Severino]), of 1956. To imagine a tabula rasa (inter-cine-text-
less) Glauber Rocha, deprived, in the 1960s, of a dialogical
relationship with Italian neorealism. To conceive that, in
postmodernity, the compassions of Sebastião Salgado did not
reflect, and reflect on, Don Macullin’s 1970s photography of the
oppressed. To fail to hear in Chico Buarque’s song the 1990s
echo of José Saramago’s “Do chão pode levantar-se um livro,
como uma espiga de trigo ou uma flor brava. Ou uma ave. Ou
uma bandeira” (From the ground a book can rise, like an ear of
wheat or a wild flower. Or a bird. Or a banner). But there is
neither need nor time for doubt. The urgent indivisibility of
radical content from radical form is better demonstrated by
critical artistry than by artless criticism.
An unapologetic option for the inseparably transcendental
and material underpins the very title of “o anjo esquerdo da
história.” Whether God is dead or not (and whether such a
dominant metaphysics of absence might be Marxian or
Nietzschean in inspiration), the conspiracies of history are still
played out amidst the configurations of narrative. Which is not to
see history as narrative (that is, only as troped)—for that would
be to deradicalize both history’s powers and any reading of it. In
Le monolinguisme de l’autre (1996), Derrida elaborated on the
“call for an outside.” In “o anjo. . . ,” de Campos called upon a
figure, that of the avenging angel, which inhabits, simultaneously,
both the inside and the outside of “a história.” He even staked out
for it a particular location, the place of enunciation for a nuncio to
a nation, for a committed messenger. Yet the call is not voiced
until after that necessary delay that enables the poem to revisit, to
reinhabit, to relive the arduous struggle for a hearing,
paradoxically, on behalf of a voice—that of poetry—no less
excluded, traditionally, than the referents of its echoing anger.
Thus, by way of (not) analyzing the poem, I prefer to comment
on aspects of my own transjection of it.
Cheek to cheek. . . and the ear of the other
Cast at me as a throw of the dice, the poem impelled me to reject
paraphrase. Haphazardly, I projected it, rather, only as recastable.
For the game was too serious to stop at a single appropriation.
The ear of this other, too, had its particularity, its “properties of
form,” its “individual spirituality.” An Irish specific of a past
inherited, part-interred (ex-patria), in an England pre- , pro- , and
post-Thatcher, suffused and infused my option for an irony that
filtered distorted echoes of another, unofficial, “national” anthem:
“Land of Hope and Glory.” “How shall we extol Thee?” who
were born not of, but only on, Thee. Here I played with another
geopolitics, one of parallel clichés, terra firma, “broad acres,”
“field-marshals” of a homeland unheimlich and—sublime
“maldade”—of the Mal-vinas, with their no less somber
soldiery.5
That the translation must speak for, and of, itself is but
part of the point. In language, for Bakhtin, the word was always
half someone else’s. . . whether spoken or written. Had de
Campos not taken but half of Mallarmé’s angelism, appropriating
5“Land of Hope and Glory” operates as a much appropriated English national hymn. It has been
adopted as the official anthem and is sung at the annual conferences of the Conservative Party.
poetry’s power of memory but adding to it a specifically
Brazilian infernal vision (“quem dera!”), that of Canudos, and of
Antônio Conselheiro? A post-Blake m(isc)arriage wherein the
legacy of revolutionary mysticism assailed, as forcefully as does
dialectical materialism, the hell-on-earth of landless utopians yet
to glimpse a Brazilian heaven of agrarian reform? Such a
politico-poetics could not presume to deprive those sem terra of
the configurations, including the martyrs, saints, and avenging
angels, of their local narratives, small or grand. . . sem céu?
Heaven-less? Who knows? Who would impose? If their
collective history had certainly been groomed against the grain
(where every day was—is?—a last day), at least the poem leaves
its protagonists “lying still” with their theology and with its (dis-)
placements.6
Haroldo de Campos was no angel, least of all in his own
poetic practice. He was unstintingly confident, certainly enough
to lampoon critical and ideological rigidities and excesses.
Acutely alert to the fact that Brazilian neo-Hegelians, no less than
their counterparts elsewhere, in their determination to confront
the brutality of much of Latin American society, have fallen
precisely into the lure of a discourse too mimetic of brute reality,
too mirroring ever to achieve a cutting edge, Haroldo de Campos
convoked the figure of poetry itself. He knew that poetry is a
master teaser, a baiter of stiff contemporary realists or the limp
lamp bearers of reflection theories past and present. The inter-
and intracultural transluciferations of his textual performances
had allowed for the inter-action of Brazilians speaking and
listening to Brazilians being listened and spoken to; in turn, they
inspired that other, the present trans(at)l(antic)ator whose
sign/ature shuttles to and fro, ever seeking to perform intra-, but
never faithful, ever faith-less, illusorily face-less, scorn-fully
masking source, mourn-fully eschewing target, settling
(lawlessly), for an ever extra-trans-mission of occupations, pre-
occupations, needs, urgencies.
6 The reference is to the 1902 foundational memorializing of the Canudos war of 1896–1897 in
the seminal text of Euclides da Cunha, Os Sertões, in which the rebellion and massacre of the
sertanejo inhabitants of the Brazilian interior, in the State of Bahia, prefigure the plight, a century
on, of the sem terra of El Dorado dos Carajás.
Stormy (whether you like it or not. . . )
Whence, for Haroldo de Campos, the “anjo esquerdo da
história”? In his unapologetic rejection of “unacceptable
cognitive models,” the challenge of de Campos is consistent,
not least when addressing the angel as an appropriated icon of
the left, inherited from Walter Benjamin’s seminal
formulation:
This is how one pictures the angel of history. His face is turned toward the
past. Where we perceive a chain of events, he sees one single catastrophe
that keeps piling wreckage and hurls it in front of his feet. The angel
would like to stay, awaken the dead, and make whole what has been
smashed. But a storm is blowing in from Paradise; it has got caught in his
wings with such violence that the angel can no longer close them. The
storm irresistibly propels him into the future to which his back is turned,
while the pile of debris before him grows skyward. This storm is what we
call progress. (Benjamin 1999, 249)
His reconfiguration, in poetry, of the readily packaged but not so smoothly
imported “anjo,” regarded by Else Vieira as a de Campos “mutation” in the poet’s
resistance to allowing Benjamin’s “Angelus Novus” cum “angel of history” to be
unproblematically appropriated as emblematic of a Brazilian historical materialism,
must also be seen as an instrument of Haroldo’s staunch debunking of those
theorists who would unquestioningly identify their ideological stance with “the
storm of progress.”7 Most notoriously, Roberto Schwarz, “sociologizing critic, of
vocational incompatibility with the new in poetry” (de Campos, in McGuirk and
Vieira 2009,197):
The basic scheme is as follows: a tiny élite devotes itself to copying Old
World culture [. . .] As a result, literature and politics occupy an exotic
position, and we become incapable of creating things of our own that spring
from the depths of our life and history [....] But why not reverse the argument?
Why should the imitative character of our life not stem from forms of
inequality so brutal that they lack the minimal reciprocity [. . .] without which
modern society can only appear artificial and “imported”? (Schwarz 1992, 85–
89).
7 See the sections “Protean Angels: Shifting Spectres of Walter Benjamin” and “Crooked
Angels, Satanic Angels: From Determinism to the Recovery of Revolutionary Possibility” in
“Weaving Histories and Cultural Memories. The (Inter)National Materialisms of o anjo esquerdo
da história,“ in McGuirck and Vieira 2009, 170–175.
Far from resembling “devoted copying,” such Haroldo de
Campos performances as I have dealt with here, whether in his
criticism or in his poetry, are, to use his own formulation, “textos
de ruptura”(rupture texts). In Panorama do Finnegans Wake
(1962), the de Campos brothers, Augusto and Haroldo, had
already embarked—for a hybrid genre of transl-iter-ation—on the
journey of strenuous excursions demanded, by the modern artist
par excellence, Stéphane Mallarmé.8 As has been seen in respect
of “o anjo esquerdo da história”, any “angelism” inherited from
Mallarmé is supplemented by the daemonic; is traced (as even
Roberto Schwarz might admit) by the diabolic. The recuperative
moves of the poem play with “fallen” transcendentalism and that
corrective shift which—for Haroldo de Campos, no less than for
any Marxist—tugs “a história” (history and the story of history)
always to the Left. Not “going transcendental,” but refusing to
forget that particular -ism (without being “-ista”). Not
appropriating an already unbalanced Brazilian history (which
ever was and still is on the Right). Rather, engaging with it and in
it through concrete performances. Destabilizing the dubious claim
that we judge our own time by its politicians, the past by its
artists. Searching for poetry’s readmission to a Res Pública
Brasileira in which the artist (in academic freedom, pace Roberto
et al) might also stage the still-to be-negotiated identities of the
nation. Writ(h)ing, in agon, so that sub-alterity (sic) might no
longer be a leper’s bell to be hung, by the dark forces of any
“sociologizing” thought-police, about the neck of Brazil’s
excluded artists.
Are Haroldo de Campos’s “o anjo esquerdo da história”
and my transjection of it—as not abandoned or to be forgotten,
mutilatedly only “left winged” and but formerly “of history,” but
rather ever active, whole, uncut, as ”the angel on the left of
history”—merely a further negotiated staging? Or just a plea for
the performative poet–critic to be heard as also improvising
politically against, in counterpoint to, “unacceptable cognitive
8 “The double effort required to allow Mallarmé’s gaps their full disjunctive and destructive power,
yet at the same time remain attentive to the multitude of invisible currents which pass back and forth
between the separated segments, will strike many readers as inexcusably arduous and
unrewarding,” and “such moments are of the essence in Mallarmé [. . .] the type of modern artist
[. . .] intent on breaking up ready-made Gestalten and smooth surface textures in order to compel his
audience to look elsewhere for artistic coherence, to venture beneath the surface into the difficult,
undifferentiated world of unconscious process, to interrupt the easy flow of horizontal perception
with strenuous excursions into multi-level, all-at-once ‘verticality’” (Bowie 1978, 6 and 16,
respectively).
models” of a Brazil in construction. . . though sorely lacking in
deconstruction?
Trans memoriam
To Jacques Derrida’s “there is always something sexual at stake
in the resistance to deconstruction” (1987, 196), this particular re-
reader—and re-hearer—of Haroldo de Campos would add: “and
cultural, and ideological.” But isn’t that where the guest translator
came, invited, between 1999 and 2002, by and with Haroldo and
Carmen, and with Else, into the hospitality of the Babelic home
of Brazil and Brazilian letters?
Unheimlich? Years on, I am still questioning the
possibility of speaking or hearing “do exterior,” “from abroad”;
but, now, it is because I have listened, learned, read, and may
even write, that intra- has a history which includes extra-; that il
n’y a pas d’hors contexte.
At, and beyond, the limits of the languages and the antics
of nations—not least in transatlantications—the sting and the
contamination of the tse-tse flies in the face of hygienic, much
less immune, bodies such as text, context, literary, semiotic,
cultural, or translation studies. In aporetic threshold perfor-
mances, where differences between some “outside” and some “in”
are never abolished but ever undermined, not merely inverted but
politically subverted, “transtextuality” is a new wor(l)d. . . but it is
readable, habitable, pleasurable; like tsextuality.
This place of aporia is before a door, a threshold,
a border, a line, or simply the edge
or the approach of the other as such
Jacques Derrida (1993, 12)
Coda: translator’s note
The discourse of the author of the above is considered by the
journal reviewer to perform that approach to translation theory to
which it attempts to give (further) voice. Subsequent to the
medium chosen by Haroldo de Campos to deliver a poetic rebuke
to the perpetrators of the 1996 massacre at El Dorado dos Carajás,
will there have been, will there be, a creative intervention that,
similarly or comparably, addresses and challenges the contem-
porary social upheavals and political manifestations of the
opposition to a contemporary Brazil that projects as heaven-sent
the staging of a World Cup and an Olympic Games in the best of
all possible wor(l)ds? A diabolic fait accompli; or do post-Haroldo
undoings—the transluciferations of successor artists—loom. . . ?
The task of the present trans(at)l(antic)ator is to await texts
from writers who, also, will have undertaken such “imagined and
projected versions of what is to come.” Then, in a necessarily
matching performative meditation, will it be conceivable to
“update.” Pace academe passim. . . Ite, missa est. The sacrifice (of
the masses) in the interim will have found but formulaic, liturgical,
expressions of their material—street, stadium, factory, favela,
commune, congress—protests, however real, however righteous;
whether or not arising from the left of history. Chronicles of a
dearth foretold; testimony to a lack of devilishly challenging
artistic engagement? The avenging angel of poiesis awaits;
translations will follow.
References
Anderson, Perry. 2002. “The Cardoso Legacy.” London Review of Books 24
(24): 18–22. December 12. http://www.lrb.co.uk/v24/n24/perry-
anderson/the-cardoso-legacy.
Andrade, Drummond de. 1930. “Poema de sete faces.” In Alguma poesia.
Belo Horizonte: Edicoes Pindorama. Reproduced in Alguma Poesia.
Carlos Drummond de Andrade: Poesia e prosa, 70. Rio de Janeiro:
Nova Aguilar, 1979.
Benjamin, Walter. 1999. Illuminations. Edited and with an introduction by
Hannah Arendt. Translated by Harry Zohn. London: Pimlico.
Betto, Frei. 2002. “Receita para matar um sem-terra.” In Landless Voices in
Song and Poetry, edited by Else Ribeiro Pires Vieira and Bernard
McGuirk, 77–78. Nottingham: Critical, Cultural and Communications
Press, 2007.
Bowie, Malcolm. 1978. Mallarmé and the Art of Being Difficult. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press.
Campos, Augusto de, and Haroldo de Campos. 1962. Panorama do
Finnegans Wake. n.c.: Conselho Estadual de Cultura, Comissão de
Literatura.
Campos, Haroldo de. [n.d.]1998. “anjo equerdo da história.” In Crisantempo:
no espaço curvo nasce um, 69–72. São Paulo: Perspectiva. Originally in
ptnotícias. São Paulo: Diretório Nacional do Partido dos Trabalhadores.
———. 2009. “On Mephistofaustic Transluciferation.” In McGuirk and
Vieira 2009, 233–236. Translation by Bernard McGuirk.
Derrida, Jacques. [1984] 1987. “Women in the Beehive: A Seminar with
Jacques Derrida.” In Men in Feminism, edited by Alice Jardine and Paul
Smith, 189–203. New York and London: Routledge. Originally
published in Subjects/Objects 2 (12).
———. 1993. “Finis.” In Aporias: dying—awaiting (one another at)the
“limits of truth”; mourir—s’attendre aux “limites de la vérité”, 1–42.
Translated by Thomas Dutoit. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
———. 1996. Le monolinguisme de l’autre, ou, La prothèse d’origine. Paris:
Galilée.
Eco, Umberto. 2003. “Of Mice and Men.” The Guardian Review, November
1. Complete version available at https://free-
minds.org/forum/index.php?topic=7425.0.
McGuirk, Bernard, and Else Ribeiro Pires Vieira. 2009. Haroldo de Campos
in conversation: in memoriam 1929–2003. London: Zoilus.
Melo Neto, João Cabral de. 2000. Morte e vida severina e outros poemas
para vozes. Rio de Janeiro: Editora Nova Fronteira.
Pring-Mill, Robert D. F. 1990. “Gracias a la vida”: The Power and Poetry of
Song. The Kate Elder Lecture, Queen Mary University of London. An
expanded version published London: University of London, Dept. of
Hispanic Studies, 1999.
Santiago, Silviano. 1978. “O entre-lugar do discurso latino-americano.” In
Uma literatura nos trópicos, 11–28. São Paulo: Perspectiva.
Salgado, Sebastião. 1997. Terra. Preface by José Saramago, and poetry by
Chico Buarque. São Paulo: Companhia das Letras. English edition
published as Terra: Struggle of the Landless. London: Phaidon, 1997.
Schwarz, Roberto. 1992. Misplaced Ideas: Essays on Brazilian Culture.
Edited and with an introduction by John Gledson. London and New
York: Verso.
Vieira, Else Ribeiro Pires, and Bernard McGuirk. 2007. Landless Voices in
Song and Poetry: The Movimento dos Sem Terra of Brazil. Nottingham:
Critical, Cultural and Communications Press.
is Emeritus Professor of Romance Literatures and Literary Theory at
the University of Nottingham. He is president of the International Consortium for the
Study of Post-Conflict and has published widely on and translated literatures in English,
French, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese. His most recent books are Latin American
Literature: Symptoms, Risks and Strategies of Poststructuralist Criticism (2013), Poesia
de Guerra (1998), Falklands–Malvinas: An Unfinished Business (2007), and Erasing
Fernando Pessoa (2017). He has also edited, with Else Ribeiro Pires Vieira, Landless
Voices in Song and Poetry: The Movimento Dos Sem Terra of Brazil (2007) and Haroldo
de Campos in Conversation: In Memoriam 1929–2003 (2007); and, with Constance Goh,
Happiness and Post-Conflict (2007).
| Unimi Open Journals |
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] | Abstract: “I have invented very little in the stories and voices that weave
through this book. Some of them I was told and have carried in my
memory for a long time. Others I found in books.” These words—from
the Author’s Note of Muñoz Molina’s Sepharad—could be said to be the
starting point of my article. Muñoz Molina’s novel illustrates a good
example of what Michael Rothberg defines as “multidirectional memory”
since the memory of the Holocaust, the multiple exiles that have taken
place in Europe, and the memory of postwar Spain coexist—like the
tesserae of a mosaic—in the structure of this novel. In this sense,
Sepharad can be seen as a landmark in recent Spanish literature, being the
first novel that provides a juxtaposition of these formerly isolated
memories in a fictional work. It is, therefore, the aim of this article to
explore the manner in which Muñoz Molina manages to translate into
fiction the shared European memory of the twentieth century, also paying
attention to the narrative techniques used by this Spanish author.
1This paper is a result of the METAPHORA research project (Reference FFI2014-53391-P), funded by State Secretariat for
Research, Development and Innovation of Spain.
Cómo atreverse a la vana frivolidad de inventar, habiendo tantas
vidas que merecieron ser contadas, cada una de ellas una novela,
una malla de ramificaciones que conducen a otras novelas y otras
vidas”.2
Antonio Muñoz Molina, Sefarad (2003, 720-721)
“De te fabula. The story is about you”.
Northrop Frye, The Secular Scripture (1976, 186)
One of the most revealing passages that the reader of
Antonio Muñoz Molina’s Sefarad (first published in 2001) may
encounter in this so-called “novela de novelas” occurs in the
“Author’s Note,” which brings this novel to its end: “I have
invented very little in the stories and voices that weave through
this book. Some of them I was told and have carried in my
memory for a long time. Others I found in books” (Muñoz
Molina 2003, 383). This passage could be said to be the starting
point of this essay since it helps explain the complex relationship
which we find in this novel between memory and imagination, as
well as between storytelling and memoir. Sefarad is described by
Muñoz Molina as “un mapa de todos los exilios posibles” (a map
of all possible exiles) (Valdivia 2013, 26), and in this sense the
novel represents a manifold and heterogeneous approach to this
theme. Similarly, this novel constitutes a landmark in Spanish
literature, as it juxtaposes in a fictional work both the Spanish and
European shared history of the twentieth century in an
unprecedented manner (see Valdivia 2013; Hristova 2011; Baer
2011). As it could be claimed that Sefarad is founded on a
multidirectional approach to memory (Valdivia 2013, 13), it is
my purpose to explore the manner in which this approach is
translated into fiction in this novel. Similarly, I would like to pay
attention to those narrative techniques used by Muñoz Molina
that enhance this multidirectional approach. In this sense, both
polyacroasis (that is, the plural interpretation of discourses), as
2 All quotations in Spanish from Sefarad are from the 2013 edition (see References list) and referenced
in parentheses as such in the text. All quotations in English are from the 2003 edition of Margaret
Sayers Peden’s translation (see References list). The English translation will be offered throughout in
footnotes, except where only short passages are cited in-text.
“How, when there are so many lives that deserve to be told, can one attempt to invent a novel for
each, in a vast network of interlinking novels and lives?” (Muñoz Molina 2003, 365)
defined by Tomás Albaladejo (1998, 2011), and the empathetic
turn of Muñoz Molina’s novel, account for an effective
translation of memory, as I will try to demonstrate.
Multidirectional Memory in Sefarad
Instead of the idea of collective memory as competitive memory
(Rothberg 2009, 3), in Multidirectional Memory: Remembering
the Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization a new conceptual
framework is proposed which “consider[s] memory as
multidirectional: as subject to ongoing negotiation, cross-
referencing [. . .] as productive and not privative” (Rothberg
2009, 3). In other words, this model of competitive memory
should be replaced by a dynamic multidirectional model that
allows the interaction of different historical memories (Rothberg
2009, 2–3). In Rothberg’s study, the work of the French
sociologist Maurice Halbwachs is considered crucial, since for
him “all memories are simultaneously individual and collective”
(Rothberg 2009, 14–15) so that an effective transmission of the
past depends on the manner in which the interaction and
juxtaposition of both individual and collective memory is
understood.
In this sense, as Pablo Valdivia has stated in his edition of
Sefarad, the structure of Muñoz Molina’s novel could be said to
represent a good illustration of what Michael Rothberg has
defined as “multidirectional memory” (Valdivia 2013, 13). The
memory of the Holocaust, the multiple exiles that have taken
place in Europe, including the Spanish republican exile, and the
memory of postwar Spain coexist in the structure of these
seventeen intertwined chapters or “novelas” that shape Sefarad.
Thus, Sefarad constitutes a landmark in recent Spanish
literature since, before this novel was published in 2001, the
juxtaposition of the Spanish and European shared memory of the
Holocaust and its aftermath, along with the memory of the
Spanish republican exile, its Civil War, and its postwar period has
never been staged in a fictional work (Valdivia 2013, 14; see also
Hristova 2011). As a result of this, Muñoz Molina’s novel also
constitutes an attempt to connect the Spanish and European
shared culture so as to fill the voids of our shared history3 (Baer
3 As Pablo Valdivia has suggested in his edition of Sefarad, in the article “Escuchando a
Canetti,” published in the Spanish newspaper El País in 1997, we can clearly appreciate Muñoz
2011; Valdivia 2013). In order to illuminate those cultural links,
the Spanish author creates a complex and ambitious fictional
artifact haunted by voices rather than characters in the traditional
sense (Valdivia 2013). Actually, voices (“voces”) is the word
Muñoz Molina uses in the “Author’s Note” to refer to the
characters who weave through the book. Some of these voices are
fictional and others belong to real people who bore witness to
their atrocious experiences, and they all constitute an “imagined
community of voices” (Herzberger 2004, 85; Valdivia 2013, 15).
Hence, in Sefarad we read the testimonies and listen to the voices
of Victor Klemperer, Margarete Buber-Neumann, Primo Levi,
Francisco Ayala, Evgenia Ginzburg, José Luis Pinillos, Franz
Kafka, or Milena Jesenska, to name but a few. Marije Hristova
(2011) has referred to these characters as “iconic characters” or
“iconic writers”—that is, historical figures appearing in the novel
who in turn have bequeathed to us their “iconic testimonies.”
According to Baer, the weak connection between Spain
and the memory of the Holocaust is not historical but cultural
(Baer 2011, 114). In this sense, this cultural disjointedness is also
suggested in the “Author’s Note,” when Muñoz Molina reveals
that many of the testimonies and memoirs of victims of
totalitarian regimes that led him to write Sefarad were not
translated into Spanish by the time he was writing and published
his novel. This is the case of Margarete Buber Neumann’s Als
Gefangene bei Stalin und Hitler. Eine Welt im Dunkel ([1947]
1997), Victor Klemperer’s “Ich will Zeugnis ablegen bis zum
letzten.” Tagebücher 1933–1945 (1995), Jean Améry’s Jenseits
von Schuld und Sühne: Bewältigungsversuche eines Überwäl-
tigten (1997), and Evgenia Semyonovna Ginzburg’s Journey into
the Whirlwind (1967), whose memoirs the author could only read
in their French and English translations. In fact, it was Antonio
Muñoz Molina himself who inserted in the novel his own
translation of passages taken from the memoirs we have
Molina’s reflections on what he considers a certain lack of interest in Spain regarding the
international discussions on the Holocaust memory: “Me llama la atención lo poco que se ha
escrito en nuestro país sobre el Holocausto, y el eco tan débil o simplemente nulo que tienen
entre nosotros los grandes debates internacionales sobre ese acontecimiento que, junto a la
tecnología de la guerra total y el terror de las tiranías estalinistas, ha definido este siglo [. . .] se
diría que a nosotros tales cosas no nos afectan, como si España fuera ajena a la historia judía de
los últimos cinco siglos, o como si nuestro país no hubiera padecido durante casi cuarenta años
una dictadura que debió su triunfo, en gran parte, a la ayuda del mismo régimen que provocó el
Holocausto y arrasó Europa entera” (Muñoz Molina 2007, 377–380).
previously mentioned. Thus, in Sefarad the creative writer and
the translator meet, as will be analyzed in the last section.
In Sefarad, the author introduces a variety of testimonies
and memories that had been previously overshadowed by other
memories, to the extent that they were unknown for many
Spanish readers, an aspect which suggests a parallelism between
Rothberg’s multidirectional memory model and Muñoz Molina’s
novel (Valdivia 2013, 13). In this sense, Sefarad can be
contemplated as a mosaic made of many tesserae, every one of
which is part of an imagined community of voices. Needless to
say, every tessera is required to understand the whole picture.
In “Münzenberg,” one of the seventeen chapters that
make up Sefarad, Muñoz Molina’s “basic narrator” (Hristova
2011) reveals his plans to write a novel, which, quite startlingly,
seems to be inspired by the same approach to fiction that
Rothberg proposes for history (Valdivia 2013):
He intuido, a lo largo de dos o tres años, la tentación y la posibilidad de una
novela, he imaginado situaciones y lugares, como fotografías sueltas o como
esos fotogramas de películas que ponían antes, armados en grandes carteleras,
a las entradas de los cines [. . .] Cada uno cobraba una valiosa cualidad de
misterio, se yuxtaponía sin orden a los otros, se iluminaban entre sí en
conexiones plurales e instantáneas, que yo podía deshacer o modificar a mi
antojo, y en las que ninguna imagen anulaba a las otras o alcanzaba una
primacía segura sobre ellas, o perdía en beneficio del conjunto su singularidad
irreductible. (Muñoz Molina 2013, 383)4
This passage is highly revealing since we are told that the
narrator’s plan for writing his novel consists of juxtaposing
snapshots in order to create a pattern where no image nullifies or
overshadows the others, since each of these images is unique and
necessary to produce a true and coherent mosaic. This is what we
find precisely in Sefarad; different testimonies and memoirs from
victims of any political regime or from any kind of exile, each of
which are equally significant in a clear multidirectional approach
to memory (Valdivia 2013).
4 “For two or three years I have flirted with the idea of writing a novel, imagined situations and
places, like snapshots, or like those posters displayed on large billboards at the entrance to a movie
theatre. [. . .] Each became a mystery, illuminating the others, creating multiple links that I could
break or modify at my whim, patterns in which no image nullified the others or gained precedence
or lost its uniqueness within the whole” (Muñoz Molina 2003,140).
Thus, one of the essential questions that are raised while
reading Sefarad is how appropriate literature may be as a vehicle
for bearing witness to history (Gilmour 2011, 840). The main
narrator of Sefarad does not evade this issue, something which is
reflected on many occasions throughout the novel. This is the
case of the chapter “Narva,” in which the narrator meets a friend
of his for lunch, the Spanish psychologist José Luis Pinillos.
Pinillos enlisted in the Blue Division, the Spanish Army that
served in the German Army during the Second World War. The
testimony that the Spanish psychologist bequeaths to the narrator
is that of his dramatic experience in the Estonian city of Narva.
There, Pinillos met a Jewish woman who asks him to bear
witness to the extermination of the Jewish population. At a
certain point of the narration, the Spanish psychologist admits
that “[y]o no sabía nada entonces, pero lo peor de todo era que
me negaba a saber, que no veía lo que estaba delante de mis ojos”
(Muñoz Molina 2013, 630) (“I didn’t know anything then, but
worst of all was my refusal to know, what was before my eyes”
(Muñoz Molina 2003, 307)), attracted as he was by what German
civilization represented during his student years: “no quiero
ocultarlo, ni quiero disculparme, creía que Alemania era la
civilización, y Rusia la barbarie” (Muñoz Molina 2013, 630) (“I
don’t want to hide anything or try to excuse myself, I thought that
Germany was civilization and Russia barbarism” (Muñoz Molina
2003, 307)). After that meeting, he would never see the Jewish
woman again and the experience of that meeting haunted him for
many decades, until the very day the narrator and the Spanish
psychologist met for lunch.
This chapter contains essential reflections on the role of
literature as a vehicle for transmitting the memory of the past.
Moreover, the very mechanisms of storytelling are unveiled in a
remarkable manner. After hearing Pinillos’s testimony, and
particularly what meeting the Jewish woman meant for him, the
basic narrator has an epiphanic revelation, which is reflected in
the following passage:
Él, que no quiso ni pudo olvidarla en más de medio siglo, me la ha legado
ahora, de su memoria la ha trasladado a mi imaginación, pero yo no quiero
inventarle ni un origen ni un nombre, tal vez ni siquiera tengo derecho: no es
un fantasma, ni un personaje de ficción, es alguien que pertenecía a la vida
real tanto como yo, que tuvo un destino tan único como el mío aunque
inimaginablemente más atroz, una biografía que no puede ser suplantada por
la sombra bella y mentirosa de la literatura [. . .] (Muñoz Molina 2013, 637)5
As the previous passage reflects, Muñoz Molina is aware
of the risks involved in transmitting and translating memory into
fiction. He is aware, in other words, of the limits of literature and
invention (Gilmour 2011, 840),6 which is probably why Muñoz
Molina declares in his “Author’s Note” that there is very little
invention “in the stories and voices that weave through
[Sefarad]” (Muñoz Molina 2003, 383).
On the other hand, Sefarad never stops questioning the
legitimacy of literature to approach memory. Perhaps, José Luis
Pinillos’s testimony faithfully illustrates the author’s approach to
memory:
[. . .] si yo estoy vivo tengo la obligación de hablar por ellos, tengo que contar
lo que les hicieron, no puedo quedarme sin hacer nada y dejar que les olviden,
y que se pierda del todo lo poco que va quedando de ellos. No quedará nada
cuando se haya extinguido mi generación, nadie que se acuerde, a no ser que
alguno de vosotros repitáis lo que os hemos contado. (Muñoz Molina 2013,
644)7
At the very end of this passage, the Spanish psychologist
appeals to the narrator and asks him to narrate what he has just
told him (an idea that is lost in the English translation we offer
below). In this sense, it is relevant to refer to Cristina Demaria’s
study Semiotica e Memoria. Analisi del post-conflitto. In this
study, Demaria refers to the necessity of exploring what Lotman
defined as the process of translating experience into the text
(“processi di traduzione dell’esperienza in testo”) when we
transmit the past, paying special attention to the interaction
5 “He who has not been able to forget her for more than half a century has bequeathed her to
me now, transferring the memory of her to my imagination, but I won’t give her an origin or a
name, I haven’t the authority, she isn’t a ghost or a fictional character but someone who was as
real as I am, who had a destiny as unique as mine although far more cruel, a biography that can
neither be supplanted by the beautiful lie of literature” (Muñoz Molina 2003, 312).
6 Concerning the issue of how legitimate it is for fiction to transmit memories of traumatic
experiences, Gilmour has observed that “the dilemma of how to keep memories of these
experiences alive and to transmit them to future generations has become a pressing question in
contemporary cultural studies, in particular in relation to the Holocaust” (Gilmour 2011, 839).
7 “[. . .] because I’m alive I have the obligation to speak for them, say what was done, so that
the little that remains of them in people’s memories will not be lost for all time” (Muñoz Molina
2003, 317).
between individual and collective memory (Demaria 2006, 37).8
Hence, I would affirm that the inclusion of the iconic characters’
testimonies in Sefarad accounts for this sort of translation of
experience into the text.
The issue of the legitimacy of literature as a vehicle for
the transmission of memory and traumatic knowledge is an
essential feature in Muñoz Molina’s Sefarad, which, I feel, is
effectively carried out (Gilmour 2011, 840). On the other hand, it
should not be overlooked that the transmission of memory may
function—as we consider it does in Sefarad—as “a spur to
unexpected acts of empathy and solidarity” (Rothberg 2009, 19).
Empathetic polyacroasis as a narrative principle in Sefarad
One of the most remarkable aspects of Muñoz Molina’s Sefarad
is the importance of storytelling as a principle that articulates the
novel (Herzberger 2004, 85; Valdivia 2013). As Herzberger has
pointed out Sefarad “is a novel of multiple narrators, characters,
and plots that turns inward to celebrate the construction of its
stories.” (Herzberger 2004, 85). It is important to highlight how
significant storytelling, listening, and reading are in the
construction of this novel. In this sense, the inclusion of the
iconic characters’ testimonies in a novel where storytelling and
listening is vital accounts for what Herzberger defines as “a
hybridized narrative rooted in imagination and reference”
(Herzberger 2004, 86). A fruitful tension that contributes to
trigger an empathetic response from the reader (Herzberger 2004,
86).
On the other hand, one of the most remarkable
achievements of Sefarad is its “basic narrator”—that is, the
oscillating narrative voice underlying the seventeen chapters or
“novelas” (Hristova 2011; Gilmour 2011; Valdivia 2012, 591–
592). Actually, this basic narrator constantly changes the
grammatical person from “yo” to “tú,” “él,” “vosotros,” or “ellos”
(Valdivia 2012, 591–592; see also Gilmour 2011). Thus, orality
and storytelling are essential features for this basic narrator to
8 Cristina Demaria affirms in her study that “[l]a trasmissione del significato del passato, la trama
in cui si intrecciano alcuni eventi che divengono così rilevanti, può cioè trovarsi a dipendere dal
modo in cui, di volta in volta, memoria individuale e memoria collettiva interagiscono. È
necessario dunque indagare più a fondo quelli che Lotman definisce come processi di traduzione
dell’esperienza in testo, l’interazione e anche il conflitto fra una memoria individuale e una
collettiva, culturale e sociale” (Demaria 2006, 37).
develop his narrative possibilities. Characters, be they iconic or
fictional, tell each other stories and transmit their testimonies to
those who are willing to listen, to the extent that the manner in
which their identities may be perceived depends to a great extent
on those stories (Herzberger 2004; Gilmour 2011; Hristova 2011;
Valdivia 2012; Valdivia 2013).
Hence, both orality and storytelling allow us to establish a
connection with the rhetorical concept of polyacroasis (Valdivia
2012, 593–594). The term polyacroasis (polyakróasis)—that is, a
plural hearing, plural interpretation of an oral discourse—has
been proposed by Tomás Albaladejo “to refer to the characteristic
consisting of the differences between the hearers of rhetorical
discourse” (Albaladejo 1998, 156). Thus, polyacroasis
contributes to illuminate and elucidate the mechanisms of the
plural reception of discourses taking place in a given rhetorical
event (Albaladejo 1998). As this reception is not only restricted to
oratorical events, Albaladejo has also proposed this concept to
analyze literary works, especially those at the very core of which
literary communication lies (Albaladejo 2009, 2). Polyacroasis
therefore contributes to elucidate the strong link between
literature and orality (Albaladejo 2009, 3–4).
In this sense, Sefarad constitutes a rhetorical event where
the characters or voices that dwell in the novel narrate to each
other the novel they take with them.9 Yet the reader is also
appealed to and turned into another character of the novel by
means of empathy, to the extent that readers may experience what
Northrop Frye affirmed the final message of the genre of
romance was—that is, “de te fabula: the story is about you” (Frye
1976, 186). In this sense, the use in the novel of the rhetorical
figure of apostrophe reinforces the sense of empathy the novel
conveys, since the reader’s attention is drawn in a very effective
manner (Valdivia 2013):
Y tú qué harías si supieras que en cualquier momento pueden venir a
buscarte, que tal vez ya figura tu nombre en una lista mecanografiada de
9In Sefarad, there are multiple references to Benito Pérez Galdós’s Fortunata y Jacinta. Muñoz
Molina introduces in Sefarad a famous quotation taken from that novel, “Doquiera que el
hombre va lleva consigo su novela,” which Margaret Sayers Peden translated into English as
“Wherever a man goes, he takes his novel with him”(Muñoz Molina 2003, 44).
presos o de muertos futuros, de sospechosos, de traidores. (Muñoz Molina
2013, 243)10
Clearly, the use of apostrophe triggers an empathetic
response from the reader, who may experience a total
identification with the voices that dwell in Sefarad (Gilmour
2011, 851). In addition to this, empathy is similarly stimulated by
manipulating the voice of the basic narrator (Gilmour 2011, 851;
Valdivia 2012). What Gilmour has described as “a constant
oscillation between the third person, él or ella, and the first
person, yo,” (Gilmour 2011, 852; Valdivia 2012; Valdivia 2013,
258) creates a web of empathetic connections among the main
narrator, the gallery of multiple voices that weave through the
book, and an empathetic reader. As we have seen before, Muñoz
Molina tells us in the “Author’s note” that both the testimonies he
listened to and stored for a long time in his memory and the
books he read were vital while plotting and writing Sefarad: the
rest was invention. However, it could be affirmed that the part of
the novel that stems from invention completes full circle this web
of empathetic links (Gilmour 2011). In other words, as Gilmour
has pointed out, the use of an empathetic imagination accounts
for the manner in which Muñoz Molina, via his basic narrator,
translates into fiction other people’s memories (Gilmour 2011,
847). This basic narrator has been referred to by Valdivia as a “yo
fluido,” a sort of flowing manifold narrator whose nature is
clearly explained in the following passage taken from the chapter
“Dime tu nombre”:
Nunca soy más yo mismo que cuando guardo silencio y escucho, cuando dejo
a un lado mi fatigosa identidad y mi propia memoria para concentrarme del
todo en el acto de escuchar, de ser plenamente habitado por las experiencias y
recuerdos de otros. (Muñoz Molina 2013, 680)11
This multiple oscillation among different grammatical
persons is accompanied by the use of direct speech, as we can
appreciate when Muñoz Molina provides his own translation into
10 “And you, what would you do if you knew that at any moment they could come for you, that
your name may already be on a typed list of prisoners or future dead, or suspects, or traitors?”
(Muñoz Molina 2003, 45).
11 “I am never more myself than when I am silent and listening, when I set aside my tedious
identity and tedious memory to concentrate totally on the act of listening, on the experiences of
another” (Muñoz Molina 2003, 340).
Spanish of the iconic characters’ testimonies he has read in
books. In the following passage we can appreciate a clear
example of this flowing oscillating narrator:
Evgenia, te están tendiendo una trampa, y es preciso que escapes mientras
puedas, antes de que te partan el cuello. Pero cómo voy yo, una comunista, a
esconderme de mi Partido, lo que tengo que hacer es demostrarle al Partido
que soy inocente. Hablan en voz baja, procurando que los niños no escuchen
nada, temiendo que el teléfono, aunque está colgado, sirva para que les espíen
las conversaciones. (Muñoz Molina 2013, 258)12
The quotation that appears in italics is an excerpt, translated into
Spanish by the author himself, and taken from Evgenia
Ginzburg’s Journey into the Whirlwind, a memoir that had not
yet been translated into Spanish when Sefarad was being written.
Then, after that passage, without using quotation marks, the first
person is used and we are told what the “basic narrator” imagines
Evgenia Ginzburg might have said in the very moment she learnt
she was under threat. In other words, the basic narrator haunts
Ginzburg’s mind and empathetically imagines how Ginzburg
might have reacted. Finally, in the last sentence, the basic narrator
shifts to the third person plural (Valdivia 2013, 258). Needless to
say, this masterly use of narrative technique requires an
empathetic imagination on the author’s part (Gilmour 2011;
Valdivia 2013, 258).
The manner in which polyacroasis functions in this novel
can not be explained if we are unaware of that web of empathetic
connections—or “malla de ramificaciones”—among the different
voices, the reader’s response, and the empathetic imagination
deployed by Muñoz Molina. Therefore, a new question should
now be raised. Is empathy an effective vehicle for both
transmitting and translating memories? Does the author’s
empathetic involvement in retelling and translating testimonies
account for a successful transmission of memory?
According to Rothberg, remembrance and imagination
can be seen as both material and fundamentally human forces that
12“Eugenia, they’re setting a trap for you, and you must run away while you can, before they
have your head. But why would I, a Communist, hide from my Party? I must show the Party that
I’m innocent. They speak in low voices, trying not to let the children hear, afraid that the
telephone, even though the receiver’s down, will allow someone to listen” (Muñoz Molina 2003,
53).
“should not lead to assumptions of memory’s insubstantiality”
(Rothberg 2009, 19). It is possible that, as Sefarad reflects,
translating multidirectional memory into fiction acquires a more
significant and enriched dimension when empathetic imagination
is present.
Translating the Other culturally in Sefarad
The role of translation in postconflict cultures is an aspect that
has been taken into consideration in Nergaard’s “Translating the
Other: Journalism in Post Conflict Cultures” (Demaria and
Wright, 2006). In this article, Nergaard analyzes examples where
one culture translates another (Nergaard 2006, 189). In this sense,
Nergaard proposes an understanding of translation “as the process
through which concepts and discourses in one culture are
interpreted and transformed in order to be introduced into
another” (Nergaard 2006, 189). Translation is also referred to as
“one of the privileged spaces where cultures meet [. . .] in terms
of alterity and difference” (Nergaard 2006, 189). Translation thus
allows us to represent the Other, a complex process that Nergaard
calls cultural translation (Nergaard 2006, 191). In this epigraph I
would like to explore the presence of cultural translation in
Muñoz Molina’s novel, and to what extent fiction may contribute
to an effective translation of the Other and, as a result of that, can
contribute to create and shape knowledge.
When the so-called basic narrator declares that he is never
more himself than when he sets aside his identity to concentrate
on the experiences of another (Muñoz Molina 2013, 680), he is
suggesting that “he is never more fully himself than when
experiencing both self and other” (Gilmour 2011, 849.) In this
sense, it seems that the very idea of representing and translating
the Other appears to be one of the engines of Sefarad, being the
other and the translation of his or her experiences one of the key
motifs that articulate the novel.
We have previously referred to the manner in which
Muñoz Molina translates into fiction the iconic characters’
testimonies. In some occasions the author himself translates
passages into Spanish, which lend verisimilitude to the novel. In
other occasions, the iconic characters are haunted by the
oscillating narrator (“yo fluido,” as proposed by Valdivia) who
imagines empathetically what these “iconic characters and
writers” might have thought or said (Valdivia 2013). This
exploration of the characters’ thoughts appearing in Sefarad, via
an oscillating narrator, constitutes an example of what could be
defined as an empathetic cultural translation.
The most significant instance of this representation of the
Other in Sefarad appears in the chapter “Eres.” In this chapter,
Muñoz Molina appeals empathetically to the reader by means of
the use of apostrophe. Thus, the chapter triggers in the reader a
sense of identification between him or her and the Other
(Valdivia 2013, 601). In this sense in Sefarad “the possibility of
becoming ‘the other’ is a recurrent theme” (Hristova-Dijkstra and
Adema 2010, 74), something that is illustrated when the reader is
asked the following question: “Y tú qué harías si supieras que en
cualquier momento pueden venir a buscarte, que tal vez ya figura
tu nombre en una lista mecanografiada de presos o de muertos
futuros, de sospechosos, de traidores”(Muñoz Molina 2013, 243)
(“what would you do if you knew that at any moment they could
come for you, that your name may already be on a typed list of
prisoners or future dead, or suspects, or traitors?” [Muñoz Molina
2003, 45]).
In the following passage from the chapter mentioned
above, we encounter a representative example of the manner in
which the virtual identification between reader (Self) and the
Other is triggered:
Eres quien mira su normalidad perdida desde el otro lado del cristal que te
separa de ella, quien entre las rendijas de las tablas de un vagón de deportados
mira las últimas casas de la ciudad que creyó suya y a la que nunca volverá.
(Muñoz Molina 2013, 619)13
The effect these words have on the reader is that of fostering a
total identification with the Other, to the extent that we come to
recognize how “the ‘totally other’ constitutes one’s identity”
(Hristova-Dijkstra and Adema 2010, 74).
*
13 As Margaret Sayers Peden’s 2003 translation into English of the 2001 Spanish edition of
Sefarad is being used throughout this article, and as this translation omits many passages from
the original 2001 Spanish edition, including the passage I have just cited, no English translation
is being provided in this instance.
Sefarad has been described by its author as a “mapa de todos los
exilios posibles” (a map of possible exiles) (Valdivia 2013, 26).
In this sense, it could be affirmed that the theme of exile
constitutes a subtext in Sefarad since it is the place where the
narrator and the reader empathize imaginatively with the Other
(Gilmour 2011, 854):
Aún despojándote de todo queda algo que permanece siempre, que está en ti
desde que tienes memoria [. . .] el núcleo o la médula de lo que eres [. . .]: eres
el sentimiento del desarraigo y de la extrañeza, de no estar del todo en ninguna
parte [. . .] (Muñoz Molina 2013, 609)14
In the Introduction to Translation and Power (2002)
Maria Tymoczko and Edwin Gentzler assert that translators “as
much as creative writers and politicians, participate in the
powerful acts that create knowledge and shape culture”
(Tymoczko and Gentzler 2002, xxi). In this sense, in Sefarad
both the translator and the creative writer meet. The fact that
some of the books containing the iconic characters’ testimonies
were not translated into Spanish implied an obvious lack of
knowledge of vital testimonies that has shaped postwar Europe.
Thus, the Spanish author’s decision to insert and translate
passages from the previously mentioned testimonies accounts for
a strong desire to create knowledge both as a creative writer and
as a translator.
If we take into consideration, for instance, the passages
taken from Victor Klemperer’s I will Bear Witness. 1933–1941. A
Diary of the Nazi Years (1999), we can appreciate a clear
illustration of Muñoz Molina’s masterly use of historical
reference and empathetic imagination. In “Quien espera,” a
gallery of “iconic characters” weaves through this chapter, which
includes Victor Klemperer himself, Margarete Buber-Neumann,
Eugenia Ginzburg, Jean Améry, and even fictional characters
such as Josef K. from Kafka’s Der Prozess. In the following
passage we can appreciate the narrative technique deployed by
the author:
14“Something persists that has been inside you for as long as you can remember [. . .] it is the
marrow of what you are [. . .] You are uprootedness and foreignness, not being completely in
any one place [. . .]” (Muñoz Moina 2003, 295).
El jueves 30 de marzo de 1933 el profesor Victor Klemperer, de Dresde, anota
en su diario que ha visto en el escaparate de una tienda de juguetes un balón de
goma infantil con una gran esvástica. Ya no puedo librarme de la sensación de
disgusto y vergüenza. Y nadie se mueve; todo el mundo tiembla, se esconde.
(Muñoz Molina 2013, 247)15
The journal entry corresponds to March 30, 1933. In fact,
the sentence that we encounter at the end of that journal entry—
that is, “In a toy shop a children’s ball with the swastika”
(Klemperer 1999, 10)—occurs unexpectedly, as a juxtaposed
image with no apparent connection with the rest of the
paragraph.16 Thus, Muñoz Molina is clearly retelling what he has
read in the diary, after which he introduces in italics his own
translation of a passage extracted from the English translation of
Klemperer’s diaries. Hence, Muñoz Molina sets a boundary
between real testimonies and literary recreation. Yet, it should be
noticed that the passage in italics does not correspond to the same
day Klemperer saw the child’s ball with the swastika (that is,
March 30) but to May 17 of the same year. This narrative
device—which we can appreciate in other iconic testimonies
throughout the novel—has significant implications from the point
of view of translation, since it reveals a concept of translation that
Tymoczko and Gentzler have described as “not simply an act of
faithful reproduction but, rather, a deliberate and conscious act of
selection [and] assemblage” (Tymoczko and Gentzler 2002, xxi).
In other words, Muñoz Molina’s choice constitutes a conscious act
of juxtaposing his own empathetic retelling of the journal with real
testimonies extracted from it (that is, “I can no longer get rid of the
feeling of disgust and shame. And no one stirs; everyone trembles,
keeps out of sight” (Klemperer 1999, 7) (“Ich kann das Gefühl des
15 “On Thursday, March 30, 1933, Professor Victor Klemperer, of Dresden, notes in his diary
that in a toy-shop window he saw a child’s balloon with a large swastika. I can no longer rid
myself of the disgust and shame. Yet no one makes a move; everyone trembles, hides” (Muñoz
Molina 2003, 47).
16 We provide in this footnote the English translation of Victor Klemperer’s diaries and the
original German: “Yesterday a wretched statement in the Dresdener Neueste Nachrichten—‘on
your own account.’ They are 92.5 percent founded on Aryan capital, Herr Wollf, owner of the
remaining 7.5 percent, has resigned as chief editor, one Jewish editor has been given leave of
absence (poor Fentl!), the other ten are Aryans. Terrible!—In a toy shop a children’s ball with the
swastika.” (Klemperer 1999, 10); „Gestern jämmerliche Erklärung der Dresdener NN ‚in eigener
Sache’. Sie seien zu 92,5 Prozent auf arisches Kapital gestützt, Herr Wollf, Besitzer der übrigen
7,5 Prozent, lege Chefredaktion nieder, ein jüdischer Redakteur sei beurlaubt (armer Fentl!), die
andern zehn seien Arier. Entsetzlich! – In einem Spielzeugladen ein Kinderball mit Hakenkreuz”
(Klemperer, 1995: 15–16).
Ekels und der Scham nicht mehr loswerden. Und niemand rührt
sich; alles zittert, verkriecht sich.” [Klemperer 1995, 12]).
In “Quien espera” we encounter a web of testimonies or
voices that are intertwined throughout this chapter, including
Buber-Neumann’s, Ginzburg’s, and Klemperer’s. In the last
paragraph of this chapter the testimonies of both Klemperer and
Buber-Neumann come together. In a masterly juxtaposition of
voices and testimonies, the oscillating narrator concludes this
chapter in the following manner:
Llegaron una mañana muy temprano, del 19 de Julio, y al comprobar que esta
vez sí que venían de verdad por ella [Margarete] no sintió pánico, sino más bien
alivio [. . .]. El 12 de julio el profesor Klemperer recuerda en su diario a algunos
amigos que se marcharon de Alemania, que han encontrado trabajo en Estados
Unidos o en Inglaterra. Pero cómo irse sin nada, él, un viejo, y su mujer una
enferma [. . .]. Nosotros nos hemos quedado aquí, en la vergüenza y la penuria,
como enterrados vivos, enterrados hasta el cuello, esperando día tras día las
últimas paletadas. (Muñoz Molina 2013, 267)17
The responsibility that translation may have in creating
knowledge has been previously mentioned. I agree with Tymoczko
and Genztler when they affirm that “translation [. . .] actively
participates in the construction of knowledge [. . .] and that the act
of translation is itself very much involved in the creation of [it]”
(Tymoczko and Gentzler 2002, xxi). Leaving aside the enormous
literary value of a novel like Sefarad, I would affirm that this novel
is also an example of how a fictional work can participate in that
construction of knowledge through an empathetic imagination.
Conclusion
Throughout this article I have tried to analyze the manner in which
Muñoz Molina juxtaposes in Sefarad the shared European and
Spanish memory of the twentieth century via a multidirectional
memory approach to fiction. In this sense, I would affirm that
Michael Rothberg’s approach helps explain the narrative
mechanisms underlying Sefarad. In other words, Rothberg’s
17 “They came one morning very early, on July 19, and when she realized that they had finally
come for her, [Margarete] felt only a kind of relief [. . .]. On July 12, Professor Klemperer refers
in his diary to some friends who left Germany and found work in the United States or England.
But how do you leave when you don’t have anything? He, an old man with a sick wife [. . .]. We
have stayed here, in shame and penury, as if buried alive, buried up to our necks, waiting day
after day for the last spadefuls of dirt” (Muñoz Molina 2003, 60).
dynamic multidirectional model accounts effectively for the
interaction of different historical memories which we can
appreciate in Sefarad (Rothberg 2009, 3).
Muñoz Molina thus translates into fiction previously
isolated memories and presents a map of all possible exiles in an
unprecedented manner in recent Spanish literature. In this sense, I
would state that one of Muñoz Molina’s greatest achievements is
the manner in which he carries out a translation of experience into
a fictional text. There are multiple instances of that translation of
experiences into Sefarad, such as the iconic characters’
testimonies. In addition to this, I would like to point out that
empathetic polyacroasis contributes to a great extent to this
effective translation of experience. Thus, I believe that the presence
of polyacroasis in Sefarad enhances that empathetic translation and
transmission of memory, since it allows both a plural interpretation
and a powerful interaction among the different “voices” that dwell
in the novel, and it also increases the readers’ empathetic response.
In my opinion, translating multidirectional memory into fiction
becomes more effective when empathetic polyacroasis takes place.
Needless to say, this “hybridized narrative rooted in imagination
and reference” (Herzberger 2004, 86) clearly contributes and
participates in the construction of knowledge.
Finally, I would like to conclude this essay with an excerpt
from Antonio Muñoz Molina’s Sefarad that, to a great extent, may
function as a concise summary of the argument I have presented:
No eres una sola persona y no tienes una sola historia, y ni tu cara ni tu oficio ni
las demás circunstancias de tu vida pasada o presente permanecen invariables. El
pasado se mueve y los espejos son imprevisibles. (Muñoz Molina 2013, 596)18
18“You are not an isolated person and do not have an isolated story, and neither your face nor
your profession nor the other circumstances of your past or present life are cast in stone. The
past shifts and reforms, and mirrors are unpredictable” (Muñoz Molina 2003, 288).
References
Albaladejo, Tomás. 1998. “Polyacroasis in Rhetorical Discourse.” The
Canadian Journal of Rhetorical Studies/La Revue Canadienne d’Études
Rhétoriques 9: 155–167.
———. 2009. “La poliacroasis en la representación literaria: Un
componente de la retórica cultural.” Castilla. Estudios de Literatura 0:
1–26. PDF available at http://uvadoc.uva.es/handle/10324/12153.
Améry, Jean. 1997. Jenseits von Schuld und Sühne: Bewältigungsversuche
eines Überwältigten. Stuttgart: Klett-Cotta Verlag.
Baer, Alejandro. 2011. “The Voids of Sepharad: The memory of the
Holocaust in Spain.” Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 12 (1): 95–
120. doi:10.1080/14636204.2011/556879.
Buber-Neumann, Margarete. [1947] 1997. Als Gefangene bei Stalin und
Hitler. Eine Welt im Dunkel. Berlin: Ullstein Buchverlage.
Demaria, Cristina. 2006. Semiotica e memoria. Analisi del post-conflitto.
Roma: Carocci.
Demaria, Cristina, and Colin Wright. 2006. Post-Conflict Cultures. Rituals of
Representation. London: Zoilus Press.
Frye, Northrop. 1976. The Secular Scripture: A Study of the Structure of
Romance. Cambridge (MA): Harvard University Press.
Gilmour, Nicola. 2011. “The Afterlife of Traumatic Memories: The Workings
and Uses of Empathy in Antonio Muñoz Molina’s Sefarad.” Bulletin of
Spanish Studies: Hispanic Studies and Researches on Spain, Portugal
and Latin America 88 (6): 839–862.
doi:10.1080/14753820.2011.603491.
Ginzburg, Eugenia Semyonovna. 1967. Journey into the Whirlwind.
Translated by Paul Stevenson and Max Hayward. London: Harcourt.
Herzberger, David K. 2004. “Representing the Holocaust: Story and
Experience in Antonio Muñoz Molina’s Sefarad.” Romance Quarterly
51 (2): 85–96. doi:10.3200/RQTR.51.2.85-96.
Hristova, Marije. 2011. “Memoria prestada. El Holocausto en la novela
española contemporánea: Los casos de Sefarad de Muñoz Molina y El
Comprador de aniversarios de García Ortega.” MA thesis, University of
Amsterdam. PDF available at http://dare.uva.nl/document/342563.
Hristova-Dijkstra, Marije J., and Janneke Adema. 2010. “The exile condition.
Space–time dissociation in historical experience. A reading of Sefarad.”
Krisis, 1: 62–76.
Klemperer, Victor. 1995. “Ich will Zeugnis ablegen bis zum letzten.”
Tagebücher 1933–1941. Berlin: Aufbau-Verlag.
———. 1999. I Will Bear Witness. 1933–1941. A Diary of the Nazi Years.
Translated by Martin Chalmers. New York: The Modern Library.
Muñoz Molina, Antonio. 2003. Sepharad. Translated by Margaret Sayers
Peden. London: Harcourt.
———. 2007. Travesías. Edited by Jorge F. Hernández. Mexico City:
Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México.
———. 2013. Sefarad. Edited by Pablo Valdivia. Madrid: Cátedra.
Nergaard, Siri. 2006. “Translating the Other: Journalism in Post-Conflict
Cultures.” In Cristina Demaria and Colin Wright 2006, 189–207.
Rothberg, Michael. 2009. Multidirectional Memory: Remembering the
Holocaust in the Age of Decolonization. Stanford: Stanford University
Press.
Tymoczko, Maria, and Edwin Gentzler, eds. 2002. Translation and Power.
Amherst and Boston: University of Massachusetts Press.
Valdivia, Pablo. 2012. “Poliacroasis, memoria e identidad en la articulación
de los discursos de poder: el caso de Sefarad de Antonio Muñoz
Molina.” In Retórica y política. Los discursos de la construcción de la
sociedad, edited by Emilio del Río Sanz, María del Carmen Ruiz de la
Cierva, and Tomás Albaladejo, 591–604. Logroño: Instituto de Estudios
Riojanos.
———. 2013. Introduction to Muñoz Molina 2013.
obtained his BA in English Philology and his PhD from the
Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. He is currently lecturer in Contemporary
Literature, English Literature, and English at the Universidad CEU San Pablo, Madrid,
and member of the research group C [P y R] (Communication, poetics and rhetoric)
at the Universidad Autónoma de Madrid. He is currently a member of the
METAPHORA project and has been a member of a previous research project on
Cultural Rhetoric. His research interests include comparative literature, rhetoric, and
literary translation.
| Unimi Open Journals |
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] | Abstract: Holocaust survivor testimonies are frequently read, explored,
and interpreted in English translation—that is, beyond their original
linguistic, temporal, and cultural points of telling. And yet only meager
attention has been paid to the epistemological and ethical implications of
translation as a mode of re-mediating Holocaust memory. Significant
questions remain regarding the potentialities of translation, both positive
and negative, for shaping the way in which readers come to know about,
and respond to, the lived experiences of the survivors. Specifically, this
article hopes to encourage more sustained and critical thinking about the
decisive and moral role of the translator as a secondary witness, “one who
listens to the testimony with empathy and helps to record, store and
transmit it” (Assmann 2006, 9). The article presents a case study of two
acts of secondary witnessing which re-mediate the experiences of French
female deportees into English: Barbara Mellor’s translation of Agnès
Humbert’s (1946) Notre guerre, published in 2008 as Résistance, and
Margaret S. Summers’s translation of Micheline Maurel’s (1957) Un
camp très ordinaire, published in 1958 as An Ordinary Camp. Attention
will be paid to how the translators have listened to and re-mediated the
experiences of the survivors for a new readership, while the sociocultural
contexts of and influences on these acts of secondary witnessing will also
be considered.
Introduction
Translating the written memory of an individual into another
language and culture entails a twofold act of perpetuation; first,
the lived experiences of that individual are recorded in an
additional repository and are then carried beyond the immediate
borders of the original telling. Yet, in order that this
perpetuation might be realized through translation, the particular
threads of memory which constitute the original narrative—
whether in the form of autobiography, memoir, diary or
testimony—are necessarily reworked by the hands of another,
by a translator who, in most instances, has no direct connection
with the remembered events or emotions.1 The warp and weft of
the initial act of memory may subsequently emerge intact,
preserved by translation to bear enduring and accurate witness
to the life of the individual; alternatively, it may not withstand
the process, becoming distorted in its appearance, texture or
purpose once reconstructed in another setting.
This article sets out to identify and critically examine
the role of the translator in the transmission of individual
memory within the specific context of survivor accounts of the
Holocaust. In this respect, any exploration of how the translator
re-mediates life in the camps must be fully mindful of the
unique representational, epistemological and ethical
complexities that can beset attempts to tell and retell those
stories of suffering and survival. Many Holocaust narratives are
marked by a tension between the (communicative,
commemorative, and often cathartic) need to commit lived
experience to writing and the aridity of words whose capacity to
tell withers before the sheer horror of the events they venture to
describe. The complexities of representation may be
compounded further by the contingencies of memory, which can
fade but also sharpen with the passing of time.2 In turn, the
translator of the Holocaust narrative is potentially brought into
an encounter with a text that is, deliberately or otherwise,
halting, uneven; a text that may attempt to lay bare some or all
of the concentrationary universe, and in so doing, charge itself
with a particular moral burden to remember, to understand, or
indeed to resist any such understanding. How the translator
1 A notable exception to this distance between the one who remembers and the one who
translates can, of course, be found in the phenomenon of self-translation. The conflation of
these two positions necessarily raises an alternative set of questions to the ones I address here.
2 Contrary to the antinarrative stance adopted by literary theorists such as Cathy Caruth (1996),
scientific studies have shown that traumatic experiences are recoverable and representable, as
opposed to repressed and unspeakable. As is noted by Beverley R. King in 21st Century
Psychology: A Reference Handbook, “Overwhelmingly, the research supports the trauma
superiority argument—memories for stressful experiences are not easily forgotten, especially
the central details of the events” (2009, 452). For further criticism of Caruth, see Ruth Leys
(2000), and Wulf Kansteiner and Harald Weilnböck (2008).
responds to such complexities will be considered in reference to
the concept of the secondary witness, 3 defined by Geoffrey
Hartman as someone who “provides a witness for the witness,
[and] actively receives words that reflect the darkness of the
event” (1998, 48). It is precisely the nature and extent of the
translator’s act of receiving that will be considered in the case
study below, always heedful of what Colin Davis terms the
“insidious dangers inherent in secondary witnessing” (2011, 20)
which threaten to belie the experiences, pain and otherness of
the Holocaust survivor. For the manner in which the translator
serves as secondary witness will ultimately determine whether
the target language reader has a window onto past events that is
as broad or narrow, as transparent or opaque, as whole or
fragmented, as the one originally offered by the survivor.
The present case study centers on two remarkable
French testimonies of life in and liberation from the Nazi labor
camps for women. Agnès Humbert’s Notre guerre: Journal de
Résistance 1940–1945 was published in the immediate
aftermath of World War II in 1946; it begins with the art
historian’s diary entries which record her early involvement in
the French Resistance movement and then proceeds to a
retrospective account of her arrest and internment in the Parisian
prisons of Cherche-Midi, La Santé, and Fresnes, her subsequent
deportation to the German forced labor camps of Krefeld-
Anrath, Hövelhof and Schwelm, and her eventual liberation
from the town of Wanfried. Micheline Maurel, a literary
scholar, was also arrested for Resistance activities, and her
testimony, Un camp très ordinaire, appeared in 1957. In her
work, Maurel documents her experiences of daily life and
hardship in the Neubrandenburg labor camp, a satellite of the
Ravensbrück concentration camp for women, as well as her
difficult return home following liberation. These accounts will
be brought into relief with their English translations—
respectively, Résistance: Memoirs of Occupied France
translated by Barbara Mellor (2008) and Ravensbrück by
Margaret S. Summers (1958)4—as a means of establishing how
these translators have served as witnesses to the survivors, while
3 This present study follows on from my 2013 work in which I also draw on secondary
witnessing to scrutinize the English translation of Robert Antelme’s (1947) L’espèce humaine.
4 Page references will here be given to the UK edition published in 1958 by Digit Books, an
imprint of Brown Watson. See reference list for an overview of all available UK and US editions.
also recognizing that the translator is not the sole agent
responsible for the way in which these individual memories
have been transmitted.
The decision to explore these two particular female
survivor accounts has been made in light Margaret-Anne
Hutton’s observation that “French women deported to Nazi
concentration and death camps […] have, as yet, received little
to no critical attention” (2005, 2), in Holocaust studies or
elsewhere. With the exception perhaps of Charlotte Delbo,
analytical focus has tended to fall on male memories and
narratives of life in the camps; this case study can thus be read
as an attempt to bring two marginalized, eclipsed voices of
female survivors further to the fore. In more general terms, the
article can also be seen as a contribution towards a burgeoning
body of work by scholars who situate themselves at the
intersection between Translation Studies and Holocaust Studies
in order to better understand how the linguistic and cultural
dynamics of translation have shaped the transmission and
reception of Holocaust writing. Susan Suleiman observes in
1996 that “[w ]hile students of Holocaust literature are keenly
aware of problems of language and representation, they have
paid surprisingly little attention to a problem one might call
representing—or remembering, or memorializing—the
Holocaust in translation” (1996, 640). Almost a decade later,
and that much needed critical attention is beginning to emerge
in revelatory studies, underpinned by comparative textual and
cultural analyses across a range of language pairs and genres.
Of particular note is the work of Jean Boase-Beier who
approaches the poetry of Paul Celan from the dual and ethically
engaged position of researcher and translator; she argues (2014)
that reading a Holocaust poem for translation entails a more
penetrating, exacting encounter with the silences, ambiguities,
and tensions of the original and maintains (2011) that these
potent features must be retained in the translation where they
might be perceived and interpreted by the new reader.
Conversely, Peter Davies adopts a decisively descriptive
approach to the translations of Borowski (2008), Wiesel (2011),
and Höß (2014) to frame textual and paratextual decisions in
terms of the status and function of Holocaust testimony in the
target culture, and in reference to target language reader
expectations. A recent special edition of Translation and
Literature (2014) on “Holocaust Testimony and Translation,”
edited by Davies, further signals the upsurge in interest in
questions of how, why and to what effect Holocaust writing
travels in translation. In addition to Boase-Beier’s (2014) work
mentioned above, specific cases in point are Sue Vice’s (2014)
examination of how reading false Holocaust testimonies in
translation can lay bare their constructedness, as well as Angela
Kershaw’s (2014) exploration of how translation can restrict and
release the complex network of intertextual references in French
Holocaust fiction. Also of interest is Kershaw’s (2013) detailed
examination on how translated Holocaust fiction is marketed
and received within Britain’s literary landscape. More broadly,
Bella Brodzki (2007) understands translation as a trope for the
textual reconstruction and transmission of memory, dedicating a
chapter of Can These Bones Live to the connections between
memorializing, mourning, and translation in the writing of Jorge
Semprùn.
These studies unarguably serve to provide a more
detailed and nuanced picture of the various ways in which
translation functions as a mode of reinscribing and imparting
Holocaust memory. In turn, this article endeavors to illustrate
the strategies on which the mediation and reception of the two
translated French testimonies are premised, supplementing thus
the existing body of work in an empirical sense and proposing
the figure of the secondary witness as a framework for better
understanding the responsibility of the translator of first hand
Holocaust accounts.
Secondary witnessing in translation
The notion of secondary witnessing can be traced back to the
establishment of the Fortunoff Video Archive for Holocaust
Testimonies for which over 4,400 eye-witness accounts were
recorded on videotape. One of the co-founders of the project,
psychoanalyst Dori Laub, has reflected critically on his role as
an interviewer, or “the immediate receiver of these testimonies”
(1991, 76). He frames his position in relation to the survivor as
“a companion on the eerie journey of the testimony. As an
interviewer, I am present as someone who actually participates
in the reliving and reexperiencing of the event” (1991, 76). Such
companionship and participation is a decisive factor in the very
elicitation of the testimony; the interviewer bears witness to the
witness and, in so doing, becomes an auxiliary to the telling of
the story, a secondary witness. Accordingly, an ethical onus is
placed on the secondary witness; as Thomas Trezise puts it:
The general lesson Laub draws from his intervention is that the listener
actively contributes, for better or for worse, to the construction of
testimonial narrative, that the receiving is analogous to the giving of
testimony insofar as it involves a process of selection and omission,
attention and inattention, highlighting and overshadowing, for which the
listener remains responsible. (2013, 19)
The translator of the Holocaust testimony can likewise be
placed in this position of receiving and responsibility. Although
the dialogic immediacy that characterizes the relationship
between the survivor–witness and interviewer–secondary
witness on tape is, in many cases, no longer tenable in the
context of translation,5 it is nevertheless the case that the
translator is a present and operative force in the bringing forth
of the testimony in another language, as well as in its journey to
another time and place. It is the translator who first participates
in shaping the contours of the account, and only then can its
content be repackaged and transmitted to a subsequent, broader
audience in the target culture.
The role of any secondary witness is a demanding and a
complex one which entreats the listener to hear affectively and
exactingly: “The listener has to feel the victim’s victories,
defeats and silences, know them from within, so that they can
assume the form of testimony” (Laub 1992, 58). At the same
time, the secondary witness is called to be mindful of this
attempt to feel and know the survivor, so as to preclude any
collapse of the distinction between the two subject positions.
Hartman expresses the dilemma of the secondary (or what he
terms ‘intellectual’) witness as follows: “Every identification
approaches over-identification and leads to a personifying and
then appropriation of the identity of others. The distance
between the self and other is violated and the possibility of
5 The retranslation of Wiesel’s La nuit by his wife in 2006 is a rare example of proximity
between survivor and translator.
intellectual witness aborted” (1998, 4). In order to avert such a
failure, secondary witnessing must be predicated instead on the
core value of empathy, an empathy which pertains in all
contexts of the act. In the case of the historian as secondary
witness, Dominick LaCapra insists on an ethically desirable
form of empathy that “involves not full identification but what
might be termed empathic unsettlement in the face of traumatic
limit events” (2001, 102). Likewise, memory studies scholars
Marianne Hirsch and Leo Spitzer contend that the secondary
witness “must allow the testimony to move, haunt and endanger
her; she must allow it to inhabit her, without appropriating or
owning it” (2010, 402). As I have argued elsewhere (Deane-Cox
2013), this empathic mode of bearing witness to the witness
must also extend to the context of translation. However, the risk
of crossing the threshold from empathy into over-identification
is stronger here still given the appropriative thrust of translation
and the subjective filter of the translator who may “feed [their]
own beliefs, knowledge, attitudes and so on into [their]
processing of texts, so that any translation will, to some extent,
reflect the translator’s own mental and cultural outlook” (Hatim
and Mason 1990, 11). If the translator of the Holocaust
testimony is to serve as a secondary witness, as “the blank
screen on which the event comes to be inscribed for the first
time” (Laub 1992, 57), here in a new linguistic, cultural and
temporal setting, then he or she must strive to engage
empathically with that telling and to respect the distance that
separates him or herself from the survivor. Otherwise, the testi-
mony is at danger of being overwritten by the assumptions and
the excesses (hearing too much) or insufficiencies (hearing too
little or inaccurately) of the translator, at which point the
testimony will cease to function as such.
However, participation in the communicative exchange
is not restricted to the witness and the secondary witness alone,
for the account that emerges from this encounter can also be
heard by additional audiences and used to different ends.
Although Laub does not address this point explicitly in his
work, Trezise sees there a “suggest[ion] that the reception of the
Holocaust survivor testimony requires not only attending to the
voices of witnesses while remaining aware of one’s own, but
also attending, with equal self-awareness, to the voices of other
listeners” (2013, 9). And within the paradigm of the translator as
secondary witness, those other listeners are the translation
readers as well as other interested parties such as literary agents,
publishers and editors, their presence and needs positioning the
translator, once again, in that familiar continuum bounded by
source and target concerns. Or, as Francis Jones writes, “the call
to the primary other (the source-writer or source-culture) must
be tempered by a constant awareness of ‘the other other’”
(2004, 723). Referring here to his experiences of translating
literary texts against the backdrop of the Yugoslav wars in the
1990s, Jones clearly foregrounds the dual obligation of the
translator whose loyalty towards the source text writer is in
ever-present negotiation with the differentiated social, ethical,
ideological, aesthetic, economic etc. goals of these “other
others.”
In this respect, the loyalty of the translator as secondary
witness can never be wholly and exclusively be ascribed to the
Holocaust survivor; there are no unique circumstances which
might allow the translator of any published target text to stand
outside the communicative context in which he or she operates.
Such a position is doubtless implausible. But the impossibility
of absolute loyalty does not exclude the very real possibility of
privileging the original survivor’s account, of listening
attentively despite, or even in the face of, the demands of other
parties. For the translator is never an impartial mediator,
situated squarely between source and target values; to think
otherwise, according to Maria Tymozcko, leads to “the
evisceration of the agency of the translator as a committed,
engaged and responsible figure” (2007, 7). Indeed, the translator
as secondary witness who purposely decides that their first and
foremost obligation is to the survivor becomes the very
embodiment of a translator as an ethically motivated agent.
At the same time, this agency functions to dispel the
similarly restrictive idea that translators are irrevocably
beholden to the norms and expectations of the target culture. Of
course, there may be implications for translation decisions that
fall outside of established conventions and values; non-
publication, censorship and poor sales are amongst the most
obvious. But there is also a danger in overemphasizing the
influence exerted by the target culture norms in the translation
process. Siobhan Brownlie (2007, 155–157) has argued that
adopting a broad normative approach has its blind spots since
the specific motivations behind the decision to translate can
vary from one text to the next, translation strategies may
fluctuate within a given text, and there is often no neat
concurrence between distinct norms and distinct time periods
given the potential of norms to coexist, reappear or be
challenged at any moment. In other words, the engaged
translator will necessarily take the wider cultural context into
consideration, but will proceed in accordance with their own
agenda, be that in line with or in opposition to supposed
prevailing norms.
In her work Disappearing Traces: Holocaust Testimo-
nials, Ethics and Aesthetics, Dorota Glowacka (2012) also
gestures towards translation as an ethically charged act of
bearing witness, where translation is understood to function on
various levels in Holocaust testimonial writing: the original
witness translates the self from past to present and often across
multilingual contexts, while subsequent interlingual translations
are framed in Levinasian terms as “a response to the summons
from another language, the language of the other” (2012, 94).
Glowacka also proceeds from the premise that the events of the
Holocaust exist in the realm of the unspeakable, so that any act
of witnessing will be suffused with communicative loss.
Nevertheless, Walter Benjamin’s concept of “pure language” is
proposed as restorative mode of telling; specifically, Glowacka
suggests that the call of the other can be answered across
Babelian disunities of language by means of translation that
initiates “linguistic complementation” (Benjamin 2000, 21),
namely the blending and synthesis of source and target
languages that culminates in pure language. For Glowacka, a
translation that responds ethically to the other is one that draws
on multiple linguistic repertoires in order to transmit and ensure
the survival of the testimony; only then can it transcend the
limitations of the monolingual utterance.
However, while this view of translation certainly calls
attention to the responsibility of the interlingual translator in the
witnessing process, numerous tensions arise if pure language is
pressed into the service of concrete textual communication.
First, the concept of pure language is an abstract one whose end
goal is the elevation of language itself to an always distant point
where language “no longer means or expresses anything but is
[…] that which is meant in all languages” (Benjamin 2000, 22).
It is a matter of form alone, and its realization through
translation “ultimately serves the purpose of expressing the
innermost relationship of languages to one another” (2000, 17).
Conversely, the translation of content is considered by
Benjamin to be a redundant task: “any translation which intends
to perform a transmitting function cannot transmit anything but
information—hence, something inessential” (2000, 15). On the
one hand, this conceptualization fits with discourses of
unspeakability and trauma—the very act of telling, the manner
in which it is told, is more important than what is told. But on
the other, it is difficult to reconcile this stance with the demands
of secondary witnessing: how will the referential function of a
testimony endure if the task of the translator is to invariably
defer meanings? And how will the relationship between the
original and secondary witness be sustained if precedence is
given to the relationship between languages? James E. Young
cautions against an exclusive emphasis on poetics in Holocaust
narratives: “By seeming to emphasize the ways we know the
Holocaust to the apparent exclusion of the realities themselves,
critics threaten to make the mere form of study their content as
well” (1988, 3). This warning is particularly pertinent in the
context of pure language which would seem to offer all but a
restricted, abstruse mode of secondary witnessing; a mode that
neglects the facts (as understood by the survivors) of existence
and suffering, and one that certainly eschews over-identifi-
cation, but does so by promoting the linguistic over and above
the human.
When we move from the abstract to the concrete to
consider Benjamin’s proposal of literal translation strategies as a
means of approaching pure language, obstacles to secondary
witnessing are still discernible. According to Glowacka,
Benjamin’s literalness will instigate a process whereby “native
words are transformed from an inscription of belonging into the
mark of strangeness” (2012, 99), and the translated testimony
reader is forcefully confronted with and called to respond to the
(multi)linguistic and experiential alterity of the other. The claim
that translation, as a signal of difference, “can potentially stand
guard against linguistic ethnonationalism, remaining vigilant
against the sedimentation of words into tools of oppression,
exclusion and discrimination” (2012, 99) strongly echoes
Lawrence Venuti’s claim that foreignization “can be a form of
resistance against ethnocentrism and racism, cultural narcissism
and imperialism” (1995, 20). But, although foreignizing
translation can be revelatory and responsive to the needs of the
other, it can also conceal under the weight of its impenetrability:
as Tymoczko questions, “how do we distinguish resistant
translations from translations that are unreadable?” (2000, 37).
The danger here is that the reader finds nothing on which to
hinge their reading and response, thereby rendering translation
if not ineffectual as a mode of address, then at least diminished
in what Glowacka regards as its “potential to create
communities of speakers” (2012, 101). So, while Glowacka is
right to insist on the ethical responsibility of the translator to
preserve and transmit survivor testimonies, neither pure
language nor its textualization as literal translation are perhaps
the most enduring bridges across the divide between the other
and the other other.
Instead, the translator who serves as an ethically
committed secondary witness is one who listens astutely and
empathically to the survivor’s story, giving primacy to its
preservation and not to any lofty ideas of pure language or the
assumed demands of a target culture, all the while aware that
some concessions must be made in the name of accessibility.
Admittedly, though, discussions of the secondary witness have
predominantly remained notional and detached from empirical
practice. The following case studies will therefore direct
attention towards more applied considerations of secondary
witnessing in order to explore the implications of actual textual
translation decisions, while also attempting to discern the extent
to which pressure has been exerted by external factors.
Given the ethical dimension of secondary witnessing, the
comparisons between source and target testimonies will be
openly evaluative. In this sense, my analytical stance is informed
by Phil Goodwin who has challenged the displacement of ethical
questions in translation by technical labels such as “free” or
“literal,” “foreignizing” or “domesticating”; one of his aims is “to
remind us that translation always takes place within a human
context” (2010, 23) and, consequently, that it is “almost wilfully
absurd to view the translation question in these circumstances as
a purely technical one” (2010, 24). By consciously moving
beyond the realm of objective description, the question of
translation as secondary witnessing can thus be fully
foregrounded as an ethical one. The stakes are high; the
translator has a clear responsibility towards the Holocaust
survivor, and, whether they have a conscious awareness of this
obligation or not, the ways in which the translator (dis)continues
the original act of witnessing merit a critical and a vigilant
approach.
Humbert and Maurel: translated experiences
How have the translators of Humbert and Maurel engaged with
the survivors’ stories and how have their translation decisions
impacted on the process of secondary witnessing? Before
turning to the analysis itself, it is worth briefly underscoring a
basic premise of this study, namely that, although written
accounts of the Holocaust may have been borne of an onerous
struggle with language, such accounts should not be placed
under the sign of the ineffable. This is not to deny the extremity
of the events, but rather to acknowledge the efforts that
witnesses have made to put their lived experiences into words.
Accordingly, both content and form are fundamental to the
transmission of survivor memory; neither can be omitted from
the analytical approach. First, while there may be some slippage
between lived experiences and their verbal representations, this
should not undermine the potential of words to tell or to record.
As Pascaline Lefort argues, “the existence of testimonies shows
that the camp survivors [. . .] have successfully dealt with the
unspeakable, moved beyond its limitations” (2012, 585, my
translation), while Zoë Waxman likewise affirms that
“[l]anguage may not be adequate to convey the horrors of the
Holocaust, but this does not mean that nothing can be said”
(2006, 175). In short, saying something is understood as the
counterpoint to ineffability. Secondly, the form of that saying is
also central to renouncing silence. Although Young’s (1988, 3)
previously discussed warning against an exclusive focus on
form is to be heeded, it would be equally restrictive to dismiss
the revelatory function of poetics in Holocaust accounts, since,
as Margaret-Anne Hutton contends, “such literary and rhetorical
traits can be seen to function as aids to communication” (2005,
69). So, if the form and content of words have been
simultaneously charged with the task of communication by the
original witness, then the secondary witness is compelled to
uphold and preserve those referential and aesthetic dimensions.
The examples below will thus consider how and to what effect
the translators have responded to the communicative efforts of
Humbert and Maurel.
On irony
One of the most striking narrative features of the testimonies of
both Maurel and Humbert is the way in which they draw on
irony, verging on dark humor, in order to record their physical
experiences and to signal their resistant stances in the face of
such suffering. Referring to its use in Holocaust testimonies,
Hutton has noted that “irony, as a non-literal mode, requires the
reader to decode the unspoken message. When and if these
conditions are met, a powerful bond based on what remains
unsaid is created, and communication is intensified” (2005, 84).
But for the reader of the translated testimony, this potential
bond already hinges on an act of decoding, or hearing the
unsaid, as carried out by the translator. Critically, if the
translator does not pay sufficient heed to irony, then the voice of
the survivor and the adverse conditions of which they speak risk
being submerged in translation, which would mark a collapse of
secondary witnessing.
Maurel’s account is, from time to time, accentuated by
litotic observations that are caustically delivered in a single
sentence. Indeed, a good number of these have been heard and
reinscribed in the English versions by her translator, Summers.
Accordingly, where Maurel downplays her brutal treatment at
the hands of the guards by remarking that “Il est apparu très vite
que j’avais une tête à claques” (1957, 49), this sardonic tone is
preserved in the translation as “It soon became apparent that my
head invited blows” (1958, 39). And where Maurel declares that
“C’est à cause de [Frau Schuppe] en grande partie que les
Françaises mouraient si bien” (1957, 87), the mordant inflection
is paralleled in English, where the reader learns that “It was
mainly because of her that the French were dying in such
satisfactory numbers” (1958, 71). By preserving Maurel’s irony,
Summers offers the translation readers an insight into both the
daily threat of punishment and death in the camps, as well as the
survivor’s defiance in the face of such hardship.
But certain restrictions seem to have been placed on the
transfer of irony that is self-deprecating or particularly sensitive.
In the first instance, Maurel, reflecting on her physical and
emotional dishevelment, comments that “Nous devions être si
ridicules à voir [We must have been such a ridiculous sight]”
(1957, 81–82);6 in contrast, the translation lessens the derision
in its more neutral estimation that “we must have presented an
incongruous sight” (1958, 66). Secondly, Maurel is scathing in
her critique of the unthinking way in which people responded to
her return to France. The question most frequently posed to the
survivor was whether she had been raped, leading her to react as
follows: “Finalement, je regrettais d’avoir évité cela. J’avais
manqué par ma faute une partie de l’aventure, et cela décevait le
public. Heureusement que je pouvais au moins raconter le viol
des autres [I came to regret having avoided that. Through fault
of my own, I had missed out on a part of the adventure, and that
disappointed the public. Fortunately, I could at least tell them
about the rape of others]” (1957, 185). Although Summers
retains the ironic sense of regret expressed by Maurel, a few
telling attenuations of the full force of the irony occur in the
translation. The survivor’s wry self-blame is first limited by the
shift from the original active construction of “having avoided”
rape to a much more passive state in which she “regretted
having been spared this” (1958, 154, italics mine). Secondly, a
tentative adverb is added to the passage: “Seemingly, by my
own fault, I had missed one part of the adventure” (1958, 154,
italics mine) which detracts once again from the sardonic notion
that she is guilty by deliberate omission. In addition, the
discordantly positive “Fortunately” of the original is replaced by
a concessive adverb in the statement that “However, I could at
least tell them of the rape of others” (1958, 154), which has the
potential to be read in a more straightforward manner.
6 All back translations in square brackets are mine and they serve two purposes: as normal, they
allow non-French speaking readers access to the original, but they also demonstrate that a more
attentive translation is possible.
Perhaps these changes were motivated by a sense of
probity on the part of the translator, but this lessening of
Maurel’s irony effectively dampens a form of communication
that the survivor relied on as both a means of communicating
and of coping. Indeed, the cumulative effect of this strategy can
be read in the Kirkus Review which describes the translation in
the following terms: “More as a reminder, than as recrimination,
this sensitive and softspoken memoir patterns the days spent
over a period of two years in the concentration camp of
Neubrandenburg” (n.d.). But the original is scathing, bold,
outspoken. The review thus points to the potential of translation
to fundamentally alter the tone of a given testimony.
The piercing use of irony comes even further to the fore
in Humbert’s writing, extending over entire passages. By way of
illustration, Humbert describes the harmful and humiliating
effects of working with acid in the rayon factory as follows:
J’ai passé l’âge des costumes genre Folies-Bergère. L’acide brûle
naturellement non pas seulement notre peau, mais il brûle aussi le tissu de
notre uniforme. Chaque goutte fait un trou… plusieurs petits trous réunis en
font un grand. […] Je fais voir à la gardienne que j’ai maintenant le sein
gauche à l’air… elle a refusé de me faire donner une autre chemise, refusé
une aiguillée de fil, refusé une épingle, il faudra que je travaille le sein à
l’air ! [I’m past the age of wearing Folies-Bergère style costumes. Of
course, the acid doesn’t just burn our skin, it burns the fabric of our uniform
too. Each drop makes a hole… several small holes join up and make a large
one. […] I let the female guard see that my left breast is hanging out now…
she has refused to let me have another shirt, refused a needle and thread,
refused a pin, I’ll just have to work with my breast hanging out!] (1946,
217)
Although the translation starts off by capturing Humbert’s glib
tone in the statement that “I really do believe I am too old for
this Folies-Bergère lark” (2008, 161), the remainder of the
episode is conveyed in a more dispassionate manner which
conceals the original flippancy:
The acid burns holes not only in our skin, but also, naturally, in our
uniforms. Every drop makes a hole, and the little holes join up to make big
holes. […] I have shown the wardress how my left breast is now on view.
She has refused to let me have a new shirt, a needle and thread, or a pin,
declaring that I’ll just have to work as I am. (2008, 161)
The comparative reduction in irony stems first from the shift in
register from the irreverent allusion to “le sein à l’air,” her
breast hanging out, to the more factual statement that “my left
breast is now on view.” Mellor’s translation also neglects to
repeat the phrase at the end of the passage and to retain the
exclamation mark, thereby eliding the dry humor and self-
ridicule of the original interjection. Another significant
alteration comes at the same point in the translation with the
introduction of reported speech as signaled by the verb
“declaring.” So, whereas the free indirect speech of the original
echoes Humbert’s attempt to make light of her deplorable work
conditions, the translation effectively takes the words from the
survivor’s mouth and reattributes them to the female guard. This
is a move that strips Humbert’s words of the power to resist her
inhumane treatment at the hands of the one who now speaks in
her place.
Also suppressed in this passage is Humbert’s use of
aposiopesis whereby the unfinished sentences silently, but
deliberately, communicate the frustrating impossibility of her
situation. The translation reader is thus no longer called on to
sense the futility that lies in these discontinuities, which in turn
detracts from Humbert’s ironic treatment of the scene. In point
of fact, the use of irony is diminished elsewhere in the
translation through the reduction in or omission of exclamation
points and ellipsis; such is the case, for example, in Humbert’s
account of an underwear inspection (1946, 180; 2008, 130) and
the shared drinking bowl (1946, 184-5; 2008, 134).
The examples above reveal that, in some instances at
least, the irony of both Maurel and Humbert has been palpably
conveyed to the translation reader. At the same time, however,
where the tone of that irony is neutralized, misappropriated, or
its typographic markers discarded, the reader will be left with
less immediate and identifiable clues on which to base their
interpretation. If the irony should cease to function as such, then
the critical and unyielding voice of the survivor is also
submerged by and in translation, marking thus a collapse of
secondary witnessing.
On narrative time
Lawrence Langer draws a fundamental distinction between the
linear movement of “chronological time” and the more oblique
dynamics of “durational time” in Holocaust testimonies, where
the latter “relentlessly stalks the memory of the witness,
imprinting there moments immune to the ebb and flow of
chronological time” (1995, 22). This durational past does make
its haunting presence felt in the accounts of Maurel and
Humbert, albeit in different ways, with both survivors slipping
between and across temporal perspectives in their shifting use of
tense. The translator as secondary witness is then called on to
listen attentively to the subtleties and significances of how the
past is retold in the present of the survivor.
The passage in which Maurel recounts her arrival and
processing at Ravensbrück is a revelatory example of how tense
and aspect can serve to unsettle the narrative and point towards
the abiding anguish of the survivor. It opens with alternating
moves between narration in an imperfect tense that intimates the
horrifyingly unending nature of the ordeal for the survivor and
the use of the infinitive, an impersonal and timeless form that
reverberates with the inhumanity and ubiquity of the guards’
orders. This sequence is followed by a sudden shift to the
present tense, heavy with the weight of inescapable immediacy
and dread, while the subsequent use of the perfect tense situates
the survivor in the close aftermath of the event to convey a
transitory moment of reprieve:
Les choses se passaient vite derrière les portes. Déposer les valises, se
déshabiller en vitesse; on vous arrachait les vêtements à mesure. Se
coucher sur une table, où une femme vous maintenait pendant qu’une autre
explorait du doigt tous vous orifices naturels. S’asseoir sur un tabouret
pour être tondue. Une main fourrage dans mes cheveux. Je n’ai pas été
tondue cette fois. [Things were happening quickly behind the doors. Put
down the suitcases, quickly get undressed; your clothes were being
snatched away as you went along. Lie on a table where a women was
holding you down while another was exploring all your natural orifices
with a finger. Sit on a stool to be shorn. A hand rummages through my
hair. I have not been shorn this time.] (Maurel 1957: 18, emphasis mine)
The translated narrative undergoes an aspectual reframe-
ing that obscures the inescapable, interminable and durational
thrust of the time to which these temporal manoeuvres attest in
the original. Maurel’s arrival at the camp has been wholly recast
by the translator in a simple past that dissembles the difficult
relationship between the survivor and the lived experience:
Things happened fast behind those doors: a moment to set the bags down, to
undress quickly, hastened on by hands that reached out to tear the clothing off;
a moment to lie on a table, where one woman held us down while another
passed an exploring finger into all our natural orifices; a moment to sit on a
stool to have our hair cut off. A hand rumpled my hair, but on this occasion I
was not shorn. (1958, 13, emphasis mine)
The elision of the present tense marks, above all, a breach of
attentiveness on the part of the translator as it fails to herald
what Oren Stier has termed “the palpable presence of the past
[…] [that] disrupts the space-time of the survivor” (2003, 87).
But the use of the imperfect tense has also been passed over in
the translation, leaving little indication that Maurel found
herself suspended in the dreadful moments she described, while
the replacement of the infinitive imperatives with the temporal
phrase “a moment to” further masks the threatening persistence
of the guards’ orders. Although objective details about Maurel’s
arrival at the camp remain, the translation reader can no longer
discern the more subjective painful blurring of temporal
boundaries enacted by the survivor, and the appropriation of the
narrative flow into one of chronological time therefore blunts
the act of secondary witnessing.
The use of the present tense in Holocaust writing is
widely held to be a narrative marker of trauma. As Anne
Whitehead explains, “This method of narration emphasizes the
traumatic nature of the memories described, which are not so
much remembered as re-experienced or relived” (2004, 35).
However, an altogether different dynamic emerges from the
writing of Humbert; her account begins with the diary entries
made in the months prior to her arrest, and her ensuing
experiences of imprisonment and deportation are also recounted
in this immediate narrative style of the diarist. In his afterword
to Mellor’s translation, Julien Blanc writes that Humbert “was
consistent in using the present tense throughout” (2008: 275),
but this statement is only partly true. On the one hand, the use of
the present tense is undeniably frequent, signalling less the
steely grip of durational time on the survivor, and more her own
lucid control over chronological time. On the other hand,
though, Humbert’s work does bear the traces of tense switching,
from this dominant use of the present tense that speaks of
resistance and strength to a sparing, but nevertheless
compelling, use of the past tense that speaks too, in its own way,
of defiance and escape.
The following example is telling in its understated shift
from the immediacy of the present to the completedness of the
perfect tense, transitioning through free indirect speech back to
the present in an episode that details the survivor’s increased
suffering due to acid burns and her descent into the confines of
the cellar where prisoners supposedly had the opportunity to
convalesce. Humbert writes:
Mes mains me font autant souffrir que les yeux ; j’ai connu, car j’étais seule à
la cave, la signification de cette locution, « se taper la tête contre le mur » ;
oui, j’ai tapé ma tête contre le mur, et puis je me suis reprise. [. . .] Pour mes
mains, il faudrait des pansements humides, oui, mais il n’y avait pas d’eau…
Alors, essayons autre chose. J’urine sur mes malheureuses mains, les chiffons
qui me servent de pansements sont imprégnés de pipi… [My hands are
making me suffer as much as my eyes; because I was alone in the cellar I’ve
known the meaning of this saying, ‘to bang your head against the wall’; yes,
I’ve banged my head against the wall, and then I’ve pulled myself together
again. […] For my hands, some damp bandages would be needed, yes, but
there was no water… So, let’s try something else. I urinate on my pitiful
hands, the rags that serve me as bandages are soaked in pee. . .] (1946, 252,
emphasis mine)
Here, the slippage into the use of the past perfect tense might be
read as an attempt on the part of the survivor to contain her most
unnerving memory of the event, marking it off as one
concluded, isolated incident before she finds the determination
once more to take charge of her situation. If durational time is
indeed pursuing Humbert, she turns its trap on itself to restrict
and defy its reach, distancing herself temporally and
emotionally from this horrific moment. The return to the present
tense indicates thus a return to resistance, a return that is further
paralleled in Humbert’s flippant lexical choice and the dry
humor of her ellipsis.
These fleeting, yet important, variations in narrative
time are indiscernible in the translation, where the episode is
retold consistently in the present tense:
My hands are as agonizing as my eyes; finding myself alone in the cellar, I
understand the true significance of the phrase “banging your head against a
brick wall.” Yes, I bang my head against the wall. Then I pull myself
together. […] What I need for my hands is damp dressings, but there is no
water. So let’s try something else. I urinate on my wretched hands, soaking
the rags that serve as dressings. (2008, 190, emphasis mine).
The translator does not appear to have heard the undertones of
defiance in Humbert’s singular step into the past; or, this move
may have been ignored in a misled endeavor to unify the
temporal aspect of the narrative. The result stands as a warning
against the potential dangers of inattention and appropriation in
secondary witnessing; the lack of aspectual contrast mitigates
the force of Humbert’s renewed refusal to give up, while the
omission of the ellipsis and self-deprecating tone once again
hides the survivor’s tenacity in the face of suffering.
On language
For many prisoners, experience of the Nazi camps was also
marked by a confrontation with and assimilation of the language
of their German oppressors, but also the Polish, Yiddish,
Hebrew, Russian, to name but the predominant tongues, of their
fellow prisoners. The result of this linguistic conflation was the
emergence of a “Lagersprache,” a vernacular particular to the
camps that was necessary for communication between the
prisoners themselves, as well as between the guards and the
prisoners. In her testimony, Humbert remarks that, rather than
speak fluent German, “Je ne parle que ce charabia international,
cet espéranto étrange que vingt million de déportés ont dû
apprendre [I speak only this international gobbledygook, this
strange esperanto that twenty million deportess have had to
learn]” (1946, 296). Her narrative is interspersed with individual
German words that resounded throughout her internment and
served to shape her experience. Mellor retains, in large part, the
echo of these discordant and often terrifying lexical items; by
way of illustration, the English language reader is introduced to
the concept of the “kommando” (2008, 115), to the “little
coshes, known here as ‘gummi Knüppel’” (2008, 128, italics in
the original), to the “Spinnerei, or rayon mill” (2008, 147, italics
in the original) and to the markings, “G=Gefangene: convict”
(2008, 148, italics in the original) on the prisoners’ work
uniforms. Nevertheless, there are a few occasions on which the
lexical specificity of the camps is subsumed into standard
modes of expression by Mellor. First, Humbert’s observation
that the food in the Ziegenhain prison is “acceptable, mais knap
[sic]” (1946, 286, italics in the original), is simply remediated as
“tolerable but scarce” (2008, 219), without any attempt to retain
the German term. Consequently, the translation silences the
linguistic hybridity and alterity of Humbert’s “strange
Esperanto,” while simultaneously obscuring the misspelling
(German: knapp) which attests to the survivor’s adequate but
imperfect use of a German idiom, undoubtedly acquired as a
result of constant food privations.
In addition, the prisoners would often create new turns
of phrase, or rework existing ones, to convey the extreme
conditions of their existence. Such is the case when Humbert
and her fellow inmates adapt an idiom to capture the caustic
effects of working in the rayon factory: “Selon notre expression
« mes yeux coulaient dans ma bouche »” [According to our
expression, “my eyes were running in my mouth”] (1946, 245).
The translation omits reference to the singularity of the
expression and also undoes its distinctiveness, reverting instead
to the recognizable idiom of “eyes streaming” (2008, 184). The
reader is at once disallowed access to the extent of the suffering
and the process of linguistic inventiveness that characterized life
in the camps.
Language too plays a prominent role in the testimony of
Maurel which bears the traces of the German, Polish and
Russian with which she came into contact. Summers’ transla-
tion, in turn, demonstrates a keen sensitivity to these markers of
otherness, preserving a vast array of German orders (Raus!;
Schnell!; Aufstehen!), insults (Schweinehund; Schmutzstück),
and the nomenclature that designates the reality of the camps
(Revier; Verfügbar; Strafstehen; Kretze). Snatches of Russian
and Polish are also to be heard in the translation, while verses of
French poetry and song are retained in their original form and
then followed by their interpretation in English. The
preservation strategy is an effective one, serving to provide a
distant reverberation of the Babelian disquiet that prevailed in
the camps. It is only on the rare occasion that the non-translation
is discontinued, that the real force of appropriation comes to the
fore. Notably, this occurs when the German command
“Achtung!” (1957, 50, italics in the original) is articulated in the
translation as “Atten-shun!” (1958, 40). Instead of a German
imperative, an order now rings out that suggests the diction of a
stereotypical British sergeant major in an act of appropriation
that closes the reader off from a distinguishing verbal feature of
the camps.
Of further linguistic significance is the process whereby
Maurel and her companions “Frenchify” some of the camp
vocabulary: “Nous avons transformé Kopftuch en « coiffe-
tout », Schüssel en « jusselle », Nachtschicht en « narchiste »,
Schmutzstück en « schmoustique ». Et les brutes en uniforme
qui nous surveillaient, les Aufseherinnen était pour nous les
« officerines »” [We transformed Kopftuch/headscarf into
“coiffe-tout,” Schüssel/bowl into “jusselle,” Nachtschicht/
nightshift into “narchiste,” Schmutzstück/piece of dirt into
“schmoustique.” And the brutes in uniform who guarded us, the
Aufseherinnen/female overseers were for us the “officerines”]
(1957, 15, italics in the original). This assimilation of German
words into a French pronunciation resonates with Reiter’s
reflection that “The highest priority for concentration camp
prisoners was to lessen the alien character of their experience.
They were helped in this if they could name new things with
their existing vocabulary and thus include them in the horizon of
the familiar” (2000, 99).
However, the significance of this use of language as
survival has been overlooked by Summers who, in her
translator’s preface, begins by explaining the etymology and
pronunciation of “coiffe-tout,” “schmoustique,” and
“officerine,” but then goes on to undermine the prevalence and
dismiss the importance of the remaining terms, claiming:
“Certain other words, like Schüssel, a bowl or basin,
pronounced jusselle by the French, Nachtschicht, nightshift,
which became narchiste, occur only once or twice in the French
text and have been omitted in this translation for simplicity’s
sake, though they might have added local colour” (1958, 10).
This approach to the survivor’s own appropriation of the
German words attests to a further act of appropriation on the
part of the translator, one that fails to heed the importance of the
re-naming process. For these words lend more than a touch of
“local colour” to the depiction of life in the camps; they
represent a strategy of survival and of resistance. Evidently,
Summers has made the decision to privilege simplicity over
complexity in order to facilitate a more fluid reading experience
in English. In so doing, though, Summers also closes the reader
off from the entangled linguistic landscape of the camps and
from Maurel’s coping mechanism amidst the unfamiliar. At this
point, the translation strategy stands as a barrier to secondary
witnessing.
On accuracy
Survivor testimonies are generally not held to be reliable
sources of fact given the reconstructive fallibility of memory
and the alleged representational failings of words. As Aleida
Assman has noted, “The survivors as witness do not, as a rule,
add to our knowledge of factual history; their testimonies have,
in fact, often proved inaccurate” (2006, 263). But this does not
preclude the possibility that, at any moment in the telling,
survivors can fully and precisely convey the kind of empirical,
objective information valued by historians.7 Although it may
reasonably be presumed that this latter type of information is
more readily discernible and less problematic for the translator
as secondary witness, the following example from Summers’
translation of Maurel’s testimony would suggest otherwise.
At the beginning of her account, Maurel records that:
Le convoi dont je faisais partie […] a été immatriculé à Ravensbrück sous
les numéros 22.000. J’étais le numéro 22.410. Au bout d’un mois de
quarantaine, le convoi des 22.000 a été envoyé à Neubrandebourg [The
convey I was part of […] had been registered in Ravensbrück in the
7 For a discussion of how historians have rejected personal testimony on the basis of its
supposed inaccuracies, see Laub 1992, 59–63.
22,000s. I was number 22,410. After a month in quarantine, the convoy of
the 22,000s was sent to Neubrandenburg]” (1957, 13).
As prisoners entered the concentration and work camps, they
were assigned a matriculation number; for Maurel’s particular
French convoy, registration began at the number 22,000 and her
own number was 22,410. However, it becomes clear that
Summers has misinterpreted this numerical information as in
the English version we read that the convoy was “registered and
given numbers. I was number 22,410. At the end of a month of
quarantine, the 22,000-odd were sent to Neubrandenburg”
(1958, 8, emphasis mine). Here, the number that assigns identity
to the group—that is, the “convoy of the 22,000s”—has been
misattributed by Summers to the size of the group. Nor is this
erroneous tally an isolated occurrence, for the translator then
reworks Maurel’s observations in Chapter Four in line with her
own reckonings. Consequently, where Maurel documents that
“En automne 1943 le camp de Neubrandebourg contenait
environ 2.000 femmes [In the autumn of 1943 the
Neubrandenburg camp contained around 2,000 women]” (1957,
38), that “le convoi des 22.000 était pourtant bien mélangé [the
convoy of the 20,000s was nevertheless well mixed]” in terms
of political and religious beliefs (ibid., 41) and that “nous étions
2.000 sur le terrain [there were 2,000 of us on the parade
ground]” (ibid., 46), Summers purports that “the camp at
Neubrandenburg contained approximately 22,000 women”
(1958, 30), the French “numbered 2,000” (ibid., 32) and the
camp was “22,000 strong on the parade ground” (ibid., 37).
Whether the reversal of the numbers stems from a misplaced
attempt on the part of the translator to “correct” an inferred
inaccuracy can itself only be surmised. But it does seem as
though Summers was not fully aware of the dehumanizing Nazi
practice of replacing prisoner names with numbers.
Nor does Summers appear to have an understanding of
the camp classification system of colored markings. Following
liberation, Maurel has her friend remake “mon numéro et mon
triangle rouge [my number and my red triangle]” (1957: 171) in
order to avoid being mistaken for a German; these items are
stripped of their specificity and their personal resonance for
Maurel in the translation as “a triangle and some numerals”
(1958: 143). The implications of such an inattentive treatment
of the serial numbers and statistics are such that, not only does
Summers obscure the imposed identity of the convoy, but the
capacity of the labor camp is also inflated well beyond its actual
dimensions. In line with Maurel, The United States Holocaust
Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos places
the number of female prisoners in Neubrandenburg at “almost
2,000 at the end of February 1944” (Strebel 2009, 1215); the
translation thus runs the risk of misinforming its readership, and
of giving ammunition to the Holocaust deniers who “are quick
to seize upon errors and inaccuracies in witness accounts”
(Hutton 2005, 33).
Regrettably, the errors and inaccuracies in this case are
all those of the translator; worse, they have made their way into
both reviews and scholarship, as a result of which the
misinformation becomes more broadly disseminated. In 1959,
the Catholic Herald printed a review of Ravensbrück in which it
is noted that at Neubrandenburg “some 22,000 women,
including 2,000 French, were engaged in munition works”
(1959, 3). The Kirkus Review similarly goes on to record that
“Neubrandenburg numbered some 22,000 women” (n.d.) on the
basis of the translation, while the entry for Maurel in The Jewish
Holocaust: An Annotated Guide to Books in English also states
that “Over 22,000 women were sent to Neubrandenburg during
the war” (1995, 192). Of even more significance is Rochelle G.
Saidel’s (2004) work, The Jewish Women of Ravensbrück
Concentration Camp. Drawing explicitly on the English
translation of Maurel’s account, Saidel challenges the statistics
of another scholar as follows: “Morrison cites Maurel that there
were two thousand women in the camp in late 1943, but she
wrote there were twenty-two thousand women,” and she then
refers the reader to An Ordinary Camp (the title under which the
US edition was published) “regarding this discrepancy” (ibid.,
250n. 12). Of course the unfortunate irony here is that the real
discrepancy is to be found in the translation, not the original. In
reference to Holocaust scholarship, Kuhiwczak notes that “large
quantities of primary source material have been translated into
English, and many conclusions have been drawn from texts read
only in translation” (2007, 62). The above is a clear example of
how translation can substantially (in both senses of the word)
alter this interpretation of the camps that is presented to the
translation receiver.
And yet, in the face of such distortion, it is also
important to bear in mind that translation has the potential to
retransmit the accuracy and precision with which life in the
camps has been reported in the original testimony. Such is the
case in Mellor’s translation of Humbert’s account; although the
survivor focuses less on the quantitative dimensions of the
various camps to which she is sent, there is sustained evidence
of a high degree of concordance between the details presented
by the primary and secondary witnesses. Take for example the
exactitude with which the classification system at Krefeld has
been explained in the translation: “The Russian girls have a
label sewn on their clothes, a little rectangle of blue material
with the word ‘Ost’ in white” while the Polish women wear a
“yellow lozenge with a dark-blue ‘P’” (2008, 132, italics in the
original). Similarly, the complex mechanical process Humbert
was forced to learn in the rayon factory has been recorded with
careful adherence to the original telling, to reveal the torturous
work of the spinner who, amongst other tasks, “grasps the
filament in her left hand and, holding it between her index and
middle fingers, takes it on to the glass wheel, follows it through
and pulls it towards the funnel slightly” (2008, 153). There does
appear to be one isolated instance in which Mellor has misheard
the dynamics of life in the camps. The bartering (and theft) of
commodities was widespread amongst prisoners, and Humbert
recounts that “Mon amie Martha […] me promet, contre deux
tartines, de me ravoir ma défroque [My friend Martha […]
promises, in return for two slices of bread, to get my old rag
back for me]” (1946, 204, italics mine). However, it would seem
that Mellor has heard “entre” as opposed to “contre,” and thus
reworks the situation into one where Martha “promises me
between two slices of bread that she will get my old rag back”
(2008, 150). Although evidence of the theft remains in the
translation, one of the common and vital practices that shaped
the (often and necessarily unscrupulous) relationship between
prisoners has been obscured on the basis of a prepositional slip.
Nevertheless, Mellor’s translation rigorously attends to the cruel
physical realities of the labor camps as experienced by Humbert,
thereby attesting to the re-presentational contingencies of
interlingual secondary witnessing.
Memory mediation in context
It goes without saying that the translator is not the only figure
involved in the transmission of the survivor’s account; when a
translation appears, its packaging and intended audience are all
shaped, to some degree, by context of production. By this token,
the readership (the “other others”) that the translator as
secondary witness reaches and their response to the testimony
will be in large part be determined by the publisher, and not
least by the ways in which the account is reframed by
paratextual material. Although it is difficult to reconstruct a
comprehensive account of all the editorial and contextual factors
that have influenced the translations of Summers and Mellor,
and therefore their reception, it is nevertheless possible to
retrace some of the wider sociocultural and economic backdrop
against which they appeared and offer some suggestions as to
how the process of secondary witnessing is affected under such
circumstances.
Despite the parallels between the original testimonies of
Humbert and Maurel in terms of referential content and style,
the moment of publication and the paratextual presentation of
the English translations differ widely. Whereas the translation of
Maurel’s account is separated from its source text by just one
year (i.e. 1957 to 1958), Humbert’s work does not appear in
English until some sixty years after its publication in France
(i.e. 1946 to 2008). This discrepancy may in part be explained
by the dynamics of both the source and target cultures, and in
particular by changes in the prevailing attitudes towards
survivor accounts.
To begin with Humbert’s Notre guerre, its appearance
in France in 1946 came at a moment when the literary field was
becoming (over-)saturated with testimonial writing from
recently returned deportees. According to Damien Mannarion,
the accounts which appear between 1944 and 1951 are not
simply motivated by a desire to tell: “in this period when [the
survivors] say “remember,” they are really addressing their
contemporaries and not future generations, […] they want to
denounce those responsible and see them condemned” (1998,
20, my translation). Given both the volume of published
accounts and the contextual immediacy of their goals
(acknowledgment of and justice for their sufferings), Humbert’s
source text may well have been rendered invisible to British
publishers or translators alike. Neither was there an expansive
audience for any such translation in the target audience at that
time. This is not to suggest that British readers were closed to
accounts from the Nazi camps; on the contrary, the problem, as
identified by David Cesarani, was one of a market flooded by
very raw, disturbing writing, as a consequence of which
readership began to dwindle: “Reading these memoirs and
testimonies it is easy to understand why, by the end of the
1940s, the public turned away” (2012, 20). And so source and
target conditions contrived to obscure Humbert’s work. But in
France, a recovery of her writing was instigated by the
publishing house Tallandier in 2004 when they issued a re-
edition of Notre guerre, thereby introducing the survivor to a
new, broader audience. The text’s journey was succinctly
described by Daniel Rondeau, a journalist for L’Express, as
follows: “out of sight for years, often quoted by historians, here
is Notre guerre once again” (2004, n.p.). However, there seems
to be no direct link between the appearance of the new French
edition and the introduction of Humbert to English readers in
translation, for this second recovery came about only when
Mellor happened across the original 1946 edition on French
ebay (Mellor, 2008, np.) and initiated the translation process
herself.
Likewise, the English version of Maurel’s Un camp très
ordinaire appeared as a direct result of the translator. In this
case, though, the link was of a more personal nature since
Summers and Maurel shared a mutual acquaintance. According
to a reviewer in The Vassar Chronicle:
Mrs. Margaret Summers of the French Department has just completed a
translation of AN ORDINARY CAMP by Micheline Maurel. […] Mrs.
Summers became interested in this factual account of the author’s life in a
German concentration camp through Mlle. Louisiene [Lucienne] Idoine,
formerly of the Vassar French Department. Mlle. Idoine met Mlle. Maurel,
the author of the original version at the German concentration camp of
Ravenbruck [sic]. […] Mrs. Summers decided to undertake the translation
of Mlle. Maurel’s book, for she wanted people to know about these German
camps. (1958, 3)
The relatively quick appearance of the target text can thus be
explained through the biographical circumstances of the
translator, as well as her desire to raise awareness of Nazi
atrocities. For even though the translation was published more
than a ten years after the liberation of the camps, Anglo-
American audiences would still not have been familiar then with
the full scale and horror of the events we now know as the
Holocaust.8 As Andy Pearce has argued, “We cannot speak of
‘Holocaust consciousness’ in the opening postwar decade or so
no simply because the substantive concept of ‘the Holocaust’
did not yet exist, but because […] there remained considerable
ignorance, ambiguity and variance” (2014, 12–13). Indeed, this
rather patchy understanding is likely to have extended to
Summers herself and may go some way to explaining some of
her more problematic translation decisions, especially the
treatment of the Lagersprache and matriculation numbers as
discussed above.
Events in the source culture may also have had a bearing
on the appearance of Summers’ translation, for the prominence
of Un camp très ordinaire was greatly enhanced by the
involvement of François Mauriac who helped to secure its
publication in 1957.9 Interest in survivor testimonies was on the
wane in France at this time, and Mauriac felt a duty to
remember “an abomination that the world has determined to
forgot” (1957, 9, my translation). His presence as a preface
writer inevitably lent weight and authority to the source text,
and so, while Summers may have shared Mauriac’s ideological
agenda, the additional symbolic and potential economic capital
generated by his name would also have been appealing to
Anglo-American publishers. Both Mellor and Summers then
played integral roles in bringing the testimonies of Humbert and
Maurel respectively to an English-speaking readership. But
target culture publishers also made an undeniable contribution
to this process of transmission, and a close examination of
8 The Eichmann trial is, at this point, still some years off. See Annette Wieviorka (2006) for a
discussion of how the trial came to be a global watershed moment in Holocaust witnessing.
9 A year later, Mauriac would also help to bring about the publication of Elie Wiesel’s La nuit.
editorial paratext can reveal some of their underlying
motivations and agendas.
What is instantly remarkable about Bloomsbury’s
publication of Humbert’s account is the use of a modified title.
Rather than adopt a literal translation of the original—that is,
“Our War: Diary of Resistance 1940–1945,” the publisher has
instead opted for Résistance: Memoirs of Occupied France. On
the one hand, this alteration can perhaps be explained by the
reticence, first, to retain a possessive marker that would jar in a
new cultural setting, and secondly, to present the work as a
diary when only parts of the work can be claimed as such. But
on the other hand, the revised title introduces some
misconstruals of its own; for the account is not restricted in
scope to Humbert’s time in an occupied France, but rather, the
greatest proportion of the work deals with her experiences as a
deportee. Indeed, this discrepancy has been noted by historian
Simon Kitson who remarks in his review of the translation that
“the English title is slightly misleading. Whilst the author’s
spirit of resistance is present throughout, almost two-thirds of
the book is set in Nazi Germany” (2008, n.p.). Furthermore, the
cover graphics which show two lovers on the banks of the
Seine, with a barbed-wire barricade in the foreground, also
accentuates an occupied Paris that figures only in the beginning
of the memoir. It may well be the case that cynical ploys of
marketing lie behind this repositioning of focus; it is perhaps no
coincidence that the cover image in many respects mirrors that
of Suite Française, the highly successful novel written by
Holocaust victim Irène Némirovsky and published in English
translation by Chatto and Windus in 2006. Likewise, the revised
subtitle, “Memoirs of Occupied France” also suggests a
thematic correlation with the latter. Rather than present the work
on its own terms, the publisher may have skewed its title in line
with market forces.
However, within the covers of the translation, the reader
is afforded an abundance of supporting editorial and allographic
paratextual material, including a preface by writer William
Boyd, photographic illustrations, an afterword by French
historian Julien Leblanc (who provided the introduction to the
French 2004 re-edition of the work), historical documents on the
Resistance movement, and a bibliography for further reading. In
contrast to, or perhaps as compensation for, the title of the work,
this material ensures that the interested reader has the
opportunity to arrive at a more informed understanding of
Humbert’s experiences, her character and her writing style.
The first UK edition of Maurel’s Un camp très ordinaire
was published in 1958 by Digit Books (an imprint of Brown
Watson publishers) under the tile Ravensbrück, leaving the
Catholic Herald reviewer unable to answer the “mystery why it
should have been misleadingly re-christened” (1959, 3). One
possible reason may be that Ravensbrück was becoming more
recognizable to Anglo-American readers as part of the Nazi
apparatus. For example, in 1954 Lord Russell published his
book The Scourge of the Swastika which “enjoyed immense
commercial success” (Pearce 2014, 16) and contained details of
Ravensbrück and sketches of the camp drawn by former inmate
Violette Lecoq, meaning that knowledge of its deadly function
was expanding. The book cover also makes the prominent claim
that the work is “As Real as THE DIARY of ANNE
FRANK…” (1958, emphasis in the original), thereby suggesting
that the publishers were tapping into an existing market demand
for Holocaust writing, especially given the bestselling success
of the latter’s translation in 1952.
But other factors suggest that interest in the work was
being generated not along the lines of understanding, but of
sensationalism. At the top of the cover is the quote from a
Sunday Times reviewer that this is “a coarse, savage book.”
Below this appears the bold and fallacious depiction of a
voluptuous, perfectly coiffed, red-lipped prisoner who bears
more than a passing resemblance to Vivian Leigh, gripping a
barbed-wire fence, and dressed in a well-tailored, low-cut khaki
dress. For Maurel’s work has found its way on to the list of a
publisher who caters for an audience that enjoys tales of
derring-do such as Jungle Pilot, Against the Gestapo and
Conscript. Interestingly, writer Ken Worpole recalls his own
experiences of Ravensbrück in his work on popular literature in
Britain, placing it on a list of nineteen WWII-related titles
(mostly written by men) that “were sold in millions and read in
even larger numbers” (1983, 50). The popularity of these books
appears to have been enormous, with Worpole claiming that
“they were the staple reading diet of myself and my school
peers, and the sales figures also suggest that they were the staple
reading diet of the adult male British reading public, and,
possibly, of a significant portion of the female reading public”
(1983, 50–51). But Worpole also sounds a strong note of
concern about the way in which the Digit Books edition has
been visually presented to its readers, defining it “as part of the
pornography of sadism” (1983, 64). There can be no doubt the
cover sets out to titillate, not educate; it sells a sexualized image
of the survivor, rather than depict the arduous, unrelenting
conditions of her captivity. Worse still is the US edition issued
by Belmont in 1958 whose cover page depicts a distressed, yet
appealing, blond behind whom stands a menacing SS figure,
whip in hand. The original title has also been eschewed in favor
of The Slave, while the cover carries an extract from Maurel’s
text (but wrongly attributed to Mauriac) that asks “Were you
raped? Were you beaten? Were you tortured?” and in so doing,
overtly fetishizes the testimony.
Unquestionably, these two publishers are extreme in
their misappropriation; other editions released in the US by
Simon and Schuster (1958) under the title An Ordinary Camp
and in the UK by Anthony Blond (1958) as Ravensbrück are
more muted in their cover design, opting instead for a plain
barbed-wire motif. Nevertheless, both Digit Books and Belmont
serve as an example of how publishers are positioned as initial
gatekeepers to the survivor’s story, attracting a particular type of
reader seeking action or cheap thrills. If Mauriac was troubled
about forgetting in the source culture in the 1950s, there are
parallel concerns to be raised in the target culture about the
dubious ways in which the Holocaust was being remembered
then.
The last issue to be addressed in reference to the
framing of the target texts is that of the translatorial paratext. 10
In Résistance, Mellor has provided a “Translator’s Acknowl-
edgements” section in which she thanks those who helped in the
process and alludes to her reasons for undertaking the
translation of the original: “Surely it deserved to be more widely
known? Surely it should be made available in an English
10I use this term as a means of supplementing Genette’s (1987) paradigm of authorial, editorial,
and allographic paratext in order to carve out a more visible and definite space for the translator.
See also Deane-Cox 2014, 27–29.
translation?” (2008, vi). There are also extensive “Translator’s
Notes” (2008, 325–357) at the back of the work which provide
detailed explanations of references in the text to people, places
and events. As discussed above, Summers also establishes her
presence around the text by means of the “Translator’s Note”
which focuses on the use of Lagersprache and Maurel’s
Frenchification of certain words (1958, 10–11). So, although the
translatorial paratext is a clear signal to the reader that they are
reading a text in translation, neither translator provides any
sustained or penetrating reflection on the challenges and
possibilities they may have confronted during their engagement
with the source text.
I would like to argue that the paratext offers a space in
which the translator can make explicit their role as secondary
witness, in contrast to the text itself where “the task of the
listener is to be unobtrusively present” (Laub 1992, 71).
Accordingly, the position of the translator as secondary witness
can be mapped once more on to that of the interviewer for the
Fortunoff project. Hartman observes that throughout the
recording process, “the interviewers are almost completely out
of sight [and] seem not to intrude into the testimony, even as
they continue to direct it” (Young 1988, 166). In the same way
as the interviewers are visible on the margins of the screen, so
too can the translator be visible on the margins of the text,
whether in a preface, in footnotes or any other form of
translatorial paratext. This peripheral material can thus function
as a record of how the translator has interacted with the original
witness, how they have elicited and facilitated the transmission
of a testimony from one setting to another, what obstacles they
might have encountered, and how they regard their own ethical
responsibility. Trezise has noted that, in the video testimonies,
“the audible and occasionally visible presence of the
interviewer(s) lends to the dialogical relation of witnessing a
concreteness far removed from what may seem, in written
testimony, to be only a disembodied interaction of pronouns”
(2013, 34). The translator as secondary witness can thus add a
concrete dimension to the transmission process by acknowl-
edging their own role as listener to and perpetuator of the
original act of witness. In so doing, the community of receivers
will be more informed, more alert to any potential barriers to
communication and more conscious of the survivor behind the
pronouns.
Conclusion: Remembering Forwards
Translation, as a mode of remembering forwards, is not an
unshakable one. Despite resisting a more perfidious and total
lapse of memory, the above inquiry has shown that translation
equally has the potential to distort, amongst other aspects, the
factual, linguistic and tonal qualities encoded in the original
telling, while paratextual material can also function as a site of
appropriation and transformation. The extent to which a
translator listens closely to the original telling may be the result
of numerous factors: over-identification with the survivor, the
onset of secondary trauma that leads to a distancing or a
numbing of the translator, or, more prosaically, the temporal and
editorial constraints imposed by publishers. In turn, the listening
realized by the translator has the capacity to shape the response
of the reader to the events of the past. In other words, the
manner in which the reader positions him or herself on an
ethical and epistemological level in relation to the Holocaust, as
well as to the specific struggles of the survivors, will hinge on
the strength and integrity of the bond established between the
original and secondary witness. It has also become evident that
the ties of that bond hold more securely in some parts of a
translation than in others; within the boundaries of a given text,
translation can serve either as an empathic re-telling or as a
trespass.
Granted, this article has given more space to what,
following Antoine Berman (2000), could be termed a “negative
analytic” of translation, the emphasis here being on the forces
that deform the survivor’s account. Peter Davies has warned
against such a focus on the negative in reference to Holocaust
translations, claiming that “What is missing from the discussion
of translation is a sense of the far-reaching achievement [of
translators]. If we move beyond melancholy reflections on loss,
we are able to shed a much fuller light on the role that
translation and translators have played” (2014, 166–167).
However, the reasoning behind my negative approach is
twofold. First, the wider empirical evidence that emerged from
my comparative analyses had a discouraging tendency to point
in this direction, particularly in the Summers translation; the
examples discussed above are a small, but representative sample
of this trend. Secondly, the study should in no way be
understood as a personal attack against the translators, but
rather, as a means of accentuating the very real transgressive
potential of translation as a form of secondary witnessing. By
flagging up the lapses in secondary witnessing in these texts and
underlining the translation strategies from which they stemmed,
it becomes possible to inform future Holocaust translation
practice and to prevent such breaks in transmission from
reoccurring elsewhere.
It may well be the case that the all-hearing, non-
appropriating figure of the secondary witness is an impossible
ideal, but this does not mean that it is not one worth striving for.
Speaking more broadly about the readers of Holocaust
narratives, Colin Davis points out that “the best we can do may
be to try to attend as honourably as possible to the traces of that
which remains foreign to us” (2011, 40). Similarly, Francis
Jones has proposed some basic guidelines for the translator
working in sensitive circumstances, namely “a principle of
maximum awareness of ethical implications together with one
of least harm” (2004, 725). And so the translator as secondary
witness is one who undertakes to be attentive and self-reflexive,
and who weighs the better part of translation decisions in favor
of the survivor. Although some of these endeavors will
inevitably fall short of their mark, the crucial step is in the
trying. It has often been noted in recent times that the need to
document Holocaust testimonies is growing as the survivors
themselves diminish in number. As these accounts continue to
be committed to paper or audiovisual media, or are recovered
from the past, so too does the potential increase for the
communicative force of translation be brought consciously and
effectively into the service of the original witness and the
perpetuation of his or her memory.
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joined the University of Strathclyde as a lecturer in translation
and interpreting in 2016, having previously held a British Academy Postdoctoral
Fellowship at the University of Edinburgh, where she also completed her PhD in
2011. Her research is anchored in the field of Translation Studies, but currently
intersects with Memory Studies, Holocaust Studies, and Museum Studies. She is
particularly interested in the translation of French individual and collective memories
of occupation and deportation during World War II. She is author of the monograph
Retranslation: Translation, Literature and Reinterpretation (2014) and a member of
the IATIS Regional Workshops Committee.
| Unimi Open Journals |
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] | Abstract: This article explores how memory—the central issue of Leslie
Marmon Silko’s Ceremony (1977)—has induced a specific type of
writing that makes its translation a more challenging task in terms of
stylistic, lexical, and syntactical choices. Tayo, the main character, is
haunted by painful memories of his traumatic war experience, powerful
nightmares and daytime visions blending seamlessly into the vacuity of
his present life on the reservation. However, memory is also a healing
force when it means going back to the traditional Indian way and adapting
it to the broken present. Silko navigates between storytelling and
storywriting, weaving a circular vision of time into the linear format of
the novel and bridging the gap between her Indian ancestry and her white
academic education. Translating Ceremony raises many interesting issues,
three of which are discussed here: the treatment of intermingling
narratives whose chronology the readers have to reconstruct for
themselves, the network of echoes and repetitions that structure the novel,
and the description of the Indian landscape. The article finally asserts that
translation contributes to the circulation of memory and is a positive force
ensuring the survival of texts written to resist acculturation.
Introduction
Ceremony is a landmark publication in the advent of Native
American literature. Published in 1977 by Leslie Marion
Silko, it received much critical acclaim and soon became a
commercial success and was translated intoseveral foreign
language (Norwegian, German, Japanese, Italian, French,
Dutch). It is often part of the selection of Native American
novels on university syllabi next to House Made of Dawn by N.
Scott Momaday (1968) and The Death of Jim Loney by James
Welch (1979). Those are the titles readers remember as they
have become the “memory” of Native American literary
Renaissance. Whether they should be seen in terms of “ethnic
minority fiction” or as part of mainstream American fiction is
subject to debate. For instance, Joseph Bruchac states that the
“‘mainstream’ in America is being turned back by a tide of
multiculturalism” (Bruchac 1994, xviii). According to Robert N.
Nelson, Native American novels have distinct features that set
them apart: their authors are “Native American” (like the
protagonists), the settings “include Indian reservations,” they
allude to, or widely incorporate, “tribal traditions” 1 (Nelson
1993, 3). As a consequence some of their content is perceived as
being difficult to grasp for the readers who are not “tribally
literate” (to use Nelson’s word), those who do not share the
memory of the tribal heritage. Memory is an essential dimension
to Native American fiction and to Ceremony. According to
Robert Dale Parker, Native American Literature was “invented”
by “Indian writers,” drawing on both “Indian and literary
traditions” (Parker 2003, 1). In trying to keep tribal culture
alive, Native American writers have explored memory in
different ways. Memory is what is left of all that has been
destroyed and eradicated by colonization, industrialization, and
forced assimilation. It is the main force enabling Native
Americans to resist acculturation. Cultural memory was traditi-
onally transmitted through storytelling, an endangered activity
in a world ruled by the written word, where communities and
families have been increasingly scattered across the whole
1 The choice of the most appropriate word to designate the people from Native American tribes
is still highly controversial. The issue has not yet been settled, which explains what may seem
like confusion in most essays and books about Native American art and fiction. Christina Berry
writes in her article published on the All Things Cherokee website: “So what is it? Indian?
American Indian? Native American? First Americans? First People? We all hear different terms
but no one can seem to agree on what to call us” (Berry, 2013). Although the word “Native
American” seems more neutral, many Native Americans object to it as it is seen as a creation
by the Federal government aiming at erasing the sufferings of the Native tribes and making the
colonial past more acceptable. The actor and political activist Russell Means declares: “I am an
American Indian, not a Native American! I abhor the term Native American. It is a generic
government term used to describe all the indigenous prisoners of the United States” (Means,
1996). Silko uses both the word “Indian” and “Native American.” In this article the word
“Native American” has been kept to refer to the ethnic origin of the people involved but the
word “Indian” has been preferred to indicate the cultural connotations as in “the Indian way” or
“Indian memory” since it is closer to the ideas developed by Silko.
country. Native American writers therefore invented a new type
of storytelling that can survive and thrive in their new
environment, translating traditional memory and storytelling
into novels. Those novels are hybrid forms, close enough to the
template of the Western novel to be recognized and understood
by all while being innovative enough to cater for values and
notions radically alien to Western culture. However, Indian
memory is also a traumatic memory and offers many common
points with other works and narratives problematizing memory
such as writings by holocaust survivors and by victims of
intense trauma (see Brodski 2007). Writing is not only a means
of transmitting memory and struggling against oblivion, but it
also transforms the unbearable memory of the trauma—which
lies on the side of death and destruction—into a resilient force
that makes life possible. The memory of the horror beyond the
scope of human understanding is translated into words in order
to help the victims make sense of the events and reappropriate
their lives.
Through the case study of Ceremony, I will demonstrate
how memory can be a haunting force of destruction as well as a
healing type of energy. Memory is both the theme and the
material chosen by Silko for her novel. Her literary approach is
characterized by a specific type of writing that makes
interlingual translation particularly challenging in terms of
stylistic, lexical, and syntactic choices. The novel was translated
into French by Michel Valmary, who later translated two other
books—Archie Fire Lame Deer’s Gift of Power (Le cercle
sacré) and James Welch’s Killing Custer (C’est un beau jour
pour mourir). The translation was published in 1992 by Albin
Michel in the Terre Indienne collection, which specializes in
Native American fiction (director: Francis Geffard), and its
French title was Cérémonie.
After studying how memory is at the core of the themes
and textual identity of Ceremony, I will focus on three points: 1)
writing/translating the fluctuating and unstable time of memory
through a limited choice of possible grammatical tenses; 2) the
construction/destruction of echoes, memories, and correspon-
dences; 3) the translation of words and names referring to the
landscape that is central to Indian memory. Finally, I will
examine the close relationship between writing and translating
in the case of Indian memory and discuss whether the trans-
lation of Native American fiction is possible/advisable/neces-
sary.
Memory as the Main Theme and Material of Ceremony
The theme of memory is crucial to Ceremony. The protagonist,
Tayo, is a Laguna Pueblo of mixed ancestry, a “half-breed”2
living on the reservation near Albuquerque in New Mexico.
When the story begins, he is back from the Second World War.
Suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder, or “battle fatigue”
according to the white psychiatrists who have discharged him
from the hospital, he is unable to resume his old life. He is
haunted by memories of the war and overwhelmed by guilt as
he feels responsible for all the disruption that took place when
he was away: the death of his cousin who went to war with him,
the death of his uncle Josiah, and finally the drought that he sees
as retribution for his swearing at the rain in the prisoner camp in
the Philippines: “The old people used to say that droughts
happen when people forget, when people misbehave”(Silko
1977, 46). These destructive memories disrupt his present life
and make him mentally and physically ill as they invade his
everyday life in the form of nightmares and daytime visions that
leave him empty. His war memories are interspersed with his
childhood memories as he is also trying to cope with his sense
of alienation as a “half-breed” brought up by his aunt after his
own mother left him. However the past, which is a source of
suffering, is also the key to his recovery. Knowing that white
medicine cannot save him, Grandma convinces him to visit a
medicine man because “The only cure/I know/is a good
ceremony” (Silko 1977, 3). Although the visits to Ku’oosh and
then Old Betonie do not succeed immediately and the healing
ceremony cannot be completed, Tayo gradually recovers his
ancestral memory. He learns to understand the traditional signs
and rites, becomes able to read the landscape around him again
and to realign his life with a broader universal pattern of
meaning. Thanks to his recovering the traditional cultural
memory of his ancestors, Tayo can complete the ceremony by
himself, adjust, and find his place back on the reservation. His
2Although “half-breed” may seem offensive, it is the word used by Silko to describe Tayo’s as
well as her own ancestry (Laguna Pueblo, Mexican, and white).
healing is symbolic of and preparatory to a more global change
as rain returns to the region saving the crops and cattle. Tayo’s
journey, out of his destructive memories, which are
manifestations of evil and witchcraft and back to the healing
memory of the Indian way, enables him to restore balance and
harmony in the universe as thought can again circulate between
the fifth world (the world inhabited by human beings) and the
other worlds inhabited by spirits.
Memory is at the core of Ceremony. The different
encounters with the medicine men, the traditional one and Old
Betonie, the modern one, with the women Tayo loves, all
avatars of Tse’pina, the spirit of the mountain, are various
memories of the same quest or the same healing ceremony. It is
by remembering them and understanding their correspondences
that Tayo progresses on his way to recovery and that the readers
gradually understand the way the novel is structured and what it
means. The novel functions like memory itself, giving birth to
seemingly disconnected episodes that make sense when put
together, reassembled and realigned. Moreover the conventional
narrative structure of Tayo’s quest is framed by and intertwined
with traditional stories and poems, memories of traditional
Laguna storytelling, as if the real creator of the story was not
Silko but Thought Woman. The book begins with the poem:
Ts’its’tsi’nako, Thought-Woman,
is sitting in her room
and whatever she thinks about
appears [. . .]
I’m telling you the story
she is thinking.
Those traditional passages draw on Silko’s personal memories
of the stories she was told when a child on the reservation or
memories she has revived from the collection of stories
published in Franz Boas’s Keresan Texts (a transcription of
traditional tales published in 1928, see Nelson 2001). There are
altogether 28 “storytelling memories” (whose length varies from
a few lines to four pages). Silko blends traditional Indian
forms—based on circular patterns, repetitions and circulation
from memory and myth to reality—into a novel, a genre
favoring a linear conception of time, a sequential and historical
development of the story, and a clear-cut distinction between
past and present, memory, and reality. She thus creates her own
language, one that can express memory. Moreover, the novel is
a way for Silko to come to terms with her own mixed ancestry
and her sense of alienation. She started writing Ceremony after
having been away in Alaska for two years where she felt she
had been exiled. The novel is a personal remembrance
ceremony enabling Silko to weave the loose threads of her
attachment to her Native ancestry and of her white academic
education back into significance: “Writing a novel was a
ceremony for me to stay sane” (Arnold 2000, 24).
Memory and the Blurred Frontiers between Past and
Present
The treatment of diegetic time is quite unconventional in
Ceremony, as noted by most critics and reviewers. Although
analepsis is a common device in most conventional novels, time
shifts are so frequent in Ceremony that they blur the frontier
between the main narrative and the secondary narratives that are
Tayo’s various memories and visions. The story shifts to and fro
between the time of Tayo’s return to the reservation after he is
back from the war, and various memories—childhood scenes,
war episodes, and other times before he left for the war. Those
shifts back in time are not systematically signaled as such—
there are few dates, few accurate references to places which
would help the readers to chronologically reorganize the diverse
fragments constituting Tayo’s story. The fragmented narratives
are the representations on paper of the disruptive forces released
by Tayo’s memories and the readers must agree to getting lost
in the succession of embedded stories going back in circles
rather than following a straight time line from beginning to end.
Like Tayo, the readers will understand later and what they
remember will then make sense, as Night Swan (one of the
female characters Tayo meets during his quest) tells him: “You
don’t have to understand what is happening. But remember this
day. You will recognize it later” (Silko 1977, 100).
Only when the tense of the first verb of the analepsis is a
pluperfect is the shift clearly indicated. Even then, the following
verbs are in the simple past (also the prevailing tense of the
main narrative), which creates ambiguity as to the exact point
where the main narrative is resumed, as in the following
example:3
“You see,” Josiah had said, with the sound of the water trickling out of the
hose into the empty wooden barrel [. . .]. He pointed his chin at the springs
[. . .]. He took off his hat and wiped his forehead [. . .].
Tayo knelt on the edge of the pool and let the dampness soak into the knees
of his jeans. (Silko 1977, 45–46)
Although it is quite clear that the first paragraph is a
memory because of the use of the pluperfect and the situation
(Josiah is dead by the time Tayo returns from the war), the
status of the following paragraph (“Tayo knelt…”) is
ambiguous, and the similarity of the setting misleads the readers
into believing initially that it is part of the same memory
sequence whereas the main narrative has been resumed.
The translation into French reads thus:
“Tu vois, lui avait dit Josiah par-dessus le bruit de l’eau qui dégoulinait du
tuyau dans les tonneau de bois vide [. . .]. Du menton, il avait montré les
sources [. . .]. Il avait enlevé son chapeau et essuyé son front [. . .].
Tayo s’agenouilla au bord du bassin sans se soucier de l’eau qui trempait
les genoux de ses jeans. (Silko 1992, 55)
The translator has made a grammatically safe choice.
The shift from pluperfect to past, which is quite frequent in
English fiction, has been neutralized through a more consistent
use of a plus que parfait in French. The passé simple, used for
the main narrative, is deemed inadequate as soon as the diegetic
chronology is upset—a stylistic rule many, but not all, French
novelists adhere to. That “safe” choice is not consistently
applied. For other time shifts the passé simple is used for
anterior actions but only after a series of plus que parfait has
clearly delineated the time frame:
He stood outside the train depot in Los Angeles and felt the sunshine; he
saw the palm trees [. . .] he realized why he was here and he remembered
Rocky and he started to cry. [. . .]
3 Words discussed in the ensuing analysis are given in bold in the quotes.
The new doctor asked him if he had ever been visible and Tayo spoke to
him softly and said that he was sorry but nobody was allowed to speak to an
invisible one. (Silko 1977, 15)
Devant la gare de Los Angeles, il avait senti la caresse du soleil; il avait vu
les palmiers [. . .] il comprit pourquoi il était là, il se souvint de Rocky et il
se mit à pleurer. [. . .]
Quand le nouveau docteur lui avait demandé s’il avait jamais été visible,
Tayo lui avait répondu d’une voix douce qu’il était désolé mais que
personne n’avait le droit de parler à un être invisible. (Silko 1992, 23)
Whereas the English original allows for more
indeterminacy (the readers will not immediately understand that
the first passage is the memory of a scene that took place just
before Tayo’s return and that the second passage is another shift
in time, neither the continuation of the preceding passage nor
the resuming of the main narrative), the French readers are
guided by the translator’s choice, which clarifies the order of the
successive time sequences.
Although choosing between imparfait, plus que parfait,
passé simple, and passé composé to render a simple past is a
controversial point, the passé simple—even if it is an obvious
choice for a translator—may not be the most appropriate tense
in the case of Ceremony. The use of the imparfait in some
passages makes it possible to keep some referential
indeterminacy as shown in that example where it is not clear if
the second passage is still part of Tayo’s memory of the war or
of the main narrative:
Rocky had reasoned it out with him; […] Tayo nodded, slapped at the
insects mechanically [. . .].
He had to keep busy; he had to keep moving so that the sinews connected
behind his eyes did not slip loose and spin his eyes to the interior of his
skull where the scenes waited for him. (Silko 1977, 8–9)
Rocky s’était efforcé de le ramener à la raison ; [. . .] Tayo avait acquiescé;
d’un geste machinal de la main, il avait écrasé quelques insectes [. . .].
Il fallait qu’il s’occupe ; il fallait qu’il reste actif pour que les muscles qui
se rejoignent à l’arrière de ses yeux ne se relâchent pas, les faisant ainsi
pivoter vers l’intérieur du crâne, là où toutes ces scènes l’attendaient. (Silko
1992, 16–17)
Even if it is not conventional to use the imparfait for
single past actions, that tense might have the potential to
accommodate Silko’s literary treatment of memory, as some
French writers have done to give extra depth to their past
narratives, J. M. G. Le Clézio, for instance (see Lepage 2008).
Alternatively, using a passé composé instead of a passé
simple as the prevailing tense for both the main narrative and
the memories would have been a way to signal the shift from
conventional fiction writing and would have insisted on the
connection with oral tradition.
Grammatical constraints and the translator’s wish to
conform to the more conventional writing norms do not explain
all the occurrences of plus que parfait in the French text. They
illustrate the translator’s symptomatic wish to guide his readers,
to help them through the maze of the original novel, as in the
following example where a whole sentence has been added:
They unloaded the cows one by one, looking them over carefully. (Silko
1977, 77)
Quand Tayo eut ouvert le grand portail du couloir d’entrée du corral,
Robert ouvrit la porte de la bétaillère. Ils firent sortir les vaches une par
une, en les inspectant attentivement. (Silko 1992, 88)
The time of the action as well as the identity of the
characters have been made explicit in French. However,
reducing ambiguity and reordering Tayo’s memories imposes a
Eurocentric vision on a hybrid text. In fact, it brings more
confusion to the readers as it prevents them from being aware of
the blurred frontiers between past and present and between
memory and reality, essential to the understanding of the novel.
Indeed Ceremony reintroduces in the linear development of the
novel the memory of a more ancient time, the Indian vision of
time, which is circular, cyclical, always moving but not going
directly from one point to another:
The Pueblo people and the indigenous people of the Americas see time as
round, not as a long linear string. If time is round, if time is an ocean, then
something that happened 500 years ago may be quite immediate and real,
whereas something inconsequential that happened an hour ago could be far
away. Think of time as an ocean always moving. (Arnold 2000, 149)
Memory as Repetitions, Echoes, and Resonances
Repetitions and echoes are the backbone of the writing in
Ceremony, and the coherent structure they create counter-
balances the confusion brought about by Silko’s fluctuating
treatment of diegetic time. Repetitions work at the level of
sentences and paragraphs but also at the higher level of the
whole novel.
In sentences, repetitions give rhythm to the narrative and
endow it with a typically oral dimension. The following passage
illustrates how repetitions structure the sentences and help the
readers/listeners keep track of the important notions:
He could get no rest as long as the memories were tangled with the present,
tangled up like colored threads from old Grandma’s wicker sewing basket
when he was a child [. . .]. He could feel it inside his skull—the tension of
little threads being pulled and how it was with tangled things, things tied
together, and as he tried to pull them apart and rewind them into their
places, they snagged and tangled even more. So Tayo had to sweat through
those nights when thoughts became entangled; he had to sweat to think of
something that wasn’t unraveled or tied in knots to the past (Silko 1977, 6–7)
Il ne pourrait trouver le repos tant que les souvenirs et le présent
s’enchevêtreraient comme les fils de couleur dans le panier à couture de
Grand-mère : [. . .] Sous son crâne, c’est cela qu’il sentait, la tension des fils
minces que l’on tirait, et les choses emmêlées, attachées ensemble, qui,
lorsqu’il essayait de les démêler et de les rembobiner, chacune à sa place,
s’accrochaient et s’emmêlaient encore davantage. C’est ainsi que Tayo
devait passer de longues nuits en sueur quand ses pensées
s’embrouillaient; il devait faire d’énormes efforts pour penser à quelque
chose dont le fil ne soit pas défait ou attaché au passé par des nœuds
inextricables (Silko 1992, 14–15)
The translator has reduced the number of repetitions by erasing
some occurrences (the two occurrences of tangled have been
reduced to one in the first sentence) and by resorting to
synonyms (s’enchevêtrer, emmêlées, s’emmêler, s’embrouiller
for tangled; en sueur and faire d’énormes efforts for sweat).
The destruction is not systematic, however. For instance,
the translator manages to keep the repetition of comfort and
comfortable (a word difficult to translate into French) by using
bien and bien-être which work on both material and moral
levels:
We know these hills, and we are comfortable here.” There was something
about the way the old man said the word “comfortable.” It had a different
meaning—not the comfort of big houses or rich food or even clean streets,
but the comfort of belonging with the land and the peace of being with
these hills. (Silko 1977, 117)
Nous connaissons ces collines, et nous y sommes bien. » Il y avait quelque
chose de spécial dans la façon dont le vieil homme avait dit le mot « bien ».
Il prenait un sens différent : ce n’était pas le bien-être que procuraient les
grandes maisons, une nourriture riche ou même des rues propres, mais le
bien-être né du fait d’être à l’unisson de la terre, la paix ressentie à se
trouver dans ces collines. (Silko 1992, 129–130)
At the macro level of the whole novel, repetitions give
meaning to the various interconnected episodes. Repetitions of
words create a textual memory that enables the readers to
interpret the story correctly, exactly like Tayo who will
gradually learn to recognize the pattern underlying what he goes
through. For instance, when Tayo walks to the toilets in a bar
(Silko 1977, 56), the dirty wet floor mentally takes him back to
his ordeal in the jungle (Silko 1977, 11). The shift from a real
situation to a memory is textually signified by the repetition of
the same phrase—“It was soaking through his boots/it soaked
into their boots”—in the two passages. In the translation,
although the readers will understand the situation, there is no
textual link between the two scenes but only a semantic link as
two different phrases are used: “qui pénétrait dans ses bottes”
(Silko 1992, 66)/“s’infiltrait dans les chaussures” (Silko 1992,
19).
Many passages echo each other as if the various
episodes and the various characters were diverse avatars of the
same event, Tayo’s encounter with the spirit of the mountain
and his becoming whole again.
Repeated words form a network of key words whose
occurrences weave a significant textual material connecting and
reuniting what first seems disconnected. Through their
reiteration the readers can recognize the resemblance and
understand that time and storytelling are cyclical as Old
Grandma concludes: “It seems like I already heard these stories
before . . . only thing is, the names sound different” (Silko 1977,
260). The network of recurring words organizes the novel
around key themes such as dampness and dryness, circles and
whirls, weaving and scattering. In the translation, the structure is
less obvious because of lexical variety. For instance, the word
scatter which is central to Tayo’s broken psyche is translated by
two different verbs, disséminer and disperser, as well as by a
whole range of words according to the cotext: l’entouraient
(Silko 1992, 117), franchirent le sommet (Silko 1992, 195),
faire voler (Silko 1992, 231), laisser derrière (Silko 1992, 250),
s’effriter (Silko 1992, 214), parmi (Silko 1992, 168), and
s’égaillèrent (Silko 1992, 243). The important word scatter has
virtually disappeared from the French translation, made
invisible by the translator’s decision not to maintain its
repetition.
The destruction of repetitions is not systematic, how-
ever, as the recurrences of some words are maintained. For
instance whorls (of flesh, of skin), which appears in the morbid
episodes dealing with witchcraft, is systematically translated by
volute, making it possible for the French readers to link the
various scenes together and to establish the connection with the
poems relating the invasion of the evil spirit: “il se peignit le
corps/les volutes de chair” (the poem about Pa’caya’nyi who
tricks people into witchcraft, Silko 1992, 56), “D’autres défirent
des paquets en peau/pleins d’objets répugnants:/des silex
sombres, des cendres de hogans brûlés/où reposaient les
morts,/Des volutes de peau” (the poem about a witchcraft
competition during which white people are invented and turned
loose to destroy the Indian world, Silko 1992, 147), “Pinkie lui
maintint la jambe, et Leroy trancha la volute de chair sous le
gros orteil de Harley” (the torture scene in which witchcraft
attempts to engulf Tayo’s life and the world in general, Silko
1992, 271).
By reducing the number of repetitions, the translator
brings considerable changes to the material texture of Silko’s
novel of textual memory. His motivations may be an adherence
to French stylistic norms that still consider repetition to be
inelegant despite its use by great writers. He thus imposes his
own view, his own cultural memory on the original text and
destroys its inner rhythm and its signifiance (to use
Meschonnic’s (1999) word). Repetitions are essential to Silko’s
endeavor to write a text which reads as a memory of the oral
tradition of storytelling and deliberately blurs the frontier
between genres (tales, songs, poems, and novels), between
storytelling and story-writing, between Indian traditions and
Western culture: “So I play with the page and things that you
could do on the page, and repetitions. When you have an
audience, when you’re telling a story and people are listening,
there’s repetition of crucial points” (Arnold 2000, 71).
Systematicity is essential to maintain the way lexical
networks function. Each repetition is important. As Berman
states when he studies how the deforming tendencies transform
a text, each word must be chosen carefully and the use of
synonyms is deceptive. Words have their own lives, their own
textual bodies from which they derive their power: “The words
of the story poured out of his mouth as if they had substance,
pebbles and stone extending to hold the corporal up” (Silko
1977, 12). Silko’s writing is like weaving: the intricate patterns
suffer no mistakes, no holes. Storytelling and story-writing is a
sacred act, a ceremony in which each word has its part to play.
Memory and the Landscape
The landscape is the central character of Ceremony. As stated in
Place and Vision, in which Nelson dedicates a whole chapter to
the landscape of Ceremony, the geophysical landscapes “serve
not only as the ‘settings’ of these [Native American] fictions but
also as principal ‘characters’ in them” (Nelson 1993, 9). It is
only after being reunited with the landscape that Tayo can
recover his vital energy. The landscape is the place where
Indian memory lies, the landscape is Indian memory: “We are
the land. [. . .] More than remembered, the earth is the mind of
the people as we are the mind of the earth” (Paula Gunn Allen
in Nelson 1993, 1). Describing and naming the landscape is
therefore a delicate part of the ceremony of writing. Locations
and directions are given with accuracy. The words connected to
the landscape are the names of the places, the words describing
those places as well as the names of the plants, animals, and
spirits inhabiting the land. All those names recreate the
landscape of the American Southwest where the Laguna Pueblo
reservation is located and they bear the memory of its history.
The original Indian names have been largely replaced by
English names or by Spanish names, the languages of the
enemy, to use Gloria Bird’s phrase in Reinventing the Enemy’s
Language (Harjo and Bird 1997), that is to say the languages of
the settlers: “But the fifth world had become entangled with
European names: the names of the rivers, the hills, the names of
the animals and plants—all of creation suddenly had two names:
an Indian name and a white name” (Silko 1977, 68). The Pueblo
names are still there, though, in the names of the characters of
the traditional stories and the names of the spirits inhabiting the
land. They stand out in the English text as their morphology is
quite different from that of the European names and display a
characteristic apostrophe: Tse-pi’na orTs’eh, K’ou’ko, Ck’o’yo,
A’moo’ooh, Ku’oosh. . . The Pueblo names have been used in
the translation without any change as if they had resisted one
more displacement. Most Spanish names are maintained too:
mesa, arroyo, Casa Blanca . . . with the exception of burro
(âne, bourricot).
It is the English names that are problematic for the
translation into French. When they are kept, which is the case of
many place-names, they stand out as memories or traces of the
original English text, whereas in the original they blend
seamlessly into the main narrative in English. In Cérémonie,
place-names such as Wake Island, Dixie Tavern, Purple Heart,
or Prairie Dog Hill remind the readers of the European settlers’
imprint on the American landscape but also suggest that the
“entanglement” with English names is only a passing stage in
the history of the landscape. The names and languages may
change, but the landscape and its ancient memory will remain
unchanged. The English language, which dominates the text of
Ceremony, is pushed back to the margin through translation.
The names of plants and animals are translated into
French and raise many difficulties. Most English names are both
simple and precise. As they are based on a simple generic word
(grass, tree, weed, hill. . . ), names such as wild rose bush, salt
bushes, snakeweed, rabbit brush, foothills create a realistically
complex environment (Silko has drawn on her accurate
knowledge of the Southwest landscape). The geographically-
literate readers will recognize it. However, those who are
unfamiliar with such settings will not be lost and will manage to
find their way among grass, trees, weeds, and hills. In French,
the translator has to negotiate between two options. He can
favor the exact translation which is very often a scientific term
unknown to most readers: Salt bushes/atriplex, arroche;
snakeweed/bistorte, gramma grass/ bouteloue. . . Alternatively,
he may opt for a literal translation that will be understood but
may not refer to an actual plant or animal. The few cases when
literal translations correspond to the reality of the environment
(rock sage/sauge de rocher, bee-wee plants/l’herbe-aux-
abeilles, rabbit weed/herbe-aux-lapins. . . ) are not enough to
compensate for the different vision of the world the numerous
scientific names produce.
Moreover, the scientific words in French do not allow
the correspondence between geography and myth. The words of
the landscape in Ceremony are meaningful and contribute to
weave a consistent memory of the universe that reinforces the
links between the human world and the spirits. When Tayo
meets the mountain lion (puma in French), he also meets the
hunter spirit, the companion of Tse’pina, the mountain spirit.
When he meets Tse, she is sitting next to a moonflower plant
(marguerite dorée) that indicates the feminine power she
represents. Tse is a woman and a spirit and the earth, as this
passage underlines: “He dreamed he made love with her. He felt
the warm sand on his toes and knees; he felt her body, and it
was as warm as the sand, and he couldn’t feel where her body
ended and the sand began” (Silko 1977, 222). It echoes Josiah’s
comment: “This is where we come from, see. This sand, this
stone” (Silko 1977, 45). Once Tayo acknowledges he is sand
and stone like the sandstone cliffs around him, he can be whole
again. In the translation, the link connecting sand (sable), stone
(pierre), and sandstone (grès) is severed. The landscape in
Cérémonie is therefore more scientific and more obscure than in
the original; it does not work as the main representation and
memory of the harmony of the Indian way. It is not the “living
text” mentioned by Nelson, which can be read by the readers.
Memory and Translation as Transformation
Beyond the linguistic and stylistic difficulties the translator has
to face when translating a narrative of memory such as
Ceremony, broader questions must be addressed. Is it possible
or even legitimate to translate memory in the case of Native
American fiction? Can Indian memory, which is so deeply
rooted in the ancient languages and in the local environment,
survive when uprooted and transferred into a culturally and
linguistically alien environment?
Silko has already provided part of the answer. Drawing
on Indian memory to write her novel, she has opened up a new
frontier and contributed to the invention and development of the
Native American novel, essentially transgenre and multilingual.
She is the one who has translated—that is to say, transformed
and rewritten—the oral traditional stories: “I write them down
because I like seeing how I can translate this sort of feeling or
flavor or sense of a story that’s told and heard onto the page”
(Arnold 2000, 71). Therefore, translating Ceremony into another
language is doing a second-hand translation in which the main
choices have already been made: the degree of multilingualism,
of obscurity to which the readers—and more particularly the
“tribally illiterate” ones—will be submitted. The inherent
tension between the source and target languages, between what we
understand and what we do not, between what the translator
chooses to reveal and what he/she leaves unexplained is already
present in the original. Even the reception of her work and the issue
of the target reader has been addressed, as Silko is aware that her
readership falls into two categories—Native Americans (who
know a lot about Indian memory) and non-Natives (whom she
does not want to alienate). For her, making Indian memory
accessible to all through her translation is a political choice: “I’m
political, but I’m political in my stories. That’s different. I think the
work should be accessible and that’s always the challenge and task
of the teller—to make accessible perceptions that the people need”
(Arnold 2000, 26).
Translators have always been suspected of betrayal and
Silko is no exception. Being of mixed ancestry, born on the
reservation but educated outside it, she is the perfect go-between
and a highly suspicious one. Paula Gunn Allen criticized her for
giving away tribal secrets which should only be known by Native
people, as Nelson reminds us: “In fact, a few years ago another
Laguna writer, Paula Gunn Allen, criticized Silko for using some
of this oral traditional material, contending that by including a clan
story in her novel Ceremony Silko has violated local conventions
regarding proper dissemination of such stories” (Nelson 2001).
For Silko, translating and rewriting Indian memory is not a
betrayal but, on the contrary, a way to redeem Native traditions.
Those must not be kept as museum artifacts which are the dead
collectible pieces recorded and translated by ethnologists such as
Boas, but they must be given the possibility to carry on as living
entities. Memory pines for transmission as a way out of oblivion
and eradication. Through her translation, Silko reminds the
American readers of the Native American heritage of their country
and promotes it as a living force in today’s world. Interlingual
translation goes one step further in the same direction. Translating
Indian memory strengthens it as it will be kept in the minds of
more and more readers across the world, and in turn they will pass
it on. It will then be safe from destruction, as when kept in the belly
of the storyteller (Silko 1977, 2). Paradoxical though it may seem,
translating Indian memory is a form of repatriation as it takes it
back to its original purpose, helping the people understand and live
in harmony. In a globalized world, the people may just mean
people in general: “Something in writing Ceremony that I had to
discover for myself was indeed that the old stories still have in their
deepest level a content that can give the individual a possibility to
understand” (Arnold 2000, 147). On a more practical level, the
translation and transmission of memory may increase people’s
awareness and support of the Native cause and give more visibility
to the Indian alternative to the materialistic “American way of life”
taking over the world. Silko is aware of the potential impact of
Native memory across languages and nations: “In other words, we
feel that we get cultural, intellectual, spiritual support from all the
people outside the United States. [. . .] There are no isolated
people, there is truly now a global village and it matters” (Arnold
2000, 151).
The teller/writer is one link in the long chain of the
circulation of memory, and the translator another one. The
important point is to keep the transmission going even if it means
changes on the way. Changes are not always for the worse. In the
case of Indian memory, the displacement brought about by the
interlingual translation opens up new possibilities. In the French
translation, the stories may thrive better in a new medium, freed
from the English language (the linguistic memory of the trauma of
colonization).
Memory itself is not a fixed form. It is based on repetitions
and differences, like translation—two notions at the core of
Deleuze’s early philosophical thought and analyzed at length in
Différence et Répétition in link with the power of language: “La
répétition est la puissance du langage” (“Repetition is the power of
language”—translation mine—Deleuze 1968, 373). The memory
of an event is a repetition of the event, both similar to and different
from it. Each time the memory comes back it is slightly modified,
too, as repetitions are never identical. The same relationship links
the text and its translations, which are the memory of the text. They
are not equivalents but repetitions of the original, different but not
necessarily less valuable, less trustworthy, or less authentic. The
transformation process at the core of memory and translation is a
regenerative power that keeps life going. The old stories, like the
old healing ceremonies, must be adapted to their new
environment—be it linguistic or cultural—the way Betonie has
managed to devise a new ceremony to cure Tayo of his modern
disease. Translation and memory are two modes of survival
(“‘survival’ as a cultural practice and symbolic action, and above
all as a process that extends life” (Brodzki 2007, 5)) and revival, a
way to share the gift of the healing force or the burden of the
trauma.
Conclusion
Memory as the main theme and material of Ceremony has shaped
the novel’s language. It is based on correspondences and
resonances that can evoke the chaos of traumatic memory and of
witchcraft but that also symbolize the redeeming force of the
Indian way whose ceremonies can restore harmony. The specificity
of Silko’s writing requires attentive translating strategies that
enable the transmission of its textual and poetic density. The
memory of the text is particularly threatened when the translator
yields to some of the deforming tendencies defined by Berman in
his chapter “L’analytique de la traduction et la systématique de la
déformation” (Berman 1985, 65–82), and more particularly
clarification (thus replacing cyclical time with linear time), the
destruction of rhythm (the rhythm of oral tradition), and the loss of
meaningful networks which equate writing with healing
ceremonies. Like all poetical texts, Ceremony challenges easy
solutions. Those texts need transformation rather than stereotyped
equivalences. To translate them is to listen to the text and its
resonances, to its signifiance rather than concentrate on its
superficial narrative meaning. Translators will then be able to draw
on that intimate memory of the text to rewrite it in an act of sharing
and transformation, not a move of appropriation. Narratives of
memory ask for translation more than anything else as
transformation and circulation are their essence. Like the Indian
stories they have “a life of their own” (Arnold 2000, 72) whose
natural development is translation. Translators are similar to
Betonie, the modern healer. “But after the white people came,
elements in this world began to shift; and it became necessary to
create new ceremonies [. . .] things which don’t shift and grow are
dead things” (Silko 1977, 126). Translators, as life-givers of those
narratives, have the responsibility of choosing carefully and
creatively so that reading the translated text will be a renewed
ceremony that revives the power of the original and transmits its
memory.
References
Allen, Paula Gunn, ed. 1996. Song of the Turtle: American Indian literature,
1974–1994. New York: Ballantine Books.
Arnold, Ellen L., ed. 2000. Conversations with Leslie Marmon Silko. Jackson:
University Press of Mississippi.
Berman, Antoine. 1985. Les Tours de Babel: Essais sur la traduction.
Mauvezin: Trans-Europ-Repress.
Berry, Christina. 2013. “What’s in a Name? Indians and Political
Correctness.” All Things Cherokee website. Accessed November 20,
2013:
http://www.allthingscherokee.com/articles_culture_events_070101.html.
Brodzki, Bella. 2007. Can These Bones Live? Translation, Survival, and
Cultural Memory. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Bruchac, Joseph, ed. 1994. Returning the Gift: Poetry and Prose from the
First North American Native Writers’ Festival. Tucson: The University
of Arizona Press.
Deleuze, Gilles. 1968. Différence et répétition. Paris: Presses universitaires de
France.
Harjo, Joy, and Gloria Bird, eds. 1997. Reinventing the Enemy’s Language:
Contemporary Native Women’s Writings of North America. New York:
W. W. Norton.
Lepage, Pierre. 2008. “Le Clézio et l’oubli de l’Afrique.” Le Monde des
Livres, September 9. Accessed November 20, 2013.
http://www.lemonde.fr/livres/article/2008/10/09/le-clezio-et-l-oubli-de-
l-afrique_1105152_3260.html.
Means, Russell. 1996. “I am an Indian American, not a Native American!”
Accessed November 20, 2013:
https://web.archive.org/web/20010208120908/http://www.peaknet.net/~
aardvark/means.html.
Meschonnic, Henri. 1999. Poétique du traduire. Lagrasse: Verdier.
Momaday, N. Scott. [1968] 2010. House Made of Dawn. New York:
HarperCollins.
Nelson, Robert M. 1993. Place and Vision: The Function of Landscape in
Native American Fiction. New York: Peter Lang.
———. 2001. “Rewriting Ethnography: the Embedded Texts in Leslie
Silko’s Ceremony.” In Telling the Stories: Essays on American Indian
Literatures and Cultures, edited by Elizabeth Hoffman Nelson and
Malcolm Nelson,
47–58. New York: Peter Lang. PDF available at
https://facultystaff.richmond.edu/~rnelson/ethnography.html
Parker, Robert Dale. 2003. The Invention of Native American Fiction. Ithaca
and London: Cornell University Press.
Silko, Leslie Marmon. 1977. Ceremony. New York: Penguin Books.
———. 1992. Cérémonie. Translated by Michel Valmary. Paris: Albin
Michel.
———. 1997. Yellow Woman and a Beauty of the Spirit: Essays on Native
American Life Today. New York: Simon & Schuster.
Welch, James. [1979] 2008. The Death of Jim Loney. London: Penguin
Classics.
Wright, Anne, ed. 1986. The Delicacy and Strength of Lace: Letters between
Leslie Marmon Silko and James Wright. Saint Paul MN: Graywolf.
is senior lecturer in Translation Studies at the Université Sorbonne
Nouvelle—Paris 3. Her research concentrates on the interaction between form and
meaning, on the translation of the voice, and the syntactic organization as well as
normalizing effect at play in the translation process. She has either edited or coedited
Palimpsestes 18 (Traduire l’intertextualité, 2006), Palimpsestes 24 (Le réel en traduction:
greffage, traces, mémoire, 2011), and Translating the Voices of Theory (2015). She is also
interested in intersemiotic forms of translation and Native American voices.
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] | Abstract: Over the course of the last five years my research has led me to
conclude that the literary representation of a trauma is not the immediate
step after the historical event and that there are other, intervening layers in
between. First is the occurrence of the historical event. What then follows
is the translation of that event in the minds of the survivors—that is, in
their memory and interpretation of the event. Then, memory becomes the
subject of oral history. This oral history enters the minds of the writers of
memoir and fiction, where it becomes a literary translation. Finally, the
filmmaker, if such a story makes it to this step, translates the text in order
to render her interpretation of it as film. If we acknowledge that
translation involves interpretation, then what exists here are different
layers of translation. The aim of the paper is to analyze the different
effects that each medium (literature, translation, cinema) may have on the
experience of its readers and audience—what that medium is trying to
cultivate, the limitations of each, and how all of them in different ways
bring greater attention to the historical phenomenon of the Armenian
Genocide.
Introduction
Thinking about the contribution of literature to raising awareness
about the Armenian Genocide, I have asked myself whether
literature is the immediate step after the historical event. My
research has led me to think that it is not. In this paper, I will
propose the following schema to chart the development in
Genocide awareness from the historical event to its interpretation
within an act of artistic representation. First is the occurrence of
the historical event. What then follows is the translation of that
even in the minds of the survivors—that is, in their memory and
interpretation of the event. Memory then becomes the subject of
oral history, and this oral history enters the minds of the writers
of memoir and fiction, where it becomes a literary translation.
Finally, the filmmaker, if such a story makes it to this step,
translates the text in order to render his or her interpretation of it
as film. In effect, we have here different layers of translation
upon translation—to use memoirist Günter Grass’s term, with
this theory we are “peeling the onion” (Grass 2008).
With a focus on the renowned Italian–Armenian novelist
Antonia Arslan’s Genocide narrative La masseria delle allodole
(2004; English translation Skylark Farm, Arslan 2006), I’ll first
discuss the literary genre as an instrument that brings greater
attention to the historical memory of the Armenian Genocide.
Then the power of translation related to the Genocide as
an instrument of cultural, historical, and linguistic interaction will
be both explored and problematized. For example, why has this
particular book been chosen for translation into sixteen
languages?1 In what ways have these translations contributed to
the awareness of the Genocide in their given countries? Exploring
the impacts these translations have had in their given countries,
there will also be an examination of readers’ reactions following
their respective publications in various languages by presenting
interviews with some of the translators. Finally, I will focus on
the theme of the Armenian Genocide in cinema and will deal with
the dramatized version of the Genocide narrative La masseria
delle allodole by the Italian directors the Taviani brothers
(Taviani and Taviani 2007).2
The Armenian Genocide in Literature
In every trauma, in every situation, there are always at least two
sides, two prevalent stories, and the power dynamics are strong.
On the one hand, the side that “successfully” commits Genocide
usually determines the way its history is written (or not written),
as is the case of the Armenian Genocide, which is varied and has
been contested for many years. Then there is the side of the
1 So far, the book has been translated into Dutch, English (four editions), Eastern Armenian (two
editions), Finnish, French, German (two editions), Greek, Hungarian, Japanese, Persian,
Romanian, Russian, Western Armenian, Slovenian, Spanish, and Swedish.
2 The present study springs directly from my experience in translating Armenian Genocide
narratives and from the outcomes of the course I taught at California State University, Fresno—
Armenian Genocide and Translation while being the 10th Henry S. Khanzadian Kazan Visiting
Professor in Armenian Studies at CSUF.
people who have suffered the overwhelming trauma. This side,
especially when silenced by the perpetrator, attempts to record
any history of the event, albeit painful, and often, as we look over
these testimonies, it is clear that any proper investigation or
analysis of this traumatic event should be undertaken by someone
with psychoanalytic and linguistic skills.
One of the consequences of the Armenian Genocide was
the dispersal of those who survived into a global Diaspora.
Traumatized and impoverished, involuntary exiles and
immigrants in a new land, they struggled to survive. Part of their
survival strategy was to write what they had experienced and
witnessed. Survivor stories emerged painfully and with great
difficulty. The obstacles were many: a fragmented, traumatized
community with far too few resources. The challenges they faced
included the fact that they were either forced to write in a
language that few in their new lands understood or that they had
to struggle to describe the indescribable in a foreign tongue.
Despite all the trauma and difficulties, the immigrants decided to
put pen to paper to document that which the world needs to better
know and comprehend. Even though the potential audience and
publishers were greatly limited, these important survivor memoirs
emerged, often in isolation, in small print runs and sometimes as
unpublished manuscripts. They emerged in a variety of locales
and conditions that characterized the global Diaspora.
These Diaspora fragments disseminate Armenian
culture and seeds across differing landscapes. In so doing, the
Armenian identity has evolved and become more diverse and
complex and has contributed to an emerging multiculturalism in
the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.
The survivor memoirs provided and continue to constitute
an invaluable research tool not only for researchers but also for
Genocide fiction writers, who take their insights from those
stories and, in thousands of literary flavors, offer the reader the
historical dimension of the Armenian Genocide.
It is true that it is not possible to penetrate the world of
the Armenian Genocide without reading the history. However, as
Rubina Peroomian asserts (Peroomian 2012, 7), documents,
statistics, and data do not provide the whole story. On the other
hand, the extremely important memoirs and eye witness accounts
alone often cannot express the unthinkable horror of the
Genocide as the blockages and psychological borders can impede
the author’s revealing the whole trauma. Hence the importance of
historical fiction, which, by fusing historical fact and creative
writing, can provide access to a larger readership in terms of
global impact. An example of this phenomenon, with a particular
symbolic and powerful radiation and with a priority function of
meaning, is the Italian–Armenian novelist Antonia Arslan’s
Genocide novel La masseria delle allodole (Arslan 2004).
Antonia Arslan, who was born and grew up in Italy and
was professor of modern and contemporary Italian literature at
the University of Padua, has published on Italian popular fiction
and Italian women writers of the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries. However, her most recent publications have focused on
her Armenian heritage. Her first approach to her Armenian
heritage was, surprisingly, through translation. With the help of
two Armenians (as she doesn’t know Armenian) she has
translated/edited two volumes by Daniel Varujan, one of the most
significant Armenian poets of the twentieth century, into Italian:
Il canto del pane (Varujan 1992) and Mari di grano (Varujan
1995).3 Here is Antonia Arslan’s testimony about her translation:
Poetry functions in an immediate and unexpected way. I discovered Daniel
Varujan, his strength and his grace, when reading some of his poems in Italian
and the entire The Song of Bread in French, translated by Vahé Godel. So it
was that I concentrated on the text of his last work, which completely
fascinated me. I already had a lot of experience translating poetry—from
French, English and German—but my work with Varujan was a great
adventure, also because of my collaboration with two young and enthusiastic
scholars, C. H. Megighian and A. H. Siraky. The Italian edition of The Song of
Bread (Varujan 1992) became the seventh one, and it enjoyed much success
within the Italian secondary schools. I further translated other pieces of
Varujan’s poetry; I published twenty of them in the volume Seas of Wheat
(Varujan 1995) and the others in magazines. I also want to remind us that he was
a great poet, one of the major ones since the beginning of the 1900s, equal to no
one, but less known because he wrote in a minority language. (Haroutyunian
2012a)
Translating Varujan’s poetry became part of the process of
3 In 1915 at the age of thirty-one, Daniel Varujan was on the verge of becoming an
internationally renowned poet but he was brutally murdered by the government of the Young
Turks, like other Armenian poets such as Siamanto, Grigor Zohrab, and so on.
discovery of her own Armenian identity.4 It brought her to the
unknown path of her lost ancestry and the birth of her first novel,
the best-seller Skylark Farm, in which, drawing on the history of
her own ancestors, she tells of the attempts of the members of an
Armenian family caught up in the Armenian Genocide to escape to
Italy and join a relative who had been living there for forty years.
This book won many prestigious awards in Italy and worldwide.5
Skylark Farm belongs to a genre that mixes
autobiography and biography, history and fiction, documentary
and memory. First of all, Arslan introduces her fifty-three-year-
old grandfather Yerwant, an important physician living in his
adopted Italian hometown of Padua in the months leading up to
the Second World War.
[H]is mother, Iskuhi, the little princess, died at nineteen giving birth to him. My
great-grandfather then remarried an “evil stepmother,” who bore him many other
children; my grandfather couldn’t stand her, and so, at the age of thirteen, he
requested and was granted permission to leave the little city and go to Venice, to
study at Moorat-Raphael, the boarding school for Armenian children. (Arslan
2006, 17)
Yerwant never again returned home. Now, after forty
years, he hopes to reunite with his brother Sempad, a successful
pharmacist, who continued living in his little city in Anatolia.
In 1915, Yerwant enters his fiftieth year, and he is
satisfied—and alone. . . “I am now a citizen of Italy; the
Ottomans can’t touch me any more,” he thinks. (Arslan 2006, 45)
But World War I begins, and the ruling Young Turk
party closes the border and when Italy enters the war on May 24,
1915, Yerwant’s dream vanishes. He will never be able to return
to his country of origin in his red Isotta Fraschini, the doors of
which were encrusted with the silver coat of arms that featured
an intertwined Y and A, standing for Yerwant Arslanian. He will
4 She then went on to edit different works on the Armenian Genocide, including Hushèr: la
memoria. Voci italiane di sopravvissuti armeni (Arslan, Pisanello, and Ohanian 2001); she has
worked with Boghos Levon Zekiyan on the Italian version of Gérard Dédéyan’s Histoire du
peuple arménien (Dédéyan 2002) and Vahakn Dadrian’s Storia del genocidio armeno (Dadrian
2003); and translated Claude Mutafian’s brief history of the Armenian genocide from the French
(Mutafian 2001).
5 Arslan’s more recent publications include Il libro di Mush (2012), which is an account of the
largest extant Armenian manuscript that was preserved in two halves by two separate women,
each of whom took one half when escaping the city of Mush during the Armenian Genocide; Il
rumore delle perle di legno (2015); and Lettera a una ragazza in Turchia (2016).
never see his family again as they will be exterminated almost
entirely by the Young Turks.
From that moment on for Yerwant the distant Fatherland
remained forever remote, and when his children got older
Yerwant even changed their names. Antonia Arslan talks about a
contradiction in the behavior of her grandfather: at first he did not
want to deny his ancestry, and gave his children four Armenian
names each—Yetward, Erwand, Armenak, and Vardan; Khayel,
Anton, Aram, and Maryam—but later tried to erase their origin:
“And in 1924, he will petition the Italian government to allow
him to legally remove from his surname that embarrassing three-
letter suffix, -ian, that exposes so plainly his Armenian origin”
(Arslan 2006, 160).
During the deportation, the women performed a crucial
role not only by bravely making sacrifices to protect the children,
but by persistently working to preserve memories of their land.
These are a few stories, objects, and photographs, “relics or icons
from a terrible shipwreck” (Arslan 2006, 19), and a few other
items shipped from Sempad as a gift to his relatives in Italy.
Thanks to this “act of memorial transmission,” the author can
now see and touch objects and images belonging to her Armenian
family and therefore be reunited with its indefinite past (Alù
2009, 369).
Here, as readers, we are made witness to familiar
historical narratives—perhaps we share similar ones, perhaps
we’ve read firsthand accounts in books. But what happens when a
historical event penetrates literature? First of all, the literary genre
is a powerful medium that is able to bring the historical
phenomenon to the attention of the masses. By reconstructing her
family history in the novel, Arslan is merging both historical
research and imagination culled from collective memory; she also
becomes the protector of her familial memory and historical
archive.
Taking an input from Bella Brodzki’s idea that
“[c]ulture’s necessarily overarching orientation toward the future
only obtains by sharing its past” (Brodzki 2007, 113), I conducted
an experiment on collective memory and testimony in an
assignment I gave to my students at Fresno State. I set an
assignment in which they were called to write the story of their
ancestor’s survival. Most of them said to me, “I know something
about my great grandparents, but I’m missing a lot of details.
What should I do?” This is exactly what I was hoping for, and
advised them to fill in the gaps with their imaginations and to
take advantage of their parents and grandparents and ask them
questions. As evidenced by Brodzki, “[t]hinking both
psychoanalytically and historically also means that while we
harbor the dream of plentitude, we always begin with a gap”
(Brodzki 2007, 113).
For their assignment, some of my students contacted their
relatives living in other countries to inquire about their
grandparents and, as the students shared some amazing stories in
class.6 This assignment contributed to raising their personal
awareness of their ancestors’ voyages towards refuge.
Antonia Arslan has done the same in filling in the gaps of
an unknown past. In the meantime the geography, the places, and
the itineraries that she describes in her novel reveal not only
significant moments of family history but also its inclusion in a
determinate social space and national history (Alù 2009, 364).7
This is important because it gives the historical part to “historical
fiction.”
For yet another class assignment, based on the concept of
Rushdie’s “translated man,” students worked together to write the
names of the native cities and villages of their ancestors, as well
as the places through which they passed on their long journeys of
migration before arriving in the United States.8 We also included
in the map the languages they had learnt along the way. This
initial exercise helped the students to visualize, re-realize, and
appreciate both their ancestors’ geographical passages and the
students’ indelible connection to them. Further, the act of writing
it on the board—taking pen in hand—implicated them as the
bearers and continuers of their ancestral memories. I have always
been obsessively diligent throughout my academic career to erase
whatever is on the board after any given lesson. However, what
6 Some of these stories have already been published in the Hye Sharzhoom newspaper (Fresno
2013, 35/1, 2).
7 In her article, Alù refers to Anne Muxel who in her Individu et mémoire familiale explains how
rediscovering familiar places and spaces can help us to recover a biographical path as well as
the origin, progress, and decline of a social, individual, and collective destiny (Muxel 1996, 47).
8 In his book of essays Imaginary Homelands, Salman Rushdie asserts that “Having been borne
across the world, we are translated men. It is normally supposed that something always gets
lost in translation; I cling, obstinately to the notion that something can also be gained” (Rushdie
1992, 17).
was created on the board that day was an interwoven tapestry of
names, places, times, and languages that neither my students nor
myself even dared to erase. The memory seemed at once too fresh
and validated yet again. So, we decided to leave it as it was. I
took a picture before the next instructor could “erase our
ancestors,” preserving this image at least through another
medium—if not the word, the image. We were all excited and
surprised to discover that among all our ancestors, they
collectively spoke sixteen languages including Armenian,
English, Arabic, French, Turkish, Spanish, Vai, Pele, Fula,
Russian, German, Romanian, Bulgarian, Latin, Greek, and
Kurdish.
In the same way, Antonia Arslan’s undertaking the
mission of retelling the story continues the voyage of her
ancestors. In one of her numerous public lectures Antonia said:
“The idea of my past was bothering me for years, so one morning
I decided to write: ‘Zio Sempad è solo una leggenda, per noi: ma
una leggenda su cui abbiamo tutti pianto.’”9
This is the very first sentence of the novel, and Antonia
once told me that, while many passages of the book have
undergone editing, that sentence remained unchanged. What is
interesting is that Antonia never mentions the name of her
grandfather’s birthplace, calling it “little city.” “No one, patient
reader, ever went back to the little city,” finishes Antonia Arslan
in her book (Arslan 2006, 268). She does this intentionally—
firstly because this is a novel and not a memoir and secondly
because she doesn’t want to personify but rather render the idea
more globally and not to give the reader the impression that the
Armenians were persecuted in that specific place.
I’d like to share the last classroom example from my
California State University experience, which dealt with the
question of the story’s transmission. By using their part of the
genealogical tapestry I spoke of before, each student illustrated
the geographic and linguistic journeys of their ancestors. I asked
the students, as an extension, to report their family history to one
partner in the classroom. It was then the task of the partner to re-
reflect the story and report it. After a series of retellings, the
students eventually had to report these stories back to the class,
9 Uncle Sempad is only a legend, for us—but a legend that has made us all cry (Arslan 2006, 17).
thus directly engaging in the process of transmission and
translation. Our aim was to internalize the process of a story’s
transmission and to show how feelings, details, chronology, and
so forth are translated as they pass from one person to another.
Thus, the story, especially the oral tale, is a shared substance
between interlocutors, and simply does not exist without both the
teller and the listener, the writer and the reader. So when we
return to consider the gravity of Arslan’s work in the telling of
the Armenian Genocide from a very personal perspective, we
come to the realization that, by sharing her own family history,
we also become a responsible player of that story as readers. In
this case, we are both called upon to consider and remember the
Genocide and are also invited to enter its discourse. To consider
Arslan’s work on such a global scale, then, is of tantamount
importance.
Through the pen of the writer Antonia Arslan, the
Armenian Genocide is thus carried beyond its historical limits,
slipping from the desks of historians and entering the minds and
imaginations of ordinary people. Of course, when a historical
event becomes literature it is enriched with new shades and
colors. New heroes are born who are given names and are
assigned identities. Families are born belonging to one nationality
or to another who are placed in this or that social class. This is
where literary fiction comes into play. And she weaves the plot.
Through a love story, a common conversation in the home, or
between neighbors, and through a description of a relationship
between two individuals of two different nationalities (such as the
Armenian and Turkish) or minorities (Armenians and Greeks),
Antonia Arslan introduces the historical dimension to the story.
A sentence from the prologue that was also used for the
blurb on the book cover reads:
My aunt always used to say: When I’ve finally had it with you, when you get
too mean, I’m leaving. I’ll go stay with Arussiag in Beirut, with Uncle Zareh
in Aleppo, with Philip and Mildred in Boston, with my sister Nevart in Fresno,
with Ani in NY, or even with Cousin Michel in Copacabana—him last,
though, because he married an Assyrian. (Arslan 2006, 5)
With this sentence, the author introduces the complex
phenomenon of the Armenian Diaspora created by the Armenian
Genocide. When a non-Armenian reader, completely ignorant of
not only the essence but also the existence of the Armenian
Genocide, buys the book for its literary value, while reading this
sentence, asks herself: How can a single person, Antonia’s aunt,
have so many relatives around the world? The answer will come
on reading the book.
Before writing her Genocide narrative, Antonia Arslan
consulted many history books. But the plot also came to her
through saved photographs. As Daniel Sherman has it: “Sight is the
only sense powerful enough to bridge the gap between those who
hold a memory rooted in bodily experience and those who, lacking
such experience, nonetheless seek to share the memory” (Sherman
1999, 14).
Thus the picture becomes a complicated form of self-
portrait that reveals the ego of the writer that is necessarily
relational and at the same time fragmentary. Similarly,
descriptions of group photographs in Skylark Farm are used by
Antonia Arslan to recover the bonds with her dispersed
Armenian relatives (Alù 2009, 373):
Arussiag, Henriette, and Nubar, two girls and a little boy dressed as a girl.
Along with Nevart they are the numb survivors who will, after escaping
Aleppo, come to the West. These children now look out at me from a
snapshot taken in Aleppo in 1916, one year after their rescue, just before
they embarked for Italy: their grave, childish eyes are turned mysteriously
inward, opaque and glacial, having accepted—after too many unanswered
questions—the blind selection that has allowed them to survive. They are
wearing decent orphan clothes, but they seem dressed in uniforms of rags,
and at a quick glance the eye sees prison stripes. Their dark Eastern eyes,
with their thick brows tracing a single line across their foreheads, repeat
four times, wordlessly, the fear of a future that will be inexorable and the
hidden nucleus of a secret guilt. (Arslan 2006, 23)
Transforming and translating the protagonists of the
pictures into the characters of the book, Antonia is linking
herself through a bridge towards her ancestors:
But it will be Zareh the skeptic, the European, who will save the family
legacy, the children, and the photographs: the four little malnourished
bodies curled together like dying birds, their small skulls all eyes, and the
precious packet of family portraits, sewn up along with Gregory of Narek’s
prayer book inside a velvet rag and passed from hand to hand from the
dying to the survivors. Parched, dried skeletons—memorials of a life that
had been cordial and boisterous, with plenty of water, plenty of hospitality
and mirth. (Arslan 2006, 29)
These images, along with a few objects protected by the
women during the massacre and deportation, become relics of
which the author becomes the possessor through the acts of
postmemory. In addition, the images included or only described
in Skylark Farm, along with the text, are the subject of memory
and commemoration as well as collective pain, the lieux de
mémoire that stop time, block forgetfulness, immortalize death
and materialize the immaterial (Alù 2009; Nora 1989).
In her 2007 book Can These Bones Live, Bella Brodzki
directs her
attention to processes of intergenerational transmission, conceived as acts of
translation, to how the value of memory or remembrance as an instrument of
historical consciousness is inscribed in a culture [. . .] What connects and divides
two generations and their respective cultural narratives, where are the
borderlines of a life and text, what are the ways in which processes of translation
perform as well as disrupt the work of cultural memory? (Brodzki 2007, 111–
112).
In the case of Antonia Arslan, the intergenerational
transmission took place through her beloved grandfather who
entrusted her with the task of retelling his trauma and memories
for a country that no longer exists, for the columns of deportees, for a family
dying beneath a poisonous sun, for the unmarked graves along the dusty roads
and paths of Anatolia; and for everything that disappeared with them, everything
alive and fragrant, exhausted and joyous, painful and consoling: the country’s
soul. (Arslan 2006, 40)
The Armenian Genocide in Translation
When we talk about Genocide and translation in a global
sense, we inevitably enter a discourse about memory. Let’s
think for a moment of the psychological state of the trauma
victim: they are pained, they block things out, sometimes
repress the memories that are too painful. The Armenian
Genocide survivors’ silence was also due to the fact that they
were over-protective of their children considering them a
representation of survival and treating them as substitutes for
the relatives who perished and communities that had been
wiped out. Thus with the aim to ensure their protection, the
parents often refused to share the trauma with the second
generation.10
Genocide trauma is translated by the very person who
experienced it by the memory they retain of the event. What
about when a trauma is translated into artistic literature? Are
we obliged to then preoccupy ourselves with less important
“factual” matters—was it really fifty days that the woman
walked through the desert, or thirty? Historical fiction is a
genre that fuses a historical fact with creative writing. Thus, as
a fiction, we are ultimately obliged as readers to be less
preoccupied with the precision of less important facts, but
rather occupy ourselves with the rendering of feeling and
narrative form within a historical space. And it is in this
moment of not being preoccupied with the fact or fiction of
memoir, biography, or a historical text that we are able to
immerse ourselves in the heart of the matter. How do we feel
about this situation? How can we relate to it? How do we
interpret it ourselves? Certainly a lot of truth also comes out
through creative writing and not only through memoir or
biography or other forms of factual writing where the
blockages and psychological borders stop the author from
revealing the whole trauma.
***
Every book has its birth story, and analogously every
10 While exploring the impact of World War II on the second-generation Armenian–American
identity, Aftandilian (2009) noticed that the war brought the memory of the Armenian Genocide
to the forefront within Armenian–American families, as survivors of the Genocide had to send
their sons off to war. Aftandilian interviewed World War II Armenian–American veterans and
found that the topic of returning home was more emotional than the topic of their combat
experience. His research on the children of survivors found that many children were named
after the murdered relatives. These children felt special, because an obligation was placed on
them, directly or indirectly, to bear the hopes and aspirations of the survivors not only for the
family, but also for the Armenian people as a whole. One of my students at California State
University, A. Pilavian, wrote in her final paper: “I never really knew the details about how my
family began or how much they sacrificed to live a better life. I used to get angry with my family
when they wouldn’t tell me things that I wanted to know from their past experiences. What I
came to realize is that when people don’t speak of something tragic that has happened in their
life, it actually eats at them more. The reason they feel that it’s better to keep quiet is so that
they don’t disrupt the peace in their life that they finally have now.”
translation has its birth story. Most of the translations of
Antonia Arslan’s Skylark Farm have been executed according
to the standard ways when a publisher decides to commission a
book’s translation. However, there is something immediately
striking about the book’s Hungarian edition. The Hungarian
translation was published in Romania, and not in Hungary
(Arslan 2008).
Here is the explanation given by the book dealer Kinga
Kali:
As you perhaps know Hungary still does not recognize the Armenian
Genocide—and there is not much knowledge about it in the Hungarian book
publishing. The publishers I contacted simply did not respond to my
proposal—to publish the Hungarian translation of Skylark Farm. I had the
idea to go to Mentor, a Hungarian publishing house in Transylvania,
Romania. I also offered a complete plan for advertising the book in
Hungary. They accepted the proposal.
Mentor publishers in Romania took all the risks in
dealing with a theme intentionally kept from public view in
Hungary. This is why Antonia was able to go and give her book
tour in both Hungary and Romania.
The circulation of Antonia’s Genocide novel, thanks to
its Hungarian translation, among common Hungarians is
extremely important because Hungary has yet to recognize the
Armenian Genocide.11
After the publication of Skylark Farm in Romania, the
book dealer together with the publishing house managed to
organize several book presentations in Budapest and in a few
Transylvanian towns in Romania with a Hungarian majority.
While I was in Budapest for a conference, I met the
dealer and asked her about the impact of the translation and its
contribution to raising awareness in Hungary. She replied that
The majority of the people I gave the book [to] as a present and [who]
11 Hungary was the country where, in 2004, Ramil Safarov, a lieutenant of the Azerbaijani
army, used an axe to hack the twenty-six-year-old Armenian lieutenant Gurgen Margaryan to
death in his sleep. Both were participating in an English language training course within the
framework of the NATO-sponsored Partnership for Peace initiative in Budapest. Ramil Safarov
was imprisoned in Budapest for the murder until he was extradited to Azerbaijan in 2012. To
the shock of many, Azerbaijan promoted him and made a hero of the murderer. In reaction,
Armenia formally suspended ties with Hungary.
shared it with their friends said that by reading it for the first time, they were
able to understand what the Armenian Genocide meant. They usually had
knowledge about the Jewish Holocaust, but not about the Armenian one—at
least, the younger generation did not know anything about it. The mother of
a friend of mine was revolted, and cried, “why are people in Hungary not
informed about all of this, and why is this not included in the history classes
at the school?”
Here we see a Hungarian girl dreaming of bringing
knowledge to her people about the historical event of the
Armenian Genocide, by translating the Genocide narrative
Skylark Farm:
When I met Antonia Arslan in 2004 during her book presentation, I decided
to let my Hungarian nation learn about this book, and my dream came true
within four years. In June 2008, the book was released and presented for the
very first time at the Budapest Book Fest.
Narrative and translation therefore once more prove themselves
valid tools in the raising of awareness about the historical event.
Later I had the chance to contact Kinga Júlia Király, the
Hungarian translator of the novel.
Antonia Arslan’s Skylark Farm was the most shocking translation I’ve ever
made, she said. When I got the book from Italy and I started reading it for the
first time, I couldn’t even imagine that such a horrible national destiny does
exist. After reading one fourth of the novel I had to buy a new armchair, which
I still call my “Skylarkfarmchair”: I needed a new position, a new posture for
my body in order not to be absorbed by the novel, not to read as a whatsoever
fiction, but keep my awareness till the end of it. As I have Armenian origins,
too, since my family came to Transylvania in the seventeenth century, the
novel had awakened in me, somewhere deep inside, a never felt receptivity
toward suffering and misery. And I struggled for good amidst with my
shamefacedness which [incapacitated] me in my translation. How should I
translate those terrifying events, bring the best close to the reader, what
Sempad’s family had endured? How should I repaint the “Armenian blood-
flowers” on the walls (Arslan 2006, 118)? Am I allowed to do such things? Is
this reasserting, recommitting a Genocide? It was much more than [a] matter
of ethics or aesthetics. More than literature, as well.
I still remember the deep impact which Nevart’s death in the thunderbolt
made on me (Arslan 2006, 175). When I had to read a sequence from the
book for the first time in front of an audience, I [chose] Nevart’s death. But
I could not do it. I felt such discomposure, such sorrow, such mourning, that
I started to cry. That was too much for me as translating is an intimate act
while sharing Genocide, in fact, [. . .] is a reaction.
I owe this translation a brand new life, since I became wide open for
suffering. Skylark farm – in a sacred sense – had made my life.
Further, I also interviewed Hillary Creek, who
translated into English a section of Antonia Arslan’s second
novel A Road to Smyrna, which has now been entirely translated
into Armenian (Arslan 2012):
I am a historian (economic and social), she said, with a special interest in
the Middle East from 1890 on, as my research has in some part been on
petroleum politics in the area. As a social historian I am obviously interested
in the life of ordinary people and find a rich source in the literature, drama,
art, and music of the period. I researched [the] bare facts, chronological
history of the time, movements, and main characters, before starting
translating. But I was born into postwar London when the city was in large
part rubble, rationing didn’t stop till I was six. The war was still very close,
my mother (a teacher) had spent the Blitz finding and taking care of young
kids who escaped from evacuations and returned to find nothing. So I had
her memories. Then I have many friends who have had to flee from political
persecutions and I have long been interested and involved in human rights
questions. So if anything it was not one event, but rather a combination of
first, second and third hand tales and memories that were my points of
reference.
Now, some of my personal thoughts about the Genocide
novel as an Armenian experience and the Armenian translator of
Antonia Arslan’s Genocide narratives.
In 2004, when I read Skylark Farm all in one sitting, I
could not imagine that three years later I would have the honor
of being the Armenian translator of this best-seller.
It all began in the fall of 2005, when a Festival of
Friendship between Armenia and Italy was organized in
Yerevan and there were many events held both on academic
(conferences, round tables) and popular (Italian opera or cinema
evenings) topics. At that time I was in Armenia participating in
a conference at the Academy of Sciences with a paper on
Dante’s Armenian translations (Haroutyunian 2006, 2012b). Of
course, among the events, I could not miss the presentation of
Skylark Farm, which had just been published in Italy and was
already proving to be very successful. At the event, the author
and the directors Paolo and Vittorio Taviani were supposed to
be there to present the book and forthcoming film.
Antonia suggested that I translate the three most moving
episodes of the book so they could be read at the presentation. It
was after this that Antonia asked me about going forward with
the translation. But the deadlines were very precise. The
Armenian translation had to be ready for the release of the film
by the Taviani Brothers. There was very little time, and the
responsibility was huge. The heroes of the story were talking to
me, just as Antonia says in her acknowledgments:
I must first thank those who spoke to me: Sempad and Shushanig, Ismene
and Isaac, Nazim the beggar, and Yerwant, with his neat Pirandello goatee.
And then Azniv and Veron, the great aunts I never knew; funny, tiny
Henriette, who spoiled me; Zareh and Rupen, my legendary great uncles. I
thank my audacious, whimsical mother, who raised me unleniently; Khayel,
my serious, sly father, who worried about everything; my uncle Yetwart,
and my cousins Yerwant, Ermanno, and Teresa; my little brother Carlo
. . . (Arslan 2006, 271)
I was too emotionally involved in the story. I was feeling a
kind of duty to make their story available to Armenians. I often
skipped lunch. I was so immersed in the book and its characters
that I was almost ashamed to take a break to eat while they were
walking along the dusty roads of Anatolia, hungry and exhausted,
destroyed by deportation. It seemed that they were beckoning me
to tell their story because they desperately wanted to be heard.
When I go to the episode that tells of the horrific
massacre at the Farm, I was completely blocked as it was too
hard to switch off emotionally and think about the word order
of the sentence or make a choice of adjectives when the plot was
describing the murder of the little boys in front of their mother:
Garo lies placidly with his handsome smile, holding his little hands over his
open belly. Leslie, scurrying on all fours, tries to hide beneath the sideboard
sparkling with crystal, but he’s dragged out by his feet and flung against the
wall, where his small round head smashes like a ripe coconut, spraying
blood and brain across the delicate floral design. Thus are flowers born from
the blood of the Armenian Calvary. (Arslan 2006, 118)
After a while, emotionally drained, I decided to skip
those passages and return to them once I’d completed the book.
I finally managed to keep my promise, finishing the
book before the screening of the film, which took place July 10,
2007, at the opening of the Golden Apricot Film Festival in
Yerevan (Arslan 2007).
In the translation I have maintained the foreign
expressions in Turkish, French, and English used by the author
in the Italian text, because it was worth reviving those
expressive nuances in Armenian, especially taking into account
that these terms not only precisely characterized the cultural
environment of that generation during the Genocide, but were
also a part of the characters’ everyday lives. So I precisely
preserved foreign words in transliteration, inserting notes to
facilitate comprehension and reading.
From Text to Reel: Cinematic Translation of Arslan’s Skylark
Farm to the Taviani brothers’ film The Lark Farm
There is always the matter of fidelity of the film to the novel,
generally expressed as a function of adequacy and acceptability,
whereby the former is more or less what we mean by equivalence,
and the latter is more or less what we mean by audience
believability. For example, many readers usually watch movies
based on the books they’ve read and end up being disappointed.
Why? Because so many parts of the story are cut out. So we as
readers look for mistakes and sometimes disregard whether the
movie was well directed, produced, and so on. I think we should
never compare them, but rather consider them separately.
When a book is translated into a movie, questions
inevitably arise. One of the first is to ask about the film genre
(documentary, drama, historical narrative, etc.) that the filmmaker
has chosen since each film genre creates a different kind of
viewing experience for the audience.
The famous Italian film directors and screenwriters the
Taviani brothers’ Lark Farm is based on a historical novel, so the
goal is to awaken curiosity, interest, even engagement in a
historical event; the limitations and strengths of a film translation
are evident in the selection of passages from the novel, the filmic
treatment of those passages, the omission of passages, and so on.
The Taviani brothers announced right away that the film
would be “liberally” based on Skylark Farm—that is, the plot
would be relatively the same but the directors had the right to
change things or make additions, and in fact they editorialized
and accessorized the film and inserted fictional material in the
movie such as love interests and so on. This is quite normal
because, even if it originates in a novel, the filmmaker translates
her or his perception/translation of the fiction into film.
This reflection leads into the relationship of the source
(novel) and the target (film) and opens up such questions as what
other source modeling material is evident in the film. In fact, the
Tavianis have not only cut episodes from the novel but they have
also added some.
There is an episode in the film that recalls a passage from
another Genocide narrative by Alice Tachdjian, Pietre sul cuore
(Stones on the heart), published in Italy in 2003. In the book there
is a scene where two women are forced to dispose of the child by
suffocating him between them as they sit back to back (Tachdjian
2003):
We were terrorized by the Turks’ cruelty, writes Tachdjian in her memoir. We
understood that they were trying to annihilate us all, but before they found joy in
killing the children in front of their mothers, who were going mad throwing
themselves from the cliffs. The Turks were opening the wombs of pregnant
women with yatağan, they were stabbing children and then drowning [them] in
the rivers. They even took [the] clothes from the dead, to resell them afterwards.
[. . .] Our two-month-old baby was crying because he was hungry, there was no
milk in Hripsimé’s breasts, the grass that she ate on the streets caused terrible
stomachache for the child. However the poor creature [was] destined to die of
hunger, diarrhea, or by the sword. To avoid being discovered by his cries, our
mother and sister suffocated the baby in the middle of their backs, one against
the other, without looking at him. He [was] extinguished like a candle . . .12
When the Taviani brothers asked Antonia Arslan to
dramatize Skylark Farm, there was also much interest from
12 Tachdjian’s book hasn’t been translated into English yet. We translated this piece of a memoir
as a class assignment during my Armenian Genocide course at Fresno State as I wanted my
students to experience what Genocide translation meant. Since the memoir was in Italian, the
process of translation took place with me providing the initial translation into English, and then
working collectively with the students.
Hollywood in acquiring the movie rights. But Arslan was aware
that in the past the several attempts to produce a Hollywood film
about the Armenian Genocide were blocked. She knew that
prominent directors and actors throughout the decades had
attempted to produce a film based on Franz Werfel’s novel Forty
Days of Musa Dagh, but without success.13 Antonia Arslan
therefore agreed to the Taviani brothers’ suggestion.
The film is a Spanish coproduction and the Spanish
actress Paz Vega is a central character in the movie. Even the
Spanish translation of the movie Skylark Farm is entitled El
Destino di Nunik as she interprets Nunik’s role.14
In fact when the film had just come out some Armenians
were concerned by the fact that the filmmaker had inserted a
double love story for Nunik with two Turkish officers played by
two actors, the Italian actor Alessandro Preziosi and the German
Moritz Bleibtreu. In her novel Antonia has only one love story.
A change I dislike in the film is Nunik’s second romance with a Turkish
soldier, one who is helping lead a caravan of Armenian women to their death
in Syria, wrote one of my students at California State University Fresno in his
final paper. I feel like Nunik must have a very deep case of Stockholm
Syndrome, as she seems to only fall in love with Turkish soldiers. Besides
catering to fans of romance movies I can’t understand why this change was
made. It almost seems to pander to a Turkish audience by showing a
sympathetic Turkish participant in the Genocide, who we’re meant to feel
sorry for because he doesn’t really want to be there. Was he added to make
any Turk watching feel less guilty? Obviously, the Turkish audience for this
movie would be small if not nonexistent, so the addition of this character is
puzzling. The two characters are both serving the same purpose as a
sympathetic perpetrator and love interest, so it would make a lot more sense to
merge them together, from a storytelling perspective. As it is the second
Turkish soldier is redundant at best, and raises a lot of unfortunate
implications.15
During the “film vs novel” discussion with cinema critic Dr.
Artsvi Bakhchinyan from Armenia, he confessed:
13 According to Variety magazine, The Forty Days of Musa Dagh has become “the most on-
again and off-again motion picture production in Hollywood history” (Torosyan 2012).
14 This character is Azniv in the book, and unlike the film is not a central character in the volume.
15 An excerpt from the final paper by Suren Oganessian.
Like from any artistic display of the Armenian Genocide, Armenians had great
expectations from the Tavianis’ film, and as a general rule these expectations
were unjustified. Of course, we should be grateful to the great masters of
cinema for being able to bring the pain of our people to the public at large,
which was not sufficiently informed of the history of this tragedy. However, in
my humble opinion as a film critic, the extremely classical shape, style, and
language in which the story was presented was at least half a century late. The
same cannot be said about the book. The presented motivations for the film as
a tragedy remain almost undiscovered. According to the film, one perceives
the false notion that those motivations were purely economic. From historical
and psychological points of view, the behavior of the main heroine of the film
is not characteristic of an Armenian woman at the beginning of the twentieth
century and gives the wrong idea that the Armenian women, like Nunik, were
throwing themselves into the arms of the Turks. In fact, the opposite occurred.
The fictional part of the film suffers due to the dialogues that are not
characteristic of everyday home speech. Perhaps the film’s small budget
caused some “artistisms” inappropriate to present-day cinematography (for
example, in the deportation scene, the clothes the deportees are wearing are
not convincing).
From my perspective, the film works especially well for
an audience with little or no knowledge about the Armenian
Genocide. By contrast, Armenians, more aware of the Genocide,
have more mixed sensations, either of gratitude towards the
filmmakers or of disappointment due to the dubious accuracy of
some aspects, as we saw above. A completely unaware person
however would begin to learn about the historical phenomenon of
the Armenian Genocide.
The filmmakers managed to put together an excellent
cast. They stated in one of their interviews that the actors were
not only involved professionally but also emotionally. According
to the directors, after watching the whole film for the first time
the Turkish-born Greek–Jewish actor Tchéky Karyo burst into
tears and when he calmed down he said that he had not only
watched the tragedy that they had played, but he had also seen his
Jewish uncle and grandfather. So in the imagination of the actor
Karyo the Armenian Genocide and the Jewish Holocaust all of a
sudden were superimposed.16
16 Il genocidio dimenticato: intervista ai Fratelli Taviani [Parte 1]
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-Pnyzq4kROA.
When we ask about the effect of a film, we are dealing
with the rhetorical and artistic purposes of the film—that is, we are
probing into the film’s skopos or purpose with regard to the
audience. A novel would have similar artistic and rhetorical
purposes, but executed along different lines since the experience of
reading a novel is stretched out over several hours if not days while
the experience of viewing a film is usually contained in under two
hours. And this is a very important point as movies usually reach
an even larger audience, and sometimes viewing a massacre with
your own eyes might prove more powerful than reading about it.
The grammar, syntax, and vocabulary of film create meaning in
their own right but also invite the viewers to make meaning out of
the viewing experience. Film has the potential to be an excellent
tool in raising awareness about a historical event in less than two
hours to an audience of hundreds of thousands.17
When in 2006 the Taviani brothers were shooting the
film, their intention was to raise awareness about the Armenian
Genocide and show the world the need to stop such crimes
against humanity from reoccurring. Their desire also was to see
their movie circulating in the schools. Today their goal has been
fulfilled as the film is shown in many Italian schools mainly to
eighth-graders who are learning about World War I and students
doing their last year of high school.
This film has two major advantages: it stimulates
reflection on a story known only by a few, in part because few
film makers have brought this Genocide onto the screens before.
Secondly, this film shows that good and evil are not at all on one
side or the other.
Conclusion
In his Les Lieux de Mémoire, Nora asserts that
In fact, memory has never known more than two forms of legitimacy:
historical and literary. These have run parallel to each other but until now
always separately. At present, the boundary between the two is blurring;
following closely upon the successive deaths of memory–history and
memory–fiction, a new kind of history has been born, which owes its
17For audiovisual translation, among others see Zatlin 2005; Díaz-Cintas 2009; Cronin 2009; and
the collection of essays by Agost, Orero, and di Giovanni 2012.
prestige and legitimacy to the new relation it maintains to the past [. . .]
History has become the deep reference of a period that has been wrenched
from its depths, a realistic novel in a period in which there are no real
novels. Memory has been promoted to the center of history: such is the
spectacular bereavement of literature. (Nora 1989, 24)
In the novel, by reconstructing her family history Arslan
is merging both historical research and the imagination from a
collective memory. Historical research and imagination that
have both been brought together by a collective memory are
very important even independently, and the merging of them all
is quite fascinating, especially with regards to the collective.
And the consequence of the novel is a sort of catharsis for
Arslan and her family as she becomes both receptacle and
protector. Here we can also call into question the very genre of
art and literature, depending on the author’s intention. For
example, “art for art’s sake” or art for a social cause, or
testimony for catharsis. Literature and testimony are different,
and then there is the literature of testimony, which is another
genre altogether. Why is the “literature of testimony” an actual
genre? And, further, even if it is not exactly Arslan’s testimony
but a retelling of a retelling, Arslan’s text is a literature of
testimony. Collecting personal and public memories affords
coherence and integrity to interrupted stories that have been
fragmented or compromised by loss, dislocation, and division.
In our case, the journey into Arslan’s family’s past transcends
the silence and fills the gaps in a personal history. Family
history, personal history, and national history are, in fact,
interrelated and at times one.
Finally, in Skylark Farm, through the research of
original documents and acts of postmemory, the author unites
her present to the lost world of her family, and in this way
strengthens her roots and anchors her identity. With the memory
what is past returns to be actual. The memory is not only an act
of remembering, but it can become a living entity, can become a
vibrant emotion.
Antonia Arslan’s Genocide narrative with its thirty-six
reprints in Italy alone, where the Armenian community only has
2,000 members, has sold over 500,000 copies to an Italian
readership for the most part previously unaware of the
Armenian Genocide. However, it is through the power of
translation into fifteen languages that Skylark Farm has
surpassed the borders of Italy, taking the knowledge of the
Armenian Genocide throughout the globe and thereby
contributing to its “afterlife”—to use the word of Walter
Benjamin (Benjamin 1999)—as well as its cinematic rendering
to a global audience.
References
Aftandilian, Gregory (2009), “World War II as an Enhancer of Armenian-
American Second Generation Identity,” JSAS 18:2, 33–54.
Agost, Rosa, Pilar Orero, and Elena di Giovanni. 2012. Multidisciplinarity in
Audiovisual Translation. Alicante: University of Alicante Press.
Alù, Giorgia. 2009. “Sulle tracce del passato: memoria e frammentazione
familiare in Vita di Melania Mazzucco e La masseria delle allodole di
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italiana. Vol. III: Narrativa del Novecento e degli anni Duemila, edited by
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Professori d’Italiano.
Arslan, Antonia. 2004. La masseria delle allodole. Milan: Rizzoli.
———. 2006. Skylark Farm. Translated by Geoffrey Brock. New York: Alfred
A. Knopf.
———. 2007. Artuytneri agarake (Skylark Farm). Second edition 2012. Edited
by Sahak Partev. Translated by Sona Haroutyunian. Yerevan: Sahak Partev.
———. 2008. Pacsirtavár. Translated by Kinga Júlia Király.
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———. 2009. La strada di Smirne. Milan: Rizzoli.
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memoria. Voci italiane di sopravvissuti armeni. Milan: Guerini e Associati.
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Routledge.
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Balcani al Caucaso. Edited by Antonia Arsland and Boghos Levon Zekiyan
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Boghos Levon Zekiyan. Milan: Guerini e Associati. Original French edition
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Díaz-Cintas, Jorge. (2009). New Trends in Audiovisual Translation. Bristol:
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Grass, Günter. 2008. Peeling the Onion. Translated by Michael Henry Heim.
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———. 2012a. “Interview with world famous novelist Antonia Arslan.” PDF
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———. 2012b. “‘The Homer of Modern Times’: The Reception and Translation
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_Reception_and_Translation_of_Dante_in_the_Armenian_World.
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Varujan, Daniel. 1992. Il canto del pane. Translated by Antonia Arslan. Milan:
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Multilingual Matters.
teaches Armenian language and literature at the
Università degli Studi di Venezia—Ca’ Foscari (Venice, Italy). She received
her first PhD in philology and translation (Yerevan State University) and her
second in linguistics (Università degli Studi di Venezia—Ca’ Foscari). She
has been visiting professor at the Nida School of Translation Studies,
Yerevan State University, California State University Fresno, and City
University of New York. She has authored many scholarly papers and
translated books, including Antonia Arslan’s bestsellers. In her recent
monograph The Theme of the Armenian Genocide in the Italian Literature
she metaphorically analyses Genocide literature as “translation of trauma.”
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] | Siri Nergaard: Marianne, I would like to start by asking you to
introduce yourself, to tell us how you started to work on memory,
and how you developed the idea of postmemory.
Marianne Hirsch: I was very late coming to questions of
memory. I really started to think about it in the late 1980s which
was, I guess, the beginning of Memory Studies and Holocaust
Studies, when it became a field of inquiry. But actually, thinking
back, my Master’s thesis in 1970 was already on memory. It was a
thesis in Comparative Literature and it was on Nabokov’s Lolita
and Musil’s novella Tonka, and it was, in each case, about the
protagonist’s memory of a lost love. So it is in some ways an old
topic, and also a much newer and different one, though it did not
concern me for a very long time, because I was actually interested
in the new. The new novel, the new wave, postmodernism and the
beginnings of second-wave feminism, and the issue about how to
remake the world: the past was very far from my consciousness for
over a decade. If someone had told me in the ’70s that I would be
working on memory, and particularly my family history and the
history of my parents during the Second World War, I would have
said, “who’s interested in that?” and “why would I be interested in
that?”
When I did come to the study of memory, I think that it
was actually through my work in feminism which was very much
about analyzing, contesting, critiquing the ethos of family, of
traditional family structures. I wrote a book on mothers and
daughters in literature that then led me to genealogies: the story of
genealogies that of course also leads to memory. This trajectory is
not just about my own formation, it’s really about my generation
where actually, strangely, a number of people working in feminism
and women’s literature and feminist theory ended up working on
issues of memory. I see a lot of threads of continuity between these
fields and how we all suddenly, it seemed, moved from one interest
to another. Not that we left behind the questions of gender. On the
contrary, they’re still infused in the work. It’s a work that has a
similar commitment to tell untold stories, to ensure that stories of
suffering and catastrophe aren’t forgotten—those kinds of
commitments. So, this is how I see the relationship.
Cristina Demaria: I have a very similar itinerary. This is also how
I started moving toward memory.
Marianne Hirsch: . . . How do you explain the continuities?
Cristina Demaria: . . . In a very similar way to the one you said:
to give voice to untold stories, or narratives that can be told
differently. And as you said before, in the 1970s the tendency of
critical theory was oriented towards the new and the future.
Nowadays memory is often seen in connection to the future;
memory of course is written in the present to rewrite the past, but
also for a future. So, the very role of memory has changed very
much, but to me its connection to gender studies is still very
important. I remember that the first essay I read of yours is the one
on Claude Lanzmann’s film Shoah and the women.
Marianne Hirsch: . . . that’s really the beginning of my getting
involved in that field, that was the very beginning. . .
Cristina Demaria: Do you agree with those who say that the
concept of memory became important as a category in order to
bring history and materiality back into theory?
Marianne Hirsch: Yes, I agree though it may not be the only
explanation. In fact, materiality and bodies didn’t really disappear:
to say that deconstruction was completely antimaterial is not really
true. But I think people saw it as the linguistic turn and, so, saw
that not only materiality was missing but also history, in a sense.
So, then we had the new historicism that was also about material
objects, and memory studies kind of grew up around the same
time.
I think that there are many other reasons for the appeal of
memory, one of them, the attractiveness of the interdisciplinarity of
this field, that anthropologists, sociologists, historians,
philosophers, and psychoanalysts, literary and visual culture
theorists could actually work together. That didn’t really happen
for me in any other context as vibrantly as around questions about
memory.
Siri Nergaard: And also translation studies, later on, can be, in
many ways, connected to memory. Bella Brodzki, with her book
has demonstrated how strongly connected these two themes are. In
regards to this interdisciplinary connection I would like you to
develop what you just told us about your starting your research on
memory through Shoah, a film in which you noticed the absence of
women, but where the women were translators.
Marianne Hirsch: Exactly, Shoah shows a particular relation to
the Holocaust, which was a very central site of the development of
memory studies. Shoah really shows how central translation is to
the whole, I mean, first of all to the experience of the Holocaust
and its aftermath, and then to the representation and the study of it.
Many films wouldn’t do it that way, but because Lanzmann
decided to take time to show the process of translation and to
foreground it, I think he points to something that’s actually very
much a part of the field, which is that, a lot of people who lived
through that historical moment, may not have had a primary
language but lived their daily lives, at home, in the ghettos and
camps, and in the aftermath, in and through translation.
You asked me earlier, “what's your first language?” and I
said “German,” but neither my parents nor I lived in a German-
speaking country, except for one year in Vienna, so we were
always minority speakers of a language that we claimed as ours,
but that was actually denied us as Jews. So, it’s a very complicated
relationship to a first language, but many survivors of the
Holocaust, may not have had a first language at all. Many people
were young and they might have grown up speaking Yiddish in
school and then Polish on the street, they were deported to a camp
where they learned German, and later they ended up in a DP camp
in Italy, and in the end they went to Israel or the United States.
When you listen to or watch their testimonies, they are most often
speaking a “foreign” language. What is the status of those
testimonies? In the study of memory, testimony, and witness in the
first person is really important, but the witness’s relation to the
language she speaks is very often mediated by the multilingualism
in which she lived and lives.
Siri Nergaard: Yes, and when you then have the person to whom
the memory is transmitted, the generation of postmemory, further
languages are involved. As you told us, you spoke German with
your mother, but the language you are writing in is English, so you
are really translating these memories again, for I don’t know, the
third, fourth, or fifth time.
Marianne Hirsch: Well, you know, it’s very complicated and, I’m
always wondering, what am I doing to these stories, to their
authenticity. The book that Leo Spitzer and I wrote on the
community that my family grew up in, Czernowitz, Ghosts of
Home, was based on a lot of interviews, a lot of readings and
documents and literature as well, but a lot of interviews. We
interviewed people in German, we interviewed them in English,
we interviewed them in Romanian, you know, whatever they
wanted to speak. But the book is in English, so most of the quotes
we used had not only to be edited but also translated. We also used
my father’s memoir quite extensively. He wanted to write it in
English because he wanted to write it for his grandsons. His
English was a language acquired very late in life, and the
experiences he wrote about were in German and Romanian. So, his
words are already a process of translation, of multiple translations.
I think these language issues are at the core of memory studies.
Siri Nergaard: There is also the time of translation in the
metaphorical and literal way.
Marianne Hirsch: It is time, but it’s also the mediation of the
translator, especially significant if the translator is the child of the
person and wants to hear certain things, then it’s more than just a
professional translation, right? There’s a kind of investment that’s
part of what I talk about as postmemory; the personal investments
and the desires, and the curiosities of the second generation. Then,
you get the parents’ words but you have to translate them; how do
you trust that your investments aren’t somehow also structuring the
translation?
Siri Nergaard: As I see it from a translation point of view again,
what you are telling here about the transmission and mediation of a
memory, through language, the personal involvement by the
translator, her investments, are assuming in a way what I see as the
core aspects of what translation is about. In the translation of the
other’s memory you can find a kind of archetype of what
translation really is. Translation always implies change because of
personal and cultural investments giving memory a new nature, a
new identity of that memory since you have put it into another
context and another language.
Marianne Hirsch: Yes, I think that’s true. And then, of course, a
lot of these stories are diaspora stories with memories of migration
and refugeehood that are inherent as well. There, of course, you
have multiple translations, cultural translations, and linguistic
[translations] as well.
Siri Nergaard: Could you tell us how you define and how you
developed this concept that has been so helpful and fruitful for
us—the concept of postmemory?
Cristina Demaria: And together with that, let us include the
question Bella Brodzki wanted to ask you: Have there been
applications or appropriations—translations into new and different
contexts—of your very generative term “postmemory” that have
surprised or perhaps even enlightened you in ways you hadn’t
anticipated or envisioned?
Marianne Hirsch: Well, it started as a very personal need for a
term, not just for me but also for a number of colleagues who met
at feminist conferences in the 1980s. Informally, at lunch or
breakfast we started talking about our family history and then it
turned out that we had similar family histories, and similar
symptoms and syndromes that came from them. It was the moment
when important texts like Art Spielgeman’s Maus and Toni
Morrison’s Beloved, monuments about memory were starting to
come out. We realized that we are the inheritors of these histories
but we hadn’t really thought about what that meant. For me it was
really reading Maus and thinking about it and talking to people like
Bella, who had actually gone through similar family experiences.
We all felt like our parents’ memories of their youth were
overshadowing our own memories of our childhoods. It was a
really powerful sensation that demanded a term that was like
memory but it wasn’t actually memory. So, that’s where the idea
actually came from, so it was quite personal and it was rooted in
this history of inherited histories.
But of course this is part of a much larger story. Just
yesterday, we had a discussion with the filmmaker Laurent Bécue-
Renard who made the film Of Men and War, based on interviews
with traumatized veterans of the Iraq War in a treatment program
in California. He said that the reason he made this film, and his
previous film about Bosnian widows called Tired of War, is
because he felt like he needed to understand his own grandparents.
His two grandfathers fought in the First World War; he never met
them, but he wanted to understand how these very young men
went into trench warfare, came back, started a family of which he
is the product. The widows, wives, grandmothers whom he met
lived with an unspoken history. As he said, “aren’t we all the
inheritors of the wars of the twentieth century?” If this is
postmemory, it is so in the sense not even of stories, it’s really
about the affects and the behaviors and the kinds of. . .
Cristina Demaria: As you said, “products.”
Marianne Hirsch: . . . Yes, the products, it’s really in the DNA
that we have inherited, we are all the products of that. We all live
with those legacies. Laurent Bécue-Renard is trying to understand
how that shapes masculinity and femininity and the culture, and
how these histories are transmitted even if they’re not really told.
And that really kind of subsumed what I wanted to do with that
term. It was fascinating that he’s third generation and he didn’t talk
about his parents in France during the Second World War, but
about his grandfathers. When he was interviewing the veterans of
Iraq who were, probably, twenty years younger than he is, it was as
their grandson, in a sense. This is something I didn’t quite
understand in the beginning—that the temporal implications [. . .]
are so complex that history stops being linear and is somehow
simultaneous rather than genealogical.
So, something else I learned is that although I never saw
postmemory as a strictly biological, biographical, or familial
structure, for some the literal connections are supremely important.
I saw it more as a generational structure and I think that memory is
always mediated through stories, through narratives, through
images, through media. Even when it’s within the family, it’s still
mediated. So, I was always very insistent on that, but then people
who are children or grandchildren of survivors or actors within
certain histories, wanted to preserve a special place for that literal
relationship. In my book on postmemory, I tried to make space for
them by distinguishing between familial and affiliative
postmemory. At first it surprised me that people felt very protective
of that space which is a position I’m not always that sympathetic
to, because it feels like identity politics to me, or some sort of
authenticity that I’ve always been suspicious of.
The other thing that happened in the time that I’ve been
working on postmemory is that a lot of interesting work in queer
theory that complicates linearity, linear histories emerged. A
critique that complicates the idea of genealogy and that looks at
alternative kinds of family structures. And so I felt like my work
was, in some ways, already doing that, even though it looked like it
was about family, it wasn’t really, it was about a contestation about
a kind of traditional family structure. Those are things that
surprised me because I felt like there were some conversations that
I didn’t quite realize I would be in but, I ended up in.
Cristina Demaria: I was thinking of this very idea of affiliation
and the ways in which different forms of commemoration of post
dictatorship have developed in Latin America, very much linked
memory is preserved, as in the movements of the Madres de la
Plaza de Mayo: the bearer of a certain memory is legitimized as
such through a family connection. But there is a tendency now in
Argentinean Memory Studies to go towards a more affiliative idea
of memory and postmemory, since the very idea of family in a
Latin culture can be also very much of a problem; it can be very
traditional and has been used to support the dictatorship: God, the
traditional family, and the country. . .
Marianne Hirsch: Well it’s fascinating in Argentina because of
course, that’s where family have DNA tests actually, so that a very
literal, biological definition of identity has a political impact unlike
many other places. Each context has its own politics and I think
that’s what’s so interesting about working transnationally as you
do and as I have. It is actually, if I can say it in more metaphorical
terms, the untranslatabilities between these contexts: in any other
context, if you wanted to do a DNA test to find out if you’re really
the daughter of this person who’s already handed down to you all
of these histories, you might think that that was a kind of identity
politics, but, in Argentina it’s actually really important, because the
people raising you could be the perpetrators of the crimes against
your biological parents.
Cristina Demaria: In the same context there are different layers.
This idea of limiting the “property” of memory to the biological
family, and to the associations of direct victims had stopped the
more affiliative and cultural ways of elaborating the past. But now
it is changing.
I would like to move to your work within Women Creating
Change, where there are scholars but also artists and performers.
How do you work together, do you translate? And what happens
when you go to a place like Istanbul, as you recently did, where
you confront, different cultures, a very particular past and a
troubled present. . .
Marianne Hirsch: The larger project is called Women Creating
Change but the working group within that that some of us have
started, is called Women Mobilizing Memory and it really has to
do with what you said before: how can memory be mobilized for to
the idea of family transmission. Think of Argentina and how
change in the future? Rather than being weighted down by a past
that you can never get over.
The trauma paradigm that came out of this wonderfully
rich theoretical work of the 1990s is very much about keeping the
wounds open and understanding the unspeakability of certain
crimes, the kind of crushing of the human and of language through
acts of persecution and genocide and the destruction of a culture.
That’s been a very powerful paradigm in the study of memory. Our
thought in working more comparatively and transnationally was to
look at whether the practices of memory look the same in different
places. One of the key questions is how can memory become
activist and how can it become more future-oriented? How can the
past be transmitted, how can we make sure that certain histories
aren’t forgotten…
Cristina Demaria: Not just to be “preserved,” but as living
memories…
Marianne Hirsch: Right, and not for monumentalization in some
kind of a museum, but for change. That’s where the feminist angle
is coming in. To do that work, we really thought it would be
interesting not just to have an interdisciplinary academic group but
to work together with practictioners—artists, activists, curators,
museologists. . . and to see what kind of collaboration would
emerge from that. We are working together with the Hemispheric
Institute on Performance and Politics: Performance Studies is
already the field that takes the kind of embodied nature of memory
very much into account. In those conferences, in the Encuentros of
the Hemispheric Institute, we’ve had working groups in which we
talked about mobilizing memory, but we also always talked about
embodiment. It’s really interesting to have academic conversations
in a room with artists, dancers, theater practitioners, visual artists,
and scholars.
Now, I think that question about embodiment and how
memory functions in the body is a very different question for a
dancer than it is for an academic like me who’s going to write
about it. That’s also a process of translation when you think about
it, it’s really understanding the multidimensionality of knowledge.
When we have visual artists in the group, they’re translating our
ideas into a visual work and I feel that we could use that work to
think with. As literary critics we do that anyway with the texts that
we read, but the multiple texts are very interesting.
And, then, you have the embodied practices of memory,
like the walk of the mothers on Thursdays in Buenos Aires, or the
walk of the Saturday Mothers in Istanbul; similar strategies, very
different kind of impact, politically different moments in the
histories of these mothers–activists. These practices are a kind of
performance, and its cultural impact then becomes a way through
which ideas about memory and memory practices can be
developed. I find these multidimensional conversations really
helpful.
So far, we’ve worked in a triangular structure with Chile,
Turkey, and the US but people in the group may be working on
other sites as well, so it’s more about the conceptual connections
than just about the sites. Often we think we understand something
and we really don’t. So I think, in terms of translation, one of the
things we decided from the very beginning is that we should just
assume that we don’t understand. We shouldn’t just assume that
things can be easily translated. For example, when the group was
in Chile, we went to the Museo de la Memoria, which is a museum
commemorating the coup against Allende and the crimes of the
dictatorship of Pinochet. The narrative of the museum starts on
September 11, 1973—that is, the day of the Golpe. Where’s the
background? How are people supposed to understand how this
happened? Isn’t there a prehistory? To us from the US, it seemed
flawed as a museological choice. But our Chilean partners
responded, “here in Chile, when you talk about the background,
that's the right-wing thing to do,” because the right said the reason
Allende was toppled was because he was failing, and there were
strikes because of his bad government. . . The progressive history
starts on the day and its aftermath. This is the kind of
untranslatability that I think is at the core of this kind of work
which I don’t even want to call comparative work anymore,
because it implies that you can compare things, so I’m trying to
talk about “connective” histories; we provide the connections but
often, they’re not easily connectable. We have to start with,
“maybe we don't understand,” rather than walking into a situation
assuming you know how it should be done, because it’s different in
different contexts.
Siri Nergaard: It’s very interesting what you are saying about
untranslatability and that you don’t want to use the comparative
concept. . .
Marianne: I mean, I was in comparative literature so you can
imagine it’s not so easy for me to say that. . .
Siri Nergaard: I understand. I am saying this also because
recently there has been a sort of shift in translation studies towards
a stronger attention towards untranslatability, an aspect that has
been somehow neglected. We have been so focused on
translatability, and recognizing it everywhere, that we have almost
forgotten that untranslatability exists. Untranslatables exist: as you
said, sometimes universes are uncomparable because they are
untranslatable, but we can create the connections.
Marianne Hirsch: In the conference that we had in Turkey, which
was about mobilizing memory for change, there was a really
interesting talk by the anthropologist Leyla Nezi who interviewed
Kurdish youth and Turkish young people, about the relationship
between the two cultures. She said, “in these interviews, nobody
meets anybody else,” because for the Turkish young people, the
important moments of their lives are ahead of them, but for the
Kurdish young people, the important things have already happened
for them in the losses that preceded their birth. They live in the
same country, but they’re not in the same time zone. I think that’s a
really interesting idea of the nonmeeting. How might their lost past
be turned toward the future as well? What will make these histories
translatable to each other? What kinds of solidarity might be forged
between them? And what can we learn from each other’s
experiences of memory and activism? These are some of the
questions that I’ve been thinking about and translation is at their
core. Thank you for giving me a chance to think with you about
this.
Cristina Demaria and Siri Nergaard: Thank you very much.
writes about the transmission of memories of violence
across generations, combining feminist theory with memory studies in a
global perspective. Her recent books include The Generation of
Postmemory: Writing and Visual Culture After the Holocaust (2012); Ghosts
of Home: The Afterlife of Czernowitz in Jewish Memory (2010), coauthored
with Leo Spitzer; and Rites of Return: Diaspora Poetics and the Politics of
Memory (2011), coedited with Nancy K. Miller. Hirsch is the William
Peterfield Trent Professor of Comparative Literature and Gender Studies at
Columbia University. She is one of the founders of Columbia’s Center for
the Study of Social Difference. She is a former President of the Modern
Language Association of America and a member of the American Academy
of Arts and Sciences.
| Unimi Open Journals |
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] | Introduction
Sherry Simon
This special issue explores eight spaces of translation—geographical
sites, urban spaces, and architectural structures—whose cultural meanings are
shaped through language interactions and transfer. Each study confirms the
idea that places are created through itineraries and narratives, wanderings and
stories, which evolve over time. Situated in the complex cityscapes of Itae-
won, Lagos, Lviv, Montreal, Talinn, Renaissance Florence, Marseille, and the
historically rich interzone of Gibraltar, these places illustrate the formative
powers of translation in defining sensory experience and memory.
The idea of space and place receives diverse interpretations in these
essays—contributing to a field of inquiry which is rapidly evolving. Space
is not understood as a simple container where translation takes place, but
rather as a site where production and interpretation are intermingled, where
translations occur and where identity is reinterpreted. Spaces are indicators
of regimes of translation, of the forces that converge to allow or impede the
transfer of languages and memories. From the architectural structure of a san-
itary station to the dialogue between Gibraltar and Tangier, from the pages
of novels to bronze statues, from multilingual markets to the studies where
scholars are bent over treatises on Kabbalistic thought—these diverse spaces
explode the notion of the “where” of translation.
***
In her reading of the Sanitary Station of Marseille, Simona Bonelli
uses the lens of translation and memory to evoke a place of multiple pasts—
linked to the history of Marseille in its function as a place of migration and
passage. Originally designed as a medical checkpoint, a place for screening mi-
grants, then long abandoned, it has now become a museum which neverthe-
less maintains traces of its previous functions. Citing Barthes, Bonelli shows
that architectural spaces can be read as chapters of a complex text, continually
retranslated. Following the Station in its transformations over the years, she
defines it as a palimpsest representing “a place of exile, of displacement, a
metaphorical place that contains a plurality of meanings, errant trajectories,
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 11
and that lends itself to multiple interpretations.” Initially born as a “boundary
area” because of its function of containment and delimitation, the Sanitary
Station has eventually “swollen,” through a series of metamorphoses, into a
threshold—a place caught up in a tension of the present. This passage from
boundary to threshold is enabled by a history of translation.
***
Hunam Yun’s textured analysis of the district of Itaewon, in Seoul,
South Korea, emphasizes the rich history of twists and turns that has marked
this zone. This is a history which is not, however, apparent in the capsule
“translations” found in tourist guides. As an area which has seen a strong mil-
itary presence across the centuries, most recently for stationing the Japanese
army during the colonial period and subsequently the American army, as a
place now attracting many migrants, and also as a place strongly associated
with sexuality and sex workers, Itaewon has been the site of cultural amalga-
mation and conflict. As Yun shows, the various translations of the name of
Itaewon itself—foreigners’ village, village for being pregnant with a foreign-
er’s child, village for pear trees—show that the city as a “a culture-generator”
(Lotman) cannot be translated into one fixed image. Itaewon has been a place
for travelers and trading, a space of trauma caused by the conflictual history
of Korea, a foreigners’ village, a foreign land within the country, a colonized
space, a space of freedom and resistance, a window onto Western culture, a
space for cultural translation . . . Yun contrasts the selective translations and
commodifications of the city with the richness of its reality and history. As a
culture-generator, a city deserves a more adequate translation.
***
Elena Murphy draws a portrait of the multilingual city of Lagos
through readings of Nigerian authors who portray the different sounds and
accents of one of Nigeria’s most diverse and vibrant cities. The multilingual
texts of Sefi Atta, a leading voice in what has come to be known as “The Third
Generation of Nigerian Writers,” replicate the language negotiations of the
city. Languages such as Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba, as well as Nigerian English
and Nigerian Pidgin, flow through Atta’s novels, just as they flow through the
city. Particularly interesting is the diversity of cultural forms and spaces which
express this plurality—types of music such as afrobeat or highlife music,
dance, film, as well as the spaces of Lagos’s streets and markets. Translation is
present in varied forms, aiding in the creation of new hybrid linguistic forms
and new semantic associations, typical features of interaction in urban areas.
12 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
The Straits of Gibraltar, with its twin cities of Gibraltar and Tang-
ier, stand as emblematic spaces of translation—but also as spaces whose hy-
bridities force a rethinking of translation itself. To negotiate across hybrid
spaces is to concentrate on the border experience as generating a powerful
political vision, working against binaries, against inside and outside. In such
zones, translation is a foundational activity, an activity of cultural creation.
África Vidal and Juan Jesús Zaro provide a portrait of the Strait of Gibraltar
as a natural border between two continents (Africa and Europe), between
two countries (Morocco and Spain), and between two cities (Gibraltar, an
overseas territory of the United Kingdom, and Ceuta, a Spanish city with its
own statute of autonomous government), and offer nuanced descriptions of
the cultural histories of those spaces as they have been in interaction with one
another. Governed as one territory by the Romans and also during the eight
centuries of Muslim occupation of the Iberian Peninsula, the Straits then be-
come an indication of division across empires. The waters of the Strait carry
“a layered text of narratives of belonging and exclusion.”
Anastasiya Lyubas reads the Western Ukrainian city of Lviv as a space
comprised of buildings, communities, maps, memories, and languages spo-
ken, written, and read—a tactile, textile, and textual fabric. The “real” city, she
argues, cannot be experienced without linguistic mediation. Inviting the read-
er to stroll the city, stopping at monuments and buildings, consulting a map
drawn by authors Igor Klekh, Yuri Andrukhovych, and Natalka Sniadanko,
she gives the widest meaning to translation as a key to the multifaceted ele-
ments which define city life. The city, thus, becomes a construct of individual
and collective readings. The essay includes references to the events of 2013–
2014 in Ukraine that have problematized even further unresolved issues of
identity, politics of memory, and belonging. With an eye attentive to shifts in
the role of language in the city, Lyubas shows how the aural dimensions of the
spoken languages of yesterday have become visual places, traces. Yesterday’s
commerce has become trade in cultural meanings and in competing claims to
the city. The city’s architecture, its history, literary scene, and projections of
the future are read as a “text” offering insights into urban experience and the
ways it is mediated and interpreted.
***
Ceri Morgan’s reading of Montreal focuses on two novels from the
1960s which challenge orthodox versions of the language situation in the city.
In Yvette Naubert’s La Dormeuse éveillée (1965) and Claire Mondat’s Poupée
(1963), active and passive linguistic translations become signposts for a par-
ticular kind of modernity, dramatizing embodied everyday translation prac-
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 13
tices occurring in places of work, leisure, and consumption, like the café and
department store. The texts are striking for their choice of settings and their
sometimes seemingly relaxed mediation of French and English interactions
at a time when many examples of le roman montréalais are highlighting clash-
es between these. They prefigure, in fact, many of the everyday interactions
between French and English in contemporary Montreal. As such, they offer
important pointers as to the possibilities of negotiating differences. Gender
is highlighted in the analysis, the body of the protagonist navigating between
past and present gender conventions and mappings of Montreal’s majority
languages, as well as across the very different histories of the protagonists (the
French-Canadian maid, the family of Holocaust survivors). Translation be-
comes a way of being in the world, of overcoming trauma. In many respects,
Naubert’s and Mondat’s protagonists can be seen as “languagers”—that is,
“people [. . .] who engage with the world-in-action, who move in the world
in a way that allows the risk of stepping out of one’s habitual ways of speak-
ing and attempt to develop different, more relational ways of interacting with
the people and phenomena that one encounters in everyday life” (Phipps
2011, 365). Translation facilitates a mobility associated with feminine asser-
tion; translation allows escapes from, or challenges to, the social constraints
of the past. Naubert’s and Mondat’s heroines inhabit a kind of messy middle
in their employing of the “tactics” as “always [. . .] partial, provisional and
broken” (Phipps 2011, 375). Moving inside and outside the city, they embody
a translation practice beyond representation and vital to a “relational” being
in the world.
***
Federico Bellentani considers the case of the relocation of the Bronze
Soldier of Talinn as a practice of cultural reinvention. Here translation takes
on its medieval spatial meaning as the physical transfer of a sacred body. This
paper proposed an analysis of the marginalization, the removal, and the relo-
cation of the Bronze Soldier of Tallinn. Employing the vocabulary of semi-
otics, looking at monument as text, Bellentani argues that the removal cannot
be interpreted through the clashing interpretations of Ethnic-Estonians and
Russian speakers. Rather, the Bronze Soldier embodied an array of multifacet-
ed interpretations and the process of its relocation elicited different emotional
reactions. Its relocation two kilometers outside the center of the city had both
spatial and ideological implications: it was an official attempt to displace its
meanings toward a peripheral area of both Tallinn and Estonian culture as
such—that is, to translate them into the context of contemporary European
Estonia.
14 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
The final essay by Laurent Lamy tells the fascinating story of a transla-
tional movement whose center was Renaissance Florence. The paradigm shift
from a geocentric to a heliocentric universe, he argues, was in part possible be-
cause of the combination of mystical and rational thought which emerged in
the early Renaissance—largely through the translations of one Flavius Mithri-
dates, born Guglielmo Raimondo Moncada (ca. 1445–1489), a colorful figure
who was a Jewish convert to Christianity. From 1485 to 1487, he labored by
the side of Pico della Mirandola, translating Kabbalistic literature. The col-
laboration between the two scholars was one of the most fertile translation
ventures in the history of ideas in the West; it provided the European intellec-
tual elite with a reservoir of ideas and symbolic patterns that found resonance
in provinces of thought “located many leagues from their country of origin.”
The introduction of Persian and Chaldean solar theologies, and the concept
of a plurality of worlds presented through the various perspectives offered by
cosmological speculations of the Jewish Kabbalah, had a large impact on the
evolving ideas of the intellectual elite of the Quattrocento. The translation of
a critical mass of Kabbalistic and Arabian astronomical treatises—the begin-
nings of which far exceeded the translations produced under the enlightened
caliphate of Bagdad between the ninth and twelfth centuries—established, in
a very short time span, a fertile interplay between sapiential traditions of an-
cient times and embryonic ideas of modern science. Florence was, for several
decades, the epicenter of this heightened activity around translation, which
opened up a fault line that shook the geocentric status quo.
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 15
| Unimi Open Journals |
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] | Marseilles’ Sanitary Station:
morphologies of displacement
between memory and desire
Simona Elena Bonelli
[email protected]
<Abstract> The former “Sanitary Station” of Marseille was built in 1948 by the architect
Fernand Pouillon, its history closely linked to the history of the Phocaean city. The main
entry and departure point for travelers and immigrants arriving by the sea, it was aban-
doned for forty years and was almost destroyed in 2009. In 2013, it was transformed into
the museum Regards de Provence, but still keeps the memory of its past: the “steam room”
(part of this quarantine internment system) is a permanent installation and is part of a
section called “Memories of the Sanitary Station.”
Migrants from all over the world arriving in Marseille were “displaced” here to go through
disinfection, screening, and a vaccination process in a bid to fight the city’s ever-present
threat of epidemics. This was therefore a multilingual context, but also a place in which
bodies were forced to undergo a transformation. Somehow, these people, like a text under
the eyes of a translator, were carefully examined before being allowed access to a new space,
a new context. The building itself is a palimpsest, made of different phases of transforma-
tion: from Sanitary station to a place occupied by squatters to a museum. What makes
the Sanitary Station an emblematic city space is the fact that the different “layers” of its
transformations are all present—none has been cancelled. An urban structure that is at the
same time—as Derrida puts it—translatable and untranslatable: “Un texte ne vit que s’il
survit, et il ne sur-vit que s’il est à la fois traductible et intraduisible.”
“La città non dice il suo passato, lo contiene come le linee d’una mano, scritto negli spigoli
delle vie, nelle griglie delle finestre, negli scorrimano delle scale, nelle antenne dei para-
fulmini, nelle aste delle bandiere, ogni segmento rigato a sua volta di graffi, seghettature,
intagli, svirgole.” (Calvino, 1979, 18)1
In Invisible Cities, Marco Polo and Kublai Khan talk about the impossibility
of defining what a city is and what it is not. Cities are the product of multiple
and unpredictable interactions rather than the result of a rational plan. Urban
space is read and interpreted by Italo Calvino as a place constantly crossed by
fluctuations and rhythms. In one of the sections called “Cities and memory,”
Marco Polo describes the city of Zaira that, he tells the Emperor, consists of
1
“The city [...] does not tell its past, but contains it like the lines of a hand, written in the corners
of the streets, the gratings of the windows, the banisters of the steps, the antennae of the
lightning rods, the poles of the flags, every segment marked in turn with scratches, indentations,
scrolls” (Calvino 1997, 9).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 17
“relationships between the measurements of its space and the events of its
past” (Calvino 1994, 9). The urban landscape is made of time and space, and,
like texts, cities are made of signs that we can read and interpret. In this article
I would like to read the past of an emblematic building, the Sanitary Station,
“like the lines of a hand” of Marseille, trying to decipher its patterns, its trans-
formations, its symbolic function inside the city.
The former “Sanitary Station” of Marseille (figure 1) was built in
1948 by the architect Fernand Pouillon, and the history of this place is closely
linked to that of the Phocaean city. Main entry and departure point for trav-
ellers and immigrants arriving by the sea, it was abandoned for forty years and
was almost destroyed in 2009. In 2013 it was completely transformed into the
museum Regards de Provence, but it still keeps the memory of its past: the
“salle des étuves” (the steam room, part of the quarantine internment system)
(figure 1) is a permanent installation and is part of a section called “Memories
of the Sanitary Station.” If the concept of memory recalls something that is
buried in the past, what makes this building an exemplary space is the fact
that all the different phases of its transformations are still there—they have
not been canceled.2
The city of Marseille is not new to epidemics. The Mediterranean sea
has always been a source of life and prosperity, but also of death: through the
centuries, the population of Marseille has been devastated by plague and pes-
tilence, and in the sixteenth century the first sanitation board was established,
whose members inspected all incoming ships, cargoes, crew, and passengers.
The worst plague outbreak in the history of Marseille occurred in 1720, when
the merchant ship Grand Saint-Antoine brought pestilence-carrying rats and
fleas into the Vieux Port. It was the “Great Plague of Marseille,” the epidemics
that Antonin Artaud evokes in his Le Théâtre et son double (1964) to develop
an analogy between theater and pestilence; the plague is a transforming force
that purges the world of its violence and ugliness.3 Although this epidemic
was considered the last outbreak of plague in France, at the beginning of the
twentieth century small epidemics and sporadic cases were recorded in Mar-
seille and Paris.
2
The book that retraces the several transformations from the Sanitary Station to the Museum
Regards de Provence has the emblematic title of Métamorphoses (Muntaner and Durousseau
2013).
3
The streets of a plague-ridden city are blocked by mounds of unidentifiable corpses; at this
point, Artaud writes, “[l]e théâtre comme la peste est une crise qui se dénoue par la mort ou par
la guérison. Et la peste est un mal supérieur parce qu’elle est une crise complète après laquelle
il ne reste rien que la mort ou qu’une extrême purification. De même le théâtre est un mal parce
qu’il est l’équilibre suprême, qui ne s’acquiert pas sans destruction” (Artaud 1964, 25).
18 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
1.
The former Sanitary
Station of Marseille
2.
The Salle des étuves
After World War ii, there were fifteen million refugees, or “displaced
people,” in Europe. Marseille organized the reception of thousands of immi-
grants by creating a strategy of sanitary prophylaxis against plague, cholera,
yellow fever, typhus fever, and smallpox. In 1948, the French architects An-
dré Champollion, Fernand Pouillon, and René Egger were charged with the
project of designing the Sanitary Station of Marseille. The main aim of their
project was to create a place of disease prevention and control but, at the same
time, to defy rigid spatial segregations and the exposure of individuals to a
controlling centralized observation. For this reason they created a structure
with several one-way corridors through which individuals could move in or-
der to be washed and disinfected and undergo a medical examination (figure
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 19
3.
Area for ablutions
and disinfection
3). Everything was done to avoid any sense of humiliation to the passengers:
wide, luminous spaces and above all a horizontal linearity that invested win-
dows, objects, and at the same time the building’s structure created a place
that evoked the atmosphere of a ship. These similarities between a ship and a
place receiving potentially ill people suggests the Renaissance allegory of the
“ship of fools” that, as Foucault explains, symbolizes an intermediate moment
between the medieval exclusion of lepers outside the gates of the city and the
exclusion of the mad within the social body (Foucault 1988). Every boat that
arrived in Marseille found its uncanny “double” located on the threshold of
the city, in a place that lies between the sea and the urban space, a liminal area
that must be crossed if the individual wants to be considered healthy and,
above all, inoffensive to the rest of the population.
The threshold is an in-between state that separates two spaces of dif-
ferent nature. As Walter Benjamin observed in his reflections on architecture:
20 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
The threshold is a zone. And in fact a zone of passage (Übergang). Transformation,
passage, flux—all are contained in the word threshold. [. . .] We have become quite
poor as far as threshold experiences go. Falling asleep is perhaps the only such ex-
perience that has remained to us. (quoted in Sieburth, 19)
But the notion of threshold has also fascinated Gérard Genette who,
in the opening pages of Seuils, explains that “plus que d’une limite ou d’une
frontière étanche, il s’agit ici d’un seuil ou—mot de Borges à propos d’une
préface—d’un ‘vestibule’ qui offre à tout un chacun la possibilité d’entrer,
ou de rebrousser chemin” (Genette 1987, 8).4 Philosophers like Wittgenstein
and Benjamin have created several parallels between the forms of the city
and the diverse forms of language, and semiotic studies invite us to read the
city through its signifying forms. In his “Sémiologie et urbanisme,” Roland
Barthes sees the city as a discourse, and this discourse, he writes, is truly a
language: “Et nous retrouvons la vieille intuition de Victor Hugo: la ville est
une écriture; celui qui se déplace dans la ville, c’est-à-dire l’usager de la ville (ce
que nous sommes tous), est une sorte de lecteur qui, selon ses obligations et ses
déplacements, prélève des fragments de l’énoncé pour les actualiser en secret”
(Barthes 1985, 268).5 Architectural spaces can be read as chapters of a complex
text—the city—made of streets, traffic, buildings, and so on that interact in a
complex game of intertextuality. From this standpoint, the Sanitary Station is
a multilingual context, a sort of Babel, but also a place in which the bodies of
the immigrants had to undergo a transformation. Somehow these people, like
a text in the eyes of a translator, were carefully examined before being allowed
into a new space, a new context.
A translation implies a movement, the concept of carrying something
across. The English word derives from the Latin translatio, which itself comes from
trans “across” and la-tio- “carrying”; the Italian language adds a cultural element to
this image of movement with the use of the noun tradotta, which is a special train
used for the transportation of military troops or deportees. By extension, in Italian
it is possible to say that “l’assassino è stato tradotto in carcere” (“the murderer was
taken, ‘translated’ to prison”). In his book The Pleasure of the Text, Barthes asks
the question “Does the text have a human form, is it a figure, an anagram of the
body?” (Barthes 1986, 16). We could ask ourselves whether the human body has
4
“More than a boundary or a sealed border, the paratext is, rather, a threshold or—a word Borg-
es used apropos of a preface—a ‘vestibule’ that offers the possibility of either stepping inside
or turning back” (Genette 1997, 1–2).
5
“And here we rediscover Victor Hugo’s old intuition: the city is writing. He who moves about
the city, e.g., the user of the city (what we all are), is a kind of reader who, following his obliga-
tions and his movements, appropriates fragments of the utterance in order to actualize them in
secret” (Barthes 1986, 199).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 21
a textual status, that of a “readable” object of translation, whose position can be
changed and relocated in a new context. The “transformation” of the refugees that
arrived in Marseille took place in a building organized as a series of passageways
that somehow evoke Benjamin’s arcades, although with some remarkable differ-
ences. Sherry Simon writes that
Benjamin uses the arcades as a cultural historian to represent an ambiguous urban
space, neither inside nor outside, a passageway which is also a space of consumption, a
new materialization of urban space. In the essay on translation, he uses the arcade to for-
mulate a contrast between interpretive translation (which uses as its unit the “sentence”
or the “proposition”) and literal translation (which proceeds word by word). The first, he
says, produces a translation akin to a wall, the second a text which functions more like an
arcade: ‘For if the sentence is the wall before the language of the original, literalness is
the arcade.’ The glass roof allows light to flow through matter, just as the literally translat-
ed text is a transparent surface which allows the light of the original to fall onto the new
version, creating an interplay of surfaces. (Simon 2000, 75)
I find this passage extremely interesting because it gives me the op-
portunity to explore the relationship between the process of translation and
the spaces of translation. Both in the Parisian arcade and in the Sanitary Sta-
tion of Marseille, the presence of a glass construction is essential, but while
in the arcade the glass roof has the aim of accentuating the transition zone
between the outdoor world of the street and the interior space,6 in the Sanitary
Station the lateral glass walls contribute to the brightness of the space but at
the same time the concrete structure creates a screen to guarantee the privacy
of those passing by. Benjamin sees the arcades as the entry point of the Parisian
labyrinth, a place where the flâneur could dwell; the Sanitary Station is a one-
way passage in which there is no time for dwelling: the “translation” of those
who are already “dis-placed” people should be done quickly in order to obtain
a transformed, clean version of their bodies. Like Genette, I would like to
insist on the term “vestibule,” because, in addition to the concept of “thresh-
old,” this word also conveys the idea of clothing if we accept the etymology
from the Latin vestibulum, from vestis “garment” and -bulum, probably from
the sense of “a place to dress.”7 When the immigrants arrived in the Sanitary
Station, they were first of all asked to undress so that their clothes could be
6
Benjamin was attracted by the ambiguity of glass, by the transformative power of this building
material through its architectural application: “It is not a coincidence that glass is so hard and
smooth a material to which nothing can be fastened. It is also cold and sober. Things that are
made of glass have no ‘aura.’ Glass is the enemy par excellence of secrecy. It is also the enemy
of property” (quoted in Heynen 1999, 155).
7
Ovid, in his Fasti, links the term vestibulum to the Roman goddess of hearth and home Vesta.
In any case, if the vestibule is now the place where outer clothing is put on or removed in leaving
or entering a house, for the Romans it was the area in which they used to depose their clothes.
22 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
washed and disinfected; they then had to go through the communal showers
that, thanks to a system of mobile partition walls, became individual show-
ers. The city that has made “Savon de Marseille” its emblem distributed bars
of soap and towels to the immigrants who, eventually, got back their clean
clothes and could go upstairs for a medical examination.
The Sanitary Station only remained active for a couple of years, un-
til the World Health Organization coordinated a global vaccination program
that made entities such as the station redundant. Before entering a country,
people were supposed to show their vaccination cards; this was the beginning
of preventive medicine. After having served as offices for the administrative
clerks of the Direction du Contrôle Sanitaire aux Frontières, the Sanitary Sta-
tion of Marseille was closed in 1971.
A new chapter in this building’s life then began—that of refuge of
squatters. The edifice that was used as an institution for disease prevention and
control became a place of meetings and creativity for squatters and graffiti art-
ists. The white aseptic walls of the Sanitary Station were filled with colorful po-
ems, tags, and murals. Round images replaced the square tiles covering the walls,
showers, and steam rooms. An ephemeral form of art violated the visual and ar-
chitectural order and setting, breaking the rules of the space–time relationship.
The body, the skin of the sanitary station was “scratched,”8 in the same way as
the skin of the migrants was scratched to be immunized against smallpox. The
squatters imposed a transformation on this building by “inoculating” the germs
of a revolutionary art. In 2009, in order to protest against the permanent closing
of the place, the squatters burned a car inside the building (figure 4), which was
4.
Burned car
in Sanitary Station
8
The term “graffiti” derives from the Italian word graffio, a “scratch” or “scribble”.
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 23
nearly destroyed—fire as a sort of extreme catharsis that paved the way to the next
transformation. The burned car is a trace, its cinders a rem(a)inder of something
that is at the same time present and absent. In Feu la cendre, Derrida describes
how one particular phrase, “il y a là cendre” (“cinders there are”), continually
returned to him and insists on the importance of the trace:
Si vous ne vous rappelez plus, c’est que l’incinération suit son cours et la consumation
va de soi, la cendre même. Trace destinée, comme toute, à disparaître d’elle-même
pour égarer la voie autant que pour rallumer une mémoire. La cendre est juste :
parce que sans trace, justement elle trace plus qu’une autre, et comme l’autre trace.
(Derrida 1984, 30)9
What remains from the destruction returns to the surface, to the skin;
when the smoke dissipates, the incinerated place resurfaces. The evocation of
haunting memories that reemerge from a fire is at the center of the artistic
production of Claudio Parmiggiani, who in his work Delocazione (De-loca-
tion) builds installations and sets them on fire, revealing the traces of the
disappeared objects. This is what Didi-Huberman calls “une matière de l’ab-
sence”—things disappear, but the memory of their presence still remains.10
The Regards de Provence foundation, in need of a permanent structure
for its exhibitions in the city of Marseille, decided to rehabilitate this building
and create a museum that collected artworks created in and about Provence. But
before its permanent recuperation and conversion, before the ancient Sanitary
Station was transformed into a Museum, a French photographer and installation
artist was asked to fix an image in which the traces of the past could interact with
the poetic metamorphoses that this place has experienced. Georges Rousse is an
artist attracted by neglected and forgotten sites, by their solitude and emptiness;
he takes his inspiration from the “wounds” suffered by an edifice to create an
ephemeral “mise-en-scène” that he then immortalizes with photographs.11 One
of the main characteristics of a photograph is its link with the referent, a sort
9
“If you no longer recall it, it is because the incineration follows its course and the consummation
proceeds from itself, the cinder itself. Trace destined, like everything, to disappear from itself, as
much in order to lose the way as to rekindle a memory. The cinder is exact: because without a
trace it precisely traces more than an other, and as the other trace(s)” (Derrida 1991, 57).
10
In his book Génie du non-lieu, Georges Didi-Huberman explores the works of Parmiggiani.
The Italian artist shows that fire does not cause the complete disappearance of an object, but,
rather, it delocates it. The question of memory and survival therefore becomes essential: “Il se-
rait donc abusive d’identifier l’œuvre de Parmiggiani à une simple nostalgie du passé (Delocazi-
one est d’ailleurs plus proche d’Hiroshima que d’une reconstitution pompéienne). Cette œuvre
vise plutôt un travail de la mémoire—une prise en considération de la survivance—qui a fait dire
à l’artiste que ‘les veritables Antiques, c’est nous’” (Didi-Huberman 2001, 43).
11
His artistic intervention is multifaceted: “I call upon various methods of art: I am the designer
of the project, the painter on-site, the architect by my interpretation of a given space and by
the construction I organise there within, and finally the photographer who coordinates all these
actions” (http://www.georgesrousse.com/english/news/rousse-speech.html).
24 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
of “reality effect” that makes the past reality of the object indubitable. In La
Chambre claire, Barthes argues that the photographic referent is not the same as
the referent of other systems of representation: whereas in painting the presence
of the model is optional and in language the referents can be chimerical, in a
photograph we cannot deny that the thing “has been there.”12 This significant
aspect of referentiality seems to compensate for an inexplicable lack of images in
relation to the activity of these spaces. In fact, neither the book Metamorphoses
published by the Musée Regards de Provence (Muntaner and Durousseau 2013)
nor the 45-minute documentary that, in the same Museum, explores the history
of the plague in Marseille, immigration, and the building contain a single picture
concerning the people who passed through the Sanitary Station, and there are
only a few pictures of the areas and rooms from when it was active. Somehow,
the artistic view of Georges Rousse is asked to capture, in single images, the sig-
nificant past of these spaces, and he does so by insisting on the double liminality
of the Sanitary Station: the instant captured by the photos of the French artist is
not only that of a place that has represented for years the liminal area between the
port and the city, but also that of a phase of an urban space that has gone through
several transformations.13 The technique used by Rousse is that of anamorphosis;
whereas trompe l’œil gives the illusion that a flat surface is three dimensional, his
anamorphic images create the illusion that a three-dimensional area is flat (figures
5 and 6). Although it looks as if the geometric form has been digitally created, the
illusion generated by these photographs is optical, and represents the outcome of
several weeks of work so that the colorful geometric is only visible from a specific
point of view. The anamorphic figure invites those who are watching it to move,
to change their point of view, in order to bring into perfect focus the object of
interpretation. Nevertheless, the installations created by Georges Rousse, once
they are immortalized by the camera, do not ask the viewer to move, to change
their perspective: his artwork is intended only for the lens, and not for an ob-
server in the actual space. Rousse creates a “before” and “after” effect—first, the
“deconstructed” red circle and then the perfectly round red circle reassembled by
the camera. In doing so, he wanders in the rooms of the Sanitary Station with the
eye of the photographer who is trying to find the right standpoint.14
12
Its essence is recorded in the formula “ça a été,” “that has been.”
13
In an interview about his installations at the future Musée Regards de Provence, Georges
Rousse said that “[l]e port c’était la station sanitaire qui accueillait les immigrants mais c’est aussi
le point de départ vers l’ailleurs. [. . .] Je voulais rendre compte de ce nouvel espace qui a perdu
toute fonctionnalité et qui va disparaitre, cet entre-deux” (Muntaner and Durousseau 2013, 109)
14
“Je déambule dans les lieux avec l’œil du photographe pour repérer le bon point de vue
jusqu’à l’image finale qui a besoin de l’appareil photographique comme outil de reproduction”
(Muntaner and Durousseau 2013, 111).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 25
26 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
In these ephemeral installations that are immortalized only by the
lens of a camera, the gaze of the artist leaves its place to another “gaze”: that
of the Museum Regards de Provence, a museum that has slowly become a sort
of palimpsest, made of its different phases of transformation. The permanent
installation shows the old steam room and a documentary that retraces the
history of this building, while the temporary exhibitions are housed in galler-
ies on the ground and first floors. The several windows along both the front
and the back walls of this long, horizontal building invite the observer to gaze
outside, towards the port and the city. In the course of all its transformations,
5–6.
the Sanitary Station has been “living on”; its trans-lation, its trans-positions Rousse, anamorphic
have not destroyed it. Like a text, this building has survived only because, installation
to paraphrase Derrida, it was at once translatable and untranslatable.15 This
building outlives itself, is at the outskirts of its own living.
Like Georges Rousse, Walter Benjamin was attracted by the decayed
or abandoned spaces of the city; likewise, he was fascinated by “thresholds”
and borders. He first visited Marseille in 1926, and then several times in 1928
and 1931. His last visit to the Phocaean city took place in 1940, shortly before
his death. Marseille was for him like a book to be interpreted:
In the early morning I drove through Marseilles to the station, and as I passed familiar
places on my way, and then new, unfamiliar ones or others that I remembered only
vaguely, the city became a book in my hands, into which I hurriedly glanced a few last
times before it passed from my sight for who knows how long into a warehouse crate.
(Benjamin 1999b, 447)
Whereas Paris represents for Benjamin the ideal place to discover the
traces of social meaning and the collective dreams of modernity, he finds Mar-
seille hard to decipher, to the point where he once commented that no city so
stubbornly resisted his efforts to depict it as did Marseille (Eiland 2014, 310).
Benjamin sees each street as a vertiginous experience; for him the city-dweller
should be “on the threshold of the metropolis as of the middle class” (Benja-
min 2006, 40). Nevertheless, in his writings on hashish, and in particular in
the text “Hashish in Marseilles,” he does not stay on the borders. Rather, he
lets himself sink inside the “ventre of Marseilles”:
15
“Un texte ne vit que s’il sur-vit, et il ne sur-vit que s’il est à la fois traductible et intraduisible.
[. . .] Totalement traductible, il disparaît comme texte, comme écriture, comme corps de langue.
Totalement intraduisible, même à l’intérieur de ce qu’on croit être une langue, il meurt aussitôt.
La traduction triomphante n’est donc ni la vie ni la mort du texte, seulement ou déjà sa survie.
On en dira de même de ce que j’appelle écriture, marque, trace, etc. Ça ne vit ni ne meurt, ça
survit. Et ça ne ‘commence’ que par la survie (testament, itérabilité, restance, crypte, détache-
ment déstructurant par rapport à la rection ou direction ‘vivante’ d’un ‘auteur’ qui ne se noierait
pas dans les parages de son texte)” (Derrida 1986, 147–149).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 27
I lay upon the bed, read and smoked. All the while opposite to me this glimpse of the
ventre of Marseilles. (Now the images begin to take hold of me). The street that I’d so
often seen is like an incision cut by a knife. (Benjamin 1978, 138)
When, under the effect of hashish, Benjamin describes the streets of
Marseille, he enters a surrealist dream world, made of strange sounds, images,
and scents. His perception of what he sees in the streets—where he strolls to
find a restaurant for dinner—is distorted, the dimensions of time and space
are abolished.16 Unexpectedly, the words of a conversation in a little port bar
sound to him like dialect:
The people of Marseilles suddenly did not speak good enough French to me. They
were stuck at the level of dialect. The phenomenon of alienation that may be involved
in this, which Kraus has formulated in the fine dictum “The more closely you look at
a word the more distantly it looks back” appears to extend to the optical. (Benjamin
1978, 144)
Michel de Certeau writes that the city is a text, and that walking in a
city has its own rhetoric: “Il y a une rhétorique de la marche. L’art de ‘tourn-
er’ des phrases a pour équivalent un art de tourner des parcours. Comme le
langage ordinaire, cet art implique et combine des styles et des usages” (De
Certeau 2005, 15).17 Nevertheless, the legibility of a city changes; it is the per-
spective of the viewer that defines the object of observation. When Benjamin
quotes Kraus’s aphorism (“The closer one looks at a word, the further away
it looks back”), he too evokes the importance of perspective. How should we
read a city, its translation zones, its palimpsests?
I would like to close this paper with another quote from Calvino’s
Invisible Cities:
In due modi si raggiunge Despina: per nave o per cammello. La città si presenta
differente a chi viene da terra e a chi dal mare. [. . .] Ogni città riceve la sua forma dal
deserto a cui si oppone; e così il cammelliere e il marinaio vedono Despina, città di
confine tra due deserti. (Calvino 1994, 370)18
16
“Versailles, for one who has taken hashish, is not too large, nor eternity too long” (Benjamin
1978,138).
17
“There is a rhetoric of walking. The art of ‘turning’ phrases finds an equivalent in an art of
composing a path. Like ordinary language, this art implies and combines styles and uses” (De
Certeau 1984, 100).
18
“Despina can be reached in two ways: by ship or by camel. The city displays one face to the
traveler arriving overland and a different one to him who arrives by sea. [. . .] Each city receives
its form from the desert it opposes; and so the camel driver and the sailor see Despina, a border
city between two deserts” (Calvino 1997, 17).
28 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
Whereas the city of Zaira is part of a section devoted to memory, De-
spina is a city of desire that opens paths and opportunities for visitors. There
are multiple ways of seeing the same city, depending on which face of the city
they see. Those who arrive at Despina have to shift their perspective, as if they
were in front of an anamorphic image. By building the Sanitary Station, Mar-
seille has tried to give itself a “face” from which the immigrants could see it,
but France’s oldest city has not resisted the univocal direction imposed by this
passage point: the Station operated for a few years, quickly transformed by
artists who made this structure a place of exile, of displacement, a metaphori-
cal place that contains a plurality of meanings and errant trajectories, and that
lends itself to multiple interpretations.
The story of those anonymous people who arrived in Marseille and
whose body/corpus underwent a transformation in order to be admitted to a
new context intertwines with the story of another migrant who, some years
before, in 1940, had been trying to escape France for the United States: Walter
Benjamin. He went from Paris to Marseille, which at that time was full of refu-
gees, especially those from countries occupied by the German army. The philos-
opher who used to be an extraordinary city dweller and who loved to get lost in
the meanders of a city, found himself obliged to follow the route taken by many
refugees. In Marseille he obtained a passport issued by the American Foreign
Service, but when he discovered that the port was virtually closed he tried to
cross the Spanish border by walking up into the mountains. He never managed
to traverse the most important boundary of his life, however, and in Portbou he
was refused entry into Spain. He was held in Portbou overnight and sent back to
occupied France the next morning. The morphine Benjamin had brought with
him from Marseille was strong enough to kill him. Hannah Arendt wrote about
her dear friend and the Kafkian situation in which he found his death:
A few weeks later the embargo on visas was lifted again. One day earlier Benjamin
would have got through without any trouble; one day later the people in Marseille
would have known that for the time being it was impossible to pass through Spain.
Only on that particular day was the catastrophe possible. (Arendt 1990, 24)
Benjamin died in a liminal space, in a liminal time; a bitter twist of
fate for the philosopher who has taught us the important difference between
“boundary” and “threshold”: “The threshold must be carefully distinguished
from the boundary. A Schwell <threshold> is a zone. Transformation, passage,
wave action are in the word schwellen, swell, and etymology ought not to over-
look these senses” (Benjamin 1999, 494).
Following Benjamin’s fundamental distinction, we might suggest that
the Sanitary Station was initially born as a “boundary area” because of its
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 29
function of containment and delimitation, and that it has eventually “swol-
len,” with an extraordinary series of metamorphoses, into a threshold, a place
caught up in a tension, an innovative space. The Regards de Provence muse-
um is now a site of rewriting, a place that combines memory of its past and
a gaze towards the future. It has not lost its “in-between position,” though,
caught as it is between the ancient Cathedral and the new buildings (Mucem,
Villa Mediterranée) designed by internationally renowned architects. A poten-
tial space for hybridization.
<References>
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Artaud, Antonin. 1964. “Le Théâtre et la peste.” In Le Théâtre et son double. Paris:
Gallimard. 25–26.
Barthes, Roland. 1973. Le Plaisir du texte. Paris: Éditions du Seuil.
. 1973. The Pleasure of the Text. Translated by Richard Miller. New York: Hill
and Wang.
. 1980. La Chambre claire: note sur la photographie. Paris: Gallimard.
. 1985. “Sémiologie et urbanisme.” In L’Aventure sémiologique. Paris: Éditions
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. 1986. “Semiology and the Urban.” In The City and the Sign: An Introduction to
Urban Semiotics. Edited by Mark Gottdiener and Alexandros Ph. Lagopou-
los. New York: Columbia University Press. 87–98.
Benjamin, Walter. 1978. “Hashish in Marseilles.” In Reflections: Essays, Aphorisms,
Autobiographical Writings. Edited by Peter Demetz. Translated by Edmund
Jephcott. New York: Harcourt Brace. 137–145.
. 1999a. The Arcades Project. Translated by Howard Eiland and Kevin Mc-
Laughlin. Cambridge (Mass.) and London (England): The Belknap Press of
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. 1999b. Selected Writings. Edited by Michael W. Jennings. Cambridge (Mass.):
Harvard University Press.
. 2006. The Writer of Modern Life: Essays on Charles Baudelaire. Edited by Mi-
chael W. Jennings. Cambridge (Mass.) and London (England): The Belknap
Press of Harvard University Press.
Calvino, Italo. 1979. Le città invisibili. Turin, Einaudi.
. 1997. Invisible cities. Translated by William Weaver. London: Vintage Books.
De Certeau, Michel. 1984. The Practice of Everyday Life. Translated by Steven Ren-
dall. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
. 2005. “Rhétoriques combinatoires.” In L’invention du quotidien. Tome 1—Arts
de faire [1980–1990]. Folio Essais. Paris: Gallimard.
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no Agosti. Firenze: Sansoni.
. 1986. “Survivre.” In Parages. Paris: Galilée. 109-203.
. 1991. Cinders. Translated by Ned Lukacher. Lincoln: University of Nebraska
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Didi-Huberman, Georges. 2001. Génie du non-lieu. Air, poussière, empreinte, han-
tise. Paris: Minuit.
Eiland, Howard, and M. W. Jennings. 2014. Walter Benjamin: A Critical Life. Harvard:
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<Simona Elena Bonelli> She is a translator and lives in Marseille.
She studied English and French Literature (University of Siena, Italy)
and received her MA and PhD in Critical and Cultural Theory from Car-
diff University, UK. She has taught English Language and Literature
at the Universities of Siena and Perugia (Italy). Bonelli has published
Tito Andronico. Il testo come simulacro del corpo, and has edited Seg-
ni particolari: l’immagine del viso, l’immaginario del nome proprio, both
with Quattroventi, Urbino. Her books and essays cover topics relating to
Elizabethan literature, philosophy, aesthetics, gender studies, and trans-
lation theory.
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 31
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15749 | [
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] | Translation and Fragmented Cities:
Focus on Itaewon, Seoul
Hunam Yun
[email protected]
<Abstract> Cities are open texts. They are perpetually transformed by their dynamic
relationship with history and with the people who live in them. They are “rearticulated,
transformed from a singular structure into a multilateral palimpsest that can be ‘written’
up and over, again and again,” with time. Therefore, the boundaries of cities’ identities
continuously expand with this dynamic movement. There can be no single, fixed, or com-
plete description of a city, which is why cities require continuous translation. However,
cities are commonly represented as a single, fixed, and complete image in the process of
translation through selective appropriation, and people consume that image. This paper
attempts to reveal the process and ideological bias in such selective appropriation with a
focus on Itaewon, South Korea. Historically, Itaewon has always been a site of different
cultural encounters reflecting the historical twists and turns of Korea. After the Japanese
invasion of the country in 1592 and the Manchu war of 1636, Japanese and Chinese
soldiers stayed in the area. Then, during the colonial period, the Japanese army was
stationed there, and after liberation, the American army was quartered there. Now, Mus-
lims are flocking to the area, and it is becoming a city of immigrants. Because of these
dynamic historical moments, Itaewon has been the site of cultural amalgamation and
conflict, always retaining traces of the past. However, the images of Itaewon created by
tourist books are ahistorical and fixed; the city has been fragmented as a commodity to
be consumed through selective appropriation, and its dynamic history has been erased.
The most common of these images are those of shopping centers and the red light dis-
trict, images that have been reinforced by reproduction throughout decades. This paper
investigates the process of this fragmentation of Itaewon and its underlying ideology.
introduction
I was motivated to consider the aspects of a city’s translation (in terms of in-
tersemiotic translation in which nonverbal text is transferred into verbal text)
when I found the translation of Itaewon, an area located in the northern part
of Seoul, South Korea. Shockingly, the words that caught my eye were “Red
Light District.” Wikipedia, the internet encyclopedia, in its entry on Itaewon,
highlighted only the Red Light District as a local attraction, as follows:1
1
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Itaewon (last accessed December, 2014).
32 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
Contents
1. Local attractions
1.1 Red Light District
2. See also
3. Notes
4. External links
With a brief explanation of the geographical location of Itaewon,
Wikipedia introduces local attractions, focusing on the international dishes,
hotels, shops, and clubs that tourists can enjoy:
Many restaurants serving international dishes are found in this area […]. Major ho-
tels such as The Grand Hyatt and local landmark The Hamilton Hotel can be found
here as well as dozens of shops and services aimed at tourists. High quality leather
products in Korea can be found […] as well as various types of traditional Korean
souvenirs. […] Itaewon is one of the popular club congested area in Korea, […] Most
of foreign people go to the clubs for clubbing and hooking up while they are staying
in Korea.2
Then separate space was allocated to the introduction of the Red
Light District under the same title:
There is a portion of Itaewon known as “Hooker Hill” among GI’s of different allied
nations stationed in South Korea. Although the stereotype of only American ser-
vicemen frequenting this area is well-known, men from all other countries, including
Middle-Eastern and African, are known to frequent this area as well. Furthermore,
because South Korea is not widely socially accepting of homosexuals, there is an
underground gay area within this district as well.
The prominent image of Itaewon represented by Wikipedia is of a
“retail” city—selling goods and bodies.
An explanation of this followed: “This article is written like a travel
guide rather than an encyclopedic description of the subject. [. . .]” (July
2013). This explanation is very significant in that it suggests that a travel guide
does not present full, complete, and thorough information, but rather is se-
lective regarding the information it includes. This is quite appropriate since
a travel guide should be light enough for travelers to carry. However, the
problem with selective information—in other words selective translation—is
the image the translation produces. This paper is concerned with this point.
Translation has been frequently presented as an activity to create an
image of others or of selves, in the case of Itaewon, for example, this includes
“a nostalgic image of a lost past” about Japanese people (Fowler 1992), images
of the East by the West in colonial contexts (Niranjana 1992), or a self-image
2
The article has since been altered, but there is no significant difference in its content.
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 33
by a colonized people (Tymoczko 1999). The process involves “a deliberate
and conscious act of selection, assemblage, structuration, and fabrication—
and even, in some cases, of falsification, refusal of information, counterfeiting,
and the creation of secret codes” (Tymoczko and Gentzler 2002, xxi).
However, little notice has been taken of translation as an activity to cre-
ate images of cities and of the process this involves. French theologian Jacques
Ellul states that the evolution of cities represents man’s fall from natural grace
and the subsequent attempt to create a new, workable order (Kotkin 2005, xv).
This may mean that cities are constructed and shaped through the dynamic rela-
tionship with human beings, and they are formed, and transformed, by such re-
peated attempts throughout the city’s history, keeping traces of every historical
moment. That is, they are “rearticulated, transformed from a singular structure
into a multilateral palimpsest that can be ‘written’ up and over, again and again”
(Chambers 2012, 104) with time. Therefore, the boundaries of cities’ identities
continuously expand with this dynamic movement.
However, cities are commonly represented as a single and fixed image
in the process of translation through selective appropriation, and people ac-
cept and consume that image. In the history of translation studies, little atten-
tion has been paid to these aspects of cities, that is, cities as a translated text.
Cities are translated through special forms of communication, such as
the environmental landscape, symbolic artifacts, local events, or other landmarks,
and through verbal communication, such as cities’ names, slogans or statements.
This paper attempts to reveal how verbal translation, especially for
tourists, constructs an image of a city, with a focus on Itaewon. Itaewon has
been a very particular and special space in Korean history. Unlike other areas
of Seoul, which have a single ethic identity, Itaewon has been the space of
expatriates. It has been a foreign and exotic land within Korea, a zone of con-
tact where native and foreign cultures encounter each other, and a mediating
channel though which foreign cultures are introduced. This paper first inves-
tigates Itaewon as a site of cultural encounters and cultural translation against
the background of Korean history, then it examines its translation in tourist
books and the subsequent effects.
itaewon as a site of cultural encounters and cultural translation
When French historian Fernand Braudel stated, “A town is always a town,
wherever it is located, in time as well as space” (Rybczynski 1995, 49), he
must have been referring to the universality of the urban experience. As Kot-
kin notes, the urban experience is universal “despite vast differences in race,
34 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
climate, and location” because “there is the visceral ‘feel’ of the city almost
everywhere—the same quickening of pace on a busy street, an informal mar-
ketplace, or a freeway interchange, the need to create notable places, the shar-
ing of a unique civic identity” (2005, xv–vxi). The omnipresent visceral feel
he refers to is created by the so called “non-places” found in almost every city.
Non-places, a term coined by French anthropologist Marc Augé, refers to an-
thropological spaces of transience that do not hold enough significance to be
regarded as “places.” As Augé points out, supermodernity produces nonplaces,
“meaning spaces which are not themselves anthropological places and which,
unlike in Baudelairean modernity, do not integrate the earlier places” (1995,
63). Nonplaces are temporary, ephemeral, fleeting spaces for passage, commu-
nication, and consumption. Augé puts it thus:
If place can be defined as relational, historical and concerned with identity, then a
space which cannot be defined as relational, or historical, or concerned with identity
will be a non-place. [. . .] the same things apply to the non-place as to the place. It
never exists in pure form; places reconstitute themselves in it; relations are restored
and resumed in it; the ‘millennial ruses’ of ‘the invention of the everyday’ and ‘the arts
of doing,’ so subtly analysed by Michel de Certeau, can clear a path there and deploy
their strategies. Places and non-place are rather like opposed polarities: the first is
never completely erased, the second never totally completed. (Augé 1995, 63–64)
Examples of nonplaces are air, rail, and motorway routes, aircraft,
trains and road vehicles, airports and railway stations, hotel chains, leisure
parks, large retail outlets, and the complex skein of cable and wireless net-
works that mobilize extraterrestrial space for the purposes of a communication
(Augé 1995).
These nonplaces make urban scenes familiar and uniform, creating an
illusion of universality in urban experiences. In extreme cases, those nonplaces
may make urban experiences homogeneous so that they give the impression
that “only the name of the airport changes” as described in the novel Invisible
Cities by Italian writer Italo Calvino:
If on arriving at Trude I had not read the city’s name written in big letters, I would have
thought I was landing at the same airport from which I had taken off. The suburbs
they drove me through were no different from the others, […] The downtown streets
displayed goods, packages, signs that had not changed at all. […] You can resume
your flight whenever you like, but you will arrive at another Trude, absolutely the same,
detail by detail. The world is covered by the sole Trude, which does not begin, nor end.
Only the name of the airport changes. (Calvino 1972/1974, 128)
However, despite “the universality of the urban experience,” each city
has a unique and special “feel,” which gives city tourists a different experience.
One of the factors that make each city unique and special is its ascent and
decline throughout history, the process of which is “both rooted in history
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 35
and changed by it” (Kotkin 2005, 147), in other words, the characteristics of
“places” in Augé’s term. Cities are not stagnant; they are reconfigured, re-
shaped, and rearranged with political, economic, social, and cultural changes
throughout history.
Just as Lotman points out in his discussion on the symbolism of St.
Petersburg, “The city is a mechanism, forever recreating its past” (Lotman
1990, 194–195): architectural ensembles, city rituals and ceremonies, the very
plan of the city, the street names and thousands of other left-overs from past
ages act as code programs constantly renewing the texts of the past. Lotman
also says that “in this sense, the city, like culture, is a mechanism which with-
stands time” (Lotman 1990, 195).
So, as Simon’s Cities in Translation (2012) suggests, cities are “intersec-
tions of memory,” and the streets of the cities keep those memories. Itaewon
is such a city. Compared to other areas in Seoul, it is an area with a rapid pace
of change, and it has various images: diversity, ambiguity, disorder, chaos,
exoticism, foreign land within the country, and so on. Such dynamicity and
images throughout the history of the place stem mainly from its geographical
location, specifically, its location near Han River.
As Lotman puts it, there are two ways in which a city as a demarcated
space may relate to the earth which surrounds it—concentric and eccentric:
Concentric structures tend towards enclosure, separation from their surroundings
which are classed as hostile while eccentric structures tend towards openness and
contacts with other cultures. [. . .] The concentric situation of the city in semiotic space
is as a rule associated with the image of the city on the hill. [. . .] The eccentric city is
situated “at the edge” of the cultural space: on the seashore, at the mouth of a river.
(Lotman 1990, 191–192)
The peculiar situation of Itaewon, due to its location near the Han
River, imbued it with openness. Indeed, various meanings and different sto-
ries about the origin of the name show such characteristics. Itaewon has three
different names and meanings, using different Chinese characters—梨 泰 院,
李 泰 院, and 異 胎 院—which are embedded in its geographical position
and Korean history.
Firstly, Itaewon was initially a place for travelers and trading. During
the Joseon Dynasty, one of four Hanyang (present Seoul) won (院)—a won was
a kind of inn established for government officials and travelers by the govern-
ment—was located there. So the place was named Itaewon. The won (院) in
the name “Itaewon” meant “inn offering lodgings to travelers” (smg 1998, 83).
As more people frequented the area, inns for foreign envoys and markets were
formed (Jang 2000, 59). Another story claims that Itaewon (梨 泰 院), meaning
“area for pear trees,” was so named because pear trees were grown there.
36 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
Itaewon was also a space of trauma. It was the area for alienated wom-
en, women who had to choose isolation from the society because, with the
scar of foreign invasion on their body, they could not be accepted in Korean
society.
During the Seven-Year War (1592–1598) against the Korean dynasty
of Joseon, a Japanese military supply base was established in the Unjongsa
Buddhist nun temple near present-day Itaewon. It is said that the Japanese
commander Katō Kiyomasa and his soldiers seized the temple, raped the nuns,
and then stayed for some time. They subsequently burned the temple before
they left. The Buddhist nuns, who had lost their home, moved to nearby
Yunggyeong Mountain and lived there. Thus, the area was called Itaewon (異
胎 院), which means “village for being pregnant with a foreigner’s child” (No-
mi Lee 2011, 242–243; Hoefer et al. 1981; Jun-gi Kim 2012).
Itaewon was also the place where Korean women, who had been tak-
en to China during the second Manchu invasion of Korea in 1636, returned
and settled down (Chosun Daily 2011).3 In Joseon society, which had a tradi-
tion of monogamy, those women were despised as hwanhyangnyeo (“women
who returned”) and so they could not return to their home. Therefore, they
went to live with the nuns (Heu-suk Han 2001, 59).
According to another story, the name originated from Itain (異 他
人), which means foreigners, in reference to Japanese soldiers, who surren-
dered and were naturalized during the Seven-Year War, forming a community
there (Jun-gi Kim 2012).
This link between Itaewon with marginalized people might have
facilitated the formation of neighboring Haebangchon (literally, “liberation
village”). Haebangchon was the area for displaced people after liberation from
Japanese colonial rule, for north Korean refugees after the Korean War of
1950–1953, and then for farmers who had left their rural hometowns for cities
during the process of industrialization.
Geographically situated near Han River, Itaewon was considered
strategically important in terms of transportation and military withdrawal.
Thus, Itaewon has frequently been an area for foreign troops, having been a
logistics base for the Mongolian Army during the late Goryeo Dynasty and a
supply base for the Japanese Army during the Japanese invasion of Korea in
1592 (Choi 2003, 23); it was also used by Chinese forces during the Im-O mili-
3
서울 속 외국 이태원 백서. 美軍거리서 다국적 거리로 (Itaewon White Paper: From the Street of the
US Military Army to Multinational Street). Chosun Daily, Feb 21, 2011. http://boomup.chosun.
com (accessed December, 2014).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 37
tary revolt of 1882–1884, was the location of the Japanese military headquarters
during the colonial period of 1910–1945, and was used by the US forces after
the liberation of Korea from Japanese colonial rule (No-mi Lee 2011, 242–243;
Shin 2008, 193; Seoul Development Institute 2001).
The deployment of foreign troops transformed and rearranged the
topography of Itaewon. During the 1920s, for instance, the public cemetery,
which was located near the present-day Central Mosque, was transformed
into the Japanese military headquarters. The cemetery was moved to the Miari
district, and the body of Yu Gwan-sun, a patriotic martyr for independence
from Japanese colonial rule, was lost in the process.
However, the biggest changes to and deepest influence on Itaewon
came with the deployment of the US forces. On September 9, 1945, the US
forces came to be stationed in Itaewon when the US Army commanding of-
ficer John Hodge received the surrender of all the Japanese forces in Korea
south of the 38th parallel and took over the Japanese barracks and military
facilities. The US Army Military Government was established and lasted from
1945 to 1948. However, with the Korean War in 1950, the US forces came back
to be stationed in Itaewon, and the history of the US forces in Itaewon began.
The English and Korean languages came to be used together; shops and bars
emerged; and prostitutes, orphans, widows, and people from the provinces
crowded around the US Army base hoping to scrape together a living from
working on the base, selling goods to the soldiers, and so on. Military camp
town clubs for American soldiers were opened, and Itaewon became a space
where “American soldiers consumed Korean women sexually” (Hyeon-mee
Kim 2005, 26). Thus, the so called “Hooker Hill” was formed.
However, most of the women who worked at Hooker Hill were vic-
tims of the Korean War. As the war had produced many orphans and widows,
girls and women had to take responsibility for earning a living. They had to
support not only themselves, but also their families. Some of them had to
send money to their families in their hometown.4 Under the circumstances,
given that they could not find proper jobs, they had to choose prostitution,
becoming yang-gongju5 (a foreigner’s whore), as described in Yeong-su Oh’s
novel of Anna’s Will (1963):
4
A girl risked her life to avoid the government’s control over prostitution and died because she
could not make a living if she was caught. Hearing this news, sixty yang-gongju held a demon-
stration against the control (Dong-A Ilbo Daily, October 27 1960, 3).
5
Yang in yang-gongju means Western, and gongju means a princess. Women who sold their
bodies to Western men, especially American soldiers, were called yang-gongju.
38 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
She had no clothes to cover her body
A brick looked like a chunk of meat to her.
How could you expect a girl, who is starving,
To be a lady, to be faithful?
I was starved.
A mature girl had no place to lay down her body.
Is this sin?
So I became a whore called Anna. (translation mine) (Oh 1963, 330)
As foreign official residences were established in the 1960s, military
accommodation was built in 1963, and when the 121st Evacuation Hospital
of the US Army was moved to Itaewon from Bupyeong district, more than
10,000 people relocated there. During the 1970s, the area became a shopping
district for cheap branded goods; there was a prosperous textile industry, and
the area enjoyed the reputation of one of the most popular tourist attractions
in Korea among foreign tourists in the 1980s when international events were
held in Seoul.
Thus, it was while the US forces were stationed there that Itaewon
came to be known for its shopping area and for Hooker Hill. However, Itae-
won cannot be reduced to only a shopping area and Hooker Hill. Itaewon
was both a colonized space and a space of freedom and resistance. Politically,
it was an Americanized colonial space (Lee and Jung 2010, 191), a colonized
space (Choi 2003), or a deterritorialized space in that the authority of the
nation–state was applied differently from how it was applied in other areas of
the country (Eun-sil Kim 2004). Culturally, it was the space of freedom and
resistance where Korean people could escape oppression under the Yushin
regime in the 1970s and experience American culture (Eun-sil Kim 2004, 27;
No-mi Lee 2011, 243). Indeed, Itaewon was the only route to American culture
in Korean society: It was a place to experience Americanism as an object of
desire for a generation familiar with afkn radio programs, with singers trained
on the musical stages at US military bases, and with Hollywood movies (Choi
2003,102) because foreign travel remained restricted in Korea until 1989.
These characteristics made the area a dynamic space where heteroge-
neous cultural codes and different subjectivities (including colonized “others,”
fragmented “youths,” and a decolonized “new generation”) were encountered,
(re)constructed, (re)signified, and transformed at a specific historical stage
(Lee and Jung 2010, 191). It was a place where subcultures, such as the culture
of the US army in the 1950s–1960s, the Go-Go culture in the 1970s, disco cul-
ture in the 1980s, and hip-hop culture around the 1990s, were circulated, and
it took on a leading role in Korea’s popular music and subculture. The “clubs”
which actively interacted with subcultures of different generations formed a
site that led Korean popular music and subculture (see Lee and Jung 2010).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 39
Itaewon, where American soldiers were previously the most numer-
ous of the foreign residents, has become more multinational since 1993, when
the Korean government introduced an industrial trainee system for foreign-
ers. Foreign workers from India, Pakistan, Turkey, Indonesia, Bangladesh,
Nigeria, Senegal, Sudan, Uzbekistan, and so on settled in Itaewon because
the area was more open to foreigners and foreign cultures. Thus, foreigners
could feel more comfortable and secure there. Many expatriates found solace
in its accommodating nature and chose to set up their homes there. As various
cultures, languages, and lifestyles mix together and various cultural activities
commingle, the exterior landscape of the area is changing, and the space of
the area is being rearranged, creating a unique and distinctive atmosphere.
Through these dynamics, the area is becoming the cultural frontier zone
where various cultures have become multinational and multilingual (Hy-
eon-mee Kim 2005, 26).
Itaewon is also a site of both conflict and solidarity as shown in the
Muslim community in the area: “Though Arab Muslim traders have been
known to make infrequent trading expeditions to Korea since the Silla dy-
nasty, the teachings of Muhammad never made a real impact until 1950 when
Turkish troops arrived to fight for UN forces” (Hoefer 1981). In 1960, the
Korean Muslim Federation was founded with a Korean, Haji Sabri Suh, as
its leader. However, the Islamic community was established due to the need
to understand the Islamic world after the oil crisis of 1973 and 1974 (Lee and
Jung 2011, 242). In February 1975, an Islamic Center was established in Itae-
won, Seoul, and an adjoining Central Mosque—the largest such onion-domed
structure in northeast Asia—was opened in 1976 (Hoefer 1981).
The Seoul Central Mosque had been built with both Korean and
Middle Eastern funds to serve the 3,000 followers of the Prophet in the nation
(Hoefer 1981). The Central Mosque is therefore not only a place for religious
belief but also a symbolic site which shows Koreans’ effort to understand the
Islamic world (Lee and Jung 2011, 242–243).
A larger Muslim community was formed in Itaewon in 2005 when an-
ti-American sentiment spread after two Korean middle school girls were acciden-
tally run over and killed by an American armored personnel carrier, and American
soldiers assaulted some citizens. As American soldiers were subsequently banned
from bars and clubs, the economic base of the area declined and workers in the
entertainment business left the area for cheaper accommodation elsewhere. Thus,
the Muslim community was formed around the Central Mosque.
The Muslim community is bringing about changes to Itaewon. One
of the most noticeable changes is the increased number of Halal food restau-
rants and the reduced number of local butcher’s shops (Heu-su Yi et al. 2008,
40 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
1.
Itaewon, street view
2.
Itaewon, Muslim
settlement area
68). Furthermore, because of the strong solidarity among Muslims, the com-
munity is often regarded as a closed community by other Koreans (Lee and
Jung 2011, 250).
The Muslim settlement in Itaewon is a segmentation of urban space
formed by the pluralism of race and Islamic culture. However, the space is
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 41
never homogeneous to the citizens and Muslims living in the Muslim settle-
ment, and the place of residence is perceived according to different meanings.
That is, the citizens living in Itaewon view the Muslims as those who threaten
their lives and view foreigners as the cause of economic conflicts as well. How-
ever, for those Muslims in the settlement, the citizens’ hostility toward them
has given rise to a view of them as a strange and potential threat. The place of
conflict and alienation is an inevitable part of the process of initiating a new
cultural solidarity (see Lee and Jung 2011).
Another feature of Itaewon is the coexistence of mutually exclusive
activities in the same place: the Muslim community adjoins Gay Hill, which
was formed in the late 1990s when gay bars moved there from Euljiro-Jongro
(Jung-eun Kim et al. 2010). The position of Itaewon as a place of expatriates
makes negotiation across different cultures with no shared history the very
condition of civic coexistence. Now, Itaewon is producing a varied atmo-
sphere and landscapes as multinational cultures are dynamically mixed to-
gether.
translation and representation of itaewon as a nonplace
Tourist books have an important role to play in presenting an image of a city
to the outside world because most tourists depend on the books for informa-
tion about the city they will visit. They obtain information about the history,
culture, shopping centers, or entertainment facilities in the city and they con-
sume the city based on this information. Tourist books provide guidelines to
give tourists information and instructions to help them know or understand
the city.
Itaewon has been one of the most popular tourist areas in Seoul
among foreign tourists to the extent that it has been said that “[y]ou may not
know Seoul, but you should know Itaewon” (Saccone 1994, 79). Indeed, for
most foreigners the area has become synonymous with Seoul. This section
investigates how Itaewon has been presented in tourist books during the past
thirty years. For this purpose, tourist books in English from 1981 until 2010
were examined; however, as not many tourist books are available that discuss
Itaewon, the sample was limited to seventeen books.
Insight Guides: Korea (Hoefer et al.), which was published in Hong
Kong in 1981, offers comparatively detailed information, focusing on the or-
igin of the name and Muhammadanism in Korea. Regarding the name, it
quotes Allen and Donard Clark, a father-and-son team of Seoul historians
as saying, “Following the Japanese invasion of 1592–1598, the area now called
42 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
Itaewon came to be called ‘Itaein’ or ‘Itaein dong’ meaning ‘Foreigners’ Vil-
lage,’ because of the Japanese soldiers who were quartered on this site,” and
“When the war was over, some of the soldiers settled down, married Korean
girls, and spent the rest of their lives here.” Then “the tradition carries on,
though most American soldiers take their Korean brides home, to ‘the world.’
as they call the U.S. of A.” (Hoefer et al. 1981).
Regarding Muhammadanism, the book says the teachings of Mu-
hammad never made a real impact until the arrival of Turkish troops in 1950,
as mentioned previously, and it goes on to explain the foundation of the Ko-
rean Muslim Federation in 1960 and the establishment of an Islamic Center in
1975 and, later, the adjoining Central Mosque (Hoefer et al. 1981).
Visitors Guide: Seoul Korea, which was published by Seoul Metro-
politan Government (smg) in 1998, introduces some of Itaewon’s histor-
ical traces:
[the] “won” of the name has meant an inn offering lodgings to travelers of the Cho-
son Dynasty. In the middle of the 17th century, there was a concentrated village of
naturalized Japanese. From 1906, a Japanese Military Post was stationed in the
area until liberation from Japanese colonial rule, and now US Military Post including
headquarters is located there. (SMG 1998, 83)
However, Insight Guides: South Korea (Le Bas), which was published in
London in 2007, introduces the history of Itaewon using a more poetic tone:
but foreigners, not all of them Western, now occupy multi-story apartment buildings.
[. . .] Imagine the astonished reactions of the Buddhist monks who, for some 500
years, kept a free hostel for travelers near here. What exists now, albeit breathtaking,
may prove to be too developed for their tastes: the Grand Hyatt Hotel’s mirrored
façade; and the twin minarets of the onion-domed mosque below, from which re-
sounds the muezzin’s call to afternoon prayer. (Le Bas 2007, 135-139)
The book then adds that centuries ago, Itaewon was used as a stop-
over point for visitors to the capital, that Japanese troops were housed there
during the Japanese Occupation, and that, after the Korean War, they were
then replaced by American soldiers.
Although the descriptions in the above three tourist books are not enough
to show the dynamicity of Itaewon, they at least reveal the historicity of the area.
However, other tourist books introduce Itaewon, focusing on it as place for con-
sumerism and as a shopping area and entertainment district as follows:
known as a part of the city that never sleeps. [. . .] a one-stop hub for foreign visitors,
including shopping, tours, lodging and information services. It also offers many ven-
ues in which to enjoy Korean and foreign cultures and cuisines. (kotra 2006, 249)
now a growing mecca for bargain hunters. [. . .] It is lined on both sides with hundreds
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 43
of shops and arcades selling ready-made sports clothes [. . .] It is also an entertain-
ment spot that boasts well over 200 restaurants, bars and clubs. (Suzanne Crowder
Han 1989, 74)
crowded with shops of all kinds from custom tailors to jewelers, from antiques deal-
ers to clothiers. [. . .] In the evening Itaewon becomes a dynamic entertainment dis-
trict packed with discos, nightclubs, bars, and karaokes of all sizes. (Saccone 1994,
79–80)
the shopping paradise of diverse visitors from all parts of the world. (kowoc 2002,
63)
Itaewon offers tailor-made and ready-made clothes [. . .] There is a spirited night life,
too. (Chunsung Kim 2004, 90)
it was one of the only places in the country in which you could buy “Western” items
[. . .] While it remains a great place to shop for cheap tailored suits and shoes, Itae-
won’s popularity also made it a byword for transactions of a more sexual nature –
hostess bars sprung up all over the place. (Paxton 2008, 109)
It’s a bastardized district that’s neither Korean nor Western, but a skewed yet intrigu-
ing combination of both. Clothing, gifts . . . (Nilsen 2009, 44 and 92)
a lively expat entertainment zone with bars and clubs aplenty, both gay and straight.
Market stalls line the main street and the district comes to life in the evening. (Rob-
inson and Zahorchak 2009, 55)
Once a shady red-light district, it’s been cleaned up [. . .] You can still find ladies of
the night walking down certain streets at night, but during the day, it’s a shopper’s
paradise. (Cecilia Hai-Jin Lee 2010, 63)
Translation of Itaewon in the above tourist books is no different from
that in Wikipedia, as was pointed out in the introduction. Rather than being
presented as a dynamic space where memories are imprinted, heterogeneous
cultures mix together, and new cultures emerge, Itaewon is represented in
these books as a large retail outlet for the selling and buying of goods, just
like nonplaces, to use Augé’s term (1995, 63), which have no urban relations,
history, or identity.
The way Itaewon is translated is similar to the process of reification in
that it presents fragmented information about the city in the process of com-
modification for tourism, and thereby stops us understanding the totality of
the city. According to Lukács (1971), under capitalism everything is reified as
the result of a unified structure of consciousness—that is, seeing everything in
a completely discrete way, where everything is separated and fragmented and
taken out of the process to which it belongs. Lukács claims this is caused by
the fact that everything is turned into a commodity under capitalism, which
thus prevents us from seeing the totality of the place and the deeper processes
that are going on.
In a capitalist society, a city is presented as a commodity for the tour-
ist industry, and its images are created, manipulated, or distorted in the pro-
44 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
cess of translation in order to create a profit. A city’s function as a place for
entertainment and shopping is frequently emphasized in presenting the city
because “the criteria of the successful tourist industry mainly puts priority on
spending on entertainment and shopping” (Yi and Oh 1994, 21). Itaewon’s
image is presented as a place for selling and entertaining; removed from its
historicity, the image is fragmented.
fragmented image, fragmented experience
What does this fragmented image have to do with the city? The most direct
influence may be the way the city is consumed by tourists. For example, the
following recent reviews of the city by tourists6 show that the way they con-
sume the city is closely related to the image presented in tourist books:
Itaewon: Lots of Shopping. There are shops and a district for almost every imaginable
type of product and some are open until very late at night […]. (October 20, 2002)
Itaewon: Capital of Kitsch. [. . .] filling up with good restaurants and chain stores. You
can find Nike outlets selling all manner of shoes and sports gear, Body Shops filled
with makeup and luxurious bath products, and dozens of clothing stores and tailors
specializing in Chinese silk dresses. (October 19, 2003)
Itaewon: Cheap shops and street fashion. You can find bargains of any kind and a lot
of the big clothing chains [. . .]. (January 28, 2004)
Itaewon: Near military base. Itaewon does have some shops [. . .] Itaewon is located
near a US military base, so don’t mind the soldiers in camouflage wandering around
town. At night time, Itaewon transforms itself [. . .] One of the native Koreans told me
that most Korean girls do not hang around in that area, afraid to be mistaken as a
prostitute. (February 22, 2005)
Itaewon is perhaps the most famous shopping area for foreigners in Korea. (January
13, 2006)
Itaewon: Buying a Custom-Made Suit in Itaewon. (May 6, 2007)
Itaewon: Very Touristy and Expensive, not a Sample of Korea. The Itaewon shopping
area covers a 1.4 km in length [. . .] The area has a vibrant night life scene with many
bars and nightclubs. (July 24, 2008)
Itaewon: Special Tourism Shopping Zone of Seoul (April 4, 2011)
6
All citations are taken from http://www.virtualtourist.com/travel/Asia/South_Korea/Soul_
tukpyolsi/Seoul-1058426/Shopping-Seoul-Itaewon-BR-1.html (accessed December, 2014),
which is an interactive site aimed at sharing travel knowledge, which includes chat, forums,
travelogues, photos, and maps.
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 45
Although one reviewer describes Itaewon as an unexpected treasure
trove, most of the reviews show that tourists’ experience of Itaewon is superfi-
cial and fragmented, alienated from its memories and ongoing history just like
the images of the city in the tourist books. They just experience Itaewon as a
non-place where things are sold and bought. Considering the general purpose
of tourist books, it can be said that the translation of Itaewon that is circulated
and reproduced has directed tourists’ pattern of consuming the city.
The city is, of course, a place where things are traded, but it is not
only a place where things are traded. As Calvino’s Invisible Cities suggests, a
city is an assemblage of memory, desire, signs, names, and other features. So
what is traded is not only things but also memories, desires, signs, names, and
other things, as shown by Invisible Cities’ Euphemia:
You do not come to Euphemia only to buy and sell, but also because at night, by the
fires all around the market, seated on sacks or barrels or stretched out on pile of car-
pets, at each word that one man says—such as “wolf,” “sister,” “hidden treasure,” “battle,”
“scabies,” “lovers”—the others tell, each one, his tale of wolves, sisters, treasures, sca-
bies, lovers, battles. And you know that in the long journey ahead of you, when to keep
awake against the camel’s swaying or the junk’s rocking, you start summoning up your
memories one by one, your wolf will have become another wolf, your sister a different
sister, your battle other battles, on your return from Euphemia, the city where memory is
traded at every solstice and at every equinox. (Calvino 1972/1974, 36–37)
Itaewon is also a place that has its memories, desires, signs, and names,
and is the place where those memories, desires, signs, and names are traded;
thus it deserves to be known for various reasons, not just as a selling place. So
the experience of the city could be more complex than simply trading things.
The fragmented experience together with the reproduced image has
produced a negative image about Itaewon, so that it loses its attraction as a
tourist site. Furthermore, as neighboring commercial areas are created, Itae-
won has also lost its merits as a shopping area. Realizing the risk, the gov-
ernment designated the area a special tourism district in 1997 and decided to
hold the Itaewon Global Village Festival twice a year in an attempt to revive
Itaewon as a site of dynamic cultural exchanges.
conclusion
In the tourism industry, cities are rearranged according to the economic
principles of commercialism in a capitalist society. Cities can be classified
as a sacred city, a fashion city, a commercial city, and so on, and this clas-
sification is translated spatially or verbally, creating a representative image
of the city.
46 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
3.
Different views
of Itaewon
Tourist books are one of the media where cities are verbally trans-
lated. Itaewon has been verbally translated as a shopping and entertainment
area in tourist books, and such a translated image has been consumed among
tourists. However, this image has been fragmented, and so has been the expe-
rience of tourists.
The experience of cities may be more multiple and more multilateral
than the one the tourist books can produce as shown in the description of the
city of Irene in Invisible Cities:
If you saw it, standing in its midst, it would be a different city; Irene is a
name for a city in the distance, and if you approach, it changes. For those who pass it
without entering, the city is one thing; it is another for those who are trapped by it and
never leave. There is the city where you arrive for the first time; and there is another
city which you leave never to return. Each deserves a different name; perhaps I have
already spoken of Irene under other names; perhaps I have spoken only of Irene.
(Calvino 1972/1974, 125)
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 47
4.
Itaewon, historical view
Therefore, cities cannot be fixed to a single image or translation. The
various translations of the name of Itaewon itself—foreigners’ village, village
for being pregnant with a foreigner’s child, village for pear trees—show that
the area cannot be translated into one fixed image. The inherent and unique
properties of Itaewon have been formed by the totality of geographical and
historical moments. Itaewon has been a place for travelers and trading, a space
of trauma caused by the conflictive history of Korea, a foreigners’ village, a
foreign land within the country, a colonized space, a space of freedom and
resistance, a deterritorialized zone, a window onto Western culture, a space of
conflicts and solidarity, a space for cultural translation, and so on. The area has
accumulated its memories throughout history while being repeatedly rewrit-
ten, functioning as “a culture-generator.”
Indeed, regarding cities as “culture-generators,” Lotman says:
The city is a complex semiotic mechanism, a culture-generator, but it carries out this
function only because it is a melting-pot of texts and codes, belonging to all kinds of
languages and levels. The essential semiotic polyglottism of every city is what makes
it so productive of semiotic encounters. The city, being the place where different
national, social, and stylistic codes and texts confront each other, is the place of
hybridization, recodings, semiotic translations, all of which makes it into a powerful
generator of new information. (Lotman 1990, 194)
Itaewon has been, to use Lotman’s words “the place of hybridization,
recodings, semiotic translations” (Lotman 1990, 194). However, a selective
translation of such a city in the tourist books has focused on the fragmented
image in the process of the commodification of the city as a tourist site. This
fragmented image has been reproduced during past decades, fixing the image
to Itaewon and obstructing cognition of the totality or the whole nature of the
48 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
city. This way, translation may be damaging to cities especially when a dis-
torted image obtains authority through reproduction. As a culture-generator,
a city deserves its proper translation.
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<Hunam Yun> She is a translation scholar and translator. She first
obtained her BA in English literature at Korea University, Seoul. After
studying translation studies at Warwick University, UK, she obtained
her MA and PhD in Translation Studies in 2000 and 2011 respectively.
She has taught translation theory and practice for over fifteen years
at Hongik University in Seoul and translated Walter Scott, Andersen,
George MacDonald, and Beatrix Potter into Korean. Her main topics in-
clude globalization and translation, literary translation, drama translation,
translational norms, and screen translation and she authored Introduc-
tion to Translation Theory and Practice. She now focuses on writing and
translating while living in New York.
50 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15750 | [
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] | Of Translational Spaces
and Multilingual Cities: Reading the
Sounds of Lagos in Sefi Atta’s Swallows
and Everything Good Will Come*
Elena Rodríguez Murphy
University of Salamanca, Spain
[email protected]
<Abstract> Over the last few years, there has been an increasing number of Nigerian au-
thors who in their writing have centered on portraying the different sounds and accents of
one of Nigeria’s most diverse and vibrant cities, Lagos. This article aims to analyze the way
in which Sefi Atta, a leading voice in what has come to be known as “the third generation
of Nigerian writers,” describes in her novels Swallow (2005) and Everything Good Will Come
(2010) the manner in which some of Nigeria’s vernacular languages, such as Hausa, Igbo,
and Yoruba, as well as Nigerian English and Nigerian Pidgin, permeate this incredibly plu-
ral and multilingual city where varying ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups have been
made to live together in the same translational space as a result of the colonial era.
As Achille Mbembe (2010) has underlined, one of the main bequests of colonialism has
been the unequal development of the different countries and regions of Africa. This situa-
tion has led to an uneven distribution of people within multiple spaces. In this way, cities
such as Lagos, Dakar, Accra, or Abidjan have actually become major metropolitan centers
where interaction and negotiations among diverse peoples are commonplace and transcul-
tural forms of different elements such as modes of dress, music, or language are constantly
emerging. Without a doubt, translation is a main feature of coexistence in Lagos given its
multilingual environment and the way in which various ethnic and linguistic communities
share everyday life.
“Language is part of the audible surface of the city.”
(Cronin and Simon 2014, 120)
in translation: reading the sounds of the city
Over the last few years, there has been an increasing number of Nigerian au-
thors who in their writing have centered on portraying the different sounds
and accents of one of Nigeria’s most diverse and vibrant cities, Lagos. In this
* This article is part of the research project entitled “Violencia simbólica y traducción: retos en
la representación de identidades fragmentadas en la sociedad global” [Symbolic Violence and
Translation: Challenges in the Representation of Fragmented Identities within the Global Soci-
ety] (FFI2015-66516-P; MINECO/FEDER, UE), financed by the Spanish Ministry of Economy
and Competitiveness.
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 51
regard, as Toni Kan Onwordi has underlined in a brief description included
on the cover of Sefi Atta’s second novel Swallow, “no contemporary Nigerian
writer is better than Sefi Atta at evoking the smells, sounds and the sheer
madness of this sprawling cosmopolitan city of Lagos.” Along with Chris Aba-
ni, Helon Habila, Maik Nwosu, Jude Dibia, and Akin Adesokan, and other
members of what has come to be known as “the third generation of Nigerian
writers,” in her narrative Sefi Atta ably describes the way in which diverse
peoples negotiate everyday life on the city’s populated streets.
Although there are many ways in which one may try to understand
the workings of urban reality, analyzing “the practice of everyday life” (see
De Certeau 1984) in a postcolonial city such as Lagos through language and
translation can offer new and interesting perspectives in various fields of study.
Indeed, Atta’s novels Everything Good Will Come (2005) and Swallow (2010)
provide the reader with a valuable linguistic experience of Lagos through the
inclusion in her texts of the multilingual transactions that permeate the city.
As Simon interestingly points out in her book Cities in Translation,
Much of the abundant literature in recent decades has emphasized the visual aspects
of urban life. And yet the audible surface of languages, each city’s signature blend
of dialects and accents, is an equally crucial element of urban reality [. . .] “hearing”
introduces the observer into layers of social, economic and cultural complexity. (Si-
mon 2012, 1)
Thus, reading in Atta’s fiction the sounds and diverse range of accents
that characterize the city brings the reader closer to the complexity of its lin-
guistic reality, in which translation appears as an indispensable tool which has
gradually allowed for the emergence of what McLaughlin has termed “new
urban language varieties”:
The burgeoning growth of Africa’s cities that began during the latter part of the colo-
nial period and continues with increasing momentum into the twenty-first century has
given rise to a multiplicity of innovative and often transformative cultural practices
that are associated primarily with urban life, not least of which is the emergence of
new urban language varieties. (McLaughlin 2009, 1)
Lagos is, without a doubt, a multilingual and multiethnic city that
can actually be defined as “a translation space [where] the focus is not on mul-
tiplicity but on interaction” (Simon 2012, 7). Therefore, given its multilingual
environment and the way in which various ethnic and linguistic communities
have come to share its everyday life, translation can clearly be considered one
of the main features of activity in Lagos. In this way, beyond dichotomist un-
derstandings, translation becomes an indispensable medium through which
a common coexistence may, although not always successfully, be negotiated:
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Multilingual contexts put pressure on the traditional vocabulary of transfer and its
concepts of source and destination. Communities which have had a longstanding re-
lationship inhabit the same landscape and follow similar rhythms of daily life. Facing
one another across the space of the city, they are not “foreign” and so translation can
no longer be configured only as a link between a familiar and a foreign culture, be-
tween a local original and a distant destination, between one monolingual community
and another. [. . .] The Other remains within constant earshot. The shared understand-
ings of this coexistence change the meaning of translation from a gesture of benev-
olence to a process through which a common civility is negotiated. (Simon 2012, 7)
lagos: a multilingual and multiethnic megacity
In his book Sortir de la grande nuit (2010), Achille Mbembe recently under-
lined the fact that one of the main bequests of colonialism has been the un-
equal development of the different countries and regions of Africa. In fact,
“[n]o major coastal cities existed in Western Africa before the colonial period.
However, as a result of the mostly maritime-based logistics of colonialism,
countries in the sub-region began an urbanization path strongly associated
with the coast” (United Nations Human Settlements Programme [UN-Hab-
itat] 2014, 99). This situation has gradually led to an uneven distribution of
people within multiple spaces, hence cities like Lagos, Dakar, Accra, and Ab-
idjan have actually become major metropolitan centers where interaction and
negotiations are commonplace and transcultural forms of different elements
such as modes of dress, music, or language are constantly emerging. It be-
comes apparent, therefore, that in many African cities such as Lagos
attaining even the minimum often requires complex styles of staying attuned to the
shifting intersections of gestures, excitements, languages, anxieties, determinations
and comportments enacted across markets, streets and other venues. The city is a
field of affect where specific dispositions and attainments are contingent upon the
ways actors’ bodies, histories and capacities are mobilized and enacted. (Simone
2007, 237)
As Ato Quayson explains in regard to Oxford St., in the Ghanaian
capital of Accra the streets in many African cities may be seen as archives, rather
than just geographical locations, where it is possible to find “a rich and intricate
relationship between tradition and modernity, religion and secularity as well as
local and transnational circuits of images and ideas” (Quayson 2010, 72).
Lagos is a burgeoning city, the largest in Nigeria (Falola and Genova
2009, 202), and, according to the figures published by the United Nations
Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat) in its 2014 report The State of
African Cities 2014. Re-imagining Sustainable Urban Transitions, it “has recent-
ly joined the ranks of the world’s megacities” (2014, 17). Lagos has undoubt-
edly been shaped by its history, not only as one of the most important ports
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 53
in West Africa from the eighteenth century onwards, but also as the federal
capital of Nigeria (1914–1991). In this respect, although Abuja has been the
federal capital of the country since 1991, Lagos, whose population is expected
to rise to over eighteen million by 2025 (United Nations Human Settlements
Programme, 23–25), is now the center of one of the largest urban areas in
Western Africa and continues to be a main hub in the southwestern region
of Nigeria for the circulation of peoples as well as goods. Growing urbaniza-
tion and rural–urban migration are responsible for the cultural heterogeneity
of this major Western African city, which was at one point described “as an
ancient city inhabited by the Awori and Ijebu people, both subgroups of the
Yoruba” (Falola and Genova 2009, 202). Nevertheless, as a result of Nigeria’s
national history, Lagos is currently populated by varying and distinct ethnic
groups. Although there is still a Yoruba majority, it can be said that “Nigeria’s
myriad ethnic and religious identities are found throughout the city’s neigh-
borhoods, usually managing to coexist, though periodically sparking tensions”
(Lewis 2009, 115).
The artificial boundaries which were drawn when Nigeria was created
by British administrators in 1914,1 have given rise to an incredibly heteroge-
neous space both in ethnical and linguistic terms. As can be seen in the map
below, there is an extremely wide range of ethnic groups which, as a conse-
quence of colonialism, have come to inhabit the same nation; this has often
provoked ethnic and religious tensions, the Biafran War (1967–1970) being a
case in point:
The Nigeria of today [...] is a relatively new creation, dating back to the early 20th
century. Boundaries prior to that time included numerous chieftaincies and empires
that expanded and contracted geographically without regard to modern Nigeria’s
boundaries. For the early peoples of Nigeria, only geographic boundaries, such as the
Sahara Desert or Atlantic Ocean, might have kept them in place. Western European
powers competing for territory and political control in Africa during the late-19th cen-
tury determined Nigeria’s boundaries to suit their needs. Much of Nigeria’s western,
eastern, and northern borders are the results of rivalry and compromise by Euro-
pean powers. As a result, ethnic groups and former kingdoms straddle boundaries.
[...] Modern-day Nigeria is a conglomeration of hundreds of ethnic groups, spanning
across different geographical zones. [...] To identify a single Nigerian culture is diffi-
cult. (Falola and Genova 2009, xxx-xxxi)
1
The name ‘Nigeria’ is credited to the colonial editor of the Times of London, Flora Shaw, who
later married the new entity’s governor, Lord Frederick Lugard. The name stuck. But the new
name was not accompanied by any sense of national unity. [. . .] The British yoking together of
so many different peoples into a huge state [. . .] shaped the future of about a fifth of Africa’s
sub-Saharan population” (Campbell 2013, 2).
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From a demographic point of view, within Nigeria the Hausa-Fulani,
the Igbo, and the Yoruba can be considered to be the largest of the ethnic
groups. According to Iyoha (2010, 169), around 29% of the population is
Hausa-Fulani who live mainly in the northern regions in cities such as Kano,
Sokoto, and Kaduna. The Yoruba, more or less 21%, are based primarily in the
southwest of the country, in cities such as Ife-Ife, Lagos, and Ibadan. On the
other hand, the Igbo, approximately 18% of the population, inhabit the areas
situated in the southeast of Nigeria, for example in Port Harcourt, Owerri,
and Enugu. These aforementioned groups can, however, be said to live all
around the country. Other, numerically smaller ethnic groups include the Tiv,
the Nupe, the Igala, and the Jukun in the Middle Belt region and the Ijaw, the
Itsekiri, the Urhobo, the Ogoni, and the Ibibio in the Niger Delta. They have
long been demanding greater political and economic representation within
the national space, as Saro-Wiwa has pointed out on many occasions in regard
to the Ogoni people:
Colonialism is not a matter only of British, French, or European dominance over Af-
ricans. In African society, there is and has always been colonial oppression. In my
case, the Ogoni had never been conquered by their Igbo neighbors. But the fact of
British colonialism brought both peoples together under a single administration for
the first time. And when the British colonialists left, the numerically inferior Ogoni
were consigned to the rule of the more numerous Igbos, who always won elections in
the Region since ethnic loyalties and cultural habits were and continue to be strong
throughout Nigeria. (Saro-Wiwa 1992, 155)
Not only is Nigeria diverse in terms of its ethnicity, but it also boasts
an enormous variety of languages and dialects—more than four hundred ac-
cording to Garuba (2001, 11) and more than five hundred according to the
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 55
Ethnologue database (Simons and Fennig 2017). As Adekunle (1997) and Adeg-
bija (2000, 2004) highlight, multilingualism is a common feature of many
West African regions, and Nigeria can be said to be the country where the
largest number of different languages is spoken. Together with English, which
is used as an official language and is employed in diverse forms, Hausa, Igbo,
and Yoruba have become the three major national languages.2 Moreover, a
wide range of languages and dialects spoken by the different Nigerian ethnic
groups is to be found:
Apart from the indigenous languages, which are the mother tongues of Nigerians,
there also exist non-indigenous languages. They include English, which has become
a second language; Nigerian Pidgin (the language in Nigeria with probably the larg-
est number of speakers), which derives from the contact between English and the
indigenous languages; Classical Arabic, which is learnt by Muslims; and other for-
eign languages such as French, German, and Russian, which are taken as academic
subjects at the secondary and tertiary levels of education. (Igboanusi 2002, 13–14)
Faced with this highly complex web of languages, many Nigerians
have resorted to both English and Nigerian Pidgin (NP)3 as a way of favoring
communication with each other:
Originally mainly restricted to trade, Pidgin has spread to become the language of
market places, sports, the army and police force, taxi drivers, playgrounds, university
campuses, and generally of interethnic discourse in lower-class and informal con-
texts. In recent decades it has therefore been utilized for mass communication—in
advertising, political campaigning, government propaganda, announcements, and
mass media, e.g. news broadcasts on the radio [. . .] It is labeled “the most widely
spoken language in Nigeria” [. . .] Though the language still carries a strong stigma
in the eyes of many educated Nigerians, many others have come to use it in informal
conversations, also in banks, offices, and businesses, utilizing its ethnographic role as
a code of friendliness and proximity. (Schneider 2007, 205–206)
Nonetheless, it is interesting to take into consideration that whilst
NP and the vernacular languages are normally used in informal and familiar
conversations, administrative and educational matters are mainly dealt with
in English: “For a great many speakers from different groups, English is [...]
valued as a language of prestige, a sign of education, and a mark of modernity”
2
“The dominance of English in the Nigerian Constitution continued until 1979, when the Con-
stitution that emerged under a military regime specifically provided for the use of the three
major languages (Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba) in addition to English for proceedings in the Na-
tional Assembly: ‘The business of the National Assembly shall be conducted in English, and in
Hausa, Ibo, and Yoruba when adequate arrangements have been made therefore (Section 51)’”
(Bamgbose 1996, 358).
3
It is important to bear in mind that, as Igboanusi points out, “Nigerian English” (NE) and “Ni-
gerian Pidgin” (NP) are considered to be different languages: “Nigerian Pidgin is different from
Nigerian English (the variety of English used in Nigeria). However, the line between them is
sometimes difficult to draw, particularly at the lexical level” (Igboanusi 2008, 78).
56 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
(Simpson 2008,194). According to different critics (Bamgbose 1971; Bamgbose
1996, 366; Igboanusi 2002; Gut 2004, 813), only a small percentage of the Ni-
gerian population may understand or speak English, but, despite the fact that
in recent years there have been repeated attempts to increase the importance
of the vernacular languages, it continues to be used on a regular basis, espe-
cially by the local elites:
As ex-colonial people, Nigerians hold English in great awe. They so overrate English
that literacy in English is considered the only mark of being an educated person. For
example, for them science and technology are not within the reach of any person
who cannot master the English language. Not surprisingly, therefore, the language,
unlike any of the Nigerian mother tongues, is regarded as being politically neutral for
adoption by the people. [. . .] Consequently, political expediency makes the English lan-
guage the ready language for adoption for national literacy today. (Afolayan 2001, 83)
Just as in other African countries, the increasing use of new technologies
such as the Internet and cable TV among specific sectors of Nigerian society has
resulted in a growing interest on the part of the younger generation in learning
the English language. This situation has been skillfully described by the widely
acclaimed Nigerian writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie who, on many occasions,
has stated that English is no longer considered by some as a “foreign” language,
but rather as a Nigerian language adapted to the Nigerian cultural context:
I’d like to say something about English [...] which is simply that English is mine. Some-
times we talk about English in Africa as if Africans have no agency, as if there is not
a distinct form of English spoken in Anglophone African countries. I was educated
in it; I spoke it at the same time as I spoke Igbo. My English-speaking is rooted in a
Nigerian experience and not in a British or American or Australian one. I have taken
ownership of English. (Adichie, quoted in Uzoamaka 2008, 2)
The general trend encountered in multilingual communities consists in
usage gradually determining the role each language has in particular domains, and
Nigeria is no exception. Although English remains the most important language in
education and matters pertaining to government and administration, the vernacu-
lar languages—such as Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo as well as NP—are used primarily
in informal contexts. Taking these matters into consideration, it is important to
underline the “diglossic,” or rather “poliglossic,” relations that, as Zabus (2007) and
Bandia (2008) point out, have been established between the different languages
that are employed in many of the countries in West Africa, including Nigeria:4
4
It is interesting to mention here that, according to Warren-Rothlin, in Nigeria digraphia is also
a social reality which can result in social divisions (Warren-Rothlin 2012, 6–7). There also exist
multiple orthographies and writing scripts within the country (ibid. 7).
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For our purposes, the sociolinguistic concept of diglossia needs to be expanded to
include not only Ferguson’s genetically linked “high” and “low” varieties (to which he
erroneously attributed scripturality and orality, respectively) but unrelated languages
as well. Indeed, in a country like Ghana, Ewe is not a dialect of English and has a
written literature of its own but, functionally, Ewe is to English what a dominated or
subordinate language is to a dominant or superordinate language. [. . .] Also, the West
African auxiliary languages resulting from languages in contact such as pidgins have
a diglossic relation to the dominant European language that is similar to the more
conventional relation between a prestige or power language and its regional dialect.
Conversely, a statistically dominant language like Wolof in Senegal can be consid-
ered as being hegemonic like French and would thus be in diglossia with a minor
language like Ndût. (Zabus 2007, 14)
In the case of the Nigerian linguistic landscape, English has gradually
come to be accepted as the dominant language in some domains while specific
forms of some of the vernacular languages such as Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba
have been gaining ground in others. In many instances, however, these vernac-
ular languages are in a diglossic situation in relation to the English language.
Likewise, although it is now defined as “the most widely spoken language in
Nigeria,” NP appears to be in a diglossic situation with respect to English. It is
also important to bear in mind that the three major vernacular languages can
be categorized as hegemonic vis-à-vis those considered as minor. Thus, faced
with the linguistic variation characteristic of a territory like Nigeria, it may be
said that, in Zabus’s own words, “[w]e can therefore advance the notions of
‘triglossia’ or even ‘polyglossia,’ and ‘intertwined diglossias’” (Zabus 2007, 14).
The Nigerian cultural and linguistic situation that we have been
describing, although very succinctly, is reflected in the city of Lagos where,
as illustrated by the different examples that follow, diverse languages, and
therefore translation, are used on a daily basis, not only in the ever-chang-
ing “discourse ecologies” (Quayson 2010) that exist on its streets, but also in
the conversational exchanges that take place in its crowded markets, “motor
parks,” taxis or buses. In this regard, in their work both Adedun and Shodipe
have underlined the fact that, although most people in Lagos use Yoruba and
Nigerian Pidgin in their daily interactions, Hausa, Igbo, and other vernacular
languages together with English are also a common feature in this cosmopol-
itan African city:
The nature of Lagos, which accommodates various ethnic, and religious groups, ac-
counts for the present state of its language repertoire. [. . .] Without any doubt, Lagos
is a potpourri of different peoples and tribes and these have had a noticeable impact
on the linguistic repertoire, language choice, and language shift in the area. (Adedun
and Shodipe 2011, 131)
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the sounds of lagos in swallow
and everything good will come
One of the main characteristics of Atta’s work, as mentioned previously, is the
accuracy with which she manages to portray the city of Lagos and the wide
range of sounds that fill its streets and buildings. Both in her first novel, Every-
thing Good Will Come (EG in the citations, below), and in her second novel,
Swallow (SW in the citations, below), in addition to other works, Atta de-
scribes different parts of the city along with its diverse languages and accents:
Our continent was a tower of Babel, Africans speaking colonial languages: French,
English, Portuguese, and their own indigenous languages. Most house help in Lagos
came from outside Lagos; from the provinces and from neighboring African coun-
tries. If we didn’t share a language, we communicated in Pidgin English. (EG, 212)
Sheri’s younger siblings greeted me as I walked across the cement square.
“Hello, Sister Enitan.”
“Long time no see.”
“Barka de Sallah, Sister Enitan.” (EG, 247)
Street hawkers sat behind wooden stalls in a small market . . . They were Fulani peo-
ple from the North. The men wore white skull caps and the women wrapped chiffon
scarves around their heads. [. . .] They talked loud in their language, and together they
sounded like mourners ululating. (EG, 198)
Baba came to collect his monthly salary [. . .]
“Compliments of the season,” I said. “How are you?”
I spoke to him in Yoruba, addressing him by the formal you, because he was an elder.
He responded with the same formality because I was his employer. Yoruba is a lan-
guage that doesn’t recognize gender—he the same as she, him the same as her—but
respect is always important. (EG, 312).
In her fiction, Atta includes many instances in which translation ap-
pears as an indispensable tool and a necessary medium through which ev-
eryday life may be negotiated in Lagos, a place where diverse peoples and
languages have come to share a common space. For instance, when Enitan, the
main character in Everything Good Will Come, is sent to Royal College in La-
gos and encounters girls from varying ethnic and linguistic backgrounds, cul-
tural and linguistic translation becomes indispensable on a day-to-day basis:
I met Moslem girls [. . .] Catholic girls [. . .] Anglican girls, Methodist girls. One girl, San-
gita, was Hindu [. . .] I learned also about women in my country, from Zaria, Katsina,
Kaduna who decorated their skin with henna dye and lived in purdah [. . .] Uncle Alex
had always said our country was not meant to be one. The British had drawn a circle
on the map of West Africa and called it a country. Now I understood what he meant.
The girls I met at Royal College [in Lagos] were so different. I could tell a girl’s ethnic-
ity even before she opened her mouth. Hausa girls had softer hair because of their
Arab heritage. Yoruba girls like me usually had heart-shaped faces and many Igbo
girls were fair-skinned; we called them Igbo Yellow. We spoke English, but our native
tongues were as different as French and Chinese. So, we mispronounced names and
spoke English with different accents. Some Hausa girls could not “fronounce” the
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letter P. Some Yoruba girls might call these girls “Ausas,” and eggs might be “heggs.”
Then there was that business with the middle-belters who mixed up their L’s and R’s.
(EG, 44–45)
Moreover, when Enitan meets one of her neighbors, a Muslim girl named
Sheri, they are each faced with both cultural and linguistic translation. Since they
come from different ethnic communities and religious backgrounds, Enitan, who
is Yoruba, and Sheri, a “half-caste” with Hausa roots, need to understand one
another’s cultural and linguistic circumstances before they can become friends:
[Sheri] was funny, and she was also rude, but that was probably because she had no
home training.
She yelled from our gates. “I’ll call you aburo, little sister, from now on. And I’ll beat you
at ten-ten, wait and see.” (EG, 16)
The woman in the photograph by [Sheri’s] bedside table was her grandmother. “Alha-
ja,” Sheri said. “She’s beautiful.” [...]
There were many Alhajas in Lagos. This one wasn’t the first woman to go on hajj to Mec-
ca, but for women like her, who were powerful within their families and communities, the
title became their name. [...] She pressed the picture to her chest and told me of her life
in downtown Lagos. She lived in a house opposite her Alhaja’s fabric store. She went to a
school where children didn’t care to speak English. After school, she helped Alhaja in her
store and knew how to measure cloth. I listened, mindful that my life didn’t extend beyond
Ikoyi Park. What would it be like to know downtown as Sheri did, haggle with customers,
buy fried yams and roasted plantains from street hawkers, curse Area Boys and taxi cabs
who drove too close to the curb. [...] Sheri was a Moslem and she didn’t know much about
Christianity. [...] I asked why Moslems didn’t eat pork. “It’s a filthy beast,” she said, scratch-
ing her hair. I told her about my own life. (EG, 33–34)
As Enitan mentions in several parts of the novel, although Hausa
resonates in the streets and markets of Lagos, without translation into other
languages it is not always understood by the Yoruba majority or by people
from other ethnic communities. That is why, in many cases, people from di-
verse ethnic and linguistic backgrounds who live in the city translate their
vernacular languages into Pidgin English or English:
Our gate man unlocked the gates. His prayer beads hung from his wrist. I realized I
must have disturbed his prayer. Soon it would be the Moslem fasting period, Rama-
dan. “Sanu, madam,” he said.
“Sanu, mallam,” I replied in the only Hausa I knew. (EG, 201)
In my first year of marriage, there was a hawker who sat by the vigilante gates of our
state. She was one of those Fulani people from the north. We never said a word to
each other: I could understand her language no more than she could mine. (EG, 243)
This situation is also underlined by another Nigerian writer, Buchi
Emecheta, in her well-known novel The Joys of Motherhood:
The early market sellers were making their way to the stalls in single file. [Nnu Ego]
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in her haste almost knocked the poor man down [. . .] There followed a loud curse,
and an unintelligible outpouring from the mouth of the beggar in his native Hausa
language, which few people in Lagos understood. (Emecheta 1994, 9)
In the colorful markets of Lagos and other African cities, peoples
from varied ethnic and linguistic environments constantly mingle and in-
teract. Markets, as Simone puts it, are “the site for incessant performance,
for feigned connections and insider deals, for dissimulation of all kinds, for
launching impressions and information, rumors and advice” (Simone 2008,
81). Hence, given the mélange of languages and cultures, “[t]he resulting con-
fusion about what is really going on breeds its own makeshift interpreters,
who pretend to have real skills of discernment and can steer customers to the
best price, quality, or hidden deal” (Simone 2008, 81).
In the extract below, taken from Everything Good Will Come, Enitan,
who was brought up in Ikoyi, one of Lagos’s affluent neighborhoods,5 high-
lights the fact that class differences are extremely important in the city and can
greatly influence the way in which people talk to one another:
Pierre, my present house boy, began to wash the vegetables [. . .]
I needed Pierre to place the okras on the chopping board.
“Ici,” I said pointing. “Over there, please.”
Pierre raised a brow. “Là bas, madame?”
“My friend,” I said. “You know exactly what I mean.”
It was my fault for attempting to speak French to him. [. . .]
“I beg, put am for there,” I said [in Nigerian Pidgin]. [. . .]
The general help we called house boys or house girls. [. . .] They helped with daily
chores in exchange for food, lodgings, and a stipend. Most were of working age,
barely educated. [. . .] (EG, 212)
In this particular situation, because Pierre, the house boy, comes from
the neighboring Republic of Benin, Enitan tries to translate her orders into
French. Nevertheless, in the end, she resorts to a translation into Pidgin En-
glish, which, as stated earlier in the article, is the language normally used as
the medium of communication among peoples who belong to different ethnic
and linguistic groups in Lagos.
On other occasions, however, depending on the educational level of
the speakers and the specific context in which interaction takes place, when
5
According to Fourchard (2012a, 68), this comes as a direct result of the colonial era, when the
city of Lagos was divided into a residential area reserved for Europeans (Ikoyi) and a commer-
cial area in which Europeans lived, worked, traded, and interacted with Africans (Lagos Island).
In this regard, Lagos, like other contemporary African cities, may be described as what Triulzi
(2002, 81) refers to as “the ‘site of memory’ of colonisation, with its divisions (the colonial city
was conceived and grew opposite to and separate from the native town), its visible remains
(buildings, town plans, statues) and its obligatory ‘synthesis’ of tradition and modernity.”
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people whose ethnicities differ speak with one another, they translate their
vernacular languages into English, instead of Pidgin English:
We [Rose and Tolani] always spoke in English because she couldn’t speak Yoruba
and I couldn’t understand her own language, Ijaw. (SW, 8)
Enitan and Tolani, the main protagonists of Everything Good and
Swallow respectively, recount their stories in English yet, as Atta herself has
pointed out (quoted in Rodríguez Murphy 2012, 107–108), it actually consists
of a transcultural form of English (Rodríguez Murphy 2015b, 72), which is
inscribed with Nigerian vernacular languages and expressions as well as with
Nigerian cultural markers: “[Nigerian readers] tell me they enjoy seeing those
kinds of Englishes in my work. They come up to me and say: ‘Oh, you really
do know Nigeria, you really do know Lagos very well.’ They enjoy it” (Atta
quoted in Rodríguez Murphy 2012, 108). In her work, Atta manages to reflect
the different varieties of English used in Lagos. These varieties have come to be
defined as NE, and now form part of the wide range of “World Englishes” (see
Kachru 1992 and Kachru, Kachru, and Nelson 2006) or “New Englishes” (see
Crystal 2003), in reference to local adaptations of the English language which
suit specific cultural contexts. This can be seen in the following examples:
Yellow
Sheri’s afro was so fluffy, it moved as she talked [. . .] She had a spray of rashes and
was so fair-skinned. People her color got called “Yellow Pawpaw” or “Yellow Banana”
in school. (EG, 18)
Peter Mukoro tapped my arm. “I was calling that lady, that yellow lady in the kitchen,
but she ignored me. Tell her we need more rice. Please.” (EG, 125–126)
I’d heard men say that women like Sheri didn’t age well: they wrinkled early like white
women. It was the end of a narration that began when they first called her yellow
banana, and not more sensible, I thought. (EG, 206)
In diverse passages of Atta’s novels, we may observe that the word
“yellow” has come to acquire a specific meaning in NE: “a NE way of describ-
ing a fellow Black who is fairly light-skinned” (Igboanusi 2002, 303).
Area boys
“You won’t believe. We were having a peaceful protest, calling on the government to
reconsider our demands, when we noticed a group in the crowd who did not belong
to our union. [. . .] They were shouting insults and acting rowdy [. . .]”
The people she was talking about had to be area boys. They waited for any protest
so they could misbehave. (SW, 133)
In this extract taken from Swallow, Atta uses the term “area boy,” a phrase
now commonly heard in urban settings, which, in NE, makes reference to a job-
62 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
less young man who participates in criminal acts and is often involved in criminal
activities. Such a term is one of many linguistic reflections of what, according to
some critics (Fourchard 2012b, Lewis 2009), is now happening in the streets of the
city where, for several decades, criminal activity has been on the increase.
High-life music
As he spoke, I fell asleep dreaming of him, an eleven-year-old boy with khaki shorts
holding a rifle made of sticks, dancing to high-life music with his mother and learning
how to drink palm-wine from his father’s calabash. (EG, 116-117)
“High-life music,” sometimes referred to just as “highlife,” is a very
well-known musical genre in the Western regions of Africa,6 “a brand of music
style combining jazz and West African elements, popular in Nigeria and other
West African countries. In BE, ‘high life’ denotes a style of life that involves
spending a lot of money on entertainment, good food, expensive clothes, etc.”
(Igboanusi 2002, 138). As Igboanusi remarks, it is important to take into con-
sideration that there is a difference between the way the term is used in British
English and the meaning it has come to acquire in Nigerian English.
Not only “Highlife,” but also other types of transcultural Nigerian mu-
sic such as apala or juju music are often mentioned in Atta’s novels. Along with
language, another element that permeates daily life in Lagos and many Nigerian
cities is music that, as in other countries on the African continent, has been
adapted and translated to suit diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds:
Through the fence we heard Akanni’s juju music. Sheri stuck her bottom out and
began to wriggle. She dived lower and wormed up. (EG, 15)
The street was narrow and juju music blared from a battered cassette player perched
on a wooden stool. Street hawkers sat around selling boxes of sugar, bathing spong-
es, tinned sardines, chewing sticks, cigarettes, and Bazooka Joe gum. (EG, 89)
Lagos. The street on which we lived was named after a military governor. Our neigh-
borhood smelled of burned beans and rotten egusi leaves. Juju and apala music,
disco and reggae music jumped from the windows, and fluorescent blue cylinders lit
up the entire place past midnight. (SW, 21)
In her writing, Atta includes both NE and NP, and also the vernacu-
lar languages with which she was brought up, Yoruba and Hausa. This helps
situate the reader in Lagos’s translational spaces, where the sounds of different
accents and languages share a common linguistic environment:
6
Although “highlife music” is a popular genre in West Africa, it is necessary to emphasize that
each region has managed to maintain its own specificity: “Generally, as the music and its ac-
companying highlife dance spread across West Africa, each region maintained its ethnic spec-
ificity by composing songs in the local language, and some bands, especially the multinational
ones, created compositions in English or pidgin English” (Ajayi-Soyinka 2008, 526).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 63
He pronounced his visions between chants that sounded like the Yoruba words for
butterfly, dung beetle, and turkey: labalaba, yimiyimi, tolotolo. (EG, 10)
Yoruba people believed in reincarnation. The Yoruba religion had a world for the living and
another for spirits. There was a circle of life and other complex concepts regarding deity,
royalty, and fate that I couldn’t fully understand. For anyone to understand the Yoruba
cosmos was a challenge without the wisdom and guidance of a babalawo [. . .] (SW, 88)
On the day of the Moslem festival, Id-el-fitr, I left home for the first time that month to
break fast with the Bakares. [. . .] As I drove through their gates, I heard a ram bleat-
ing in the back yard of the Bakare’s house. It had been tied to a mango tree for two
weeks and would be slain for the Sallah feast. (EG, 245)
“How’s your husband?” Mama Gani asked. Her gold tooth flashed.
“He’s fine,” I said [. . .]
“Still nothing about your father?”
“Still nothing,” I said.
She clapped her hands. “Insha Allah, nothing will happen to him, after the kindness
he’s shown us.” (EG, 245)
The multilingualism which is typical in Lagos makes communication
based on translation and transculturation inevitable. The following dialogues
from Everything Good Will Come and Swallow clearly illustrate this point:
We heard a cry from the road.
“Pupa! Yellow!”
A taxi driver was leaning out of his window. [. . .]
“Yes, you with the big yansh,” he shouted.
Sheri spread her fingers at him. “Nothing good will come to you!” [. . .]
“And you, Dudu,” the taxi driver said.
Startled, I looked up.
“Yes you with the black face. Where is your own yansh hiding?”
I glared at him. “Nothing good will come to you.”
He laughed with his tongue hanging out. “What, you’re turning up your nose at me?
You’re not that pretty, either of you. Sharrap. Oh, sharrap both of you. You should feel
happy that a man noticed you. If you’re not careful, I’ll sex you both.”
Sheri and I turned our backs on him. (EG, 135-136)
There was a strong smell of simmering palm oil in the flat. Rose was in the kitchen.
[. . .] She laughed at my expression.
“My sister,” she said. “You think say I no know how to cook or what?”
“I’ve just seen Mrs. Durojaiye,” I said, shutting the door.
“I saw her too.”
“She says you visited her?”
She clucked. “The woman done craze [. . .]” (SW, 135)
On my way to the bus stop, I passed a group of women selling roasted corn under a
breadfruit tree. [. . .] I heard two men discussing women. “Statuesque,” one of them
said. “The first one is black and skinny, the second is yellow and fat. I can’t decide. I
love them both. You think say I fit marry both of them?” (SW, 236)
At the bus stop, an army officer with his stomach protruding over his belt parted the
crowd to board a bus. “Single-file line,” he repeated and lifted his horsewhip to warn
those who protested. [. . .]
“Those who give orders,” I said in a voice loud enough for the others to hear. “Question
them. You can’t just obey without thinking.”
[. . .]
“Oh, I hate people like this,” [a] woman said. “What is wrong with her? Move your
64 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
skinny self, sister.”
[. . .]
“Sister [. . .]. Move before I move you to one side, oh!”
“Abi she’s deaf?”
“Maybe she done craze.”
“Sister, ‘dress oh!”
“Yes, address yourself to the corner and continue to tanda for dat side with your body
like bonga fish.”
“Tss, keep shut. Don’t start another fight.” (SW, 188–189)
Enitan’s and Tolani’s stories take place in a particular context which
Atta succeeds in describing in great detail through a specific use of language
that evokes, in the mind of the reader, the smells, images and languages which
define the city of Lagos, where it is possible to come across interesting con-
trasts and a wide range of lifestyles as well as “cultural inscriptions [. . .] seen in
mottos and slogans on lorries, cars, pushcarts and other mobile surfaces that
may be encountered on the street” (Quayson 2010, 73):
Millions lived in Lagos [. . .] Most days it felt like a billion people walking down the
labyrinth of petty and main streets: beggar men, secretaries, government contractors
(thieves, some would say), Area Boys, street children [. . .] There was a constant din of
cars, popping exhaust pipes, and engines, commuters scrambling for canary-yellow
buses and private transport vans we called kabukabu and danfo. They bore bible epi-
taphs: Lion of Judah, God Saves [. . .] There were countless billboards: Pepsi, Benson
and Hedges, Daewoo, Indomie Instant Noodles, Drive Carefully, Fight Child Abuse
[. . .] a taxi driver making lurid remarks; people cursing themselves well and good; All
right-Sirs, our urban praise singers or borderline beggars, who hailed any person for
money. Chief! Professor! Excellency! [. . .] My favourite time was early morning, before
people encroached, when the air was cool and all I could hear was the call from Cen-
tral Mosque: Allahu Akhbar, Allahu Akhbar. (EG, 98–99)
In the different examples cited above, one can appreciate to what
extent Atta accomplishes a very creative and engaging use of language in her
novels. She skillfully manages to transmit the specific characteristics of the
cultures that have come to constitute her identity;7 similarly she also succeeds
in representing the diverse range of accents that define the city of Lagos as a
translational space, where “[a]ccents, code-switching and translation are to
be valued for the ways in which they draw attention to the complexities of
difference, for the ways in which they interrupt the self-sufficiencies of ‘mono’
cultures” (Simon 2012, 1).
7
“I had an unusual upbringing [. . .] and was surrounded by people from other ethnic groups
and religions. Many Nigerian writers I meet feel that they are Yoruba, Igbo or something else,
but I actually feel Nigerian and it comes out in my writing. I write about people who don’t have
any strong ethnic allegiance or people who are in mixed marriages. [. . .] What I have picked up
is language from different parts of the world and it comes out in my writing. I have to be very
careful when I am writing in the voices of people who have not had my experiences. My second
novel, Swallow, is written in the voice of a Yoruba woman, for instance. I couldn’t use language
I had picked up here or in England” (Atta as cited in Collins 2007, 7).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 65
conclusion
As several critics (Bandia 2008, Bandia as cited in Rodríguez Murphy 2015a,
Gyasi 1999, Mehrez 1992, Inggs and Meintjes 2009) have rightly emphasized,
the high rate of multilingualism or “polilingualism” (Bandia 2008, 136–137,
Bandia as cited in Rodríguez Murphy 2015a, 149) which characterizes many
of the African postcolonies,8 including Nigeria, is of great importance for
translation studies in this day and age. Without a doubt, taking into account
the ever-growing transculturation and transnationalization of cultures in our
present-day global world, multilingualism can be considered an increasingly
relevant feature both in literature and society:
As a corollary of colonization, the displacement and migration of peoples brought
about changes that would challenge the notion of a national language and a homo-
geneous culture paving the way for understanding language and culture from the
point of view of a transnational experience. According to Bhabha, hybridity, a main
characteristic of the postcolonial condition, disrupts the relation between national
language and culture, and points to a culture of difference, of displacement of signifi-
cation, of translation. (Bandia 2008, 139).
In this regard, in many African cities new transcultural and hybrid
forms of diverse elements are being created every day. Ranging from trans-
cultural types of music (Osumare 2012), such as afrobeat or highlife music, to
other transcultural phenomena, including the Azonto dance in Ghana (Jaka-
na, 2012) and the Nollywood film industry, which is now a major influence
in Lagos’s streets and markets (Haynes 2007, Fuentes-Luque 2017). In the
specific case of language, and as we have seen in the examples quoted from
Atta’s novels, the prominence of the multilingualism that permeates African
cities in general, and the continuous emergence of new hybrid linguistic forms
and new semantic associations, which are typical features of the discourse em-
ployed in situations involving interaction in urban areas, are, and will contin-
ue to be, compelling topics when analyzing issues related to translation and
translatability in the twenty-first century.
8
Here “postcolony” (Mbembe 2010) refers to the postcolonial context which, according to
Bandia, is part of the colonial space: “Colonial space is ‘the postcolony’ itself, but it is also
that space where people with postcolonial experiences, people with postcolonial backgrounds,
exist” (Bandia as cited in Rodríguez Murphy 2015a, 149). This “colonial space” should not be
understood as a static entity, but rather as characterized by ongoing translation, translocation
and transculturation.
66 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
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<Elena Rodríguez Murphy> holds a PhD in Translation Studies from
the University of Salamanca (Spain), where she works in the Depart-
ment of Translation and Interpreting. Her research interests include Af-
rican literatures, translation studies, and linguistics. She has published
several articles and book chapters on these areas of study, including
“An Interview with Sefi Atta” (published Research in African Literatures,
2012) and “An Interview with Professor Paul Bandia” (Perspectives,
2015). She is the author of Traducción y literatura africana: multilingüis-
mo y transculturación en la narrativa nigeriana de expresión inglesa
(Granada, 2015).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 69
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15751 | [
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] | Translation and Asymmetrical Spaces,
the Strait of Gibraltar
as a Case in Point
África Vidal and Juan Jesús Zaro
University of Salamanca, Spain
[email protected]
University of Malaga, Spain
[email protected]
<Abstract> As a geographical location, defined by Paul Bowles as “the center of the uni-
verse,” which separates continents—Europe in the North and Africa in the South—but
also world views, cultures, religions, and languages, the Strait of Gibraltar was and remains
an authentic translation space. At present, the metaphor of the separation that the Strait
evokes incessantly continues to be valid every day, taking into account, for example, events
such as the succesive waves of African immigrants who have been arriving on the European
coasts for several years “illegally.” In addition to these tensions, there are cities located in
the Strait, such as Tangier and Gibraltar, that are by themselves multilingual and multicul-
tural places and therefore spaces of translation and conflict that deserve specific sections
in this paper. While Tangier, during the second half of the twentieth century was a unique
“interzone” characterized by cosmopolitanism and the coexistence of spaces and multiple
and confronted texts, Gibraltar is now a territory reinvented as a result of its past, in which
hybridity would be a fundamental part of its complex and young identity.
introduction
Spaces can be real and imagined. Spaces can tell stories and unfold histories.
Spaces can be interrupted, appropriated,
and transformed through artistic and literary practice.
(hooks 1991, 152)
Human beings access reality by means of translations, of provisional, rele-
vant, interesting or interested versions of realities which are continually being
contextualized, rectified, and translated. With the hermeneutic and ethical
journeys of each individual, we come to realize that translating is an inevitable
means of encountering the other. Not only of encountering the other, but also
of coming face to face with immigration and national identities, the global
and the local, the problem of marginal groups, difference, or encountering
what we sometimes agree with and sometimes detest. And we come across all
of these things because when we translate we invade spaces, we occupy alien,
far-away spaces which overlap and clash. When we translate, we shape these
spaces and walk over the tracks we find on the way; but, on occasion, when we
move around in others’ spaces, our aim is also to rewrite them and translate
them. Translating is shifting smells, flavors, or passions from places that are
70 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
not ours. Translation is movement, flow, and passage between spaces that are
not, and should never be, unidirectional or closed.
Our starting-point in this paper is that all cultural experience arises at
the crossroads between language, topos, and identity, and that precisely the ex-
perience of what is different is produced by the destabilization of these cross-
roads (Robinson 1998, 24). Our point of departure, therefore, is that translat-
ing, and more specifically translating spaces, is a very political activity which
is certainly not neutral—it is the locus where the coexistence of heterogeneity
becomes possible, and as a result space must always be under construction
(Massey 2011, 9).
As an example of this way of understanding translation, we aim to focus
on the Strait of Gibraltar, with the cities of Tangier and Gibraltar at opposite
sides of its coast. It is a fascinating area because it is the space that joins Africa
and Europe, a space of cultural encounter that espouses the concept of hybridity,
a hybridity distinct from syncretism, creolization, and métissage, which would
suggest that the dynamics of cultural encounters give rise to new, long-lasting
identities. On the contrary, these are spaces in which the hybrid is that space in
construction just mentioned that problematizes binary oppositions since each
is part of the construction of the other. Within this context, translating in these
spaces means offering a culturally constructed version away from dualisms.
The analysis of this space, which includes the Strait, Tangier, and Gi-
braltar, will lead us to reflect on the fact that translating is today the condition
of living of many cities with a double or triple history behind them. The study
of these spaces will make clear that translation, far from being a benevolent act
of hospitality toward a guest from another space, is a relentless transaction (Si-
mon 2003, 77), a hybrid act which does not mean a new synthesis but a zone of
negotiation, dissent, and exchange, a locus that short-circuits patterns of alterity
in order to express the drift of contemporary identities (Simon 1999, 39–40).
The Strait of Gibraltar, which is in turn a clash space between the
Mediterranean and the Atlantic, is the starting point of this essay; it is here
that all stories—those that go to the North and those that remain in the
South—begin and it is also the narrative constructions on the Strait that make
this space such a complicated, multicultural space, because “places without
stories are unthinkable” (Price 2004, xxi).
In fact, the Strait of Gibraltar and the stories shaping it throughout
the centuries make it a space of conflicts, silences, discontinuities, and exclu-
sions that turn it into a place which is unstable and multilayered, never fin-
ished, never determined, processual, porous (Price 2004, 5). Because although
the Strait of Gibraltar is currently a natural border between two continents
(Africa and Europe) and two countries (Morocco and Spain), and it is unique
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in that it also has Gibraltar (an overseas territory of the United Kingdom),
and Ceuta (a Spanish city with its own statute of autonomous government)
on opposite sides of its shores, the truth is that, throughout history, both sides
have been united longer than they have been separated. They were governed
as one territory by the Romans and also during the eight centuries of Muslim
occupation of the Iberian Peninsula. In 1492, after the fall of the Kingdom of
Granada, the two shores separated forever, a separation that was only occa-
sionally interrupted during the time of the Spanish Protectorate of Morocco
(1913–1956). Since 1956, when the kingdom of Morocco became independent,
the two shores have once again become administratively, politically, and cul-
turally independent.
The waters of the Strait are, therefore, a palimpsest accumulating
well-known stories and also, unfortunately, other stories we will never hear
about because they were lost forever with the bodies that have sunk to the
depths. The waters of the Strait are “a layered text of narratives of belonging
and exclusion, always negotiated, always struggled over, never finished” (Price
2004, 7); they are the intermediate, imaginary zone between Africa and the
West that every culture needs: “Somewhere every culture has an imaginary
zone for what it excludes, and it is that zone we must try to remember today”
(Cixous and Clément 1986, 6). And that imaginary zone is the line that joins
the two “dual cities” (Simon 2012, 3 and following pages) we shall go on to
examine in detail, Tangier and Gibraltar.
Currently, communication between both sides of the Strait is in the
form of fast or traditional ferries between Tarifa, Algeciras, and Gibraltar on
the European side and Ceuta and Tangier in Africa. Crossings take between
thirty and ninety minutes. Sometimes crossings cannot be made due to storms
or strong winds, especially in winter. One of these ferries is called “the whale,”
a carrier of unknown treasures which, with a curious symbolism reminding us
of Captain Ahab’s quest to hunt down Moby Dick, is pursued by an old fish-
erman from Tangier in the film Moroccan Chronicles (1999) by the Moroccan
director Moumen Smihi. The journey between the two shores is made legally
by almost three million people a year and illegally by more than ten thousand,
who use their own means to get across in “pateras.” The Strait of Gibraltar is
the only gateway into and out of the Mediterranean for all marine traffic. It is
estimated that more than 82,000 ships cross it every year. As Alfred Chester
points out in his short story “Glory Hole”: “The hills of Spain are there like
civilized laughter across the narrow water; two ferries a day, or six, or ten—
who can remember anymore? Spain is on the other, the inaccessible side of
Styx” (Chester 1990, 221).
The possibility of building a bridge or a tunnel between both shores
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has often been discussed. From the technical viewpoint, the tunnel option
would appear to be the most feasible, even though the depth of the water of
the Strait would make it the deepest (and most expensive) tunnel in Europe.
However, the existence of a tunnel or bridge across the Strait would be a huge
improvement in traffic and mobility between both sides, something which,
from a symbolic and political point of view, would not seem to be totally
acceptable at this moment in time: the idea of a tunnel or bridge, ultimately
a metaphor of union and communication between the two shores, clashes
with other well-known metaphorical narratives about the Strait which focus
more on the idea of battle and separation. One is the familiar mythological
tale of the “columns,” identified fairly vaguely as the Rock of Gibraltar and
Mount Hacho in Ceuta, which Hercules separated to open up a passage for
the Atlantic Ocean. Another is the myth surrounding Julian, Count of Ceu-
ta, a Visigoth governor of the city who is alleged to have facilitated entry of
Muslim troops into the Spanish mainland in 711, enabling them to put an end
to the Visigothic rule established after the fall of the Roman Empire. This
act changed the history of Spain forever. It is said that Julian did this out of
revenge after his daughter was raped in Toledo by Rodrigo, the last Visigothic
king of Spain who would finally be defeated and killed by the invading army
in the Battle of Guadalete. In this sense, the fact that it was a question of
honor that caused the Muslim invasion of Spain has led to numerous interpre-
tations. In his novel Reivindicación del conde don Julián (1970), Juan Goytisolo
identifies with the main character more than one thousand years later in his
desire to put an end to the essential, homogeneous, and nationalist–Catholic
Spain of the Franco regime, in the same way that the Visigothic count had
indirectly helped to put an end to Christian Spain and, ultimately, promote
miscegenation and the fusion of races. We must not forget that the last sig-
nificant act of war in the Strait took place in August 1936, when around eight
thousand troops from the rebel Spanish army in Morocco were transported
by sea to the Spanish mainland to join the rebel troops once the Civil War
started.
The history of the Strait, therefore, has been, and continues to be, a
history of conflict involving the clash of two different civilizations, established
on the two continents located on either side of this stretch of water, which
also economically represent two very different zones—Europe on the north
side and Africa on the south, which are profoundly asymmetrical in economic
terms. It is, in this sense, perhaps the most unequal border in the whole world,
and crossing the Strait was, and perhaps still is, travelling to another reality.
This is how it was described by the Spanish traveller and spy Ali Bey when
he said in 1814, on crossing from Tarifa to Tangier, that whoever crosses the
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Strait goes “en tan breve espacio de tiempo a un mundo absolutamente nuevo,
y sin la más remota semejanza con el que se acaba de dejar, se halla realmente
como transportado a otro planeta” (Bey 2009, 147). Nowadays, the most vis-
ible aspect of this conflict is that of illegal migrants, who, as we have pointed
out above, use the Strait to enter Europe, and who in recent years consist
mainly of people from sub-Saharan countries. This is why this intermediate
space that is the sea is the space in movement that, although in the middle,
is the space of the beginning and the end, the space of the in-between which
necessarily has to be crossed by these fragmented lives. It is the only space
in which, unfortunately, they will be full citizens. However, there are other
conflicts in the area, including claims from other countries for territories they
consider to have been illegally occupied for centuries. This is the case, above
all, of Spain and Gibraltar, but also of Morocco and Ceuta.
Exile, or immigration for political or ideological reasons, is also
linked to the history of the Strait of Gibraltar. Many historical diasporas have
traversed it, including, for example, the Jews (around 80,000) or the Moriscos
(around 300,000) when they were expelled from Spain in the fifteenth and
seventeenth centuries respectively, who abandoned Spain and crossed over to
Africa. Some Spanish Jews settled in towns in the north of Morocco, where
they lived for centuries with a largely Muslim population. Many migrated
to Israel shortly after the new state was founded and now form part of the
Sephardic community, one of the most visible and well-known communities
of that country. The Spanish Moriscos who took refuge in Morocco, on the
other hand, contributed their andalusí character to Moroccan culture and it is
now one of its signs of identity.
And not only that, but the space we will examine below is, as well as
being a multicultural space, or perhaps precisely for that reason, a multilingual
space. Four languages live side by side on both shores: Spanish on the Spanish
side in Ceuta, in Gibraltar, and to a much lesser degree throughout North
Morocco; English in Gibraltar; and French and Arabic in Morocco. The two
most used languages, Spanish and Arabic, correspond to diatopical dialect
forms, Andalusian Spanish in Spain and colloquial Moroccan Arabic or dāriŷa
on the Moroccan coast of the Strait. The Andalusian variant is also used by
the citizens of Gibraltar, which immediately makes them Andalusians for the
rest of Spain when they speak Spanish, although they do in fact speak a hybrid
variety called “llanito,” a kind of small-scale European Spanglish. Moroccan
Arabic, on the other hand, has a strong Berber substrate and influences from
French and Spanish and is an identitarian dialect, far removed from modern
standard Arabic and unintelligible to many Moroccans. Due to their own
particular history, a number of coastal towns on the Strait, such as Tangier
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for example, can be considered to be multilingual spaces where it is possible
to be understood in three or four languages. Others, like Gibraltar, are clearly
bilingual. Ceuta is similarly an interesting example, as it is also becoming a
bilingual city due to the increasing Muslim population, to which we must
likewise add a significant Hindu community which is completely bilingual in
Spanish and Hindi.
These multicultural and multilingual spaces will allow us to better
understand the Strait’s coastal “dual cities”—to use Sherry Simon’s terminol-
ogy—which we will examine below.
tangier, a dual city
The place [Tangier] was counterfeit, a waiting room between connections,
a transition from one way of being to another…
(Bowles 2006, 382).
Tangier is not part of Morocco. It’s international.
Paul Bowles interviewed by Abdelhak Elghandor
(Elghandor 1994, 16)
From the end of the 1940s until Moroccan independence in 1956, the city of
Tangier, located to the extreme west of the African coast of the Strait of Gi-
braltar, had a unique political status, that of being an “international zone.” But
it was, at the same time, a multilayered space where many languages existed,
and still do exist, at the same time, a space where translation was never a mere
language transfer but a practice of writing that took place at the crossroads
(Simon 2012, 8). Perched on the northern tip of Morocco with its eyes trained
across the Strait of Gibraltar toward Spain, “Tangier certainly has long been at
the crossroads, a point of intersection of various civilizations, notably African/
Islamic and European Christian” (Hibbard 2009, 1). This is why Tangier is a
space that has always generated multiple discourses; it is a city that has always
“spoken,” because it is a site of representation. However, the discourses it has
generated have been different translations of reality, rewritings of a space that
some, Westerners, exoticized, and others, Moroccans, understood differently,
as a way of “writing back to the West” (Elkouche 2008, 1).
Tangier was, on the one hand, a space of rich British expatriates and,
on the other, the receiving space of many expatriates from Paris during the
years between the World wars, artists and writers who sought in the “interna-
tionalized” Tangier what the Lost Generation had searched for in the French
capital a few years earlier, a space open to less conventional ways of life. The
era during which both artists and writers lived in Tangier was especially rele-
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1.
View of Tangier
vant with regard to political and social change, because during these years the
Maghreb moved on from being an area under European colonial control to
one of postcolonial independence
Halfway between nations, cultures, and languages, Tangier became
an “interzone,” to use Burroughs’s word—that is, “a place of intermediacy
and ambiguity, a place that remains outside standard narratives of nationhood
and identity. It proved to be an expedient location for [writers] to sort out the
multiple crises of identity, desire, and loss that motivated their writing” (Mul-
lins 2002, 3). In this sense, we must not forget that, as Tangier’s legal situation
allowed moral permissiveness with regard, for example, to sexuality and drugs
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at a time when homosexuality was still illegal in Britain and was considered
to be a mental illness in the United States, it was logical that this unorthodox
space should attract many gay artists of the time, from Jean Genet to Robert
Rauschenberg, William Burroughs and Paul Bowles (who lived in Tangier for
over fifty years, from 1947 until his death in 1999).
To these names we could add a long list of intellectuals who spent
time in Tangier, such as Gertrude Stein, Francis Bacon, Djuna Barnes, Brion
Gysin, Samuel Beckett, Alfred Chester, Truman Capote, Tennessee Williams,
Gore Vidal, Jack Kerouac, Allen Ginsberg, Aaron Copeland, Juan Goytisolo,
Ian Fleming, and many others. Because Tangier was the promised land of
the bohemian Diaspora and refuge of many rich, eccentric Westerners (see
Pulsifer 1992 and Walonen 2011) who sought ways of life that constituted an
alternative to the orthodoxy of their countries of origin. This is something
that, in spite of everything, the city is still proud of and still attracts a lot of
tourists. A recent tourist brochure, Tangier in Morocco, published by the Mo-
roccan National Tourist Office, states: “The streets of Tangier are teeming
with artistic and literary memories. Countless painters, novelists, playwrights,
poets, photographers, actors, filmmakers and couturiers from every nation
under the sun have stayed here a while or made their home here, inspired and
bewitched by the city’s magic” (Moroccan National Tourist Office n.d., 12).
Truman Capote, in a 1950 article entitled “Tangier” (Capote 2013),
reminds us of the radical heterogeneity and idiosyncrasies arising from this
huge amount of freedom. Tangier was the space on the border between Eu-
rope and Africa, between Islam, Judaism, and Christianity; a place where
nationalities, cultures, and languages mixed to the point of promiscuity. In
fact, in Morocco translation is still a means of survival today. Although the
official language is Arabic, the economic and cultural life of the country has
always been carried out in several languages. The educated classes speak and
write standard Arabic and French, while the majority of people use varieties
of Moroccan Arabic or Berber variants. In the north many people speak Span-
ish and also English, particularly those involved in tourism and commerce.
Therefore, “no single Moroccan language can universally speak to and for all
Moroccans; rather, Moroccans must daily translate among themselves, or in
the formation of literary narratives, both written and oral” (Sabil 2005, 176). It
is no surprise, then, that this open locus, especially that of Tangier when it was
an International Zone, should have been so attractive a place for writers whose
lives and works were considered unorthodox in Western circles. Tangier was a
space where for many years national structures and rigid codes of ethics were
deconstructed and where confusion of all binary logic was favored.
However, the spaces inhabited by Westerners in Tangier were gen-
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erally separate from those inhabited by Moroccans. We see this in the case of
Bowles, whose descriptions of the spaces his characters are situated in speak
of class, race, or cultural differences. Moreover, Bowles describes in many of
his translations the horror of not having a place in space, in For Bread Alone
by Choukri (2010), for example. The above-mentioned rich British expats
created a series of separate places that reflected English ways of life, places
of worship like St. Andrew’s Church, tea parties and lavish parties with film
stars (Finlayson 1992, 271 and following pages), although it is also true that
the density of the population and the physical and social distribution of the
city led to inevitable contact between the communities. The center of Tangier
had been designed initially for around 12,000 people and it remained un-
changed when population numbers increased. So, the streets were always full
of people, cultures, and religions as reflected in the pages of Burroughs’s The
Naked Lunch or Bowles’s Let it Come Down. The narrow streets in the center
showed multiplicity and the two main axes of the town, the Boulevard Pas-
teur running from east to west, and the Rue du Statut running from north to
south, crossed at Place de France, “a bustling roundabout ringed by popular
cafés frequented by the diplomatic community and Moroccan nationalists”
(Edwards 2005, 130).
In Tangier, the European powers were initially the producers of spac-
es, the power groups who designed, distributed, named, and built spaces and
who also established the rules for the use of these spaces. This divided spatial-
ity is typical, as Fanon reminds us in The Wretched of the Earth, of colonizing
processes: “The first thing which the native learns is to stay in his place, and
not to go beyond certain limits” (Fanon 1968, 52). The space of colonial order
is always one of luxury, cleanliness, and entertainment; the other formed of
wretched places, as we see, for example, in Choukri’s For Bread Alone.
Without a doubt, for Bowles and many other writers and artists, Tang-
ier was a “third space,” in Edward Soja’s sense of the term—that is, “the space
where all places are capable of being seen from every angle, each standing
clear; but also a secret and conjectured object, filled with illusions and allu-
sions, a space that is common to all of us yet never able to be completely seen
and understood” (Soja 1996, 56). Perhaps this is why Bowles never considered
himself to be Tangierian but, rather, a vocational stateless person. In March
1992 he said in an interview, “I am not American and I am not Moroccan. I’m
a visitor on earth. You have to be Muslim to really be accepted in Morocco, to
be a part of it” (Choukri 2008, 304).
Bowles was also against the Westernization of Moroccan spaces after
independence—for him geography was a way of reading identity. Spaces were
texts and the scenery was the reflection of his characters’ inner self, some-
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thing the critics have discussed in detail (Pounds 1985; Olson 1986; Hassan
1995; Caponi 1998; Patteson 2003; Walonen 2011) and that he himself recognized
in some of his travel writings such as Their Heads are Green and their Hands are
Blue (1963), and in his novels and several interviews. Characters like Thami in
Let it Come Down identify with the place and the space, but when they are taken
somewhere else like New York many of his characters feel out of place. It was in
his translations of oral texts by Moroccan narrators (Ahmed Yacoubi, Layachi
Larbi, Abdeslam Boulaich, and Mohammed Mrabet, among others), howev-
er, that he rewrites in that contact zone that is no good to imperialism, like
many other postcolonial translations, but comes from within the Other(‘s)
space, “involves a much looser notion of the text, interacts intensely with local
forms of narrative and is a revigorating and positive global influence [. . .] a con-
tinuous life-giving and creative process” (Simon and St-Pierre 2000, 10).
After October 1956, when Tangier was no longer an International Zone
(in 1961 it became part of Morocco), people came to suspect that “the good
times, the high-living years for foreign residents with substantial assets in Tangi-
er, might be ending” (Finlayson 1992, 75). In 1957 the British Post Office closed
its offices; the Spanish Post Office did the same in 1958. In addition, many banks
and companies closed and transferred their branches to other countries. The lux-
ury goods shops on Boulevard Pascal were replaced by shops selling local crafts
and clothing. But one of the most revealing details of the change was “a new
edict banning the sale of liquor within a certain distance from a mosque” and
another determining the places that stayed and those that did not: “There were a
great many mosques, and a great many Spanish, Jewish and other foreign-owned
bars. The mosques stayed open, the bars closed” (Finlayson 1992, 75). That is,
the places that Lefebvre calls “representations of space” (1991, 33) closed, that
experience of space referring to hegemonic ideological representations, to space
constructed by professionals and technocrats (engineers, architects, urban plan-
ners, geographers, etc.), a space where ideology, power, and knowledge are in-
variably linked to representation. Besides, when it was no longer an International
Zone, many Moroccans living in the country moved to Tangier, which changed
the city space.
The clean, luxurious Tangier of today is Muslim, the best areas be-
long to citizens of countries in the Persian Gulf and to Moroccans who have
made their fortune from drug-trafficking between Africa and Europe, traffick-
ing in which the city is a crucial point (Walonen 2011, 127). The city and its
population have evolved and so has their interaction with the first world, to
such an extent that the essentialist vision of the Muslim population, which to-
day reproaches the former foreign residents of the Tangier of the International
Zone, might have changed. The foreign residents and tourists currently in
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Tangier (many attracted by the literary past of the city) still mix with the local
people, but probably in a different way to that of the foreign community of
the Tangier of the 1940s and ‘50s. Despite this, it is curious that in the tourist
brochure mentioned above, Tangier in Morocco, Tangier’s special character,
compared to that of other Moroccan cities, is highlighted in the following
words: “Today, the city still has its cosmopolitan side, with a wide variety of
outside influences contributing to its cultural diversity and unique personali-
ty” (Moroccan National Tourist Office n.d., 7). Or with these other puzzling
words: “There is something altogether unique about the town, something
impalpable, indefinable –a sense of freedom that hangs in the air like the scent
of orange blossom” (Moroccan National Tourist Office n.d., 5).
Tangier, with its linguistic and cultural contrasts and the social and
classist inequalities reflected in its spaces, is therefore the living example that
spaces are socially created entities, political constructions that reveal prejudices,
asymmetries, and inequalities. But, in addition, the places are “practiced” spaces
(De Certeau 1988, 117). De Certeau compares spatiality, place and narrative,
and, for him, the narrative ends up “transforming places into spaces or spaces
into places” (De Certeau 1988, 130). The writer and the translator take the reader
by the hand when they describe an apartment, a street, a country, or a border.
gibraltar, a translational city
[...] dual cities have their origins in conquest, when a stronger language group comes to occupy or
impinge upon a pre-existent language which may itself have displaced another before it.
(Simon 2012, 3)
The city of Gibraltar (Jebel-al-Tariq, or “the mountain of Tarik,” an Arab
leader who led the Muslim invasion of the Iberian Peninsula in 711 ce), resting
on its Rock, has been, as we all know, a British colony since the beginning
of the eighteenth century. In 1704 Gibraltar was occupied by an English fleet
involved in the War of the Spanish Succession and included in the Spanish
territories ruled by the Archduke Charles of Austria, one of the pretenders to
the throne (the other was Philip of Anjou, grandson of Louis xvi of France
and legitimate heir according to the last will and testament of the last king
of Spain, Charles II, who had died in 1700). However, the detachment that
expelled the citizens from the city—they founded the town of San Roque,
whence an irate stone lion stills looks threateningly over at the Rock—never
left, not even when the war ended and Philip V was proclaimed King. One of
the conditions of the famous Treaty of Utrecht (1713) was that Spain should
recognize British sovereignty over the Rock of Gibraltar, the city, and the
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port. The Treaty, which has never been revoked and is, therefore, still in force
today, continues to be invoked by Spain today on the grounds that, among
other things, the land occupied by Gibraltar Airport is in a neutral area that
had never been signed over to the British and, therefore, was occupied illegally
during the First World War.
More than three hundred years of British sovereignty have made Gi-
braltar a unique enclave. It is located on the southern tip of Andalusia and its
only land border is with Spain. This Lilliputian territory is 5.8 square kilo-
meters in size and has a population of almost 30,000 inhabitants, making it
one of the most densely populated places in the world (4,290 inhabitants per
square kilometer). As the original Spanish population of the city abandoned
the Rock after the British occupation, it soon filled with immigrants from
several places—Genoa, Portugal, India, Malta, Morocco, and Spain, among
others—and also had a significant Jewish community, who had migrated to
Gibraltar to “serve” the British troops and their families. As we have men-
tioned above, the city is also practically bilingual, English is spoken, as well
as “llanito” or a kind of Spanglish spoken on the Rock which the locals call
“suichito” or “switch,” a hybrid language where code switching is constantly
used. Many Gibraltarians also speak fluent Spanish with a marked Andalusian
accent.
Relations with Spain have never been easy. In Spain, whatever the
ideology of the ruling party, Gibraltar is always considered to be a colonized
territory which should be returned to Spain as it was taken by force in an act
of war. Today most Gibraltarians think that the Treaty of Utrecht is obsolete,
that history has shown that Gibraltar is a territory demographically, linguis-
tically, and culturally different from Spain, and that the current autonomous
status of the territory, approved by all its inhabitants, is proof of its democrat-
ic nature. Although the United Nations declared in 1964 that Gibraltar should
be “decolonized,” under the terms of the Treaty of Utrecht it could never
be an independent country—it could only be British or, should the latter
abandon the territory, Spanish. At that time, the United Kingdom refused to
enter into any kind of negotiation with Franco’s Spain, and the Spanish gov-
ernment, in retaliation, closed the land border between Gibraltar and Spain,
leaving Gibraltar isolated via land from 1969 to 1985. Recent attempts to set up
negotiations to try to reach an agreement of British and Spanish cosovereignty
of the territory have met the refusal of almost all the Gibraltarians.
In any case, there is still a problem between Gibraltar and Spain
which is visible, especially at the moment, in the “queues” of cars and people
that have been forming at the Spanish border crossing every summer since
2013, when the Spanish government decided to periodically tighten the con-
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trol of vehicles and persons, which only adds to the active conflicts in the area
of the Strait. In this case, however, it is a political conflict more than a social
or cultural one, but it affects the daily life of people who live in the area and
have become hostages, in a way, of decisions taken very far away for reasons
they often do not understand. This “distance” from the centers of power can
be seen in the references to the population of Gibraltar in the media.
Therefore, while the Spanish government said these queues were
“necessary” to stop smuggling, Gibraltar’s Chief Minister, Fabián Picardo,
denounced the “passivity” of the British government in this affair for fear of
worsening relations with Spain (Ayllón 2014), and the Spanish workers on the
Rock expressed their disagreement with the measures put into place by their
own government (Romaguera 2013).
This is, therefore, a deep-rooted problem with no easy solution. Gi-
braltar is a prosperous place with a high standard of living—it is, in fact, the
second most prosperous territory in the European Union, which is in stark
contrast with the Spanish region surrounding it. The Campo de Gibraltar is a
depressed area with a high level of unemployment and is still far behind other
areas of Spain. But, this prosperity is due, above all, to the fact that it is a tax
haven where companies and financial institutions pay hardly any taxes, which
would explain the huge amount of investment and increasing number of com-
panies registered on the Rock. From Spain it is argued that this prosperity is
largely due to fiscal rules and regulations, which are very different to those in
Spain and prevent investment, for example, reaching Campo de Gibraltar,
the area around the Rock. The Gibraltarian stereotype as seen from Spain
is that of a smuggler on a motorbike who takes advantage of his situation as
an islander with respect to Spain to obtain economic benefits, but who, deep
down, is just an Andalusian in denial. From the Gibraltarian point of view,
Spaniards are considered to be provincial individuals anchored in the past
who have never been able to understand that Gibraltar is not a part of Spain,
that its population is more heterogeneous in comparison to that of Spain, and
that it is so prosperous. Whatever the case, we cannot forget that currently
more than seven thousand Spaniards work in Gibraltar and that many Gibral-
tarians have invested large amounts of money in properties in Spain.
This “insularity” or impermeability of Gibraltar, even though it is not
an island as such, has led to it being a place of stability and freedom in contrast
with the turbulent history of its neighbor. During the nineteenth century, the
Rock was a refuge for Spanish exiles who had to abandon their country for
political reasons and were making their way to the United Kingdom or other
European countries. During the twentieth century the Rock, as a British terri-
tory, maintained standards of religious freedom and tolerance which were un-
82 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
2.
Views of Gibraltar
known in Spain, especially during the Franco regime, and this would make it
a more advanced society in all aspects. We cannot forget the famous wedding
of John Lennon and Yoko Ono which took place in Gibraltar in 1969, a media
event highlighting the “modernity” of the Rock, which was much closer to the
“swinging London” of the 1960s than backward, conservative Spain. In any
case, the closure of the border crossing in 1969 made communication between
Gibraltar and Spain almost nonexistent.
Today, Gibraltar (or “Gib” as it is known in Britain) could be any
town on the southern coast of England, or perhaps the Channel Islands.
There are typical references found in British territories, red telephone box-
es, “bobbies” and the Union Jack, which continues to fly in many places.
The supermarkets and shops belong to British groups—Marks and Spencer,
BHS, Boots, Morrisons, and so on—and the pubs are authentic. However,
this translation of a southern space to a northern one does not include all the
codes or elements: in Gibraltar people drive on the right, as they do in Spain;
the Anglican Cathedral of the Holy Trinity, the most “British” space in the
whole area, is built in an oriental style with horseshoe arches over doors and
windows; at the entrance to the city the Muslim fort, which could never be
seen in an English town, is still standing strong; and the Andalusian accent
of the inhabitants when they speak Spanish or “llanito” assimilates them to
their neighbors in Campo de Gibraltar. There are two theories regarding the
origin of the term “llanito,” both related to the clash between languages. Ac-
cording to one theory, “llanito” was coined in Gibraltar in the early twentieth
century by Andalusian workers who would hear Gibraltar mothers call their
“yanitos” (the Spanish diminutive for Johnny—Johnnito) and began to call
all Gibraltarians “yanis” (Johnnys), which led in turn to the current “llanitos”
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 83
or “yanitos.” The other theory is that the word derives from the large num-
ber of “Giovannis,” or “Giannis” as they are familiarly called, in the large
Genoese colony which settled on the Rock. The simultaneous use of Spanish
and English can often be very amusing. Main Street, the commercial artery
of the city, is also called the “Calle Reá,” and Gibraltar is “Gibrartá,” both in
“llanito” and Andalusian Spanish. Manuel Leguineche (2002, 2) mentions his
surprise when a Gibraltarian bobby replied “Zí, zeñó” to the question “Do
you speak English?”
This way of speaking is only the reflection of the coexistence of asym-
metrical spaces where at least two cultures live side by side or occasionally
clash. It is a way of speaking that, as Susan Bassnett states (in Simon 2012,
n.p.), shows the fundamental importance of languages shaping cultural, geo-
graphical, and historical space. In effect, the particular language used in Gi-
braltar demonstrates the power of language to mark the urban landscape, to
understand it, and how important it is to listen to cities (Simon 2012, xix and
1), especially these types of cities which are contact zones (see Pratt 1992),
noisy streets of polyglot neighborhoods.
These are very clear examples that language is an area of negotiation,
a space where connections are created through rewritings and where ideas
circulate, converge, and clash in the translational city, which imposes its own
patterns of interaction and these emerge out of their spaces and their own
narrative pasts (Simon 2012, 2). But in Gibraltar, as in Tangier or the Strait,
languages share the same terrain but rarely participate in a peaceful and egali-
tarian conversation. And there is some, albeit not a great deal of, Gibraltarian
literature, written mostly in Spanish by authors like Héctor Licudi, Alberto
Pizzarello, or Elio Cruz (see Yborra Aznar 2005). More recent writers, how-
ever, write in both languages (Mario Arroyo, for example) or only in English.
One of the most interesting current Gibraltarian authors is Trino Cruz, a
poet who writes in Spanish, translates Moroccan poetry from Arabic, and
defends the multiethnic and multilinguistic character of the territory. These
and many other authors allow us to see that translation (or self-translation,
depending on your point of view) “can no longer be configured only as a link
between a familiar and a foreign culture, between a local original and a distant
destination, between one monolingual community and another. [. . .] The
Other remains within a constant earshot. The shared understandings of this
coexistence change the meaning of translation from a gesture of benevolence
to a process through which a common civility is negotiated” (Simon 2012, 7).
As we have seen, given its history and the composition of its popu-
lation, Gibraltar is now also a hybrid or “dual” city whose complex, young
identity is based, above all, on the wishes of its population to maintain their
84 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
status as a British overseas territory and not be absorbed in any way by Spain
in the long term. It is clear that the friendly relations between the two parties
at the beginning of the twentieth century collapsed, probably permanently,
when the border crossing was closed from 1969 until 1985, isolating the two
peoples and provoking in Gibraltar both anti-Spanish feelings and a lack of
proficiency in the Spanish language. Even so, certain data (Grocott and Stock-
ey 2012, 125) show that the inhabitants of the Rock consider themselves to be
more and more Gibraltarian and less British, although it is not clear what this
feeling, whose signs of identity are still fairly vague yet real, consists of, the
city now celebrates a “National Day” on September 10 to commemorate the
date of the first referendum, held in 1967, to reject annexation to Spain; the
red and white flag of Gibraltar can be seen more and more often flying over
the territory, “llanito” is sometimes used in the local press instead of English,
and the project to publish the first local paper Calpe Press is already under
way. This nationalist feeling would only assimilate Gibraltar to tiny European
nations such as Andorra, Liechtenstein, Monaco, and San Marino, which are
historically much older. If this “national” sentiment were to become consol-
idated, which does not appear to have happened yet, Gibraltar would be an
example of a relatively new “heterogeneous,” hybrid, multilingual communi-
ty, seeking to define its own identity, composed in turn of hybrid elements
from different cultures.
concluding remarks
Living in different places means growing separate selves, learning other languages and ways of being,
and looking at the world from different vantage points, without ever quite belonging to any of them.
The state of being of a foreigner wherever I am has become second nature to me. It is a condition that
sharpens the eye and the ear, that keeps awareness on its toes, and that takes nothing for granted.
It means also that whatever I am, the ghosts of other places and other lives are hovering close.
(Reid 1994, 3)
The linguistic forms used in a space like Gibraltar cause us to reflect on how diffi-
cult it can become to find or create equivalent idioms for local, nonstandard lan-
guages, but in general everything mentioned above in relation to other spaces such
as Tangier and the waters of the Strait of Gibraltar confirms that “the translator’s
dilemmas are not to be found in dictionaries, but rather in an understanding of
the way language is tied to local realities [. . .] and to changing identities” (Simon
1995, 10). This is why nowadays, in a global and transcultural society, translation
is a transversal and interdisciplinary activity that has much to do with geography,
while only a few years ago they were both considered to be fields of research far
removed from each other (Bassnett 2011; Vidal 2012).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 85
By examining in this essay spaces such as Tangier and Gibraltar, cit-
ies of ethnicities with shifting centers and peripheries, sites of transitory events,
movements, memories, open spirals of heterogeneous collaborations and con-
taminations, heterotopic, multiform and diasporic realities, spaces which un-
dermine the presumed purity of thought (Chambers 1994, 93 and 95), we hope
to have shown the need to access both space and translation in a different way,
to have questioned what we understand today by space and why translation
has forced us to very seriously analyze how ideology and power interfere in the
creation of a space and a translation, what cultural contact points we have seen
between peoples whose spaces become joined or clash in translations of those
texts that define them in this way; what role is played by cartography of the plac-
es understood as texts; and how this concept of knowledge is instrumentalized in
asymmetrical and multidirectional contexts.
From this point of view, translating in the hybrid spaces studied here,
spaces like the Strait, Tangier, or Gibraltar that are sites of displacement, in-
terference, and constructed and disputed historicities (Clifford 1997, 25), has
shown itself to be a border experience able to produce powerful political vi-
sion, the subversion of binarism which makes us wonder how translatable
these places/metaphors of crossing are, how like and unlike diasporas. What
does it take to define and defend a homeland? What are the political stakes
in claiming a “home” in hooks’s (1991) sense? How are ethnic communities’
“insides” and “outsides” sustained, policed, subverted, crossed by historical
subjects with different degrees of power (Clifford 1997, 36)? Considered from
this state of things, translation is a foundational activity, an activity of cultural
creation that takes into account the unstable and liminal identities it trans-
forms and that partakes of the incompleteness of cultural belonging in spaces
informed by estrangement, diversity, plurality, and already saturated with a
logic of translation (Simon 1996, 152, 165, and 166) and dual cities may not
serve only to impose an alien and oppressive presence but also to be part of a
process of exchange which involves “an active chain of response, a vivifying
interaction” (Simon and St-Pierre 2000, 10).
This article is part of the research projects entitled “Violencia simbólica y traducción: retos
en la representación de identidades fragmentadas en la sociedad global” (Symbolic violence
and translation: challenges in the representation of fragmented identities within the global
society) and “La traducción de clásicos en su aspecto editorial: una visión transatlántica”
(Publishing strategies in the translation of classics: a transatlantic approach) (respectively
FFI2015-66516-P and FFI2013-41743-P; MINECO/FEDER, UE) financed by the Spanish
Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness.
86 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
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<M. Carmen África Claramonte> is Professor of Translation at the
University of Salamanca, Spain. Her research interests include trans-
lation theory, poststructuralism, postcolonialism, contemporary art, and
gender studies. She has published a number of books, anthologies,
and essays on these issues, including Traducción, manipulación, des-
construcción (Salamanca, 1995), El futuro de la traducción (Valencia,
1998), Translation/Power/Subversion (coedited with Román Álvarez,
Clevedon, 1996), En los límites de la traducción (Granada, 2006), Tra-
ducir entre culturas: diferencias, poderes, identidades (Frankfurt, 2007),
Traducción y asimetría (Frankfurt, 2010), La traducción y los espacios:
viajes, mapas, fronteras (Granada, 2013), ”Dile que le he escrito un
blues.” Del texto como partitura a la partitura como traducción (Frank-
furt, 2017), and La traducción y la(s) historia(s) (Comares, 2017). She is
a practicing translator specializing in the fields of philosophy, literature,
and contemporary art.
<Juan Jesús Zaro> has been professor of translation studies at the
University of Málaga since 2008. His research interests include trans-
lation theory, history of translation, and literary translation. He obtained
an MA from New York University, as a Fulbright student, and a PhD in
English Literature from the University de Granada (1983). He has pub-
lished a number of books, anthologies, and articles, including Manual
de Traducción/A Manual of Translation (Madrid, 1998), Shakespeare
y sus traductores (Bern, 2008), Traductores y traductores de literatura
y ensayo (Granada, 2007), and Diez estudios sobre la traducción en la
España del siglo xix (Granada, 2009). He is also a practicing translator
and has translated, among other books, Charles Dickens’ Historia de
dos ciudades (Cátedra, 2000); Samuel Butler’s El destino de la carne
(Alba Editorial, 2001), Edith Wharton’s El arrecife (Alba Editorial, 2003),
and Jane Austen’s Persuasión (Cátedra, 2004).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 89
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] | Introduction
Sherry Simon
This special issue explores eight spaces of translation—geographical
sites, urban spaces, and architectural structures—whose cultural meanings are
shaped through language interactions and transfer. Each study confirms the
idea that places are created through itineraries and narratives, wanderings and
stories, which evolve over time. Situated in the complex cityscapes of Itae-
won, Lagos, Lviv, Montreal, Talinn, Renaissance Florence, Marseille, and the
historically rich interzone of Gibraltar, these places illustrate the formative
powers of translation in defining sensory experience and memory.
The idea of space and place receives diverse interpretations in these
essays—contributing to a field of inquiry which is rapidly evolving. Space
is not understood as a simple container where translation takes place, but
rather as a site where production and interpretation are intermingled, where
translations occur and where identity is reinterpreted. Spaces are indicators
of regimes of translation, of the forces that converge to allow or impede the
transfer of languages and memories. From the architectural structure of a san-
itary station to the dialogue between Gibraltar and Tangier, from the pages
of novels to bronze statues, from multilingual markets to the studies where
scholars are bent over treatises on Kabbalistic thought—these diverse spaces
explode the notion of the “where” of translation.
***
In her reading of the Sanitary Station of Marseille, Simona Bonelli
uses the lens of translation and memory to evoke a place of multiple pasts—
linked to the history of Marseille in its function as a place of migration and
passage. Originally designed as a medical checkpoint, a place for screening mi-
grants, then long abandoned, it has now become a museum which neverthe-
less maintains traces of its previous functions. Citing Barthes, Bonelli shows
that architectural spaces can be read as chapters of a complex text, continually
retranslated. Following the Station in its transformations over the years, she
defines it as a palimpsest representing “a place of exile, of displacement, a
metaphorical place that contains a plurality of meanings, errant trajectories,
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 11
and that lends itself to multiple interpretations.” Initially born as a “boundary
area” because of its function of containment and delimitation, the Sanitary
Station has eventually “swollen,” through a series of metamorphoses, into a
threshold—a place caught up in a tension of the present. This passage from
boundary to threshold is enabled by a history of translation.
***
Hunam Yun’s textured analysis of the district of Itaewon, in Seoul,
South Korea, emphasizes the rich history of twists and turns that has marked
this zone. This is a history which is not, however, apparent in the capsule
“translations” found in tourist guides. As an area which has seen a strong mil-
itary presence across the centuries, most recently for stationing the Japanese
army during the colonial period and subsequently the American army, as a
place now attracting many migrants, and also as a place strongly associated
with sexuality and sex workers, Itaewon has been the site of cultural amalga-
mation and conflict. As Yun shows, the various translations of the name of
Itaewon itself—foreigners’ village, village for being pregnant with a foreign-
er’s child, village for pear trees—show that the city as a “a culture-generator”
(Lotman) cannot be translated into one fixed image. Itaewon has been a place
for travelers and trading, a space of trauma caused by the conflictual history
of Korea, a foreigners’ village, a foreign land within the country, a colonized
space, a space of freedom and resistance, a window onto Western culture, a
space for cultural translation . . . Yun contrasts the selective translations and
commodifications of the city with the richness of its reality and history. As a
culture-generator, a city deserves a more adequate translation.
***
Elena Murphy draws a portrait of the multilingual city of Lagos
through readings of Nigerian authors who portray the different sounds and
accents of one of Nigeria’s most diverse and vibrant cities. The multilingual
texts of Sefi Atta, a leading voice in what has come to be known as “The Third
Generation of Nigerian Writers,” replicate the language negotiations of the
city. Languages such as Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba, as well as Nigerian English
and Nigerian Pidgin, flow through Atta’s novels, just as they flow through the
city. Particularly interesting is the diversity of cultural forms and spaces which
express this plurality—types of music such as afrobeat or highlife music,
dance, film, as well as the spaces of Lagos’s streets and markets. Translation is
present in varied forms, aiding in the creation of new hybrid linguistic forms
and new semantic associations, typical features of interaction in urban areas.
12 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
The Straits of Gibraltar, with its twin cities of Gibraltar and Tang-
ier, stand as emblematic spaces of translation—but also as spaces whose hy-
bridities force a rethinking of translation itself. To negotiate across hybrid
spaces is to concentrate on the border experience as generating a powerful
political vision, working against binaries, against inside and outside. In such
zones, translation is a foundational activity, an activity of cultural creation.
África Vidal and Juan Jesús Zaro provide a portrait of the Strait of Gibraltar
as a natural border between two continents (Africa and Europe), between
two countries (Morocco and Spain), and between two cities (Gibraltar, an
overseas territory of the United Kingdom, and Ceuta, a Spanish city with its
own statute of autonomous government), and offer nuanced descriptions of
the cultural histories of those spaces as they have been in interaction with one
another. Governed as one territory by the Romans and also during the eight
centuries of Muslim occupation of the Iberian Peninsula, the Straits then be-
come an indication of division across empires. The waters of the Strait carry
“a layered text of narratives of belonging and exclusion.”
Anastasiya Lyubas reads the Western Ukrainian city of Lviv as a space
comprised of buildings, communities, maps, memories, and languages spo-
ken, written, and read—a tactile, textile, and textual fabric. The “real” city, she
argues, cannot be experienced without linguistic mediation. Inviting the read-
er to stroll the city, stopping at monuments and buildings, consulting a map
drawn by authors Igor Klekh, Yuri Andrukhovych, and Natalka Sniadanko,
she gives the widest meaning to translation as a key to the multifaceted ele-
ments which define city life. The city, thus, becomes a construct of individual
and collective readings. The essay includes references to the events of 2013–
2014 in Ukraine that have problematized even further unresolved issues of
identity, politics of memory, and belonging. With an eye attentive to shifts in
the role of language in the city, Lyubas shows how the aural dimensions of the
spoken languages of yesterday have become visual places, traces. Yesterday’s
commerce has become trade in cultural meanings and in competing claims to
the city. The city’s architecture, its history, literary scene, and projections of
the future are read as a “text” offering insights into urban experience and the
ways it is mediated and interpreted.
***
Ceri Morgan’s reading of Montreal focuses on two novels from the
1960s which challenge orthodox versions of the language situation in the city.
In Yvette Naubert’s La Dormeuse éveillée (1965) and Claire Mondat’s Poupée
(1963), active and passive linguistic translations become signposts for a par-
ticular kind of modernity, dramatizing embodied everyday translation prac-
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 13
tices occurring in places of work, leisure, and consumption, like the café and
department store. The texts are striking for their choice of settings and their
sometimes seemingly relaxed mediation of French and English interactions
at a time when many examples of le roman montréalais are highlighting clash-
es between these. They prefigure, in fact, many of the everyday interactions
between French and English in contemporary Montreal. As such, they offer
important pointers as to the possibilities of negotiating differences. Gender
is highlighted in the analysis, the body of the protagonist navigating between
past and present gender conventions and mappings of Montreal’s majority
languages, as well as across the very different histories of the protagonists (the
French-Canadian maid, the family of Holocaust survivors). Translation be-
comes a way of being in the world, of overcoming trauma. In many respects,
Naubert’s and Mondat’s protagonists can be seen as “languagers”—that is,
“people [. . .] who engage with the world-in-action, who move in the world
in a way that allows the risk of stepping out of one’s habitual ways of speak-
ing and attempt to develop different, more relational ways of interacting with
the people and phenomena that one encounters in everyday life” (Phipps
2011, 365). Translation facilitates a mobility associated with feminine asser-
tion; translation allows escapes from, or challenges to, the social constraints
of the past. Naubert’s and Mondat’s heroines inhabit a kind of messy middle
in their employing of the “tactics” as “always [. . .] partial, provisional and
broken” (Phipps 2011, 375). Moving inside and outside the city, they embody
a translation practice beyond representation and vital to a “relational” being
in the world.
***
Federico Bellentani considers the case of the relocation of the Bronze
Soldier of Talinn as a practice of cultural reinvention. Here translation takes
on its medieval spatial meaning as the physical transfer of a sacred body. This
paper proposed an analysis of the marginalization, the removal, and the relo-
cation of the Bronze Soldier of Tallinn. Employing the vocabulary of semi-
otics, looking at monument as text, Bellentani argues that the removal cannot
be interpreted through the clashing interpretations of Ethnic-Estonians and
Russian speakers. Rather, the Bronze Soldier embodied an array of multifacet-
ed interpretations and the process of its relocation elicited different emotional
reactions. Its relocation two kilometers outside the center of the city had both
spatial and ideological implications: it was an official attempt to displace its
meanings toward a peripheral area of both Tallinn and Estonian culture as
such—that is, to translate them into the context of contemporary European
Estonia.
14 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
The final essay by Laurent Lamy tells the fascinating story of a transla-
tional movement whose center was Renaissance Florence. The paradigm shift
from a geocentric to a heliocentric universe, he argues, was in part possible be-
cause of the combination of mystical and rational thought which emerged in
the early Renaissance—largely through the translations of one Flavius Mithri-
dates, born Guglielmo Raimondo Moncada (ca. 1445–1489), a colorful figure
who was a Jewish convert to Christianity. From 1485 to 1487, he labored by
the side of Pico della Mirandola, translating Kabbalistic literature. The col-
laboration between the two scholars was one of the most fertile translation
ventures in the history of ideas in the West; it provided the European intellec-
tual elite with a reservoir of ideas and symbolic patterns that found resonance
in provinces of thought “located many leagues from their country of origin.”
The introduction of Persian and Chaldean solar theologies, and the concept
of a plurality of worlds presented through the various perspectives offered by
cosmological speculations of the Jewish Kabbalah, had a large impact on the
evolving ideas of the intellectual elite of the Quattrocento. The translation of
a critical mass of Kabbalistic and Arabian astronomical treatises—the begin-
nings of which far exceeded the translations produced under the enlightened
caliphate of Bagdad between the ninth and twelfth centuries—established, in
a very short time span, a fertile interplay between sapiential traditions of an-
cient times and embryonic ideas of modern science. Florence was, for several
decades, the epicenter of this heightened activity around translation, which
opened up a fault line that shook the geocentric status quo.
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 15
| Unimi Open Journals |
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] | Marseilles’ Sanitary Station:
morphologies of displacement
between memory and desire
Simona Elena Bonelli
[email protected]
<Abstract> The former “Sanitary Station” of Marseille was built in 1948 by the architect
Fernand Pouillon, its history closely linked to the history of the Phocaean city. The main
entry and departure point for travelers and immigrants arriving by the sea, it was aban-
doned for forty years and was almost destroyed in 2009. In 2013, it was transformed into
the museum Regards de Provence, but still keeps the memory of its past: the “steam room”
(part of this quarantine internment system) is a permanent installation and is part of a
section called “Memories of the Sanitary Station.”
Migrants from all over the world arriving in Marseille were “displaced” here to go through
disinfection, screening, and a vaccination process in a bid to fight the city’s ever-present
threat of epidemics. This was therefore a multilingual context, but also a place in which
bodies were forced to undergo a transformation. Somehow, these people, like a text under
the eyes of a translator, were carefully examined before being allowed access to a new space,
a new context. The building itself is a palimpsest, made of different phases of transforma-
tion: from Sanitary station to a place occupied by squatters to a museum. What makes
the Sanitary Station an emblematic city space is the fact that the different “layers” of its
transformations are all present—none has been cancelled. An urban structure that is at the
same time—as Derrida puts it—translatable and untranslatable: “Un texte ne vit que s’il
survit, et il ne sur-vit que s’il est à la fois traductible et intraduisible.”
“La città non dice il suo passato, lo contiene come le linee d’una mano, scritto negli spigoli
delle vie, nelle griglie delle finestre, negli scorrimano delle scale, nelle antenne dei para-
fulmini, nelle aste delle bandiere, ogni segmento rigato a sua volta di graffi, seghettature,
intagli, svirgole.” (Calvino, 1979, 18)1
In Invisible Cities, Marco Polo and Kublai Khan talk about the impossibility
of defining what a city is and what it is not. Cities are the product of multiple
and unpredictable interactions rather than the result of a rational plan. Urban
space is read and interpreted by Italo Calvino as a place constantly crossed by
fluctuations and rhythms. In one of the sections called “Cities and memory,”
Marco Polo describes the city of Zaira that, he tells the Emperor, consists of
1
“The city [...] does not tell its past, but contains it like the lines of a hand, written in the corners
of the streets, the gratings of the windows, the banisters of the steps, the antennae of the
lightning rods, the poles of the flags, every segment marked in turn with scratches, indentations,
scrolls” (Calvino 1997, 9).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 17
“relationships between the measurements of its space and the events of its
past” (Calvino 1994, 9). The urban landscape is made of time and space, and,
like texts, cities are made of signs that we can read and interpret. In this article
I would like to read the past of an emblematic building, the Sanitary Station,
“like the lines of a hand” of Marseille, trying to decipher its patterns, its trans-
formations, its symbolic function inside the city.
The former “Sanitary Station” of Marseille (figure 1) was built in
1948 by the architect Fernand Pouillon, and the history of this place is closely
linked to that of the Phocaean city. Main entry and departure point for trav-
ellers and immigrants arriving by the sea, it was abandoned for forty years and
was almost destroyed in 2009. In 2013 it was completely transformed into the
museum Regards de Provence, but it still keeps the memory of its past: the
“salle des étuves” (the steam room, part of the quarantine internment system)
(figure 1) is a permanent installation and is part of a section called “Memories
of the Sanitary Station.” If the concept of memory recalls something that is
buried in the past, what makes this building an exemplary space is the fact
that all the different phases of its transformations are still there—they have
not been canceled.2
The city of Marseille is not new to epidemics. The Mediterranean sea
has always been a source of life and prosperity, but also of death: through the
centuries, the population of Marseille has been devastated by plague and pes-
tilence, and in the sixteenth century the first sanitation board was established,
whose members inspected all incoming ships, cargoes, crew, and passengers.
The worst plague outbreak in the history of Marseille occurred in 1720, when
the merchant ship Grand Saint-Antoine brought pestilence-carrying rats and
fleas into the Vieux Port. It was the “Great Plague of Marseille,” the epidemics
that Antonin Artaud evokes in his Le Théâtre et son double (1964) to develop
an analogy between theater and pestilence; the plague is a transforming force
that purges the world of its violence and ugliness.3 Although this epidemic
was considered the last outbreak of plague in France, at the beginning of the
twentieth century small epidemics and sporadic cases were recorded in Mar-
seille and Paris.
2
The book that retraces the several transformations from the Sanitary Station to the Museum
Regards de Provence has the emblematic title of Métamorphoses (Muntaner and Durousseau
2013).
3
The streets of a plague-ridden city are blocked by mounds of unidentifiable corpses; at this
point, Artaud writes, “[l]e théâtre comme la peste est une crise qui se dénoue par la mort ou par
la guérison. Et la peste est un mal supérieur parce qu’elle est une crise complète après laquelle
il ne reste rien que la mort ou qu’une extrême purification. De même le théâtre est un mal parce
qu’il est l’équilibre suprême, qui ne s’acquiert pas sans destruction” (Artaud 1964, 25).
18 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
1.
The former Sanitary
Station of Marseille
2.
The Salle des étuves
After World War ii, there were fifteen million refugees, or “displaced
people,” in Europe. Marseille organized the reception of thousands of immi-
grants by creating a strategy of sanitary prophylaxis against plague, cholera,
yellow fever, typhus fever, and smallpox. In 1948, the French architects An-
dré Champollion, Fernand Pouillon, and René Egger were charged with the
project of designing the Sanitary Station of Marseille. The main aim of their
project was to create a place of disease prevention and control but, at the same
time, to defy rigid spatial segregations and the exposure of individuals to a
controlling centralized observation. For this reason they created a structure
with several one-way corridors through which individuals could move in or-
der to be washed and disinfected and undergo a medical examination (figure
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 19
3.
Area for ablutions
and disinfection
3). Everything was done to avoid any sense of humiliation to the passengers:
wide, luminous spaces and above all a horizontal linearity that invested win-
dows, objects, and at the same time the building’s structure created a place
that evoked the atmosphere of a ship. These similarities between a ship and a
place receiving potentially ill people suggests the Renaissance allegory of the
“ship of fools” that, as Foucault explains, symbolizes an intermediate moment
between the medieval exclusion of lepers outside the gates of the city and the
exclusion of the mad within the social body (Foucault 1988). Every boat that
arrived in Marseille found its uncanny “double” located on the threshold of
the city, in a place that lies between the sea and the urban space, a liminal area
that must be crossed if the individual wants to be considered healthy and,
above all, inoffensive to the rest of the population.
The threshold is an in-between state that separates two spaces of dif-
ferent nature. As Walter Benjamin observed in his reflections on architecture:
20 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
The threshold is a zone. And in fact a zone of passage (Übergang). Transformation,
passage, flux—all are contained in the word threshold. [. . .] We have become quite
poor as far as threshold experiences go. Falling asleep is perhaps the only such ex-
perience that has remained to us. (quoted in Sieburth, 19)
But the notion of threshold has also fascinated Gérard Genette who,
in the opening pages of Seuils, explains that “plus que d’une limite ou d’une
frontière étanche, il s’agit ici d’un seuil ou—mot de Borges à propos d’une
préface—d’un ‘vestibule’ qui offre à tout un chacun la possibilité d’entrer,
ou de rebrousser chemin” (Genette 1987, 8).4 Philosophers like Wittgenstein
and Benjamin have created several parallels between the forms of the city
and the diverse forms of language, and semiotic studies invite us to read the
city through its signifying forms. In his “Sémiologie et urbanisme,” Roland
Barthes sees the city as a discourse, and this discourse, he writes, is truly a
language: “Et nous retrouvons la vieille intuition de Victor Hugo: la ville est
une écriture; celui qui se déplace dans la ville, c’est-à-dire l’usager de la ville (ce
que nous sommes tous), est une sorte de lecteur qui, selon ses obligations et ses
déplacements, prélève des fragments de l’énoncé pour les actualiser en secret”
(Barthes 1985, 268).5 Architectural spaces can be read as chapters of a complex
text—the city—made of streets, traffic, buildings, and so on that interact in a
complex game of intertextuality. From this standpoint, the Sanitary Station is
a multilingual context, a sort of Babel, but also a place in which the bodies of
the immigrants had to undergo a transformation. Somehow these people, like
a text in the eyes of a translator, were carefully examined before being allowed
into a new space, a new context.
A translation implies a movement, the concept of carrying something
across. The English word derives from the Latin translatio, which itself comes from
trans “across” and la-tio- “carrying”; the Italian language adds a cultural element to
this image of movement with the use of the noun tradotta, which is a special train
used for the transportation of military troops or deportees. By extension, in Italian
it is possible to say that “l’assassino è stato tradotto in carcere” (“the murderer was
taken, ‘translated’ to prison”). In his book The Pleasure of the Text, Barthes asks
the question “Does the text have a human form, is it a figure, an anagram of the
body?” (Barthes 1986, 16). We could ask ourselves whether the human body has
4
“More than a boundary or a sealed border, the paratext is, rather, a threshold or—a word Borg-
es used apropos of a preface—a ‘vestibule’ that offers the possibility of either stepping inside
or turning back” (Genette 1997, 1–2).
5
“And here we rediscover Victor Hugo’s old intuition: the city is writing. He who moves about
the city, e.g., the user of the city (what we all are), is a kind of reader who, following his obliga-
tions and his movements, appropriates fragments of the utterance in order to actualize them in
secret” (Barthes 1986, 199).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 21
a textual status, that of a “readable” object of translation, whose position can be
changed and relocated in a new context. The “transformation” of the refugees that
arrived in Marseille took place in a building organized as a series of passageways
that somehow evoke Benjamin’s arcades, although with some remarkable differ-
ences. Sherry Simon writes that
Benjamin uses the arcades as a cultural historian to represent an ambiguous urban
space, neither inside nor outside, a passageway which is also a space of consumption, a
new materialization of urban space. In the essay on translation, he uses the arcade to for-
mulate a contrast between interpretive translation (which uses as its unit the “sentence”
or the “proposition”) and literal translation (which proceeds word by word). The first, he
says, produces a translation akin to a wall, the second a text which functions more like an
arcade: ‘For if the sentence is the wall before the language of the original, literalness is
the arcade.’ The glass roof allows light to flow through matter, just as the literally translat-
ed text is a transparent surface which allows the light of the original to fall onto the new
version, creating an interplay of surfaces. (Simon 2000, 75)
I find this passage extremely interesting because it gives me the op-
portunity to explore the relationship between the process of translation and
the spaces of translation. Both in the Parisian arcade and in the Sanitary Sta-
tion of Marseille, the presence of a glass construction is essential, but while
in the arcade the glass roof has the aim of accentuating the transition zone
between the outdoor world of the street and the interior space,6 in the Sanitary
Station the lateral glass walls contribute to the brightness of the space but at
the same time the concrete structure creates a screen to guarantee the privacy
of those passing by. Benjamin sees the arcades as the entry point of the Parisian
labyrinth, a place where the flâneur could dwell; the Sanitary Station is a one-
way passage in which there is no time for dwelling: the “translation” of those
who are already “dis-placed” people should be done quickly in order to obtain
a transformed, clean version of their bodies. Like Genette, I would like to
insist on the term “vestibule,” because, in addition to the concept of “thresh-
old,” this word also conveys the idea of clothing if we accept the etymology
from the Latin vestibulum, from vestis “garment” and -bulum, probably from
the sense of “a place to dress.”7 When the immigrants arrived in the Sanitary
Station, they were first of all asked to undress so that their clothes could be
6
Benjamin was attracted by the ambiguity of glass, by the transformative power of this building
material through its architectural application: “It is not a coincidence that glass is so hard and
smooth a material to which nothing can be fastened. It is also cold and sober. Things that are
made of glass have no ‘aura.’ Glass is the enemy par excellence of secrecy. It is also the enemy
of property” (quoted in Heynen 1999, 155).
7
Ovid, in his Fasti, links the term vestibulum to the Roman goddess of hearth and home Vesta.
In any case, if the vestibule is now the place where outer clothing is put on or removed in leaving
or entering a house, for the Romans it was the area in which they used to depose their clothes.
22 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
washed and disinfected; they then had to go through the communal showers
that, thanks to a system of mobile partition walls, became individual show-
ers. The city that has made “Savon de Marseille” its emblem distributed bars
of soap and towels to the immigrants who, eventually, got back their clean
clothes and could go upstairs for a medical examination.
The Sanitary Station only remained active for a couple of years, un-
til the World Health Organization coordinated a global vaccination program
that made entities such as the station redundant. Before entering a country,
people were supposed to show their vaccination cards; this was the beginning
of preventive medicine. After having served as offices for the administrative
clerks of the Direction du Contrôle Sanitaire aux Frontières, the Sanitary Sta-
tion of Marseille was closed in 1971.
A new chapter in this building’s life then began—that of refuge of
squatters. The edifice that was used as an institution for disease prevention and
control became a place of meetings and creativity for squatters and graffiti art-
ists. The white aseptic walls of the Sanitary Station were filled with colorful po-
ems, tags, and murals. Round images replaced the square tiles covering the walls,
showers, and steam rooms. An ephemeral form of art violated the visual and ar-
chitectural order and setting, breaking the rules of the space–time relationship.
The body, the skin of the sanitary station was “scratched,”8 in the same way as
the skin of the migrants was scratched to be immunized against smallpox. The
squatters imposed a transformation on this building by “inoculating” the germs
of a revolutionary art. In 2009, in order to protest against the permanent closing
of the place, the squatters burned a car inside the building (figure 4), which was
4.
Burned car
in Sanitary Station
8
The term “graffiti” derives from the Italian word graffio, a “scratch” or “scribble”.
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 23
nearly destroyed—fire as a sort of extreme catharsis that paved the way to the next
transformation. The burned car is a trace, its cinders a rem(a)inder of something
that is at the same time present and absent. In Feu la cendre, Derrida describes
how one particular phrase, “il y a là cendre” (“cinders there are”), continually
returned to him and insists on the importance of the trace:
Si vous ne vous rappelez plus, c’est que l’incinération suit son cours et la consumation
va de soi, la cendre même. Trace destinée, comme toute, à disparaître d’elle-même
pour égarer la voie autant que pour rallumer une mémoire. La cendre est juste :
parce que sans trace, justement elle trace plus qu’une autre, et comme l’autre trace.
(Derrida 1984, 30)9
What remains from the destruction returns to the surface, to the skin;
when the smoke dissipates, the incinerated place resurfaces. The evocation of
haunting memories that reemerge from a fire is at the center of the artistic
production of Claudio Parmiggiani, who in his work Delocazione (De-loca-
tion) builds installations and sets them on fire, revealing the traces of the
disappeared objects. This is what Didi-Huberman calls “une matière de l’ab-
sence”—things disappear, but the memory of their presence still remains.10
The Regards de Provence foundation, in need of a permanent structure
for its exhibitions in the city of Marseille, decided to rehabilitate this building
and create a museum that collected artworks created in and about Provence. But
before its permanent recuperation and conversion, before the ancient Sanitary
Station was transformed into a Museum, a French photographer and installation
artist was asked to fix an image in which the traces of the past could interact with
the poetic metamorphoses that this place has experienced. Georges Rousse is an
artist attracted by neglected and forgotten sites, by their solitude and emptiness;
he takes his inspiration from the “wounds” suffered by an edifice to create an
ephemeral “mise-en-scène” that he then immortalizes with photographs.11 One
of the main characteristics of a photograph is its link with the referent, a sort
9
“If you no longer recall it, it is because the incineration follows its course and the consummation
proceeds from itself, the cinder itself. Trace destined, like everything, to disappear from itself, as
much in order to lose the way as to rekindle a memory. The cinder is exact: because without a
trace it precisely traces more than an other, and as the other trace(s)” (Derrida 1991, 57).
10
In his book Génie du non-lieu, Georges Didi-Huberman explores the works of Parmiggiani.
The Italian artist shows that fire does not cause the complete disappearance of an object, but,
rather, it delocates it. The question of memory and survival therefore becomes essential: “Il se-
rait donc abusive d’identifier l’œuvre de Parmiggiani à une simple nostalgie du passé (Delocazi-
one est d’ailleurs plus proche d’Hiroshima que d’une reconstitution pompéienne). Cette œuvre
vise plutôt un travail de la mémoire—une prise en considération de la survivance—qui a fait dire
à l’artiste que ‘les veritables Antiques, c’est nous’” (Didi-Huberman 2001, 43).
11
His artistic intervention is multifaceted: “I call upon various methods of art: I am the designer
of the project, the painter on-site, the architect by my interpretation of a given space and by
the construction I organise there within, and finally the photographer who coordinates all these
actions” (http://www.georgesrousse.com/english/news/rousse-speech.html).
24 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
of “reality effect” that makes the past reality of the object indubitable. In La
Chambre claire, Barthes argues that the photographic referent is not the same as
the referent of other systems of representation: whereas in painting the presence
of the model is optional and in language the referents can be chimerical, in a
photograph we cannot deny that the thing “has been there.”12 This significant
aspect of referentiality seems to compensate for an inexplicable lack of images in
relation to the activity of these spaces. In fact, neither the book Metamorphoses
published by the Musée Regards de Provence (Muntaner and Durousseau 2013)
nor the 45-minute documentary that, in the same Museum, explores the history
of the plague in Marseille, immigration, and the building contain a single picture
concerning the people who passed through the Sanitary Station, and there are
only a few pictures of the areas and rooms from when it was active. Somehow,
the artistic view of Georges Rousse is asked to capture, in single images, the sig-
nificant past of these spaces, and he does so by insisting on the double liminality
of the Sanitary Station: the instant captured by the photos of the French artist is
not only that of a place that has represented for years the liminal area between the
port and the city, but also that of a phase of an urban space that has gone through
several transformations.13 The technique used by Rousse is that of anamorphosis;
whereas trompe l’œil gives the illusion that a flat surface is three dimensional, his
anamorphic images create the illusion that a three-dimensional area is flat (figures
5 and 6). Although it looks as if the geometric form has been digitally created, the
illusion generated by these photographs is optical, and represents the outcome of
several weeks of work so that the colorful geometric is only visible from a specific
point of view. The anamorphic figure invites those who are watching it to move,
to change their point of view, in order to bring into perfect focus the object of
interpretation. Nevertheless, the installations created by Georges Rousse, once
they are immortalized by the camera, do not ask the viewer to move, to change
their perspective: his artwork is intended only for the lens, and not for an ob-
server in the actual space. Rousse creates a “before” and “after” effect—first, the
“deconstructed” red circle and then the perfectly round red circle reassembled by
the camera. In doing so, he wanders in the rooms of the Sanitary Station with the
eye of the photographer who is trying to find the right standpoint.14
12
Its essence is recorded in the formula “ça a été,” “that has been.”
13
In an interview about his installations at the future Musée Regards de Provence, Georges
Rousse said that “[l]e port c’était la station sanitaire qui accueillait les immigrants mais c’est aussi
le point de départ vers l’ailleurs. [. . .] Je voulais rendre compte de ce nouvel espace qui a perdu
toute fonctionnalité et qui va disparaitre, cet entre-deux” (Muntaner and Durousseau 2013, 109)
14
“Je déambule dans les lieux avec l’œil du photographe pour repérer le bon point de vue
jusqu’à l’image finale qui a besoin de l’appareil photographique comme outil de reproduction”
(Muntaner and Durousseau 2013, 111).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 25
26 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
In these ephemeral installations that are immortalized only by the
lens of a camera, the gaze of the artist leaves its place to another “gaze”: that
of the Museum Regards de Provence, a museum that has slowly become a sort
of palimpsest, made of its different phases of transformation. The permanent
installation shows the old steam room and a documentary that retraces the
history of this building, while the temporary exhibitions are housed in galler-
ies on the ground and first floors. The several windows along both the front
and the back walls of this long, horizontal building invite the observer to gaze
outside, towards the port and the city. In the course of all its transformations,
5–6.
the Sanitary Station has been “living on”; its trans-lation, its trans-positions Rousse, anamorphic
have not destroyed it. Like a text, this building has survived only because, installation
to paraphrase Derrida, it was at once translatable and untranslatable.15 This
building outlives itself, is at the outskirts of its own living.
Like Georges Rousse, Walter Benjamin was attracted by the decayed
or abandoned spaces of the city; likewise, he was fascinated by “thresholds”
and borders. He first visited Marseille in 1926, and then several times in 1928
and 1931. His last visit to the Phocaean city took place in 1940, shortly before
his death. Marseille was for him like a book to be interpreted:
In the early morning I drove through Marseilles to the station, and as I passed familiar
places on my way, and then new, unfamiliar ones or others that I remembered only
vaguely, the city became a book in my hands, into which I hurriedly glanced a few last
times before it passed from my sight for who knows how long into a warehouse crate.
(Benjamin 1999b, 447)
Whereas Paris represents for Benjamin the ideal place to discover the
traces of social meaning and the collective dreams of modernity, he finds Mar-
seille hard to decipher, to the point where he once commented that no city so
stubbornly resisted his efforts to depict it as did Marseille (Eiland 2014, 310).
Benjamin sees each street as a vertiginous experience; for him the city-dweller
should be “on the threshold of the metropolis as of the middle class” (Benja-
min 2006, 40). Nevertheless, in his writings on hashish, and in particular in
the text “Hashish in Marseilles,” he does not stay on the borders. Rather, he
lets himself sink inside the “ventre of Marseilles”:
15
“Un texte ne vit que s’il sur-vit, et il ne sur-vit que s’il est à la fois traductible et intraduisible.
[. . .] Totalement traductible, il disparaît comme texte, comme écriture, comme corps de langue.
Totalement intraduisible, même à l’intérieur de ce qu’on croit être une langue, il meurt aussitôt.
La traduction triomphante n’est donc ni la vie ni la mort du texte, seulement ou déjà sa survie.
On en dira de même de ce que j’appelle écriture, marque, trace, etc. Ça ne vit ni ne meurt, ça
survit. Et ça ne ‘commence’ que par la survie (testament, itérabilité, restance, crypte, détache-
ment déstructurant par rapport à la rection ou direction ‘vivante’ d’un ‘auteur’ qui ne se noierait
pas dans les parages de son texte)” (Derrida 1986, 147–149).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 27
I lay upon the bed, read and smoked. All the while opposite to me this glimpse of the
ventre of Marseilles. (Now the images begin to take hold of me). The street that I’d so
often seen is like an incision cut by a knife. (Benjamin 1978, 138)
When, under the effect of hashish, Benjamin describes the streets of
Marseille, he enters a surrealist dream world, made of strange sounds, images,
and scents. His perception of what he sees in the streets—where he strolls to
find a restaurant for dinner—is distorted, the dimensions of time and space
are abolished.16 Unexpectedly, the words of a conversation in a little port bar
sound to him like dialect:
The people of Marseilles suddenly did not speak good enough French to me. They
were stuck at the level of dialect. The phenomenon of alienation that may be involved
in this, which Kraus has formulated in the fine dictum “The more closely you look at
a word the more distantly it looks back” appears to extend to the optical. (Benjamin
1978, 144)
Michel de Certeau writes that the city is a text, and that walking in a
city has its own rhetoric: “Il y a une rhétorique de la marche. L’art de ‘tourn-
er’ des phrases a pour équivalent un art de tourner des parcours. Comme le
langage ordinaire, cet art implique et combine des styles et des usages” (De
Certeau 2005, 15).17 Nevertheless, the legibility of a city changes; it is the per-
spective of the viewer that defines the object of observation. When Benjamin
quotes Kraus’s aphorism (“The closer one looks at a word, the further away
it looks back”), he too evokes the importance of perspective. How should we
read a city, its translation zones, its palimpsests?
I would like to close this paper with another quote from Calvino’s
Invisible Cities:
In due modi si raggiunge Despina: per nave o per cammello. La città si presenta
differente a chi viene da terra e a chi dal mare. [. . .] Ogni città riceve la sua forma dal
deserto a cui si oppone; e così il cammelliere e il marinaio vedono Despina, città di
confine tra due deserti. (Calvino 1994, 370)18
16
“Versailles, for one who has taken hashish, is not too large, nor eternity too long” (Benjamin
1978,138).
17
“There is a rhetoric of walking. The art of ‘turning’ phrases finds an equivalent in an art of
composing a path. Like ordinary language, this art implies and combines styles and uses” (De
Certeau 1984, 100).
18
“Despina can be reached in two ways: by ship or by camel. The city displays one face to the
traveler arriving overland and a different one to him who arrives by sea. [. . .] Each city receives
its form from the desert it opposes; and so the camel driver and the sailor see Despina, a border
city between two deserts” (Calvino 1997, 17).
28 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
Whereas the city of Zaira is part of a section devoted to memory, De-
spina is a city of desire that opens paths and opportunities for visitors. There
are multiple ways of seeing the same city, depending on which face of the city
they see. Those who arrive at Despina have to shift their perspective, as if they
were in front of an anamorphic image. By building the Sanitary Station, Mar-
seille has tried to give itself a “face” from which the immigrants could see it,
but France’s oldest city has not resisted the univocal direction imposed by this
passage point: the Station operated for a few years, quickly transformed by
artists who made this structure a place of exile, of displacement, a metaphori-
cal place that contains a plurality of meanings and errant trajectories, and that
lends itself to multiple interpretations.
The story of those anonymous people who arrived in Marseille and
whose body/corpus underwent a transformation in order to be admitted to a
new context intertwines with the story of another migrant who, some years
before, in 1940, had been trying to escape France for the United States: Walter
Benjamin. He went from Paris to Marseille, which at that time was full of refu-
gees, especially those from countries occupied by the German army. The philos-
opher who used to be an extraordinary city dweller and who loved to get lost in
the meanders of a city, found himself obliged to follow the route taken by many
refugees. In Marseille he obtained a passport issued by the American Foreign
Service, but when he discovered that the port was virtually closed he tried to
cross the Spanish border by walking up into the mountains. He never managed
to traverse the most important boundary of his life, however, and in Portbou he
was refused entry into Spain. He was held in Portbou overnight and sent back to
occupied France the next morning. The morphine Benjamin had brought with
him from Marseille was strong enough to kill him. Hannah Arendt wrote about
her dear friend and the Kafkian situation in which he found his death:
A few weeks later the embargo on visas was lifted again. One day earlier Benjamin
would have got through without any trouble; one day later the people in Marseille
would have known that for the time being it was impossible to pass through Spain.
Only on that particular day was the catastrophe possible. (Arendt 1990, 24)
Benjamin died in a liminal space, in a liminal time; a bitter twist of
fate for the philosopher who has taught us the important difference between
“boundary” and “threshold”: “The threshold must be carefully distinguished
from the boundary. A Schwell <threshold> is a zone. Transformation, passage,
wave action are in the word schwellen, swell, and etymology ought not to over-
look these senses” (Benjamin 1999, 494).
Following Benjamin’s fundamental distinction, we might suggest that
the Sanitary Station was initially born as a “boundary area” because of its
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 29
function of containment and delimitation, and that it has eventually “swol-
len,” with an extraordinary series of metamorphoses, into a threshold, a place
caught up in a tension, an innovative space. The Regards de Provence muse-
um is now a site of rewriting, a place that combines memory of its past and
a gaze towards the future. It has not lost its “in-between position,” though,
caught as it is between the ancient Cathedral and the new buildings (Mucem,
Villa Mediterranée) designed by internationally renowned architects. A poten-
tial space for hybridization.
<References>
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. 1986. “Semiology and the Urban.” In The City and the Sign: An Introduction to
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. 1999a. The Arcades Project. Translated by Howard Eiland and Kevin Mc-
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. 1999b. Selected Writings. Edited by Michael W. Jennings. Cambridge (Mass.):
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<Simona Elena Bonelli> She is a translator and lives in Marseille.
She studied English and French Literature (University of Siena, Italy)
and received her MA and PhD in Critical and Cultural Theory from Car-
diff University, UK. She has taught English Language and Literature
at the Universities of Siena and Perugia (Italy). Bonelli has published
Tito Andronico. Il testo come simulacro del corpo, and has edited Seg-
ni particolari: l’immagine del viso, l’immaginario del nome proprio, both
with Quattroventi, Urbino. Her books and essays cover topics relating to
Elizabethan literature, philosophy, aesthetics, gender studies, and trans-
lation theory.
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 31
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15749 | [
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"title": "Translation and Fragmented Cities: Focus on Itaewon, Seoul",
"url": "https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/download/15749/458",
"volume": "7"
}
] | Translation and Fragmented Cities:
Focus on Itaewon, Seoul
Hunam Yun
[email protected]
<Abstract> Cities are open texts. They are perpetually transformed by their dynamic
relationship with history and with the people who live in them. They are “rearticulated,
transformed from a singular structure into a multilateral palimpsest that can be ‘written’
up and over, again and again,” with time. Therefore, the boundaries of cities’ identities
continuously expand with this dynamic movement. There can be no single, fixed, or com-
plete description of a city, which is why cities require continuous translation. However,
cities are commonly represented as a single, fixed, and complete image in the process of
translation through selective appropriation, and people consume that image. This paper
attempts to reveal the process and ideological bias in such selective appropriation with a
focus on Itaewon, South Korea. Historically, Itaewon has always been a site of different
cultural encounters reflecting the historical twists and turns of Korea. After the Japanese
invasion of the country in 1592 and the Manchu war of 1636, Japanese and Chinese
soldiers stayed in the area. Then, during the colonial period, the Japanese army was
stationed there, and after liberation, the American army was quartered there. Now, Mus-
lims are flocking to the area, and it is becoming a city of immigrants. Because of these
dynamic historical moments, Itaewon has been the site of cultural amalgamation and
conflict, always retaining traces of the past. However, the images of Itaewon created by
tourist books are ahistorical and fixed; the city has been fragmented as a commodity to
be consumed through selective appropriation, and its dynamic history has been erased.
The most common of these images are those of shopping centers and the red light dis-
trict, images that have been reinforced by reproduction throughout decades. This paper
investigates the process of this fragmentation of Itaewon and its underlying ideology.
introduction
I was motivated to consider the aspects of a city’s translation (in terms of in-
tersemiotic translation in which nonverbal text is transferred into verbal text)
when I found the translation of Itaewon, an area located in the northern part
of Seoul, South Korea. Shockingly, the words that caught my eye were “Red
Light District.” Wikipedia, the internet encyclopedia, in its entry on Itaewon,
highlighted only the Red Light District as a local attraction, as follows:1
1
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Itaewon (last accessed December, 2014).
32 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
Contents
1. Local attractions
1.1 Red Light District
2. See also
3. Notes
4. External links
With a brief explanation of the geographical location of Itaewon,
Wikipedia introduces local attractions, focusing on the international dishes,
hotels, shops, and clubs that tourists can enjoy:
Many restaurants serving international dishes are found in this area […]. Major ho-
tels such as The Grand Hyatt and local landmark The Hamilton Hotel can be found
here as well as dozens of shops and services aimed at tourists. High quality leather
products in Korea can be found […] as well as various types of traditional Korean
souvenirs. […] Itaewon is one of the popular club congested area in Korea, […] Most
of foreign people go to the clubs for clubbing and hooking up while they are staying
in Korea.2
Then separate space was allocated to the introduction of the Red
Light District under the same title:
There is a portion of Itaewon known as “Hooker Hill” among GI’s of different allied
nations stationed in South Korea. Although the stereotype of only American ser-
vicemen frequenting this area is well-known, men from all other countries, including
Middle-Eastern and African, are known to frequent this area as well. Furthermore,
because South Korea is not widely socially accepting of homosexuals, there is an
underground gay area within this district as well.
The prominent image of Itaewon represented by Wikipedia is of a
“retail” city—selling goods and bodies.
An explanation of this followed: “This article is written like a travel
guide rather than an encyclopedic description of the subject. [. . .]” (July
2013). This explanation is very significant in that it suggests that a travel guide
does not present full, complete, and thorough information, but rather is se-
lective regarding the information it includes. This is quite appropriate since
a travel guide should be light enough for travelers to carry. However, the
problem with selective information—in other words selective translation—is
the image the translation produces. This paper is concerned with this point.
Translation has been frequently presented as an activity to create an
image of others or of selves, in the case of Itaewon, for example, this includes
“a nostalgic image of a lost past” about Japanese people (Fowler 1992), images
of the East by the West in colonial contexts (Niranjana 1992), or a self-image
2
The article has since been altered, but there is no significant difference in its content.
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 33
by a colonized people (Tymoczko 1999). The process involves “a deliberate
and conscious act of selection, assemblage, structuration, and fabrication—
and even, in some cases, of falsification, refusal of information, counterfeiting,
and the creation of secret codes” (Tymoczko and Gentzler 2002, xxi).
However, little notice has been taken of translation as an activity to cre-
ate images of cities and of the process this involves. French theologian Jacques
Ellul states that the evolution of cities represents man’s fall from natural grace
and the subsequent attempt to create a new, workable order (Kotkin 2005, xv).
This may mean that cities are constructed and shaped through the dynamic rela-
tionship with human beings, and they are formed, and transformed, by such re-
peated attempts throughout the city’s history, keeping traces of every historical
moment. That is, they are “rearticulated, transformed from a singular structure
into a multilateral palimpsest that can be ‘written’ up and over, again and again”
(Chambers 2012, 104) with time. Therefore, the boundaries of cities’ identities
continuously expand with this dynamic movement.
However, cities are commonly represented as a single and fixed image
in the process of translation through selective appropriation, and people ac-
cept and consume that image. In the history of translation studies, little atten-
tion has been paid to these aspects of cities, that is, cities as a translated text.
Cities are translated through special forms of communication, such as
the environmental landscape, symbolic artifacts, local events, or other landmarks,
and through verbal communication, such as cities’ names, slogans or statements.
This paper attempts to reveal how verbal translation, especially for
tourists, constructs an image of a city, with a focus on Itaewon. Itaewon has
been a very particular and special space in Korean history. Unlike other areas
of Seoul, which have a single ethic identity, Itaewon has been the space of
expatriates. It has been a foreign and exotic land within Korea, a zone of con-
tact where native and foreign cultures encounter each other, and a mediating
channel though which foreign cultures are introduced. This paper first inves-
tigates Itaewon as a site of cultural encounters and cultural translation against
the background of Korean history, then it examines its translation in tourist
books and the subsequent effects.
itaewon as a site of cultural encounters and cultural translation
When French historian Fernand Braudel stated, “A town is always a town,
wherever it is located, in time as well as space” (Rybczynski 1995, 49), he
must have been referring to the universality of the urban experience. As Kot-
kin notes, the urban experience is universal “despite vast differences in race,
34 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
climate, and location” because “there is the visceral ‘feel’ of the city almost
everywhere—the same quickening of pace on a busy street, an informal mar-
ketplace, or a freeway interchange, the need to create notable places, the shar-
ing of a unique civic identity” (2005, xv–vxi). The omnipresent visceral feel
he refers to is created by the so called “non-places” found in almost every city.
Non-places, a term coined by French anthropologist Marc Augé, refers to an-
thropological spaces of transience that do not hold enough significance to be
regarded as “places.” As Augé points out, supermodernity produces nonplaces,
“meaning spaces which are not themselves anthropological places and which,
unlike in Baudelairean modernity, do not integrate the earlier places” (1995,
63). Nonplaces are temporary, ephemeral, fleeting spaces for passage, commu-
nication, and consumption. Augé puts it thus:
If place can be defined as relational, historical and concerned with identity, then a
space which cannot be defined as relational, or historical, or concerned with identity
will be a non-place. [. . .] the same things apply to the non-place as to the place. It
never exists in pure form; places reconstitute themselves in it; relations are restored
and resumed in it; the ‘millennial ruses’ of ‘the invention of the everyday’ and ‘the arts
of doing,’ so subtly analysed by Michel de Certeau, can clear a path there and deploy
their strategies. Places and non-place are rather like opposed polarities: the first is
never completely erased, the second never totally completed. (Augé 1995, 63–64)
Examples of nonplaces are air, rail, and motorway routes, aircraft,
trains and road vehicles, airports and railway stations, hotel chains, leisure
parks, large retail outlets, and the complex skein of cable and wireless net-
works that mobilize extraterrestrial space for the purposes of a communication
(Augé 1995).
These nonplaces make urban scenes familiar and uniform, creating an
illusion of universality in urban experiences. In extreme cases, those nonplaces
may make urban experiences homogeneous so that they give the impression
that “only the name of the airport changes” as described in the novel Invisible
Cities by Italian writer Italo Calvino:
If on arriving at Trude I had not read the city’s name written in big letters, I would have
thought I was landing at the same airport from which I had taken off. The suburbs
they drove me through were no different from the others, […] The downtown streets
displayed goods, packages, signs that had not changed at all. […] You can resume
your flight whenever you like, but you will arrive at another Trude, absolutely the same,
detail by detail. The world is covered by the sole Trude, which does not begin, nor end.
Only the name of the airport changes. (Calvino 1972/1974, 128)
However, despite “the universality of the urban experience,” each city
has a unique and special “feel,” which gives city tourists a different experience.
One of the factors that make each city unique and special is its ascent and
decline throughout history, the process of which is “both rooted in history
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 35
and changed by it” (Kotkin 2005, 147), in other words, the characteristics of
“places” in Augé’s term. Cities are not stagnant; they are reconfigured, re-
shaped, and rearranged with political, economic, social, and cultural changes
throughout history.
Just as Lotman points out in his discussion on the symbolism of St.
Petersburg, “The city is a mechanism, forever recreating its past” (Lotman
1990, 194–195): architectural ensembles, city rituals and ceremonies, the very
plan of the city, the street names and thousands of other left-overs from past
ages act as code programs constantly renewing the texts of the past. Lotman
also says that “in this sense, the city, like culture, is a mechanism which with-
stands time” (Lotman 1990, 195).
So, as Simon’s Cities in Translation (2012) suggests, cities are “intersec-
tions of memory,” and the streets of the cities keep those memories. Itaewon
is such a city. Compared to other areas in Seoul, it is an area with a rapid pace
of change, and it has various images: diversity, ambiguity, disorder, chaos,
exoticism, foreign land within the country, and so on. Such dynamicity and
images throughout the history of the place stem mainly from its geographical
location, specifically, its location near Han River.
As Lotman puts it, there are two ways in which a city as a demarcated
space may relate to the earth which surrounds it—concentric and eccentric:
Concentric structures tend towards enclosure, separation from their surroundings
which are classed as hostile while eccentric structures tend towards openness and
contacts with other cultures. [. . .] The concentric situation of the city in semiotic space
is as a rule associated with the image of the city on the hill. [. . .] The eccentric city is
situated “at the edge” of the cultural space: on the seashore, at the mouth of a river.
(Lotman 1990, 191–192)
The peculiar situation of Itaewon, due to its location near the Han
River, imbued it with openness. Indeed, various meanings and different sto-
ries about the origin of the name show such characteristics. Itaewon has three
different names and meanings, using different Chinese characters—梨 泰 院,
李 泰 院, and 異 胎 院—which are embedded in its geographical position
and Korean history.
Firstly, Itaewon was initially a place for travelers and trading. During
the Joseon Dynasty, one of four Hanyang (present Seoul) won (院)—a won was
a kind of inn established for government officials and travelers by the govern-
ment—was located there. So the place was named Itaewon. The won (院) in
the name “Itaewon” meant “inn offering lodgings to travelers” (smg 1998, 83).
As more people frequented the area, inns for foreign envoys and markets were
formed (Jang 2000, 59). Another story claims that Itaewon (梨 泰 院), meaning
“area for pear trees,” was so named because pear trees were grown there.
36 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
Itaewon was also a space of trauma. It was the area for alienated wom-
en, women who had to choose isolation from the society because, with the
scar of foreign invasion on their body, they could not be accepted in Korean
society.
During the Seven-Year War (1592–1598) against the Korean dynasty
of Joseon, a Japanese military supply base was established in the Unjongsa
Buddhist nun temple near present-day Itaewon. It is said that the Japanese
commander Katō Kiyomasa and his soldiers seized the temple, raped the nuns,
and then stayed for some time. They subsequently burned the temple before
they left. The Buddhist nuns, who had lost their home, moved to nearby
Yunggyeong Mountain and lived there. Thus, the area was called Itaewon (異
胎 院), which means “village for being pregnant with a foreigner’s child” (No-
mi Lee 2011, 242–243; Hoefer et al. 1981; Jun-gi Kim 2012).
Itaewon was also the place where Korean women, who had been tak-
en to China during the second Manchu invasion of Korea in 1636, returned
and settled down (Chosun Daily 2011).3 In Joseon society, which had a tradi-
tion of monogamy, those women were despised as hwanhyangnyeo (“women
who returned”) and so they could not return to their home. Therefore, they
went to live with the nuns (Heu-suk Han 2001, 59).
According to another story, the name originated from Itain (異 他
人), which means foreigners, in reference to Japanese soldiers, who surren-
dered and were naturalized during the Seven-Year War, forming a community
there (Jun-gi Kim 2012).
This link between Itaewon with marginalized people might have
facilitated the formation of neighboring Haebangchon (literally, “liberation
village”). Haebangchon was the area for displaced people after liberation from
Japanese colonial rule, for north Korean refugees after the Korean War of
1950–1953, and then for farmers who had left their rural hometowns for cities
during the process of industrialization.
Geographically situated near Han River, Itaewon was considered
strategically important in terms of transportation and military withdrawal.
Thus, Itaewon has frequently been an area for foreign troops, having been a
logistics base for the Mongolian Army during the late Goryeo Dynasty and a
supply base for the Japanese Army during the Japanese invasion of Korea in
1592 (Choi 2003, 23); it was also used by Chinese forces during the Im-O mili-
3
서울 속 외국 이태원 백서. 美軍거리서 다국적 거리로 (Itaewon White Paper: From the Street of the
US Military Army to Multinational Street). Chosun Daily, Feb 21, 2011. http://boomup.chosun.
com (accessed December, 2014).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 37
tary revolt of 1882–1884, was the location of the Japanese military headquarters
during the colonial period of 1910–1945, and was used by the US forces after
the liberation of Korea from Japanese colonial rule (No-mi Lee 2011, 242–243;
Shin 2008, 193; Seoul Development Institute 2001).
The deployment of foreign troops transformed and rearranged the
topography of Itaewon. During the 1920s, for instance, the public cemetery,
which was located near the present-day Central Mosque, was transformed
into the Japanese military headquarters. The cemetery was moved to the Miari
district, and the body of Yu Gwan-sun, a patriotic martyr for independence
from Japanese colonial rule, was lost in the process.
However, the biggest changes to and deepest influence on Itaewon
came with the deployment of the US forces. On September 9, 1945, the US
forces came to be stationed in Itaewon when the US Army commanding of-
ficer John Hodge received the surrender of all the Japanese forces in Korea
south of the 38th parallel and took over the Japanese barracks and military
facilities. The US Army Military Government was established and lasted from
1945 to 1948. However, with the Korean War in 1950, the US forces came back
to be stationed in Itaewon, and the history of the US forces in Itaewon began.
The English and Korean languages came to be used together; shops and bars
emerged; and prostitutes, orphans, widows, and people from the provinces
crowded around the US Army base hoping to scrape together a living from
working on the base, selling goods to the soldiers, and so on. Military camp
town clubs for American soldiers were opened, and Itaewon became a space
where “American soldiers consumed Korean women sexually” (Hyeon-mee
Kim 2005, 26). Thus, the so called “Hooker Hill” was formed.
However, most of the women who worked at Hooker Hill were vic-
tims of the Korean War. As the war had produced many orphans and widows,
girls and women had to take responsibility for earning a living. They had to
support not only themselves, but also their families. Some of them had to
send money to their families in their hometown.4 Under the circumstances,
given that they could not find proper jobs, they had to choose prostitution,
becoming yang-gongju5 (a foreigner’s whore), as described in Yeong-su Oh’s
novel of Anna’s Will (1963):
4
A girl risked her life to avoid the government’s control over prostitution and died because she
could not make a living if she was caught. Hearing this news, sixty yang-gongju held a demon-
stration against the control (Dong-A Ilbo Daily, October 27 1960, 3).
5
Yang in yang-gongju means Western, and gongju means a princess. Women who sold their
bodies to Western men, especially American soldiers, were called yang-gongju.
38 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
She had no clothes to cover her body
A brick looked like a chunk of meat to her.
How could you expect a girl, who is starving,
To be a lady, to be faithful?
I was starved.
A mature girl had no place to lay down her body.
Is this sin?
So I became a whore called Anna. (translation mine) (Oh 1963, 330)
As foreign official residences were established in the 1960s, military
accommodation was built in 1963, and when the 121st Evacuation Hospital
of the US Army was moved to Itaewon from Bupyeong district, more than
10,000 people relocated there. During the 1970s, the area became a shopping
district for cheap branded goods; there was a prosperous textile industry, and
the area enjoyed the reputation of one of the most popular tourist attractions
in Korea among foreign tourists in the 1980s when international events were
held in Seoul.
Thus, it was while the US forces were stationed there that Itaewon
came to be known for its shopping area and for Hooker Hill. However, Itae-
won cannot be reduced to only a shopping area and Hooker Hill. Itaewon
was both a colonized space and a space of freedom and resistance. Politically,
it was an Americanized colonial space (Lee and Jung 2010, 191), a colonized
space (Choi 2003), or a deterritorialized space in that the authority of the
nation–state was applied differently from how it was applied in other areas of
the country (Eun-sil Kim 2004). Culturally, it was the space of freedom and
resistance where Korean people could escape oppression under the Yushin
regime in the 1970s and experience American culture (Eun-sil Kim 2004, 27;
No-mi Lee 2011, 243). Indeed, Itaewon was the only route to American culture
in Korean society: It was a place to experience Americanism as an object of
desire for a generation familiar with afkn radio programs, with singers trained
on the musical stages at US military bases, and with Hollywood movies (Choi
2003,102) because foreign travel remained restricted in Korea until 1989.
These characteristics made the area a dynamic space where heteroge-
neous cultural codes and different subjectivities (including colonized “others,”
fragmented “youths,” and a decolonized “new generation”) were encountered,
(re)constructed, (re)signified, and transformed at a specific historical stage
(Lee and Jung 2010, 191). It was a place where subcultures, such as the culture
of the US army in the 1950s–1960s, the Go-Go culture in the 1970s, disco cul-
ture in the 1980s, and hip-hop culture around the 1990s, were circulated, and
it took on a leading role in Korea’s popular music and subculture. The “clubs”
which actively interacted with subcultures of different generations formed a
site that led Korean popular music and subculture (see Lee and Jung 2010).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 39
Itaewon, where American soldiers were previously the most numer-
ous of the foreign residents, has become more multinational since 1993, when
the Korean government introduced an industrial trainee system for foreign-
ers. Foreign workers from India, Pakistan, Turkey, Indonesia, Bangladesh,
Nigeria, Senegal, Sudan, Uzbekistan, and so on settled in Itaewon because
the area was more open to foreigners and foreign cultures. Thus, foreigners
could feel more comfortable and secure there. Many expatriates found solace
in its accommodating nature and chose to set up their homes there. As various
cultures, languages, and lifestyles mix together and various cultural activities
commingle, the exterior landscape of the area is changing, and the space of
the area is being rearranged, creating a unique and distinctive atmosphere.
Through these dynamics, the area is becoming the cultural frontier zone
where various cultures have become multinational and multilingual (Hy-
eon-mee Kim 2005, 26).
Itaewon is also a site of both conflict and solidarity as shown in the
Muslim community in the area: “Though Arab Muslim traders have been
known to make infrequent trading expeditions to Korea since the Silla dy-
nasty, the teachings of Muhammad never made a real impact until 1950 when
Turkish troops arrived to fight for UN forces” (Hoefer 1981). In 1960, the
Korean Muslim Federation was founded with a Korean, Haji Sabri Suh, as
its leader. However, the Islamic community was established due to the need
to understand the Islamic world after the oil crisis of 1973 and 1974 (Lee and
Jung 2011, 242). In February 1975, an Islamic Center was established in Itae-
won, Seoul, and an adjoining Central Mosque—the largest such onion-domed
structure in northeast Asia—was opened in 1976 (Hoefer 1981).
The Seoul Central Mosque had been built with both Korean and
Middle Eastern funds to serve the 3,000 followers of the Prophet in the nation
(Hoefer 1981). The Central Mosque is therefore not only a place for religious
belief but also a symbolic site which shows Koreans’ effort to understand the
Islamic world (Lee and Jung 2011, 242–243).
A larger Muslim community was formed in Itaewon in 2005 when an-
ti-American sentiment spread after two Korean middle school girls were acciden-
tally run over and killed by an American armored personnel carrier, and American
soldiers assaulted some citizens. As American soldiers were subsequently banned
from bars and clubs, the economic base of the area declined and workers in the
entertainment business left the area for cheaper accommodation elsewhere. Thus,
the Muslim community was formed around the Central Mosque.
The Muslim community is bringing about changes to Itaewon. One
of the most noticeable changes is the increased number of Halal food restau-
rants and the reduced number of local butcher’s shops (Heu-su Yi et al. 2008,
40 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
1.
Itaewon, street view
2.
Itaewon, Muslim
settlement area
68). Furthermore, because of the strong solidarity among Muslims, the com-
munity is often regarded as a closed community by other Koreans (Lee and
Jung 2011, 250).
The Muslim settlement in Itaewon is a segmentation of urban space
formed by the pluralism of race and Islamic culture. However, the space is
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 41
never homogeneous to the citizens and Muslims living in the Muslim settle-
ment, and the place of residence is perceived according to different meanings.
That is, the citizens living in Itaewon view the Muslims as those who threaten
their lives and view foreigners as the cause of economic conflicts as well. How-
ever, for those Muslims in the settlement, the citizens’ hostility toward them
has given rise to a view of them as a strange and potential threat. The place of
conflict and alienation is an inevitable part of the process of initiating a new
cultural solidarity (see Lee and Jung 2011).
Another feature of Itaewon is the coexistence of mutually exclusive
activities in the same place: the Muslim community adjoins Gay Hill, which
was formed in the late 1990s when gay bars moved there from Euljiro-Jongro
(Jung-eun Kim et al. 2010). The position of Itaewon as a place of expatriates
makes negotiation across different cultures with no shared history the very
condition of civic coexistence. Now, Itaewon is producing a varied atmo-
sphere and landscapes as multinational cultures are dynamically mixed to-
gether.
translation and representation of itaewon as a nonplace
Tourist books have an important role to play in presenting an image of a city
to the outside world because most tourists depend on the books for informa-
tion about the city they will visit. They obtain information about the history,
culture, shopping centers, or entertainment facilities in the city and they con-
sume the city based on this information. Tourist books provide guidelines to
give tourists information and instructions to help them know or understand
the city.
Itaewon has been one of the most popular tourist areas in Seoul
among foreign tourists to the extent that it has been said that “[y]ou may not
know Seoul, but you should know Itaewon” (Saccone 1994, 79). Indeed, for
most foreigners the area has become synonymous with Seoul. This section
investigates how Itaewon has been presented in tourist books during the past
thirty years. For this purpose, tourist books in English from 1981 until 2010
were examined; however, as not many tourist books are available that discuss
Itaewon, the sample was limited to seventeen books.
Insight Guides: Korea (Hoefer et al.), which was published in Hong
Kong in 1981, offers comparatively detailed information, focusing on the or-
igin of the name and Muhammadanism in Korea. Regarding the name, it
quotes Allen and Donard Clark, a father-and-son team of Seoul historians
as saying, “Following the Japanese invasion of 1592–1598, the area now called
42 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
Itaewon came to be called ‘Itaein’ or ‘Itaein dong’ meaning ‘Foreigners’ Vil-
lage,’ because of the Japanese soldiers who were quartered on this site,” and
“When the war was over, some of the soldiers settled down, married Korean
girls, and spent the rest of their lives here.” Then “the tradition carries on,
though most American soldiers take their Korean brides home, to ‘the world.’
as they call the U.S. of A.” (Hoefer et al. 1981).
Regarding Muhammadanism, the book says the teachings of Mu-
hammad never made a real impact until the arrival of Turkish troops in 1950,
as mentioned previously, and it goes on to explain the foundation of the Ko-
rean Muslim Federation in 1960 and the establishment of an Islamic Center in
1975 and, later, the adjoining Central Mosque (Hoefer et al. 1981).
Visitors Guide: Seoul Korea, which was published by Seoul Metro-
politan Government (smg) in 1998, introduces some of Itaewon’s histor-
ical traces:
[the] “won” of the name has meant an inn offering lodgings to travelers of the Cho-
son Dynasty. In the middle of the 17th century, there was a concentrated village of
naturalized Japanese. From 1906, a Japanese Military Post was stationed in the
area until liberation from Japanese colonial rule, and now US Military Post including
headquarters is located there. (SMG 1998, 83)
However, Insight Guides: South Korea (Le Bas), which was published in
London in 2007, introduces the history of Itaewon using a more poetic tone:
but foreigners, not all of them Western, now occupy multi-story apartment buildings.
[. . .] Imagine the astonished reactions of the Buddhist monks who, for some 500
years, kept a free hostel for travelers near here. What exists now, albeit breathtaking,
may prove to be too developed for their tastes: the Grand Hyatt Hotel’s mirrored
façade; and the twin minarets of the onion-domed mosque below, from which re-
sounds the muezzin’s call to afternoon prayer. (Le Bas 2007, 135-139)
The book then adds that centuries ago, Itaewon was used as a stop-
over point for visitors to the capital, that Japanese troops were housed there
during the Japanese Occupation, and that, after the Korean War, they were
then replaced by American soldiers.
Although the descriptions in the above three tourist books are not enough
to show the dynamicity of Itaewon, they at least reveal the historicity of the area.
However, other tourist books introduce Itaewon, focusing on it as place for con-
sumerism and as a shopping area and entertainment district as follows:
known as a part of the city that never sleeps. [. . .] a one-stop hub for foreign visitors,
including shopping, tours, lodging and information services. It also offers many ven-
ues in which to enjoy Korean and foreign cultures and cuisines. (kotra 2006, 249)
now a growing mecca for bargain hunters. [. . .] It is lined on both sides with hundreds
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 43
of shops and arcades selling ready-made sports clothes [. . .] It is also an entertain-
ment spot that boasts well over 200 restaurants, bars and clubs. (Suzanne Crowder
Han 1989, 74)
crowded with shops of all kinds from custom tailors to jewelers, from antiques deal-
ers to clothiers. [. . .] In the evening Itaewon becomes a dynamic entertainment dis-
trict packed with discos, nightclubs, bars, and karaokes of all sizes. (Saccone 1994,
79–80)
the shopping paradise of diverse visitors from all parts of the world. (kowoc 2002,
63)
Itaewon offers tailor-made and ready-made clothes [. . .] There is a spirited night life,
too. (Chunsung Kim 2004, 90)
it was one of the only places in the country in which you could buy “Western” items
[. . .] While it remains a great place to shop for cheap tailored suits and shoes, Itae-
won’s popularity also made it a byword for transactions of a more sexual nature –
hostess bars sprung up all over the place. (Paxton 2008, 109)
It’s a bastardized district that’s neither Korean nor Western, but a skewed yet intrigu-
ing combination of both. Clothing, gifts . . . (Nilsen 2009, 44 and 92)
a lively expat entertainment zone with bars and clubs aplenty, both gay and straight.
Market stalls line the main street and the district comes to life in the evening. (Rob-
inson and Zahorchak 2009, 55)
Once a shady red-light district, it’s been cleaned up [. . .] You can still find ladies of
the night walking down certain streets at night, but during the day, it’s a shopper’s
paradise. (Cecilia Hai-Jin Lee 2010, 63)
Translation of Itaewon in the above tourist books is no different from
that in Wikipedia, as was pointed out in the introduction. Rather than being
presented as a dynamic space where memories are imprinted, heterogeneous
cultures mix together, and new cultures emerge, Itaewon is represented in
these books as a large retail outlet for the selling and buying of goods, just
like nonplaces, to use Augé’s term (1995, 63), which have no urban relations,
history, or identity.
The way Itaewon is translated is similar to the process of reification in
that it presents fragmented information about the city in the process of com-
modification for tourism, and thereby stops us understanding the totality of
the city. According to Lukács (1971), under capitalism everything is reified as
the result of a unified structure of consciousness—that is, seeing everything in
a completely discrete way, where everything is separated and fragmented and
taken out of the process to which it belongs. Lukács claims this is caused by
the fact that everything is turned into a commodity under capitalism, which
thus prevents us from seeing the totality of the place and the deeper processes
that are going on.
In a capitalist society, a city is presented as a commodity for the tour-
ist industry, and its images are created, manipulated, or distorted in the pro-
44 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
cess of translation in order to create a profit. A city’s function as a place for
entertainment and shopping is frequently emphasized in presenting the city
because “the criteria of the successful tourist industry mainly puts priority on
spending on entertainment and shopping” (Yi and Oh 1994, 21). Itaewon’s
image is presented as a place for selling and entertaining; removed from its
historicity, the image is fragmented.
fragmented image, fragmented experience
What does this fragmented image have to do with the city? The most direct
influence may be the way the city is consumed by tourists. For example, the
following recent reviews of the city by tourists6 show that the way they con-
sume the city is closely related to the image presented in tourist books:
Itaewon: Lots of Shopping. There are shops and a district for almost every imaginable
type of product and some are open until very late at night […]. (October 20, 2002)
Itaewon: Capital of Kitsch. [. . .] filling up with good restaurants and chain stores. You
can find Nike outlets selling all manner of shoes and sports gear, Body Shops filled
with makeup and luxurious bath products, and dozens of clothing stores and tailors
specializing in Chinese silk dresses. (October 19, 2003)
Itaewon: Cheap shops and street fashion. You can find bargains of any kind and a lot
of the big clothing chains [. . .]. (January 28, 2004)
Itaewon: Near military base. Itaewon does have some shops [. . .] Itaewon is located
near a US military base, so don’t mind the soldiers in camouflage wandering around
town. At night time, Itaewon transforms itself [. . .] One of the native Koreans told me
that most Korean girls do not hang around in that area, afraid to be mistaken as a
prostitute. (February 22, 2005)
Itaewon is perhaps the most famous shopping area for foreigners in Korea. (January
13, 2006)
Itaewon: Buying a Custom-Made Suit in Itaewon. (May 6, 2007)
Itaewon: Very Touristy and Expensive, not a Sample of Korea. The Itaewon shopping
area covers a 1.4 km in length [. . .] The area has a vibrant night life scene with many
bars and nightclubs. (July 24, 2008)
Itaewon: Special Tourism Shopping Zone of Seoul (April 4, 2011)
6
All citations are taken from http://www.virtualtourist.com/travel/Asia/South_Korea/Soul_
tukpyolsi/Seoul-1058426/Shopping-Seoul-Itaewon-BR-1.html (accessed December, 2014),
which is an interactive site aimed at sharing travel knowledge, which includes chat, forums,
travelogues, photos, and maps.
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 45
Although one reviewer describes Itaewon as an unexpected treasure
trove, most of the reviews show that tourists’ experience of Itaewon is superfi-
cial and fragmented, alienated from its memories and ongoing history just like
the images of the city in the tourist books. They just experience Itaewon as a
non-place where things are sold and bought. Considering the general purpose
of tourist books, it can be said that the translation of Itaewon that is circulated
and reproduced has directed tourists’ pattern of consuming the city.
The city is, of course, a place where things are traded, but it is not
only a place where things are traded. As Calvino’s Invisible Cities suggests, a
city is an assemblage of memory, desire, signs, names, and other features. So
what is traded is not only things but also memories, desires, signs, names, and
other things, as shown by Invisible Cities’ Euphemia:
You do not come to Euphemia only to buy and sell, but also because at night, by the
fires all around the market, seated on sacks or barrels or stretched out on pile of car-
pets, at each word that one man says—such as “wolf,” “sister,” “hidden treasure,” “battle,”
“scabies,” “lovers”—the others tell, each one, his tale of wolves, sisters, treasures, sca-
bies, lovers, battles. And you know that in the long journey ahead of you, when to keep
awake against the camel’s swaying or the junk’s rocking, you start summoning up your
memories one by one, your wolf will have become another wolf, your sister a different
sister, your battle other battles, on your return from Euphemia, the city where memory is
traded at every solstice and at every equinox. (Calvino 1972/1974, 36–37)
Itaewon is also a place that has its memories, desires, signs, and names,
and is the place where those memories, desires, signs, and names are traded;
thus it deserves to be known for various reasons, not just as a selling place. So
the experience of the city could be more complex than simply trading things.
The fragmented experience together with the reproduced image has
produced a negative image about Itaewon, so that it loses its attraction as a
tourist site. Furthermore, as neighboring commercial areas are created, Itae-
won has also lost its merits as a shopping area. Realizing the risk, the gov-
ernment designated the area a special tourism district in 1997 and decided to
hold the Itaewon Global Village Festival twice a year in an attempt to revive
Itaewon as a site of dynamic cultural exchanges.
conclusion
In the tourism industry, cities are rearranged according to the economic
principles of commercialism in a capitalist society. Cities can be classified
as a sacred city, a fashion city, a commercial city, and so on, and this clas-
sification is translated spatially or verbally, creating a representative image
of the city.
46 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
3.
Different views
of Itaewon
Tourist books are one of the media where cities are verbally trans-
lated. Itaewon has been verbally translated as a shopping and entertainment
area in tourist books, and such a translated image has been consumed among
tourists. However, this image has been fragmented, and so has been the expe-
rience of tourists.
The experience of cities may be more multiple and more multilateral
than the one the tourist books can produce as shown in the description of the
city of Irene in Invisible Cities:
If you saw it, standing in its midst, it would be a different city; Irene is a
name for a city in the distance, and if you approach, it changes. For those who pass it
without entering, the city is one thing; it is another for those who are trapped by it and
never leave. There is the city where you arrive for the first time; and there is another
city which you leave never to return. Each deserves a different name; perhaps I have
already spoken of Irene under other names; perhaps I have spoken only of Irene.
(Calvino 1972/1974, 125)
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 47
4.
Itaewon, historical view
Therefore, cities cannot be fixed to a single image or translation. The
various translations of the name of Itaewon itself—foreigners’ village, village
for being pregnant with a foreigner’s child, village for pear trees—show that
the area cannot be translated into one fixed image. The inherent and unique
properties of Itaewon have been formed by the totality of geographical and
historical moments. Itaewon has been a place for travelers and trading, a space
of trauma caused by the conflictive history of Korea, a foreigners’ village, a
foreign land within the country, a colonized space, a space of freedom and
resistance, a deterritorialized zone, a window onto Western culture, a space of
conflicts and solidarity, a space for cultural translation, and so on. The area has
accumulated its memories throughout history while being repeatedly rewrit-
ten, functioning as “a culture-generator.”
Indeed, regarding cities as “culture-generators,” Lotman says:
The city is a complex semiotic mechanism, a culture-generator, but it carries out this
function only because it is a melting-pot of texts and codes, belonging to all kinds of
languages and levels. The essential semiotic polyglottism of every city is what makes
it so productive of semiotic encounters. The city, being the place where different
national, social, and stylistic codes and texts confront each other, is the place of
hybridization, recodings, semiotic translations, all of which makes it into a powerful
generator of new information. (Lotman 1990, 194)
Itaewon has been, to use Lotman’s words “the place of hybridization,
recodings, semiotic translations” (Lotman 1990, 194). However, a selective
translation of such a city in the tourist books has focused on the fragmented
image in the process of the commodification of the city as a tourist site. This
fragmented image has been reproduced during past decades, fixing the image
to Itaewon and obstructing cognition of the totality or the whole nature of the
48 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
city. This way, translation may be damaging to cities especially when a dis-
torted image obtains authority through reproduction. As a culture-generator,
a city deserves its proper translation.
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<Hunam Yun> She is a translation scholar and translator. She first
obtained her BA in English literature at Korea University, Seoul. After
studying translation studies at Warwick University, UK, she obtained
her MA and PhD in Translation Studies in 2000 and 2011 respectively.
She has taught translation theory and practice for over fifteen years
at Hongik University in Seoul and translated Walter Scott, Andersen,
George MacDonald, and Beatrix Potter into Korean. Her main topics in-
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tion to Translation Theory and Practice. She now focuses on writing and
translating while living in New York.
50 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15750 | [
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] | Of Translational Spaces
and Multilingual Cities: Reading the
Sounds of Lagos in Sefi Atta’s Swallows
and Everything Good Will Come*
Elena Rodríguez Murphy
University of Salamanca, Spain
[email protected]
<Abstract> Over the last few years, there has been an increasing number of Nigerian au-
thors who in their writing have centered on portraying the different sounds and accents of
one of Nigeria’s most diverse and vibrant cities, Lagos. This article aims to analyze the way
in which Sefi Atta, a leading voice in what has come to be known as “the third generation
of Nigerian writers,” describes in her novels Swallow (2005) and Everything Good Will Come
(2010) the manner in which some of Nigeria’s vernacular languages, such as Hausa, Igbo,
and Yoruba, as well as Nigerian English and Nigerian Pidgin, permeate this incredibly plu-
ral and multilingual city where varying ethnic, linguistic, and religious groups have been
made to live together in the same translational space as a result of the colonial era.
As Achille Mbembe (2010) has underlined, one of the main bequests of colonialism has
been the unequal development of the different countries and regions of Africa. This situa-
tion has led to an uneven distribution of people within multiple spaces. In this way, cities
such as Lagos, Dakar, Accra, or Abidjan have actually become major metropolitan centers
where interaction and negotiations among diverse peoples are commonplace and transcul-
tural forms of different elements such as modes of dress, music, or language are constantly
emerging. Without a doubt, translation is a main feature of coexistence in Lagos given its
multilingual environment and the way in which various ethnic and linguistic communities
share everyday life.
“Language is part of the audible surface of the city.”
(Cronin and Simon 2014, 120)
in translation: reading the sounds of the city
Over the last few years, there has been an increasing number of Nigerian au-
thors who in their writing have centered on portraying the different sounds
and accents of one of Nigeria’s most diverse and vibrant cities, Lagos. In this
* This article is part of the research project entitled “Violencia simbólica y traducción: retos en
la representación de identidades fragmentadas en la sociedad global” [Symbolic Violence and
Translation: Challenges in the Representation of Fragmented Identities within the Global Soci-
ety] (FFI2015-66516-P; MINECO/FEDER, UE), financed by the Spanish Ministry of Economy
and Competitiveness.
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 51
regard, as Toni Kan Onwordi has underlined in a brief description included
on the cover of Sefi Atta’s second novel Swallow, “no contemporary Nigerian
writer is better than Sefi Atta at evoking the smells, sounds and the sheer
madness of this sprawling cosmopolitan city of Lagos.” Along with Chris Aba-
ni, Helon Habila, Maik Nwosu, Jude Dibia, and Akin Adesokan, and other
members of what has come to be known as “the third generation of Nigerian
writers,” in her narrative Sefi Atta ably describes the way in which diverse
peoples negotiate everyday life on the city’s populated streets.
Although there are many ways in which one may try to understand
the workings of urban reality, analyzing “the practice of everyday life” (see
De Certeau 1984) in a postcolonial city such as Lagos through language and
translation can offer new and interesting perspectives in various fields of study.
Indeed, Atta’s novels Everything Good Will Come (2005) and Swallow (2010)
provide the reader with a valuable linguistic experience of Lagos through the
inclusion in her texts of the multilingual transactions that permeate the city.
As Simon interestingly points out in her book Cities in Translation,
Much of the abundant literature in recent decades has emphasized the visual aspects
of urban life. And yet the audible surface of languages, each city’s signature blend
of dialects and accents, is an equally crucial element of urban reality [. . .] “hearing”
introduces the observer into layers of social, economic and cultural complexity. (Si-
mon 2012, 1)
Thus, reading in Atta’s fiction the sounds and diverse range of accents
that characterize the city brings the reader closer to the complexity of its lin-
guistic reality, in which translation appears as an indispensable tool which has
gradually allowed for the emergence of what McLaughlin has termed “new
urban language varieties”:
The burgeoning growth of Africa’s cities that began during the latter part of the colo-
nial period and continues with increasing momentum into the twenty-first century has
given rise to a multiplicity of innovative and often transformative cultural practices
that are associated primarily with urban life, not least of which is the emergence of
new urban language varieties. (McLaughlin 2009, 1)
Lagos is, without a doubt, a multilingual and multiethnic city that
can actually be defined as “a translation space [where] the focus is not on mul-
tiplicity but on interaction” (Simon 2012, 7). Therefore, given its multilingual
environment and the way in which various ethnic and linguistic communities
have come to share its everyday life, translation can clearly be considered one
of the main features of activity in Lagos. In this way, beyond dichotomist un-
derstandings, translation becomes an indispensable medium through which
a common coexistence may, although not always successfully, be negotiated:
52 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
Multilingual contexts put pressure on the traditional vocabulary of transfer and its
concepts of source and destination. Communities which have had a longstanding re-
lationship inhabit the same landscape and follow similar rhythms of daily life. Facing
one another across the space of the city, they are not “foreign” and so translation can
no longer be configured only as a link between a familiar and a foreign culture, be-
tween a local original and a distant destination, between one monolingual community
and another. [. . .] The Other remains within constant earshot. The shared understand-
ings of this coexistence change the meaning of translation from a gesture of benev-
olence to a process through which a common civility is negotiated. (Simon 2012, 7)
lagos: a multilingual and multiethnic megacity
In his book Sortir de la grande nuit (2010), Achille Mbembe recently under-
lined the fact that one of the main bequests of colonialism has been the un-
equal development of the different countries and regions of Africa. In fact,
“[n]o major coastal cities existed in Western Africa before the colonial period.
However, as a result of the mostly maritime-based logistics of colonialism,
countries in the sub-region began an urbanization path strongly associated
with the coast” (United Nations Human Settlements Programme [UN-Hab-
itat] 2014, 99). This situation has gradually led to an uneven distribution of
people within multiple spaces, hence cities like Lagos, Dakar, Accra, and Ab-
idjan have actually become major metropolitan centers where interaction and
negotiations are commonplace and transcultural forms of different elements
such as modes of dress, music, or language are constantly emerging. It be-
comes apparent, therefore, that in many African cities such as Lagos
attaining even the minimum often requires complex styles of staying attuned to the
shifting intersections of gestures, excitements, languages, anxieties, determinations
and comportments enacted across markets, streets and other venues. The city is a
field of affect where specific dispositions and attainments are contingent upon the
ways actors’ bodies, histories and capacities are mobilized and enacted. (Simone
2007, 237)
As Ato Quayson explains in regard to Oxford St., in the Ghanaian
capital of Accra the streets in many African cities may be seen as archives, rather
than just geographical locations, where it is possible to find “a rich and intricate
relationship between tradition and modernity, religion and secularity as well as
local and transnational circuits of images and ideas” (Quayson 2010, 72).
Lagos is a burgeoning city, the largest in Nigeria (Falola and Genova
2009, 202), and, according to the figures published by the United Nations
Human Settlements Programme (UN-Habitat) in its 2014 report The State of
African Cities 2014. Re-imagining Sustainable Urban Transitions, it “has recent-
ly joined the ranks of the world’s megacities” (2014, 17). Lagos has undoubt-
edly been shaped by its history, not only as one of the most important ports
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 53
in West Africa from the eighteenth century onwards, but also as the federal
capital of Nigeria (1914–1991). In this respect, although Abuja has been the
federal capital of the country since 1991, Lagos, whose population is expected
to rise to over eighteen million by 2025 (United Nations Human Settlements
Programme, 23–25), is now the center of one of the largest urban areas in
Western Africa and continues to be a main hub in the southwestern region
of Nigeria for the circulation of peoples as well as goods. Growing urbaniza-
tion and rural–urban migration are responsible for the cultural heterogeneity
of this major Western African city, which was at one point described “as an
ancient city inhabited by the Awori and Ijebu people, both subgroups of the
Yoruba” (Falola and Genova 2009, 202). Nevertheless, as a result of Nigeria’s
national history, Lagos is currently populated by varying and distinct ethnic
groups. Although there is still a Yoruba majority, it can be said that “Nigeria’s
myriad ethnic and religious identities are found throughout the city’s neigh-
borhoods, usually managing to coexist, though periodically sparking tensions”
(Lewis 2009, 115).
The artificial boundaries which were drawn when Nigeria was created
by British administrators in 1914,1 have given rise to an incredibly heteroge-
neous space both in ethnical and linguistic terms. As can be seen in the map
below, there is an extremely wide range of ethnic groups which, as a conse-
quence of colonialism, have come to inhabit the same nation; this has often
provoked ethnic and religious tensions, the Biafran War (1967–1970) being a
case in point:
The Nigeria of today [...] is a relatively new creation, dating back to the early 20th
century. Boundaries prior to that time included numerous chieftaincies and empires
that expanded and contracted geographically without regard to modern Nigeria’s
boundaries. For the early peoples of Nigeria, only geographic boundaries, such as the
Sahara Desert or Atlantic Ocean, might have kept them in place. Western European
powers competing for territory and political control in Africa during the late-19th cen-
tury determined Nigeria’s boundaries to suit their needs. Much of Nigeria’s western,
eastern, and northern borders are the results of rivalry and compromise by Euro-
pean powers. As a result, ethnic groups and former kingdoms straddle boundaries.
[...] Modern-day Nigeria is a conglomeration of hundreds of ethnic groups, spanning
across different geographical zones. [...] To identify a single Nigerian culture is diffi-
cult. (Falola and Genova 2009, xxx-xxxi)
1
The name ‘Nigeria’ is credited to the colonial editor of the Times of London, Flora Shaw, who
later married the new entity’s governor, Lord Frederick Lugard. The name stuck. But the new
name was not accompanied by any sense of national unity. [. . .] The British yoking together of
so many different peoples into a huge state [. . .] shaped the future of about a fifth of Africa’s
sub-Saharan population” (Campbell 2013, 2).
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From a demographic point of view, within Nigeria the Hausa-Fulani,
the Igbo, and the Yoruba can be considered to be the largest of the ethnic
groups. According to Iyoha (2010, 169), around 29% of the population is
Hausa-Fulani who live mainly in the northern regions in cities such as Kano,
Sokoto, and Kaduna. The Yoruba, more or less 21%, are based primarily in the
southwest of the country, in cities such as Ife-Ife, Lagos, and Ibadan. On the
other hand, the Igbo, approximately 18% of the population, inhabit the areas
situated in the southeast of Nigeria, for example in Port Harcourt, Owerri,
and Enugu. These aforementioned groups can, however, be said to live all
around the country. Other, numerically smaller ethnic groups include the Tiv,
the Nupe, the Igala, and the Jukun in the Middle Belt region and the Ijaw, the
Itsekiri, the Urhobo, the Ogoni, and the Ibibio in the Niger Delta. They have
long been demanding greater political and economic representation within
the national space, as Saro-Wiwa has pointed out on many occasions in regard
to the Ogoni people:
Colonialism is not a matter only of British, French, or European dominance over Af-
ricans. In African society, there is and has always been colonial oppression. In my
case, the Ogoni had never been conquered by their Igbo neighbors. But the fact of
British colonialism brought both peoples together under a single administration for
the first time. And when the British colonialists left, the numerically inferior Ogoni
were consigned to the rule of the more numerous Igbos, who always won elections in
the Region since ethnic loyalties and cultural habits were and continue to be strong
throughout Nigeria. (Saro-Wiwa 1992, 155)
Not only is Nigeria diverse in terms of its ethnicity, but it also boasts
an enormous variety of languages and dialects—more than four hundred ac-
cording to Garuba (2001, 11) and more than five hundred according to the
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 55
Ethnologue database (Simons and Fennig 2017). As Adekunle (1997) and Adeg-
bija (2000, 2004) highlight, multilingualism is a common feature of many
West African regions, and Nigeria can be said to be the country where the
largest number of different languages is spoken. Together with English, which
is used as an official language and is employed in diverse forms, Hausa, Igbo,
and Yoruba have become the three major national languages.2 Moreover, a
wide range of languages and dialects spoken by the different Nigerian ethnic
groups is to be found:
Apart from the indigenous languages, which are the mother tongues of Nigerians,
there also exist non-indigenous languages. They include English, which has become
a second language; Nigerian Pidgin (the language in Nigeria with probably the larg-
est number of speakers), which derives from the contact between English and the
indigenous languages; Classical Arabic, which is learnt by Muslims; and other for-
eign languages such as French, German, and Russian, which are taken as academic
subjects at the secondary and tertiary levels of education. (Igboanusi 2002, 13–14)
Faced with this highly complex web of languages, many Nigerians
have resorted to both English and Nigerian Pidgin (NP)3 as a way of favoring
communication with each other:
Originally mainly restricted to trade, Pidgin has spread to become the language of
market places, sports, the army and police force, taxi drivers, playgrounds, university
campuses, and generally of interethnic discourse in lower-class and informal con-
texts. In recent decades it has therefore been utilized for mass communication—in
advertising, political campaigning, government propaganda, announcements, and
mass media, e.g. news broadcasts on the radio [. . .] It is labeled “the most widely
spoken language in Nigeria” [. . .] Though the language still carries a strong stigma
in the eyes of many educated Nigerians, many others have come to use it in informal
conversations, also in banks, offices, and businesses, utilizing its ethnographic role as
a code of friendliness and proximity. (Schneider 2007, 205–206)
Nonetheless, it is interesting to take into consideration that whilst
NP and the vernacular languages are normally used in informal and familiar
conversations, administrative and educational matters are mainly dealt with
in English: “For a great many speakers from different groups, English is [...]
valued as a language of prestige, a sign of education, and a mark of modernity”
2
“The dominance of English in the Nigerian Constitution continued until 1979, when the Con-
stitution that emerged under a military regime specifically provided for the use of the three
major languages (Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba) in addition to English for proceedings in the Na-
tional Assembly: ‘The business of the National Assembly shall be conducted in English, and in
Hausa, Ibo, and Yoruba when adequate arrangements have been made therefore (Section 51)’”
(Bamgbose 1996, 358).
3
It is important to bear in mind that, as Igboanusi points out, “Nigerian English” (NE) and “Ni-
gerian Pidgin” (NP) are considered to be different languages: “Nigerian Pidgin is different from
Nigerian English (the variety of English used in Nigeria). However, the line between them is
sometimes difficult to draw, particularly at the lexical level” (Igboanusi 2008, 78).
56 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
(Simpson 2008,194). According to different critics (Bamgbose 1971; Bamgbose
1996, 366; Igboanusi 2002; Gut 2004, 813), only a small percentage of the Ni-
gerian population may understand or speak English, but, despite the fact that
in recent years there have been repeated attempts to increase the importance
of the vernacular languages, it continues to be used on a regular basis, espe-
cially by the local elites:
As ex-colonial people, Nigerians hold English in great awe. They so overrate English
that literacy in English is considered the only mark of being an educated person. For
example, for them science and technology are not within the reach of any person
who cannot master the English language. Not surprisingly, therefore, the language,
unlike any of the Nigerian mother tongues, is regarded as being politically neutral for
adoption by the people. [. . .] Consequently, political expediency makes the English lan-
guage the ready language for adoption for national literacy today. (Afolayan 2001, 83)
Just as in other African countries, the increasing use of new technologies
such as the Internet and cable TV among specific sectors of Nigerian society has
resulted in a growing interest on the part of the younger generation in learning
the English language. This situation has been skillfully described by the widely
acclaimed Nigerian writer Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie who, on many occasions,
has stated that English is no longer considered by some as a “foreign” language,
but rather as a Nigerian language adapted to the Nigerian cultural context:
I’d like to say something about English [...] which is simply that English is mine. Some-
times we talk about English in Africa as if Africans have no agency, as if there is not
a distinct form of English spoken in Anglophone African countries. I was educated
in it; I spoke it at the same time as I spoke Igbo. My English-speaking is rooted in a
Nigerian experience and not in a British or American or Australian one. I have taken
ownership of English. (Adichie, quoted in Uzoamaka 2008, 2)
The general trend encountered in multilingual communities consists in
usage gradually determining the role each language has in particular domains, and
Nigeria is no exception. Although English remains the most important language in
education and matters pertaining to government and administration, the vernacu-
lar languages—such as Hausa, Yoruba and Igbo as well as NP—are used primarily
in informal contexts. Taking these matters into consideration, it is important to
underline the “diglossic,” or rather “poliglossic,” relations that, as Zabus (2007) and
Bandia (2008) point out, have been established between the different languages
that are employed in many of the countries in West Africa, including Nigeria:4
4
It is interesting to mention here that, according to Warren-Rothlin, in Nigeria digraphia is also
a social reality which can result in social divisions (Warren-Rothlin 2012, 6–7). There also exist
multiple orthographies and writing scripts within the country (ibid. 7).
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For our purposes, the sociolinguistic concept of diglossia needs to be expanded to
include not only Ferguson’s genetically linked “high” and “low” varieties (to which he
erroneously attributed scripturality and orality, respectively) but unrelated languages
as well. Indeed, in a country like Ghana, Ewe is not a dialect of English and has a
written literature of its own but, functionally, Ewe is to English what a dominated or
subordinate language is to a dominant or superordinate language. [. . .] Also, the West
African auxiliary languages resulting from languages in contact such as pidgins have
a diglossic relation to the dominant European language that is similar to the more
conventional relation between a prestige or power language and its regional dialect.
Conversely, a statistically dominant language like Wolof in Senegal can be consid-
ered as being hegemonic like French and would thus be in diglossia with a minor
language like Ndût. (Zabus 2007, 14)
In the case of the Nigerian linguistic landscape, English has gradually
come to be accepted as the dominant language in some domains while specific
forms of some of the vernacular languages such as Hausa, Igbo, and Yoruba
have been gaining ground in others. In many instances, however, these vernac-
ular languages are in a diglossic situation in relation to the English language.
Likewise, although it is now defined as “the most widely spoken language in
Nigeria,” NP appears to be in a diglossic situation with respect to English. It is
also important to bear in mind that the three major vernacular languages can
be categorized as hegemonic vis-à-vis those considered as minor. Thus, faced
with the linguistic variation characteristic of a territory like Nigeria, it may be
said that, in Zabus’s own words, “[w]e can therefore advance the notions of
‘triglossia’ or even ‘polyglossia,’ and ‘intertwined diglossias’” (Zabus 2007, 14).
The Nigerian cultural and linguistic situation that we have been
describing, although very succinctly, is reflected in the city of Lagos where,
as illustrated by the different examples that follow, diverse languages, and
therefore translation, are used on a daily basis, not only in the ever-chang-
ing “discourse ecologies” (Quayson 2010) that exist on its streets, but also in
the conversational exchanges that take place in its crowded markets, “motor
parks,” taxis or buses. In this regard, in their work both Adedun and Shodipe
have underlined the fact that, although most people in Lagos use Yoruba and
Nigerian Pidgin in their daily interactions, Hausa, Igbo, and other vernacular
languages together with English are also a common feature in this cosmopol-
itan African city:
The nature of Lagos, which accommodates various ethnic, and religious groups, ac-
counts for the present state of its language repertoire. [. . .] Without any doubt, Lagos
is a potpourri of different peoples and tribes and these have had a noticeable impact
on the linguistic repertoire, language choice, and language shift in the area. (Adedun
and Shodipe 2011, 131)
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the sounds of lagos in swallow
and everything good will come
One of the main characteristics of Atta’s work, as mentioned previously, is the
accuracy with which she manages to portray the city of Lagos and the wide
range of sounds that fill its streets and buildings. Both in her first novel, Every-
thing Good Will Come (EG in the citations, below), and in her second novel,
Swallow (SW in the citations, below), in addition to other works, Atta de-
scribes different parts of the city along with its diverse languages and accents:
Our continent was a tower of Babel, Africans speaking colonial languages: French,
English, Portuguese, and their own indigenous languages. Most house help in Lagos
came from outside Lagos; from the provinces and from neighboring African coun-
tries. If we didn’t share a language, we communicated in Pidgin English. (EG, 212)
Sheri’s younger siblings greeted me as I walked across the cement square.
“Hello, Sister Enitan.”
“Long time no see.”
“Barka de Sallah, Sister Enitan.” (EG, 247)
Street hawkers sat behind wooden stalls in a small market . . . They were Fulani peo-
ple from the North. The men wore white skull caps and the women wrapped chiffon
scarves around their heads. [. . .] They talked loud in their language, and together they
sounded like mourners ululating. (EG, 198)
Baba came to collect his monthly salary [. . .]
“Compliments of the season,” I said. “How are you?”
I spoke to him in Yoruba, addressing him by the formal you, because he was an elder.
He responded with the same formality because I was his employer. Yoruba is a lan-
guage that doesn’t recognize gender—he the same as she, him the same as her—but
respect is always important. (EG, 312).
In her fiction, Atta includes many instances in which translation ap-
pears as an indispensable tool and a necessary medium through which ev-
eryday life may be negotiated in Lagos, a place where diverse peoples and
languages have come to share a common space. For instance, when Enitan, the
main character in Everything Good Will Come, is sent to Royal College in La-
gos and encounters girls from varying ethnic and linguistic backgrounds, cul-
tural and linguistic translation becomes indispensable on a day-to-day basis:
I met Moslem girls [. . .] Catholic girls [. . .] Anglican girls, Methodist girls. One girl, San-
gita, was Hindu [. . .] I learned also about women in my country, from Zaria, Katsina,
Kaduna who decorated their skin with henna dye and lived in purdah [. . .] Uncle Alex
had always said our country was not meant to be one. The British had drawn a circle
on the map of West Africa and called it a country. Now I understood what he meant.
The girls I met at Royal College [in Lagos] were so different. I could tell a girl’s ethnic-
ity even before she opened her mouth. Hausa girls had softer hair because of their
Arab heritage. Yoruba girls like me usually had heart-shaped faces and many Igbo
girls were fair-skinned; we called them Igbo Yellow. We spoke English, but our native
tongues were as different as French and Chinese. So, we mispronounced names and
spoke English with different accents. Some Hausa girls could not “fronounce” the
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letter P. Some Yoruba girls might call these girls “Ausas,” and eggs might be “heggs.”
Then there was that business with the middle-belters who mixed up their L’s and R’s.
(EG, 44–45)
Moreover, when Enitan meets one of her neighbors, a Muslim girl named
Sheri, they are each faced with both cultural and linguistic translation. Since they
come from different ethnic communities and religious backgrounds, Enitan, who
is Yoruba, and Sheri, a “half-caste” with Hausa roots, need to understand one
another’s cultural and linguistic circumstances before they can become friends:
[Sheri] was funny, and she was also rude, but that was probably because she had no
home training.
She yelled from our gates. “I’ll call you aburo, little sister, from now on. And I’ll beat you
at ten-ten, wait and see.” (EG, 16)
The woman in the photograph by [Sheri’s] bedside table was her grandmother. “Alha-
ja,” Sheri said. “She’s beautiful.” [...]
There were many Alhajas in Lagos. This one wasn’t the first woman to go on hajj to Mec-
ca, but for women like her, who were powerful within their families and communities, the
title became their name. [...] She pressed the picture to her chest and told me of her life
in downtown Lagos. She lived in a house opposite her Alhaja’s fabric store. She went to a
school where children didn’t care to speak English. After school, she helped Alhaja in her
store and knew how to measure cloth. I listened, mindful that my life didn’t extend beyond
Ikoyi Park. What would it be like to know downtown as Sheri did, haggle with customers,
buy fried yams and roasted plantains from street hawkers, curse Area Boys and taxi cabs
who drove too close to the curb. [...] Sheri was a Moslem and she didn’t know much about
Christianity. [...] I asked why Moslems didn’t eat pork. “It’s a filthy beast,” she said, scratch-
ing her hair. I told her about my own life. (EG, 33–34)
As Enitan mentions in several parts of the novel, although Hausa
resonates in the streets and markets of Lagos, without translation into other
languages it is not always understood by the Yoruba majority or by people
from other ethnic communities. That is why, in many cases, people from di-
verse ethnic and linguistic backgrounds who live in the city translate their
vernacular languages into Pidgin English or English:
Our gate man unlocked the gates. His prayer beads hung from his wrist. I realized I
must have disturbed his prayer. Soon it would be the Moslem fasting period, Rama-
dan. “Sanu, madam,” he said.
“Sanu, mallam,” I replied in the only Hausa I knew. (EG, 201)
In my first year of marriage, there was a hawker who sat by the vigilante gates of our
state. She was one of those Fulani people from the north. We never said a word to
each other: I could understand her language no more than she could mine. (EG, 243)
This situation is also underlined by another Nigerian writer, Buchi
Emecheta, in her well-known novel The Joys of Motherhood:
The early market sellers were making their way to the stalls in single file. [Nnu Ego]
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in her haste almost knocked the poor man down [. . .] There followed a loud curse,
and an unintelligible outpouring from the mouth of the beggar in his native Hausa
language, which few people in Lagos understood. (Emecheta 1994, 9)
In the colorful markets of Lagos and other African cities, peoples
from varied ethnic and linguistic environments constantly mingle and in-
teract. Markets, as Simone puts it, are “the site for incessant performance,
for feigned connections and insider deals, for dissimulation of all kinds, for
launching impressions and information, rumors and advice” (Simone 2008,
81). Hence, given the mélange of languages and cultures, “[t]he resulting con-
fusion about what is really going on breeds its own makeshift interpreters,
who pretend to have real skills of discernment and can steer customers to the
best price, quality, or hidden deal” (Simone 2008, 81).
In the extract below, taken from Everything Good Will Come, Enitan,
who was brought up in Ikoyi, one of Lagos’s affluent neighborhoods,5 high-
lights the fact that class differences are extremely important in the city and can
greatly influence the way in which people talk to one another:
Pierre, my present house boy, began to wash the vegetables [. . .]
I needed Pierre to place the okras on the chopping board.
“Ici,” I said pointing. “Over there, please.”
Pierre raised a brow. “Là bas, madame?”
“My friend,” I said. “You know exactly what I mean.”
It was my fault for attempting to speak French to him. [. . .]
“I beg, put am for there,” I said [in Nigerian Pidgin]. [. . .]
The general help we called house boys or house girls. [. . .] They helped with daily
chores in exchange for food, lodgings, and a stipend. Most were of working age,
barely educated. [. . .] (EG, 212)
In this particular situation, because Pierre, the house boy, comes from
the neighboring Republic of Benin, Enitan tries to translate her orders into
French. Nevertheless, in the end, she resorts to a translation into Pidgin En-
glish, which, as stated earlier in the article, is the language normally used as
the medium of communication among peoples who belong to different ethnic
and linguistic groups in Lagos.
On other occasions, however, depending on the educational level of
the speakers and the specific context in which interaction takes place, when
5
According to Fourchard (2012a, 68), this comes as a direct result of the colonial era, when the
city of Lagos was divided into a residential area reserved for Europeans (Ikoyi) and a commer-
cial area in which Europeans lived, worked, traded, and interacted with Africans (Lagos Island).
In this regard, Lagos, like other contemporary African cities, may be described as what Triulzi
(2002, 81) refers to as “the ‘site of memory’ of colonisation, with its divisions (the colonial city
was conceived and grew opposite to and separate from the native town), its visible remains
(buildings, town plans, statues) and its obligatory ‘synthesis’ of tradition and modernity.”
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 61
people whose ethnicities differ speak with one another, they translate their
vernacular languages into English, instead of Pidgin English:
We [Rose and Tolani] always spoke in English because she couldn’t speak Yoruba
and I couldn’t understand her own language, Ijaw. (SW, 8)
Enitan and Tolani, the main protagonists of Everything Good and
Swallow respectively, recount their stories in English yet, as Atta herself has
pointed out (quoted in Rodríguez Murphy 2012, 107–108), it actually consists
of a transcultural form of English (Rodríguez Murphy 2015b, 72), which is
inscribed with Nigerian vernacular languages and expressions as well as with
Nigerian cultural markers: “[Nigerian readers] tell me they enjoy seeing those
kinds of Englishes in my work. They come up to me and say: ‘Oh, you really
do know Nigeria, you really do know Lagos very well.’ They enjoy it” (Atta
quoted in Rodríguez Murphy 2012, 108). In her work, Atta manages to reflect
the different varieties of English used in Lagos. These varieties have come to be
defined as NE, and now form part of the wide range of “World Englishes” (see
Kachru 1992 and Kachru, Kachru, and Nelson 2006) or “New Englishes” (see
Crystal 2003), in reference to local adaptations of the English language which
suit specific cultural contexts. This can be seen in the following examples:
Yellow
Sheri’s afro was so fluffy, it moved as she talked [. . .] She had a spray of rashes and
was so fair-skinned. People her color got called “Yellow Pawpaw” or “Yellow Banana”
in school. (EG, 18)
Peter Mukoro tapped my arm. “I was calling that lady, that yellow lady in the kitchen,
but she ignored me. Tell her we need more rice. Please.” (EG, 125–126)
I’d heard men say that women like Sheri didn’t age well: they wrinkled early like white
women. It was the end of a narration that began when they first called her yellow
banana, and not more sensible, I thought. (EG, 206)
In diverse passages of Atta’s novels, we may observe that the word
“yellow” has come to acquire a specific meaning in NE: “a NE way of describ-
ing a fellow Black who is fairly light-skinned” (Igboanusi 2002, 303).
Area boys
“You won’t believe. We were having a peaceful protest, calling on the government to
reconsider our demands, when we noticed a group in the crowd who did not belong
to our union. [. . .] They were shouting insults and acting rowdy [. . .]”
The people she was talking about had to be area boys. They waited for any protest
so they could misbehave. (SW, 133)
In this extract taken from Swallow, Atta uses the term “area boy,” a phrase
now commonly heard in urban settings, which, in NE, makes reference to a job-
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less young man who participates in criminal acts and is often involved in criminal
activities. Such a term is one of many linguistic reflections of what, according to
some critics (Fourchard 2012b, Lewis 2009), is now happening in the streets of the
city where, for several decades, criminal activity has been on the increase.
High-life music
As he spoke, I fell asleep dreaming of him, an eleven-year-old boy with khaki shorts
holding a rifle made of sticks, dancing to high-life music with his mother and learning
how to drink palm-wine from his father’s calabash. (EG, 116-117)
“High-life music,” sometimes referred to just as “highlife,” is a very
well-known musical genre in the Western regions of Africa,6 “a brand of music
style combining jazz and West African elements, popular in Nigeria and other
West African countries. In BE, ‘high life’ denotes a style of life that involves
spending a lot of money on entertainment, good food, expensive clothes, etc.”
(Igboanusi 2002, 138). As Igboanusi remarks, it is important to take into con-
sideration that there is a difference between the way the term is used in British
English and the meaning it has come to acquire in Nigerian English.
Not only “Highlife,” but also other types of transcultural Nigerian mu-
sic such as apala or juju music are often mentioned in Atta’s novels. Along with
language, another element that permeates daily life in Lagos and many Nigerian
cities is music that, as in other countries on the African continent, has been
adapted and translated to suit diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds:
Through the fence we heard Akanni’s juju music. Sheri stuck her bottom out and
began to wriggle. She dived lower and wormed up. (EG, 15)
The street was narrow and juju music blared from a battered cassette player perched
on a wooden stool. Street hawkers sat around selling boxes of sugar, bathing spong-
es, tinned sardines, chewing sticks, cigarettes, and Bazooka Joe gum. (EG, 89)
Lagos. The street on which we lived was named after a military governor. Our neigh-
borhood smelled of burned beans and rotten egusi leaves. Juju and apala music,
disco and reggae music jumped from the windows, and fluorescent blue cylinders lit
up the entire place past midnight. (SW, 21)
In her writing, Atta includes both NE and NP, and also the vernacu-
lar languages with which she was brought up, Yoruba and Hausa. This helps
situate the reader in Lagos’s translational spaces, where the sounds of different
accents and languages share a common linguistic environment:
6
Although “highlife music” is a popular genre in West Africa, it is necessary to emphasize that
each region has managed to maintain its own specificity: “Generally, as the music and its ac-
companying highlife dance spread across West Africa, each region maintained its ethnic spec-
ificity by composing songs in the local language, and some bands, especially the multinational
ones, created compositions in English or pidgin English” (Ajayi-Soyinka 2008, 526).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 63
He pronounced his visions between chants that sounded like the Yoruba words for
butterfly, dung beetle, and turkey: labalaba, yimiyimi, tolotolo. (EG, 10)
Yoruba people believed in reincarnation. The Yoruba religion had a world for the living and
another for spirits. There was a circle of life and other complex concepts regarding deity,
royalty, and fate that I couldn’t fully understand. For anyone to understand the Yoruba
cosmos was a challenge without the wisdom and guidance of a babalawo [. . .] (SW, 88)
On the day of the Moslem festival, Id-el-fitr, I left home for the first time that month to
break fast with the Bakares. [. . .] As I drove through their gates, I heard a ram bleat-
ing in the back yard of the Bakare’s house. It had been tied to a mango tree for two
weeks and would be slain for the Sallah feast. (EG, 245)
“How’s your husband?” Mama Gani asked. Her gold tooth flashed.
“He’s fine,” I said [. . .]
“Still nothing about your father?”
“Still nothing,” I said.
She clapped her hands. “Insha Allah, nothing will happen to him, after the kindness
he’s shown us.” (EG, 245)
The multilingualism which is typical in Lagos makes communication
based on translation and transculturation inevitable. The following dialogues
from Everything Good Will Come and Swallow clearly illustrate this point:
We heard a cry from the road.
“Pupa! Yellow!”
A taxi driver was leaning out of his window. [. . .]
“Yes, you with the big yansh,” he shouted.
Sheri spread her fingers at him. “Nothing good will come to you!” [. . .]
“And you, Dudu,” the taxi driver said.
Startled, I looked up.
“Yes you with the black face. Where is your own yansh hiding?”
I glared at him. “Nothing good will come to you.”
He laughed with his tongue hanging out. “What, you’re turning up your nose at me?
You’re not that pretty, either of you. Sharrap. Oh, sharrap both of you. You should feel
happy that a man noticed you. If you’re not careful, I’ll sex you both.”
Sheri and I turned our backs on him. (EG, 135-136)
There was a strong smell of simmering palm oil in the flat. Rose was in the kitchen.
[. . .] She laughed at my expression.
“My sister,” she said. “You think say I no know how to cook or what?”
“I’ve just seen Mrs. Durojaiye,” I said, shutting the door.
“I saw her too.”
“She says you visited her?”
She clucked. “The woman done craze [. . .]” (SW, 135)
On my way to the bus stop, I passed a group of women selling roasted corn under a
breadfruit tree. [. . .] I heard two men discussing women. “Statuesque,” one of them
said. “The first one is black and skinny, the second is yellow and fat. I can’t decide. I
love them both. You think say I fit marry both of them?” (SW, 236)
At the bus stop, an army officer with his stomach protruding over his belt parted the
crowd to board a bus. “Single-file line,” he repeated and lifted his horsewhip to warn
those who protested. [. . .]
“Those who give orders,” I said in a voice loud enough for the others to hear. “Question
them. You can’t just obey without thinking.”
[. . .]
“Oh, I hate people like this,” [a] woman said. “What is wrong with her? Move your
64 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
skinny self, sister.”
[. . .]
“Sister [. . .]. Move before I move you to one side, oh!”
“Abi she’s deaf?”
“Maybe she done craze.”
“Sister, ‘dress oh!”
“Yes, address yourself to the corner and continue to tanda for dat side with your body
like bonga fish.”
“Tss, keep shut. Don’t start another fight.” (SW, 188–189)
Enitan’s and Tolani’s stories take place in a particular context which
Atta succeeds in describing in great detail through a specific use of language
that evokes, in the mind of the reader, the smells, images and languages which
define the city of Lagos, where it is possible to come across interesting con-
trasts and a wide range of lifestyles as well as “cultural inscriptions [. . .] seen in
mottos and slogans on lorries, cars, pushcarts and other mobile surfaces that
may be encountered on the street” (Quayson 2010, 73):
Millions lived in Lagos [. . .] Most days it felt like a billion people walking down the
labyrinth of petty and main streets: beggar men, secretaries, government contractors
(thieves, some would say), Area Boys, street children [. . .] There was a constant din of
cars, popping exhaust pipes, and engines, commuters scrambling for canary-yellow
buses and private transport vans we called kabukabu and danfo. They bore bible epi-
taphs: Lion of Judah, God Saves [. . .] There were countless billboards: Pepsi, Benson
and Hedges, Daewoo, Indomie Instant Noodles, Drive Carefully, Fight Child Abuse
[. . .] a taxi driver making lurid remarks; people cursing themselves well and good; All
right-Sirs, our urban praise singers or borderline beggars, who hailed any person for
money. Chief! Professor! Excellency! [. . .] My favourite time was early morning, before
people encroached, when the air was cool and all I could hear was the call from Cen-
tral Mosque: Allahu Akhbar, Allahu Akhbar. (EG, 98–99)
In the different examples cited above, one can appreciate to what
extent Atta accomplishes a very creative and engaging use of language in her
novels. She skillfully manages to transmit the specific characteristics of the
cultures that have come to constitute her identity;7 similarly she also succeeds
in representing the diverse range of accents that define the city of Lagos as a
translational space, where “[a]ccents, code-switching and translation are to
be valued for the ways in which they draw attention to the complexities of
difference, for the ways in which they interrupt the self-sufficiencies of ‘mono’
cultures” (Simon 2012, 1).
7
“I had an unusual upbringing [. . .] and was surrounded by people from other ethnic groups
and religions. Many Nigerian writers I meet feel that they are Yoruba, Igbo or something else,
but I actually feel Nigerian and it comes out in my writing. I write about people who don’t have
any strong ethnic allegiance or people who are in mixed marriages. [. . .] What I have picked up
is language from different parts of the world and it comes out in my writing. I have to be very
careful when I am writing in the voices of people who have not had my experiences. My second
novel, Swallow, is written in the voice of a Yoruba woman, for instance. I couldn’t use language
I had picked up here or in England” (Atta as cited in Collins 2007, 7).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 65
conclusion
As several critics (Bandia 2008, Bandia as cited in Rodríguez Murphy 2015a,
Gyasi 1999, Mehrez 1992, Inggs and Meintjes 2009) have rightly emphasized,
the high rate of multilingualism or “polilingualism” (Bandia 2008, 136–137,
Bandia as cited in Rodríguez Murphy 2015a, 149) which characterizes many
of the African postcolonies,8 including Nigeria, is of great importance for
translation studies in this day and age. Without a doubt, taking into account
the ever-growing transculturation and transnationalization of cultures in our
present-day global world, multilingualism can be considered an increasingly
relevant feature both in literature and society:
As a corollary of colonization, the displacement and migration of peoples brought
about changes that would challenge the notion of a national language and a homo-
geneous culture paving the way for understanding language and culture from the
point of view of a transnational experience. According to Bhabha, hybridity, a main
characteristic of the postcolonial condition, disrupts the relation between national
language and culture, and points to a culture of difference, of displacement of signifi-
cation, of translation. (Bandia 2008, 139).
In this regard, in many African cities new transcultural and hybrid
forms of diverse elements are being created every day. Ranging from trans-
cultural types of music (Osumare 2012), such as afrobeat or highlife music, to
other transcultural phenomena, including the Azonto dance in Ghana (Jaka-
na, 2012) and the Nollywood film industry, which is now a major influence
in Lagos’s streets and markets (Haynes 2007, Fuentes-Luque 2017). In the
specific case of language, and as we have seen in the examples quoted from
Atta’s novels, the prominence of the multilingualism that permeates African
cities in general, and the continuous emergence of new hybrid linguistic forms
and new semantic associations, which are typical features of the discourse em-
ployed in situations involving interaction in urban areas, are, and will contin-
ue to be, compelling topics when analyzing issues related to translation and
translatability in the twenty-first century.
8
Here “postcolony” (Mbembe 2010) refers to the postcolonial context which, according to
Bandia, is part of the colonial space: “Colonial space is ‘the postcolony’ itself, but it is also
that space where people with postcolonial experiences, people with postcolonial backgrounds,
exist” (Bandia as cited in Rodríguez Murphy 2015a, 149). This “colonial space” should not be
understood as a static entity, but rather as characterized by ongoing translation, translocation
and transculturation.
66 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
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<Elena Rodríguez Murphy> holds a PhD in Translation Studies from
the University of Salamanca (Spain), where she works in the Depart-
ment of Translation and Interpreting. Her research interests include Af-
rican literatures, translation studies, and linguistics. She has published
several articles and book chapters on these areas of study, including
“An Interview with Sefi Atta” (published Research in African Literatures,
2012) and “An Interview with Professor Paul Bandia” (Perspectives,
2015). She is the author of Traducción y literatura africana: multilingüis-
mo y transculturación en la narrativa nigeriana de expresión inglesa
(Granada, 2015).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 69
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/15751 | [
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] | Translation and Asymmetrical Spaces,
the Strait of Gibraltar
as a Case in Point
África Vidal and Juan Jesús Zaro
University of Salamanca, Spain
[email protected]
University of Malaga, Spain
[email protected]
<Abstract> As a geographical location, defined by Paul Bowles as “the center of the uni-
verse,” which separates continents—Europe in the North and Africa in the South—but
also world views, cultures, religions, and languages, the Strait of Gibraltar was and remains
an authentic translation space. At present, the metaphor of the separation that the Strait
evokes incessantly continues to be valid every day, taking into account, for example, events
such as the succesive waves of African immigrants who have been arriving on the European
coasts for several years “illegally.” In addition to these tensions, there are cities located in
the Strait, such as Tangier and Gibraltar, that are by themselves multilingual and multicul-
tural places and therefore spaces of translation and conflict that deserve specific sections
in this paper. While Tangier, during the second half of the twentieth century was a unique
“interzone” characterized by cosmopolitanism and the coexistence of spaces and multiple
and confronted texts, Gibraltar is now a territory reinvented as a result of its past, in which
hybridity would be a fundamental part of its complex and young identity.
introduction
Spaces can be real and imagined. Spaces can tell stories and unfold histories.
Spaces can be interrupted, appropriated,
and transformed through artistic and literary practice.
(hooks 1991, 152)
Human beings access reality by means of translations, of provisional, rele-
vant, interesting or interested versions of realities which are continually being
contextualized, rectified, and translated. With the hermeneutic and ethical
journeys of each individual, we come to realize that translating is an inevitable
means of encountering the other. Not only of encountering the other, but also
of coming face to face with immigration and national identities, the global
and the local, the problem of marginal groups, difference, or encountering
what we sometimes agree with and sometimes detest. And we come across all
of these things because when we translate we invade spaces, we occupy alien,
far-away spaces which overlap and clash. When we translate, we shape these
spaces and walk over the tracks we find on the way; but, on occasion, when we
move around in others’ spaces, our aim is also to rewrite them and translate
them. Translating is shifting smells, flavors, or passions from places that are
70 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
not ours. Translation is movement, flow, and passage between spaces that are
not, and should never be, unidirectional or closed.
Our starting-point in this paper is that all cultural experience arises at
the crossroads between language, topos, and identity, and that precisely the ex-
perience of what is different is produced by the destabilization of these cross-
roads (Robinson 1998, 24). Our point of departure, therefore, is that translat-
ing, and more specifically translating spaces, is a very political activity which
is certainly not neutral—it is the locus where the coexistence of heterogeneity
becomes possible, and as a result space must always be under construction
(Massey 2011, 9).
As an example of this way of understanding translation, we aim to focus
on the Strait of Gibraltar, with the cities of Tangier and Gibraltar at opposite
sides of its coast. It is a fascinating area because it is the space that joins Africa
and Europe, a space of cultural encounter that espouses the concept of hybridity,
a hybridity distinct from syncretism, creolization, and métissage, which would
suggest that the dynamics of cultural encounters give rise to new, long-lasting
identities. On the contrary, these are spaces in which the hybrid is that space in
construction just mentioned that problematizes binary oppositions since each
is part of the construction of the other. Within this context, translating in these
spaces means offering a culturally constructed version away from dualisms.
The analysis of this space, which includes the Strait, Tangier, and Gi-
braltar, will lead us to reflect on the fact that translating is today the condition
of living of many cities with a double or triple history behind them. The study
of these spaces will make clear that translation, far from being a benevolent act
of hospitality toward a guest from another space, is a relentless transaction (Si-
mon 2003, 77), a hybrid act which does not mean a new synthesis but a zone of
negotiation, dissent, and exchange, a locus that short-circuits patterns of alterity
in order to express the drift of contemporary identities (Simon 1999, 39–40).
The Strait of Gibraltar, which is in turn a clash space between the
Mediterranean and the Atlantic, is the starting point of this essay; it is here
that all stories—those that go to the North and those that remain in the
South—begin and it is also the narrative constructions on the Strait that make
this space such a complicated, multicultural space, because “places without
stories are unthinkable” (Price 2004, xxi).
In fact, the Strait of Gibraltar and the stories shaping it throughout
the centuries make it a space of conflicts, silences, discontinuities, and exclu-
sions that turn it into a place which is unstable and multilayered, never fin-
ished, never determined, processual, porous (Price 2004, 5). Because although
the Strait of Gibraltar is currently a natural border between two continents
(Africa and Europe) and two countries (Morocco and Spain), and it is unique
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 71
in that it also has Gibraltar (an overseas territory of the United Kingdom),
and Ceuta (a Spanish city with its own statute of autonomous government)
on opposite sides of its shores, the truth is that, throughout history, both sides
have been united longer than they have been separated. They were governed
as one territory by the Romans and also during the eight centuries of Muslim
occupation of the Iberian Peninsula. In 1492, after the fall of the Kingdom of
Granada, the two shores separated forever, a separation that was only occa-
sionally interrupted during the time of the Spanish Protectorate of Morocco
(1913–1956). Since 1956, when the kingdom of Morocco became independent,
the two shores have once again become administratively, politically, and cul-
turally independent.
The waters of the Strait are, therefore, a palimpsest accumulating
well-known stories and also, unfortunately, other stories we will never hear
about because they were lost forever with the bodies that have sunk to the
depths. The waters of the Strait are “a layered text of narratives of belonging
and exclusion, always negotiated, always struggled over, never finished” (Price
2004, 7); they are the intermediate, imaginary zone between Africa and the
West that every culture needs: “Somewhere every culture has an imaginary
zone for what it excludes, and it is that zone we must try to remember today”
(Cixous and Clément 1986, 6). And that imaginary zone is the line that joins
the two “dual cities” (Simon 2012, 3 and following pages) we shall go on to
examine in detail, Tangier and Gibraltar.
Currently, communication between both sides of the Strait is in the
form of fast or traditional ferries between Tarifa, Algeciras, and Gibraltar on
the European side and Ceuta and Tangier in Africa. Crossings take between
thirty and ninety minutes. Sometimes crossings cannot be made due to storms
or strong winds, especially in winter. One of these ferries is called “the whale,”
a carrier of unknown treasures which, with a curious symbolism reminding us
of Captain Ahab’s quest to hunt down Moby Dick, is pursued by an old fish-
erman from Tangier in the film Moroccan Chronicles (1999) by the Moroccan
director Moumen Smihi. The journey between the two shores is made legally
by almost three million people a year and illegally by more than ten thousand,
who use their own means to get across in “pateras.” The Strait of Gibraltar is
the only gateway into and out of the Mediterranean for all marine traffic. It is
estimated that more than 82,000 ships cross it every year. As Alfred Chester
points out in his short story “Glory Hole”: “The hills of Spain are there like
civilized laughter across the narrow water; two ferries a day, or six, or ten—
who can remember anymore? Spain is on the other, the inaccessible side of
Styx” (Chester 1990, 221).
The possibility of building a bridge or a tunnel between both shores
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has often been discussed. From the technical viewpoint, the tunnel option
would appear to be the most feasible, even though the depth of the water of
the Strait would make it the deepest (and most expensive) tunnel in Europe.
However, the existence of a tunnel or bridge across the Strait would be a huge
improvement in traffic and mobility between both sides, something which,
from a symbolic and political point of view, would not seem to be totally
acceptable at this moment in time: the idea of a tunnel or bridge, ultimately
a metaphor of union and communication between the two shores, clashes
with other well-known metaphorical narratives about the Strait which focus
more on the idea of battle and separation. One is the familiar mythological
tale of the “columns,” identified fairly vaguely as the Rock of Gibraltar and
Mount Hacho in Ceuta, which Hercules separated to open up a passage for
the Atlantic Ocean. Another is the myth surrounding Julian, Count of Ceu-
ta, a Visigoth governor of the city who is alleged to have facilitated entry of
Muslim troops into the Spanish mainland in 711, enabling them to put an end
to the Visigothic rule established after the fall of the Roman Empire. This
act changed the history of Spain forever. It is said that Julian did this out of
revenge after his daughter was raped in Toledo by Rodrigo, the last Visigothic
king of Spain who would finally be defeated and killed by the invading army
in the Battle of Guadalete. In this sense, the fact that it was a question of
honor that caused the Muslim invasion of Spain has led to numerous interpre-
tations. In his novel Reivindicación del conde don Julián (1970), Juan Goytisolo
identifies with the main character more than one thousand years later in his
desire to put an end to the essential, homogeneous, and nationalist–Catholic
Spain of the Franco regime, in the same way that the Visigothic count had
indirectly helped to put an end to Christian Spain and, ultimately, promote
miscegenation and the fusion of races. We must not forget that the last sig-
nificant act of war in the Strait took place in August 1936, when around eight
thousand troops from the rebel Spanish army in Morocco were transported
by sea to the Spanish mainland to join the rebel troops once the Civil War
started.
The history of the Strait, therefore, has been, and continues to be, a
history of conflict involving the clash of two different civilizations, established
on the two continents located on either side of this stretch of water, which
also economically represent two very different zones—Europe on the north
side and Africa on the south, which are profoundly asymmetrical in economic
terms. It is, in this sense, perhaps the most unequal border in the whole world,
and crossing the Strait was, and perhaps still is, travelling to another reality.
This is how it was described by the Spanish traveller and spy Ali Bey when
he said in 1814, on crossing from Tarifa to Tangier, that whoever crosses the
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Strait goes “en tan breve espacio de tiempo a un mundo absolutamente nuevo,
y sin la más remota semejanza con el que se acaba de dejar, se halla realmente
como transportado a otro planeta” (Bey 2009, 147). Nowadays, the most vis-
ible aspect of this conflict is that of illegal migrants, who, as we have pointed
out above, use the Strait to enter Europe, and who in recent years consist
mainly of people from sub-Saharan countries. This is why this intermediate
space that is the sea is the space in movement that, although in the middle,
is the space of the beginning and the end, the space of the in-between which
necessarily has to be crossed by these fragmented lives. It is the only space
in which, unfortunately, they will be full citizens. However, there are other
conflicts in the area, including claims from other countries for territories they
consider to have been illegally occupied for centuries. This is the case, above
all, of Spain and Gibraltar, but also of Morocco and Ceuta.
Exile, or immigration for political or ideological reasons, is also
linked to the history of the Strait of Gibraltar. Many historical diasporas have
traversed it, including, for example, the Jews (around 80,000) or the Moriscos
(around 300,000) when they were expelled from Spain in the fifteenth and
seventeenth centuries respectively, who abandoned Spain and crossed over to
Africa. Some Spanish Jews settled in towns in the north of Morocco, where
they lived for centuries with a largely Muslim population. Many migrated
to Israel shortly after the new state was founded and now form part of the
Sephardic community, one of the most visible and well-known communities
of that country. The Spanish Moriscos who took refuge in Morocco, on the
other hand, contributed their andalusí character to Moroccan culture and it is
now one of its signs of identity.
And not only that, but the space we will examine below is, as well as
being a multicultural space, or perhaps precisely for that reason, a multilingual
space. Four languages live side by side on both shores: Spanish on the Spanish
side in Ceuta, in Gibraltar, and to a much lesser degree throughout North
Morocco; English in Gibraltar; and French and Arabic in Morocco. The two
most used languages, Spanish and Arabic, correspond to diatopical dialect
forms, Andalusian Spanish in Spain and colloquial Moroccan Arabic or dāriŷa
on the Moroccan coast of the Strait. The Andalusian variant is also used by
the citizens of Gibraltar, which immediately makes them Andalusians for the
rest of Spain when they speak Spanish, although they do in fact speak a hybrid
variety called “llanito,” a kind of small-scale European Spanglish. Moroccan
Arabic, on the other hand, has a strong Berber substrate and influences from
French and Spanish and is an identitarian dialect, far removed from modern
standard Arabic and unintelligible to many Moroccans. Due to their own
particular history, a number of coastal towns on the Strait, such as Tangier
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for example, can be considered to be multilingual spaces where it is possible
to be understood in three or four languages. Others, like Gibraltar, are clearly
bilingual. Ceuta is similarly an interesting example, as it is also becoming a
bilingual city due to the increasing Muslim population, to which we must
likewise add a significant Hindu community which is completely bilingual in
Spanish and Hindi.
These multicultural and multilingual spaces will allow us to better
understand the Strait’s coastal “dual cities”—to use Sherry Simon’s terminol-
ogy—which we will examine below.
tangier, a dual city
The place [Tangier] was counterfeit, a waiting room between connections,
a transition from one way of being to another…
(Bowles 2006, 382).
Tangier is not part of Morocco. It’s international.
Paul Bowles interviewed by Abdelhak Elghandor
(Elghandor 1994, 16)
From the end of the 1940s until Moroccan independence in 1956, the city of
Tangier, located to the extreme west of the African coast of the Strait of Gi-
braltar, had a unique political status, that of being an “international zone.” But
it was, at the same time, a multilayered space where many languages existed,
and still do exist, at the same time, a space where translation was never a mere
language transfer but a practice of writing that took place at the crossroads
(Simon 2012, 8). Perched on the northern tip of Morocco with its eyes trained
across the Strait of Gibraltar toward Spain, “Tangier certainly has long been at
the crossroads, a point of intersection of various civilizations, notably African/
Islamic and European Christian” (Hibbard 2009, 1). This is why Tangier is a
space that has always generated multiple discourses; it is a city that has always
“spoken,” because it is a site of representation. However, the discourses it has
generated have been different translations of reality, rewritings of a space that
some, Westerners, exoticized, and others, Moroccans, understood differently,
as a way of “writing back to the West” (Elkouche 2008, 1).
Tangier was, on the one hand, a space of rich British expatriates and,
on the other, the receiving space of many expatriates from Paris during the
years between the World wars, artists and writers who sought in the “interna-
tionalized” Tangier what the Lost Generation had searched for in the French
capital a few years earlier, a space open to less conventional ways of life. The
era during which both artists and writers lived in Tangier was especially rele-
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1.
View of Tangier
vant with regard to political and social change, because during these years the
Maghreb moved on from being an area under European colonial control to
one of postcolonial independence
Halfway between nations, cultures, and languages, Tangier became
an “interzone,” to use Burroughs’s word—that is, “a place of intermediacy
and ambiguity, a place that remains outside standard narratives of nationhood
and identity. It proved to be an expedient location for [writers] to sort out the
multiple crises of identity, desire, and loss that motivated their writing” (Mul-
lins 2002, 3). In this sense, we must not forget that, as Tangier’s legal situation
allowed moral permissiveness with regard, for example, to sexuality and drugs
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at a time when homosexuality was still illegal in Britain and was considered
to be a mental illness in the United States, it was logical that this unorthodox
space should attract many gay artists of the time, from Jean Genet to Robert
Rauschenberg, William Burroughs and Paul Bowles (who lived in Tangier for
over fifty years, from 1947 until his death in 1999).
To these names we could add a long list of intellectuals who spent
time in Tangier, such as Gertrude Stein, Francis Bacon, Djuna Barnes, Brion
Gysin, Samuel Beckett, Alfred Chester, Truman Capote, Tennessee Williams,
Gore Vidal, Jack Kerouac, Allen Ginsberg, Aaron Copeland, Juan Goytisolo,
Ian Fleming, and many others. Because Tangier was the promised land of
the bohemian Diaspora and refuge of many rich, eccentric Westerners (see
Pulsifer 1992 and Walonen 2011) who sought ways of life that constituted an
alternative to the orthodoxy of their countries of origin. This is something
that, in spite of everything, the city is still proud of and still attracts a lot of
tourists. A recent tourist brochure, Tangier in Morocco, published by the Mo-
roccan National Tourist Office, states: “The streets of Tangier are teeming
with artistic and literary memories. Countless painters, novelists, playwrights,
poets, photographers, actors, filmmakers and couturiers from every nation
under the sun have stayed here a while or made their home here, inspired and
bewitched by the city’s magic” (Moroccan National Tourist Office n.d., 12).
Truman Capote, in a 1950 article entitled “Tangier” (Capote 2013),
reminds us of the radical heterogeneity and idiosyncrasies arising from this
huge amount of freedom. Tangier was the space on the border between Eu-
rope and Africa, between Islam, Judaism, and Christianity; a place where
nationalities, cultures, and languages mixed to the point of promiscuity. In
fact, in Morocco translation is still a means of survival today. Although the
official language is Arabic, the economic and cultural life of the country has
always been carried out in several languages. The educated classes speak and
write standard Arabic and French, while the majority of people use varieties
of Moroccan Arabic or Berber variants. In the north many people speak Span-
ish and also English, particularly those involved in tourism and commerce.
Therefore, “no single Moroccan language can universally speak to and for all
Moroccans; rather, Moroccans must daily translate among themselves, or in
the formation of literary narratives, both written and oral” (Sabil 2005, 176). It
is no surprise, then, that this open locus, especially that of Tangier when it was
an International Zone, should have been so attractive a place for writers whose
lives and works were considered unorthodox in Western circles. Tangier was a
space where for many years national structures and rigid codes of ethics were
deconstructed and where confusion of all binary logic was favored.
However, the spaces inhabited by Westerners in Tangier were gen-
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erally separate from those inhabited by Moroccans. We see this in the case of
Bowles, whose descriptions of the spaces his characters are situated in speak
of class, race, or cultural differences. Moreover, Bowles describes in many of
his translations the horror of not having a place in space, in For Bread Alone
by Choukri (2010), for example. The above-mentioned rich British expats
created a series of separate places that reflected English ways of life, places
of worship like St. Andrew’s Church, tea parties and lavish parties with film
stars (Finlayson 1992, 271 and following pages), although it is also true that
the density of the population and the physical and social distribution of the
city led to inevitable contact between the communities. The center of Tangier
had been designed initially for around 12,000 people and it remained un-
changed when population numbers increased. So, the streets were always full
of people, cultures, and religions as reflected in the pages of Burroughs’s The
Naked Lunch or Bowles’s Let it Come Down. The narrow streets in the center
showed multiplicity and the two main axes of the town, the Boulevard Pas-
teur running from east to west, and the Rue du Statut running from north to
south, crossed at Place de France, “a bustling roundabout ringed by popular
cafés frequented by the diplomatic community and Moroccan nationalists”
(Edwards 2005, 130).
In Tangier, the European powers were initially the producers of spac-
es, the power groups who designed, distributed, named, and built spaces and
who also established the rules for the use of these spaces. This divided spatial-
ity is typical, as Fanon reminds us in The Wretched of the Earth, of colonizing
processes: “The first thing which the native learns is to stay in his place, and
not to go beyond certain limits” (Fanon 1968, 52). The space of colonial order
is always one of luxury, cleanliness, and entertainment; the other formed of
wretched places, as we see, for example, in Choukri’s For Bread Alone.
Without a doubt, for Bowles and many other writers and artists, Tang-
ier was a “third space,” in Edward Soja’s sense of the term—that is, “the space
where all places are capable of being seen from every angle, each standing
clear; but also a secret and conjectured object, filled with illusions and allu-
sions, a space that is common to all of us yet never able to be completely seen
and understood” (Soja 1996, 56). Perhaps this is why Bowles never considered
himself to be Tangierian but, rather, a vocational stateless person. In March
1992 he said in an interview, “I am not American and I am not Moroccan. I’m
a visitor on earth. You have to be Muslim to really be accepted in Morocco, to
be a part of it” (Choukri 2008, 304).
Bowles was also against the Westernization of Moroccan spaces after
independence—for him geography was a way of reading identity. Spaces were
texts and the scenery was the reflection of his characters’ inner self, some-
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thing the critics have discussed in detail (Pounds 1985; Olson 1986; Hassan
1995; Caponi 1998; Patteson 2003; Walonen 2011) and that he himself recognized
in some of his travel writings such as Their Heads are Green and their Hands are
Blue (1963), and in his novels and several interviews. Characters like Thami in
Let it Come Down identify with the place and the space, but when they are taken
somewhere else like New York many of his characters feel out of place. It was in
his translations of oral texts by Moroccan narrators (Ahmed Yacoubi, Layachi
Larbi, Abdeslam Boulaich, and Mohammed Mrabet, among others), howev-
er, that he rewrites in that contact zone that is no good to imperialism, like
many other postcolonial translations, but comes from within the Other(‘s)
space, “involves a much looser notion of the text, interacts intensely with local
forms of narrative and is a revigorating and positive global influence [. . .] a con-
tinuous life-giving and creative process” (Simon and St-Pierre 2000, 10).
After October 1956, when Tangier was no longer an International Zone
(in 1961 it became part of Morocco), people came to suspect that “the good
times, the high-living years for foreign residents with substantial assets in Tangi-
er, might be ending” (Finlayson 1992, 75). In 1957 the British Post Office closed
its offices; the Spanish Post Office did the same in 1958. In addition, many banks
and companies closed and transferred their branches to other countries. The lux-
ury goods shops on Boulevard Pascal were replaced by shops selling local crafts
and clothing. But one of the most revealing details of the change was “a new
edict banning the sale of liquor within a certain distance from a mosque” and
another determining the places that stayed and those that did not: “There were a
great many mosques, and a great many Spanish, Jewish and other foreign-owned
bars. The mosques stayed open, the bars closed” (Finlayson 1992, 75). That is,
the places that Lefebvre calls “representations of space” (1991, 33) closed, that
experience of space referring to hegemonic ideological representations, to space
constructed by professionals and technocrats (engineers, architects, urban plan-
ners, geographers, etc.), a space where ideology, power, and knowledge are in-
variably linked to representation. Besides, when it was no longer an International
Zone, many Moroccans living in the country moved to Tangier, which changed
the city space.
The clean, luxurious Tangier of today is Muslim, the best areas be-
long to citizens of countries in the Persian Gulf and to Moroccans who have
made their fortune from drug-trafficking between Africa and Europe, traffick-
ing in which the city is a crucial point (Walonen 2011, 127). The city and its
population have evolved and so has their interaction with the first world, to
such an extent that the essentialist vision of the Muslim population, which to-
day reproaches the former foreign residents of the Tangier of the International
Zone, might have changed. The foreign residents and tourists currently in
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Tangier (many attracted by the literary past of the city) still mix with the local
people, but probably in a different way to that of the foreign community of
the Tangier of the 1940s and ‘50s. Despite this, it is curious that in the tourist
brochure mentioned above, Tangier in Morocco, Tangier’s special character,
compared to that of other Moroccan cities, is highlighted in the following
words: “Today, the city still has its cosmopolitan side, with a wide variety of
outside influences contributing to its cultural diversity and unique personali-
ty” (Moroccan National Tourist Office n.d., 7). Or with these other puzzling
words: “There is something altogether unique about the town, something
impalpable, indefinable –a sense of freedom that hangs in the air like the scent
of orange blossom” (Moroccan National Tourist Office n.d., 5).
Tangier, with its linguistic and cultural contrasts and the social and
classist inequalities reflected in its spaces, is therefore the living example that
spaces are socially created entities, political constructions that reveal prejudices,
asymmetries, and inequalities. But, in addition, the places are “practiced” spaces
(De Certeau 1988, 117). De Certeau compares spatiality, place and narrative,
and, for him, the narrative ends up “transforming places into spaces or spaces
into places” (De Certeau 1988, 130). The writer and the translator take the reader
by the hand when they describe an apartment, a street, a country, or a border.
gibraltar, a translational city
[...] dual cities have their origins in conquest, when a stronger language group comes to occupy or
impinge upon a pre-existent language which may itself have displaced another before it.
(Simon 2012, 3)
The city of Gibraltar (Jebel-al-Tariq, or “the mountain of Tarik,” an Arab
leader who led the Muslim invasion of the Iberian Peninsula in 711 ce), resting
on its Rock, has been, as we all know, a British colony since the beginning
of the eighteenth century. In 1704 Gibraltar was occupied by an English fleet
involved in the War of the Spanish Succession and included in the Spanish
territories ruled by the Archduke Charles of Austria, one of the pretenders to
the throne (the other was Philip of Anjou, grandson of Louis xvi of France
and legitimate heir according to the last will and testament of the last king
of Spain, Charles II, who had died in 1700). However, the detachment that
expelled the citizens from the city—they founded the town of San Roque,
whence an irate stone lion stills looks threateningly over at the Rock—never
left, not even when the war ended and Philip V was proclaimed King. One of
the conditions of the famous Treaty of Utrecht (1713) was that Spain should
recognize British sovereignty over the Rock of Gibraltar, the city, and the
80 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
port. The Treaty, which has never been revoked and is, therefore, still in force
today, continues to be invoked by Spain today on the grounds that, among
other things, the land occupied by Gibraltar Airport is in a neutral area that
had never been signed over to the British and, therefore, was occupied illegally
during the First World War.
More than three hundred years of British sovereignty have made Gi-
braltar a unique enclave. It is located on the southern tip of Andalusia and its
only land border is with Spain. This Lilliputian territory is 5.8 square kilo-
meters in size and has a population of almost 30,000 inhabitants, making it
one of the most densely populated places in the world (4,290 inhabitants per
square kilometer). As the original Spanish population of the city abandoned
the Rock after the British occupation, it soon filled with immigrants from
several places—Genoa, Portugal, India, Malta, Morocco, and Spain, among
others—and also had a significant Jewish community, who had migrated to
Gibraltar to “serve” the British troops and their families. As we have men-
tioned above, the city is also practically bilingual, English is spoken, as well
as “llanito” or a kind of Spanglish spoken on the Rock which the locals call
“suichito” or “switch,” a hybrid language where code switching is constantly
used. Many Gibraltarians also speak fluent Spanish with a marked Andalusian
accent.
Relations with Spain have never been easy. In Spain, whatever the
ideology of the ruling party, Gibraltar is always considered to be a colonized
territory which should be returned to Spain as it was taken by force in an act
of war. Today most Gibraltarians think that the Treaty of Utrecht is obsolete,
that history has shown that Gibraltar is a territory demographically, linguis-
tically, and culturally different from Spain, and that the current autonomous
status of the territory, approved by all its inhabitants, is proof of its democrat-
ic nature. Although the United Nations declared in 1964 that Gibraltar should
be “decolonized,” under the terms of the Treaty of Utrecht it could never
be an independent country—it could only be British or, should the latter
abandon the territory, Spanish. At that time, the United Kingdom refused to
enter into any kind of negotiation with Franco’s Spain, and the Spanish gov-
ernment, in retaliation, closed the land border between Gibraltar and Spain,
leaving Gibraltar isolated via land from 1969 to 1985. Recent attempts to set up
negotiations to try to reach an agreement of British and Spanish cosovereignty
of the territory have met the refusal of almost all the Gibraltarians.
In any case, there is still a problem between Gibraltar and Spain
which is visible, especially at the moment, in the “queues” of cars and people
that have been forming at the Spanish border crossing every summer since
2013, when the Spanish government decided to periodically tighten the con-
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trol of vehicles and persons, which only adds to the active conflicts in the area
of the Strait. In this case, however, it is a political conflict more than a social
or cultural one, but it affects the daily life of people who live in the area and
have become hostages, in a way, of decisions taken very far away for reasons
they often do not understand. This “distance” from the centers of power can
be seen in the references to the population of Gibraltar in the media.
Therefore, while the Spanish government said these queues were
“necessary” to stop smuggling, Gibraltar’s Chief Minister, Fabián Picardo,
denounced the “passivity” of the British government in this affair for fear of
worsening relations with Spain (Ayllón 2014), and the Spanish workers on the
Rock expressed their disagreement with the measures put into place by their
own government (Romaguera 2013).
This is, therefore, a deep-rooted problem with no easy solution. Gi-
braltar is a prosperous place with a high standard of living—it is, in fact, the
second most prosperous territory in the European Union, which is in stark
contrast with the Spanish region surrounding it. The Campo de Gibraltar is a
depressed area with a high level of unemployment and is still far behind other
areas of Spain. But, this prosperity is due, above all, to the fact that it is a tax
haven where companies and financial institutions pay hardly any taxes, which
would explain the huge amount of investment and increasing number of com-
panies registered on the Rock. From Spain it is argued that this prosperity is
largely due to fiscal rules and regulations, which are very different to those in
Spain and prevent investment, for example, reaching Campo de Gibraltar,
the area around the Rock. The Gibraltarian stereotype as seen from Spain
is that of a smuggler on a motorbike who takes advantage of his situation as
an islander with respect to Spain to obtain economic benefits, but who, deep
down, is just an Andalusian in denial. From the Gibraltarian point of view,
Spaniards are considered to be provincial individuals anchored in the past
who have never been able to understand that Gibraltar is not a part of Spain,
that its population is more heterogeneous in comparison to that of Spain, and
that it is so prosperous. Whatever the case, we cannot forget that currently
more than seven thousand Spaniards work in Gibraltar and that many Gibral-
tarians have invested large amounts of money in properties in Spain.
This “insularity” or impermeability of Gibraltar, even though it is not
an island as such, has led to it being a place of stability and freedom in contrast
with the turbulent history of its neighbor. During the nineteenth century, the
Rock was a refuge for Spanish exiles who had to abandon their country for
political reasons and were making their way to the United Kingdom or other
European countries. During the twentieth century the Rock, as a British terri-
tory, maintained standards of religious freedom and tolerance which were un-
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2.
Views of Gibraltar
known in Spain, especially during the Franco regime, and this would make it
a more advanced society in all aspects. We cannot forget the famous wedding
of John Lennon and Yoko Ono which took place in Gibraltar in 1969, a media
event highlighting the “modernity” of the Rock, which was much closer to the
“swinging London” of the 1960s than backward, conservative Spain. In any
case, the closure of the border crossing in 1969 made communication between
Gibraltar and Spain almost nonexistent.
Today, Gibraltar (or “Gib” as it is known in Britain) could be any
town on the southern coast of England, or perhaps the Channel Islands.
There are typical references found in British territories, red telephone box-
es, “bobbies” and the Union Jack, which continues to fly in many places.
The supermarkets and shops belong to British groups—Marks and Spencer,
BHS, Boots, Morrisons, and so on—and the pubs are authentic. However,
this translation of a southern space to a northern one does not include all the
codes or elements: in Gibraltar people drive on the right, as they do in Spain;
the Anglican Cathedral of the Holy Trinity, the most “British” space in the
whole area, is built in an oriental style with horseshoe arches over doors and
windows; at the entrance to the city the Muslim fort, which could never be
seen in an English town, is still standing strong; and the Andalusian accent
of the inhabitants when they speak Spanish or “llanito” assimilates them to
their neighbors in Campo de Gibraltar. There are two theories regarding the
origin of the term “llanito,” both related to the clash between languages. Ac-
cording to one theory, “llanito” was coined in Gibraltar in the early twentieth
century by Andalusian workers who would hear Gibraltar mothers call their
“yanitos” (the Spanish diminutive for Johnny—Johnnito) and began to call
all Gibraltarians “yanis” (Johnnys), which led in turn to the current “llanitos”
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 83
or “yanitos.” The other theory is that the word derives from the large num-
ber of “Giovannis,” or “Giannis” as they are familiarly called, in the large
Genoese colony which settled on the Rock. The simultaneous use of Spanish
and English can often be very amusing. Main Street, the commercial artery
of the city, is also called the “Calle Reá,” and Gibraltar is “Gibrartá,” both in
“llanito” and Andalusian Spanish. Manuel Leguineche (2002, 2) mentions his
surprise when a Gibraltarian bobby replied “Zí, zeñó” to the question “Do
you speak English?”
This way of speaking is only the reflection of the coexistence of asym-
metrical spaces where at least two cultures live side by side or occasionally
clash. It is a way of speaking that, as Susan Bassnett states (in Simon 2012,
n.p.), shows the fundamental importance of languages shaping cultural, geo-
graphical, and historical space. In effect, the particular language used in Gi-
braltar demonstrates the power of language to mark the urban landscape, to
understand it, and how important it is to listen to cities (Simon 2012, xix and
1), especially these types of cities which are contact zones (see Pratt 1992),
noisy streets of polyglot neighborhoods.
These are very clear examples that language is an area of negotiation,
a space where connections are created through rewritings and where ideas
circulate, converge, and clash in the translational city, which imposes its own
patterns of interaction and these emerge out of their spaces and their own
narrative pasts (Simon 2012, 2). But in Gibraltar, as in Tangier or the Strait,
languages share the same terrain but rarely participate in a peaceful and egali-
tarian conversation. And there is some, albeit not a great deal of, Gibraltarian
literature, written mostly in Spanish by authors like Héctor Licudi, Alberto
Pizzarello, or Elio Cruz (see Yborra Aznar 2005). More recent writers, how-
ever, write in both languages (Mario Arroyo, for example) or only in English.
One of the most interesting current Gibraltarian authors is Trino Cruz, a
poet who writes in Spanish, translates Moroccan poetry from Arabic, and
defends the multiethnic and multilinguistic character of the territory. These
and many other authors allow us to see that translation (or self-translation,
depending on your point of view) “can no longer be configured only as a link
between a familiar and a foreign culture, between a local original and a distant
destination, between one monolingual community and another. [. . .] The
Other remains within a constant earshot. The shared understandings of this
coexistence change the meaning of translation from a gesture of benevolence
to a process through which a common civility is negotiated” (Simon 2012, 7).
As we have seen, given its history and the composition of its popu-
lation, Gibraltar is now also a hybrid or “dual” city whose complex, young
identity is based, above all, on the wishes of its population to maintain their
84 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
status as a British overseas territory and not be absorbed in any way by Spain
in the long term. It is clear that the friendly relations between the two parties
at the beginning of the twentieth century collapsed, probably permanently,
when the border crossing was closed from 1969 until 1985, isolating the two
peoples and provoking in Gibraltar both anti-Spanish feelings and a lack of
proficiency in the Spanish language. Even so, certain data (Grocott and Stock-
ey 2012, 125) show that the inhabitants of the Rock consider themselves to be
more and more Gibraltarian and less British, although it is not clear what this
feeling, whose signs of identity are still fairly vague yet real, consists of, the
city now celebrates a “National Day” on September 10 to commemorate the
date of the first referendum, held in 1967, to reject annexation to Spain; the
red and white flag of Gibraltar can be seen more and more often flying over
the territory, “llanito” is sometimes used in the local press instead of English,
and the project to publish the first local paper Calpe Press is already under
way. This nationalist feeling would only assimilate Gibraltar to tiny European
nations such as Andorra, Liechtenstein, Monaco, and San Marino, which are
historically much older. If this “national” sentiment were to become consol-
idated, which does not appear to have happened yet, Gibraltar would be an
example of a relatively new “heterogeneous,” hybrid, multilingual communi-
ty, seeking to define its own identity, composed in turn of hybrid elements
from different cultures.
concluding remarks
Living in different places means growing separate selves, learning other languages and ways of being,
and looking at the world from different vantage points, without ever quite belonging to any of them.
The state of being of a foreigner wherever I am has become second nature to me. It is a condition that
sharpens the eye and the ear, that keeps awareness on its toes, and that takes nothing for granted.
It means also that whatever I am, the ghosts of other places and other lives are hovering close.
(Reid 1994, 3)
The linguistic forms used in a space like Gibraltar cause us to reflect on how diffi-
cult it can become to find or create equivalent idioms for local, nonstandard lan-
guages, but in general everything mentioned above in relation to other spaces such
as Tangier and the waters of the Strait of Gibraltar confirms that “the translator’s
dilemmas are not to be found in dictionaries, but rather in an understanding of
the way language is tied to local realities [. . .] and to changing identities” (Simon
1995, 10). This is why nowadays, in a global and transcultural society, translation
is a transversal and interdisciplinary activity that has much to do with geography,
while only a few years ago they were both considered to be fields of research far
removed from each other (Bassnett 2011; Vidal 2012).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 85
By examining in this essay spaces such as Tangier and Gibraltar, cit-
ies of ethnicities with shifting centers and peripheries, sites of transitory events,
movements, memories, open spirals of heterogeneous collaborations and con-
taminations, heterotopic, multiform and diasporic realities, spaces which un-
dermine the presumed purity of thought (Chambers 1994, 93 and 95), we hope
to have shown the need to access both space and translation in a different way,
to have questioned what we understand today by space and why translation
has forced us to very seriously analyze how ideology and power interfere in the
creation of a space and a translation, what cultural contact points we have seen
between peoples whose spaces become joined or clash in translations of those
texts that define them in this way; what role is played by cartography of the plac-
es understood as texts; and how this concept of knowledge is instrumentalized in
asymmetrical and multidirectional contexts.
From this point of view, translating in the hybrid spaces studied here,
spaces like the Strait, Tangier, or Gibraltar that are sites of displacement, in-
terference, and constructed and disputed historicities (Clifford 1997, 25), has
shown itself to be a border experience able to produce powerful political vi-
sion, the subversion of binarism which makes us wonder how translatable
these places/metaphors of crossing are, how like and unlike diasporas. What
does it take to define and defend a homeland? What are the political stakes
in claiming a “home” in hooks’s (1991) sense? How are ethnic communities’
“insides” and “outsides” sustained, policed, subverted, crossed by historical
subjects with different degrees of power (Clifford 1997, 36)? Considered from
this state of things, translation is a foundational activity, an activity of cultural
creation that takes into account the unstable and liminal identities it trans-
forms and that partakes of the incompleteness of cultural belonging in spaces
informed by estrangement, diversity, plurality, and already saturated with a
logic of translation (Simon 1996, 152, 165, and 166) and dual cities may not
serve only to impose an alien and oppressive presence but also to be part of a
process of exchange which involves “an active chain of response, a vivifying
interaction” (Simon and St-Pierre 2000, 10).
This article is part of the research projects entitled “Violencia simbólica y traducción: retos
en la representación de identidades fragmentadas en la sociedad global” (Symbolic violence
and translation: challenges in the representation of fragmented identities within the global
society) and “La traducción de clásicos en su aspecto editorial: una visión transatlántica”
(Publishing strategies in the translation of classics: a transatlantic approach) (respectively
FFI2015-66516-P and FFI2013-41743-P; MINECO/FEDER, UE) financed by the Spanish
Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness.
86 / translation / issue 7 / 2018 isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451
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<M. Carmen África Claramonte> is Professor of Translation at the
University of Salamanca, Spain. Her research interests include trans-
lation theory, poststructuralism, postcolonialism, contemporary art, and
gender studies. She has published a number of books, anthologies,
and essays on these issues, including Traducción, manipulación, des-
construcción (Salamanca, 1995), El futuro de la traducción (Valencia,
1998), Translation/Power/Subversion (coedited with Román Álvarez,
Clevedon, 1996), En los límites de la traducción (Granada, 2006), Tra-
ducir entre culturas: diferencias, poderes, identidades (Frankfurt, 2007),
Traducción y asimetría (Frankfurt, 2010), La traducción y los espacios:
viajes, mapas, fronteras (Granada, 2013), ”Dile que le he escrito un
blues.” Del texto como partitura a la partitura como traducción (Frank-
furt, 2017), and La traducción y la(s) historia(s) (Comares, 2017). She is
a practicing translator specializing in the fields of philosophy, literature,
and contemporary art.
<Juan Jesús Zaro> has been professor of translation studies at the
University of Málaga since 2008. His research interests include trans-
lation theory, history of translation, and literary translation. He obtained
an MA from New York University, as a Fulbright student, and a PhD in
English Literature from the University de Granada (1983). He has pub-
lished a number of books, anthologies, and articles, including Manual
de Traducción/A Manual of Translation (Madrid, 1998), Shakespeare
y sus traductores (Bern, 2008), Traductores y traductores de literatura
y ensayo (Granada, 2007), and Diez estudios sobre la traducción en la
España del siglo xix (Granada, 2009). He is also a practicing translator
and has translated, among other books, Charles Dickens’ Historia de
dos ciudades (Cátedra, 2000); Samuel Butler’s El destino de la carne
(Alba Editorial, 2001), Edith Wharton’s El arrecife (Alba Editorial, 2003),
and Jane Austen’s Persuasión (Cátedra, 2004).
isbn 978-88-85622-47-0 issn 2240-0451 translation / issue 7 / 2018 / 89
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Introduction
Translation: a new paradigm
T
oday, translation scholarship and practice face a twofold situation. On the one hand
translation studies is enjoying unprecedented success: translation has become a fe-
cund and frequent metaphor for our contemporary intercultural world, and schol-
ars from many disciplines, for instance, linguistics, comparative literature, cultural studies,
anthropology, psychology, communication and social behavior, and global studies have begun
investigating translational phenomena. On the other hand, many scholars in the field rec-
ognize an epistemological crisis in the discipline of translation studies, noticing a repetition
of theories and a plethora of stagnant approaches. This impasse derives largely from the
field’s inability to renew the discipline and its unwillingness to develop approaches that are
able to say something original or reflect the complex situations of migration and hybrid cul-
tures and languages we live in today. Translation needs to redefine its role in a context of
fragmented texts and languages in a world of crises within national identities and emerging
transnational and translocal realities.
The fertility of the metaphor of translation is worthy of study, and we probably will
find out that it is not merely a metaphor. Since Salman Rushdie’s well-known statement
“Having been borne across the world, we are translated men” (1991), translation has become
a frequent concept to describe and even explain identity as it surfaces in travelling, migrating,
diasporic, and border-crossing individuals and cultures. It has been so frequent that some
even state we are experiencing a “translation turn” in the humanities. The anthropologist Talal
Asad’s concept of “cultural translation” became central in the seminal Writing Cultures edited
by James Clifford and George E. Marcus in 1986. Later Clifford developed this concept and
imagined travels and even museums as translations (1997). Even though many scholars today
are familiar with such a broad use of the concept of translation, they tend to keep them sep-
arated from “real” translation. The step forward we want to make with and through this jour-
nal is to consider Rushdie’s translated men and Asad and Clifford’s cultural translations as
real acts of translation, as representations of how translations appear in our world.
Beyond disciplinary boundaries: post-translation studies
W
ith this new journal the editors attempt to go beyond disciplinary borders, and
specifically beyond the bounds of translation studies. We invite original thinking
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
about what translation is today and where translation occurs. We welcome new
concepts that speak about translation and hope to reshape translation discourse within these
new terms and ideas. To achieve this goal, we must go beyond the traditional borders of the
discipline, and even beyond interdisciplinary studies. We propose the inauguration of a trans-
disciplinary research field with translation as an interpretive as well as operative tool. We
imagine a sort of new era that could be termed post-translation studies, where translation
is viewed as fundamentally transdisciplinary, mobile, and open ended. The “post” here recog-
8
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Introduction
nizes a fact and a conviction: new and enriching thinking on translation must take place out-
side the traditional discipline of translation studies. The time is past when we can maintain
the usual borders of translation studies, just as the time is past when in a more general way
we can close the borders of certain disciplines and exclude translation discourse from entering
their intellectual space. We are convinced that today—at least in the humanities but surely
in principle for all academic fields—exchange and dynamic discourse are fundamental. Gay-
atri Spivak’s discourse in Death of a Discipline (2003), dealing specifically with comparative
literature, is emblematic of concerns within translation studies:
We cannot not try to open up, from the inside, the colonialism of European national language-based
Comparative Literature and the Cold War format of Area Studies, and infect history and anthropol-
ogy with the ‘other’ as producer of knowledge. From the inside, acknowledging complicity. No accu-
sations. No excuses. Rather, learning the protocol of those disciplines, turning them around,
laboriously, not only by building institutional bridges but also by persistent curricular interventions.
The most difficult thing here is to resist mere appropriation by the dominant. (2003: 10-11)
The crisis of translation studies: a missing epistemology
T
he crisis of translation studies compares with other situations of crisis in many dis-
ciplines, especially those in the humanities and social sciences: all have to do with
fundamental questions of knowledge and meaning. The crisis or, let’s say, the death
of translation studies as a discipline, leads us necessarily to transdisciplinarity. To speak of
transdisciplinarity is not to propose that we create new relationships between closed disci-
plines; rather, transdisciplinarity opens up closed disciplines and inquires into translational
features that they have in common or toward translational moments that transcend them.
Such a perspective implies that no single logic, no single tool, no single perspective by itself
is sufficient to explain the world’s complexity, and that research cannot be inscribed in one
discipline, with one defined object and method. Translation in this sense is a “nomadic con-
cept”; it is born in transdisciplinarity and it lives in transdisciplinarity.
Epistemologically this transdisciplinarity signals a change: it is not the disciplines that
decide how to analyse their objects of research, but the objects themselves that ask for certain
instruments, neither inside nor outside the academic boundaries of the disciplines, but
“above” them. We are speaking of a different way of facing the great epistemological questions
of what we know and how we know, and these questions model new transdisciplinary re-
search. Such research cannot follow linear paths that conceive of structures as trees, but
must rather walk along rhizomatic paths, in the sense given to it by Deleuze and Guattari:
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
“unlike trees or their roots, the rhizome connects any point to any other point, and its traits
are not necessarily linked to traits of the same nature; it brings into play very different
regimes of signs, and even nonsign states. The rhizome is reducible neither to the one nor
the multiple” [1980 (1987): 21].
In an epistemological sphere it becomes less important to distinguish and define clearly
what translation is and what it is not, what stands inside the borders of translation and what
9
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Introduction
stands outside. Such distinctions and definitions belong to an older and widespread sense
of limits that scholars register when they create categorical, but also hierarchical and di-
chotomous divisions between self and other, true and false, original and translation, inside
and outside, feminine and masculine, pretending that they are natural. From queer theory
as well as from border studies, and in general from poststructuralist thinking, we have
learned that these divisions are constructed and that many texts, identities and cultures
move in between, on the edges and in the interstices, in transversal movements. In this sense
we can also evoke other deleuzian conceptualisations, such as multiplicity, and even that of
transpositions of multiple differences developed by Rosi Braidotti (2006), to promote the
idea of a multiple transdisciplinary concept of translation.
The evolution of translation studies
I
n order to create a common ground for our future dialogue, we sketch in the following
paragraphs a brief history of what we consider the principal stages in the evolution of
the discipline of translation studies (from the Seventies until today). In 1990 Susan
Bassnett and André Lefevere stated that “the growth of translation studies as a separate dis-
cipline is a success story of the 1980s.” We take this claim to mean that translation studies
was at that time no longer in a subordinate position to linguistics or comparative literature.
Still, when translation studies sought out its own autonomy, it relied heavily on the definition
James S. Holmes had already given the discipline in the early Seventies. At that time Holmes
moved translation studies away from prescriptivism towards empirical description of what
happens when cultures translate each other’s texts. At the beginning of the Eighties, and
still in this theoretical context, the Israeli scholars Itamar Even-Zohar and Gideon Toury
introduced a perspective that saw translations as a part of a culture’s literary polysystem.
Elsewhere, in the so-called “manipulation school,” scholars like Theo Hermans, André Lefe-
vere and José Lambert defined all translations inevitably as manipulations of an original
text. These scholars located the causes for such manipulations not only in the differences
between the structures and segmentation of meaning within languages, but also in the struc-
ture of cultures, for instance in a culture’s range of ideologies.
Inevitably, then, the Nineties came to be characterized by a “cultural turn” that insisted
on the intercultural nature of any translation, whereby ideology was a determining factor.
Here scholars took some of the first interdisciplinary steps. This cultural turn defined the
questions surrounding translation in new terms. As translation studies drew on and was in-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
spired by cultural studies and poststructuralism, it took into account questions of gender
and postcolonialism and recognized the political value of translating. With this turn trans-
lation studies struck out in international directions, reaching beyond Europe and influencing
Asia (see the work of Z. Tan, M. Cheung), Canada (S. Simon), and North America (L.
Venuti, E. Gentzler, M. Tymoczko). Postcolonial studies, on the other hand, started to ques-
tion the Eurocentric perspectives of translation studies, turning its attention to alternative
10
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Introduction
directions that recognize how every translation implies a conflict between dominating and
dominated cultures and languages.
To summarize: the Eighties and Nineties were characterized by an eagerness to found
a new and autonomous discipline. No doubt this effort has been successful and of funda-
mental importance for the recognition of what translation is, and for its role in the develop-
ment and transformation of language and culture. Still, and in terms of a conscious
appreciation of the important role occupied by translators and translations both throughout
history and today, there is still much work to be done. While we encourage the continuation
of this very important work in translation studies, we also see that this concentration on the
definition of translation as an autonomous discipline represents a problem, a problem for
translation studies itself. It is the problem of epistemological roots, or rather the lack of epis-
temological roots. Translation studies, having “collected” data and knowledge from other dis-
ciplines, was so eager to stand on its own feet that it neglected to develop and explain its own
overarching epistemology and to show how it knew what it claimed to know. In our view
what was created as the discipline of translation studies was actually an illusion: it existed in
a sort of epistemological naïvety. Pieces from other disciplines like linguistics and comparative
literature were assembled without being really questioned. What was done was simply to
open up pathways on a terrain already covered with well-travelled pathways, and with exactly
the same epistemological map and guiding principles as those present in the disciplines from
which the so-called founders borrowed. What should have been done, or what was lacking
in our opinion, was an epistemological and paradigmatic shift.
In this panorama we should nevertheless recognize and salute the important efforts
made by translation studies as it introduced new and alternative paradigms. André Lefevere
significantly proposed the category of ideology and introduced the concept of rewriting.
Edwin Gentzler introduced at a critical moment the category of power. But inside the
boundaries of translation studies these new concepts did not develop completely. It is our
hope that the research of such scholars might find fertile ground and wide reception through
the transdisciplinary perspective we are proposing. We are confident that the journal’s con-
tributors will rethink and, hopefully, re-establish the epistemological foundations behind
our conceptualization of translation. This re-establishing will, we think, necessarily follow
because the material of our research is new, or better; its focus is both broader than and dif-
ferent from the focus and material conceived by traditional translation studies.
Setting a fresh course
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
D
espite an original focus and fresh material content, the object of our research,
namely translation, remains the same. But it will appear differently. New objects
called translation will emerge, letting the already existing ones take a different
shape and value. It is similar to those moments when scholarship uses new words to speak
about and describe a thing, allowing the thing itself to appear different and, in addition, al-
lowing us to see things in a fresh light.
11
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Introduction
It is more and more difficult to define translation and to limit the situations in which
translation occurs. Today many of us are familiar with the idea that translation is a transfor-
mative process not only of texts produced in different languages and media, but one that af-
fects cultures and individuals. While some express concern about an ill-defined and delimited
concept, we are of the view that such an approach is a strength and that any premature and
a priori definition of the limits and borders of translation prevents us from evolving new the-
ories and changing our assumptions and directions. The tendency within the discipline of
translation studies is to continue to operate with traditional definitions and conceptualizations
of translation, and thus with the same epistemological paradigm, sometimes proposing ad-
ditional definitions, but never new and alternative ones. We believe this tendency is reductive
and unhelpful for thinking about translation and suggest that it is time to open up new and
in some cases startlingly new uses of the concept of translation. By accepting new ideas, by
moving the focus, and by revealing new objects, we believe it will be possible to develop and
organize the necessary theoretical consequences, to more fully understand what translation
entails, to pinpoint where translation occurs today, and to formulate a perspective able to deal
with all these different translation situations.
Jakobson and beyond: the hybrid nature of culture
S
ince we believe translation is a universal and characteristic aspect of our contemporary
world we will have to go far beyond the tripartite model (intralingual, interlingual
and intersemiotic translation) proposed by Roman Jakobson in 1959. His model had
the advantage of considering translation also outside language and written texts, and as a
transformative interpretive practice taking place between different semiotic systems. But
even this approach is much too reductive.
Today, translation has to be considered as a transformative representation of, in, and
among cultures and individuals. Until recently translation has been studied almost exclu-
sively as a transaction between cultures, where cultures have been identified within single
nation states and linguistic limits. Only in the latest studies have scholars begun to consider
the phenomenon of translation among other cultural identities that are situated inside, upon,
or across the traditional delimitations of national and linguistic borders. These scholars have
recognized the fragmented, hybrid nature of cultures and texts.
The direction indicated by Edwin Gentzler, who states that “translations in the Amer-
icas are less something that happens between separate and distinct cultures and more some-
thing that is constitutive of these cultures” expresses the way forward (2008: 5). We think
that translation is constitutive not only for American cultures, but for all cultures and culture
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
as such.
When we speak of cultures here, we also think about individuals, subjectivities and
identities. And even in a broader sense, it is not only about widening the perspective, but
seeing translation in new and different spaces.
12
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Introduction
Radically rethinking translation
T
his kind of radical rethinking of translation is what our new journal brings forward
as its special contribution to research: translational processes are fundamental for
the creation of culture(s) and identities, for the ongoing life of culture(s), and for
the creation of social and economic values. As the Russian cultural semiotician Jury M. Lot-
man puts it, translation is the necessary mechanism of cultural dynamics:
For culture to exist as a mechanism organizing the collective personality with a common memory
and a collective consciousness, there must be present a pair of semiotic systems with the consequent
possibility of text translation. (2000: 34)
We believe translation constitutes a fundamental condition for the existence and the
transformation of cultures, and especially of cultural spheres where values, and in particular
economic values, reside: as Chakrabarty persuasively asserts, “the problem of capitalist
modernity cannot any longer be seen simply as a sociological transition […] but as a problem
of translation, as well” (2000: 17).
In effect, translation appears to us as the social relation from which the critique of communication
and its corollary “culture” as the reigning ideology of Capital is most directly linked to a politics of
life, or again, the politics in which life becomes invested by Capital. (Solomon 2007: 6)
We also recognize that everything said so far should also be applied to the new, and
still renewing, media environments in which translation occurs. Our use of the internet, so-
cial media, and digital and screen tools produces consequences for translation that transform
identities, power structures, theoretical models and day-to-day practices that constitute so-
ciety. These transformations in all their radical implications deserve our profound investi-
gation. From this point of view, the project called Open Translation appears particularly
interesting, as it proposes “a new participatory ecology of translation emerging on the inter-
net” questioning in this way “the proposition that discrete languages exist before the act of
translation” (Neilson 2009).
Within contemporary translation studies the traditional concept of translation is un-
able to determine what translation actually is or identify all the different situations in which
it occurs. Ironically, the larger, contemporary world of scholarship, outside the discipline of
translation studies, understands translation in a much broader sense. As we indicate above,
we do not dismiss the possibility that “real” translation and the metaphor of translation over-
lap and mix. On the contrary, we wish to establish a dialogue with any area of research in
which translation is, implicitly or explicitly, occupying a central conceptual position, or even
a marginal one. The way, for instance, that Ulf Hannerz (1990, 1996) or Tullio Maranhão
(2003) have conceptualized cultural translation in anthropology is illuminating for thinking
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
about translation itself. In the same way, Sakai and Solomon’s (2006) way of thinking about
translation in economic, ontological and political terms is equally illuminating. Translation
in these uses of the concept has taken on additional meaning and given deeper meaning to
the whole translation problem.
13
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Introduction
Translation matters in different fields of research
O
ther scholars, representing different fields of research, have written on translation
in terms that have been new for studies on translation, and that we think should
be given more credit than hitherto afforded. We are thinking of scholars such as
Derrida and his concepts of monolingualism (1998) and hospitality (2000) as they bear on
translation, and of Bhabha and his concept of cultural translation (1994).
In recent years, due to the discipline’s stronger interdisciplinarity, many areas of human
experience and representation connected to translation have begun to be explored. The dif-
ferent aspects of translation connected to issues of postcolonialism are perhaps the most
evident examples of positive exchange among the disciplines: through postcolonial perspec-
tives, translation studies has been able to put aside a Eurocentric dominance that has on
both a theoretical and practical level blinded research to important questions of cultures in
contact. With a postcolonial perspective, research has been able to uncover the many varieties
of inequality in cultural exchange.
Back to epistemology
T
his epistemological potentiality of the concept of translation is an untapped re-
source and seems central to us here. Both inside and outside translation studies
scholars are today working on epistemologically relevant themes that clearly con-
nect to translation: memory (B. Brodzki), space (S. Simon), conflict (E. Apter, M. Baker)
and economics ( J. Solomon, S. Mezzadra). What is new in this work is that translation
functions as an interpretive and operative instrument for deeper analysis and a more pro-
found comprehension of these themes. By reconceptualizing these themes in and around
the concept of translation, we believe new perspectives will emerge.
Translation is poised to become a powerful epistemological instrument for reading
and assessing the transformation and exchange of cultures and identities. As we see it, this
new appreciation of translation compares favorably with the emergence of the concept of
structure in the Seventies. We welcome this tendency because we are sure it is a way to study
how translation is constitutive for cultures. We are witnessing nothing less than a sea-change
in the world of translation. Translation is moving away from being simply a concept based
in certain disciplines to being an epistemological principle applicable to the whole field of
humanistic, social and natural sciences.
If we follow this path, we will reshape the epistemological principles of the humanities
and at the same time fashion a new instrument that also will permit us to reconsider trans-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
lation in all its properties and facets. Only in this sense do we see a future for reflection on
translation.
14
Translation Inaugural Introduction:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.03 Pagina 15
Introduction
New directions
W
hat kind of new directions will the journal follow? Without excluding any fruit-
ful direction, we can already anticipate that it will seek to investigate the hybrid
nature of languages, cultures, identities in our present deterritorialized world
of difference and the ways in which space is continuously crossed, translated, and rede-
fined through migration. It will be attuned to our globalized and localized world that
is at one and the same time a common and divided world, structured around differential
power relations and ideologies, where new media scenarios occupy an active role both
reflecting and causing completely new conditions for representation and translation. War
and conflict for their part will have the power to transform our world into a “translation
zone” (Apter 2006), where economy and politics of course play the most powerful role in
terms of value. The journal will also direct us to knowledge, especially to its acquisition
and distribution, but also to the important channel called memory, which is responsible
for the transmission and cultural translation of present cultural knowledge and litera-
ture to future cultures and their encyclopedias of knowledge. As the journal develops into
a natural and much needed space for a new kind of analysis of translation, this will always
be characterized by its transdisciplinary approach.
STEFANO ARDUINI and SIRI NERGAARD
References
Apter, Emily (2006) The Translation Zone. A New Comparative Literature. Princeton and
Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Asad, Talal (1986) “The Concept of Cultural Translation in British Anthropology” in James
Clifford and George E. Marcus (eds.) Writing Culture. The Poetics and Politics of Ethnog-
raphy. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Baker, Mona (2006) Translation and Conflict. London – New York: Routledge.
Bassnett, Susan and André Lefevere (eds.) (1990) Translation, History and Culture. London
– New York: Pinter Publishers.
Bhabha, Homi (1994) The Location of Culture. London – New York: Routledge.
Braidotti, Rosi (2006) Transpositions. On Nomadic Ethics. Cambridge, UK – Malden, Mass:
Polity Press.
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Introduction
Brodzki, Bella (2007) Can These Bones Live? Translation, Survival, and Cultural Memory.
Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2000) Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Dif-
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Derrida, Jacques (1998) Monolingualism of the Other; or, the Prosthesis of Origin. Stanford:
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— (2000) Of Hospitality. Anne Dufourmantelle Invites Jacques Derrida to Respond. Stanford:
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Hannerz, Ulf (1990) Cultural Complexity. Studies in the Social Organization of Meaning. New
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Maranhão, Tullio and Bernhard Streck (eds.) (2003) Translation and Ethnography. The An-
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Verona: Ombre corte.
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Simon, Sherry (2006) Translating Montreal. Episodes in the Life of a Divided City. Montreal
– London – Itacha: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
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http://phen.nsysu.edu.tw/culturalskin/Translation%20as%20a%20Critique%20of%2
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translation / inaugural issue / 2011
17
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] | Translation Inaugural Introduction:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.03 Pagina 18
Introduction
The journal: a presentation
W
e are honored to introduce the twenty-two prominent scholars who have ac-
cepted to serve as members of translation’s advisory board, and are grateful
to them for supporting our project. With this publication, we let the words of
each of these scholars represent their initial positions. Their words, whether written explicitly
for this journal or taken from their previously published work (notes and/or references of
original publications are not included here), represent suggestions, directions, and even pro-
grams for the journal’s future issues. While presenting each member of the advisory board
with a short bio–bibliography, we have made rhizomatic collages of their texts, creating links
and even unexpected and surprising connections between them, with a view to stimulating
ideas for a new reflection on translation. These connections are organized according to a se-
lection of key words that are representative of the vision of the journal; they are intended to
function like guidelines for reading the texts and to invite reflection about translation.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
18
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Hybridity
HOMI K. BHaBHa
From: The Location of Culture (1994) London – New York: Routledge.
f hybridity is heresy, then to blaspheme is to dream. To dream not of the past or pres-
I ent, nor the continuous present; it is not the nostalgic dream of tradition, nor the
Utopian dream of modern progress; it is the dream of translation as ‘survival’ as
Derrida translates the ‘time’ of Benjamin’s concept of the after-life of translation, as sur-
vivre, the act of living on borderlines. Rushdie
translates this into the migrant’s dream of Homi K. Bhabha is the
survival: an initiatory interstices; an empow- Anne F. Rothenberg
ering condition of hybridity; an emergence Professor of the
that turns ‘return’ into reinscription or Humanities in the
Department of English,
redescription; an iteration that is not belated, Director of the
but iconic and insurgent. For the migrant’s Mahindra Humanities
survival depends, as Rushdie put it, on dis- Center, and Senior Advisor on the
Humanities to the President and Provost
covering ‘how newness enters the world’. The at Harvard University. He is the author
focus is on making the linkages through the of numerous works exploring postcolonial
unstable elements of literature and life—the theory, cultural change and power, and
dangerous tryst with the ‘untranslatable’— cosmopolitanism, among other themes.
His works include Nation and Narration
rather than arriving at ready-made names. and The Location of Culture. He has two
The ‘newness’ of migrant or minority forthcoming books titled A Global Measure
discourse has to be discovered in medias res: a and The Right to Narrate. Bhabha most
recently contributed essays to exhibition
newness that is not part of the ‘progressivist’ catalogues on the work of Anish Kapoor,
division between past and present, or the Raqib Shaw, and Shahzia Sikander
archaic and the modern; nor is it a ‘newness’ and interviews with Akbar Padamsee
and on the work of ORLAN.
that can be contained in the mimesis of ‘orig- He serves as an advisor at key art
inal and copy’. In both these cases, the image institutions, as well as on the Steering
of the new iconic rather than enunciatory; in Committee of the Aga Khan Architectural
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
both instances, temporal difference is repre- Prize. He is a Trustee of the UNESCO World
Report on Cultural Diversity and the Chair
sented as epistemological or mimetic dis- of the World Economic Forum’s Global
tance from an original source. The newness Agenda Council on Human Rights.
of cultural translation is akin to what Walter Educated at the University of Bombay
and the University of Oxford, Bhabha was
Benjamin describes as the ‘foreignness of lan- profiled by Newsweek as one of “100
guages’—that problem of representation Americans for the Next [21st] Century”.
19
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 20
Homi K. Bhabha
Hybridity
native to representation itself. If Paul de Man focused on the ‘metonymy’ of translation, I
want to foreground the ‘foreignness’ of cultural translation.
With the concept of ‘foreignness’ Benjamin comes closest to describing the performa-
tivity of translation as the staging of cultural difference. The argument begins with the sug-
gestion that though Brot and pain intend the same object, bread, their discursive and cul-
tural modes of signification are in conflict with each other, striving to exclude each other. The
complementary of language as communication must be understood as emerging from the
constant state of contestation and flux caused by the differential of social and cultural sig-
nification. This process of complementary as the agonistic supplement is the seed of the
‘untranslatable’—the foreign element in the midst of the performance of cultural transla-
tion. And it is this seed that turns into the famous, overworked analogy in the Benjamin
essay: unlike the original where fruit and skin form a certain unity, in the act of translation
the content or subject matter is made disjunct, overwhelmed and alienated by the form of
signification, like a royal robe with ample folds.
Unlike Derrida and de Man, I am less interested in the metonymic fragmentation of
the ‘original’. I am more engaged with the ‘foreign’ element that reveals the interstitial; insists
in the textile superfluity of folds and wrinkles; and becomes the ‘unstable element of link-
age’, the indeterminate temporality of the in-between, that has to be engaged in creating the
conditions through which ‘newness comes into the world’. The foreign element ‘destroys the
original’s structures of reference and sense communication as well not simply by negating
it but by negotiating the disjunction in which successive cultural temporalities are ‘pre-
served in the work of history and at the same time cancelled… The nourishing fruit of the
historically understood contains time as a precious but tasteless seed. And through this
dialectic of cultural negation-as-negotiation, this splitting of skin and fruit through the
agency of foreignness, the purpose is, as Rudolf Pannwitz says, not ‘to turn Hindi, Greek,
English into German [but] instead to turn German into Hindi, Greek, English’.
Translation is the performative nature of cultural communication. It is language in
actu (enunciation, positionality) rather than language in situ (énoncé, or propositionality).
And the sign of translation continually tells, or ‘tolls’ the different times and spaces between
cultural authority and its performative practices. The ‘time’ of translation consists in that
movement of meaning, the principle and practice of a communication that, in the words of
de Man ‘puts the original in motion to decanonise it, giving it the movement of fragmenta-
tion, a wandering of errance, a kind of permanent exile’. (pp. 227-228)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Difference
KwaMe antHOny appIaH
From: “Thick Translation” (2000)L. Venuti (ed.) The Translation Studies Reader,
London – New York: Routledge. Previously published in Callaloo 16:4 (1993).
tterances are the products of actions, which like all actions, are undertaken for
U reasons. Understanding the reasons characteristic of other cultures and (as an
instance of this) other times is part of what our teaching is about: this is especial-
ly important because in the easy atmosphere of relativism—in the world of ‘that’s just your
opinion’ that pervades the high schools that produce our students—one thing that can get
entirely lost is the rich differences of human
life in culture. One thing that needs to be Kwame Anthony Appiah
challenged by our teaching is the confusion is a philosopher,
cultural theorist, and
of relativism and tolerance so scandalously novelist whose interests
perpetuated by Allan Bloom, in his, the latest include political and
in a long succession of American jeremiad. moral theory, the
philosophy of language
And that, of course, is a task for my sort of and mind, and African intellectual history.
teaching—philosophical teaching—and it is He is currently the Laurance S. Rockefeller
one I am happy to accept. But there is a role University Professor of Philosophy at the
Princeton University. Appiah was raised
here for literary teaching also, in challenging in Ashanti Region, Ghana, and educated
this easy tolerance, which amounts not to a at Bryanston School and Clare College,
celebration of human variousness but to a Cambridge, where he earned a PhD
refusal to attend to how various other people in philosophy. Appiah is the author
of several books including The Ethics of
really are or were. A thick description of the Identity, Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World
context of literary production, a translation of Strangers, Experiment in Ethics, and
that draws on and creates that sort of under- The Honor Code: How Moral Revolutions
Happen. Appiah has also written three
standing, meets the need to challenge our- novels.
selves and our students to go further, to
undertake the harder project of a genuinely informed respect for others. Until we face up
to difference, we cannot see what price tolerance is demanding of us.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
In the American academy, therefore, the translation of African texts seems to me to
need to be directed at least by such purposes as these: the urge to continue the repudiation
of racism (and, at the same time, through explorations of feminist issues and women’s writ-
ing, of sexism); the need to extend the American imagination—an imagination that regu-
lates much of the world system economically and politically—beyond the narrow scope of
the United States; the desire to develop views of the world elsewhere that respect more
21
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Rosemary Arrojo
Difference
deeply the autonomy of the Other, views that are not generated solely by the legitimate but
local political needs of America’s multiple diasporas.
To stress such purposes in translation is to argue that, from the standpoint of analy-
sis of the current cultural situation—an analysis that is frankly political—certain purpos-
es are productively served by the literary, the text-teaching, institutions of the academy. To
offer our proverbs to American students is to invite them, by showing how sayings can be
used within an oral culture to communicate in ways that are complex and subtle, to a deep-
er respect for the people of pre-industrial societies. (pp. 427-428)
ROseMaRy aRROjO
From: “Translation and Impropriety: A Reading of Claude Bleton’s Les Nègres
du Traducteur” (2006) Translation and Interpretation Studies, vol. I, No. 2, Fall.
ranslation has been frequently associated with different forms of improprierty—
T betrayal, infidelity, theft, indecency, seduction, invasion of property, etc.—that may
be directly related to the translator’s necessarily close and often ambivalent relation-
ship with the original and/or its author. In fact, translation entails a very close contact with
somebody else’s text, not simply as “the most intimate act of reading” (Spivak 2004: 397),
but also as a form of rewriting that claims to replace the original in another language and
context. It is not surprising, then, that the ethical implications of this complex relationship
have been one of the main concerns of Western translation theories, which, at least since
Cicero, have focused on devising strategies to help translators behave properly.
The apparently dangerous relationship that translation is perceived to establish between
the original and the translated text, and between the author and the translator, has been asso-
ciated, for instance, with the disappointments involved in parasitic, unreliable friendships. The
Earl of Roscommon’s An Essay on Translated Verse, written in 1684, gives us an insightful illus-
tration of the basic issues at stake in these relationships. According to Roscommon, the trans-
lator, after becoming aware of his own preferences and inclinations, should find an author or
a poet with whom he is compatible, and with whom he could establish a strong connection:
“Examine how your humour is inclined,/ And which the ruling passion of your mind;/ Then
seek a poet who your way does bend,/ And choose an author as you choose a friend”
(Robinson 176). However, the pursuit of intimacy with the author and his original, which is
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
supposedly part and parcel of the groundwork for successful translations, is also basically
improper and, of course, highly risky for the author since the translator is told to insidiously
take advantage of his closeness with the latter in order to take his place: “United by this sym-
pathetic bond,/ You grow familiar, intimate, and fond;/ Your thoughts, your words, your
styles, your souls agree,/ No longer his interpreter, but he” (176). Moreover, to the extent that
in this plot both the translator and the author are represented as males while the text itself is
22
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Rosemary Arrojo
identified as a fickle young muse who must be both conquered and protected, the triangular
relationship in which they find themselves is inextricably tinted with sexual overtones, suggest-
ing that the translator is indeed a double-faced character, a traduttore-traditore who befriends
the author in order to take possession of his precious text and muse.
Most of the traditional statements about translation, whether found in formal theories or
in the usual prejudices disseminated by what one might call common sense, will reveal that the
translator’s activity often seems to be caught up in descriptions and conceptions that are gen-
erally haunted by fears of betrayal and disrespect, which are compatible with an underlying anx-
iety about the fact that texts are indeed always
at risk of falling prey to spurious interpreta- Rosemary Arrojo
is Professor
tions. Therefore, one is tempted to speculate of Comparative
that there might be a close connection between Literature
the supposed danger of unreliable collabora- at Binghamton
tions and the persistent ideal of translation as University. She joined
the Department of
an activity that should be performed ‘invisibly’. Comparative Literature in January of 2003
In other words, according to the idealized and directed the Translation Research and
terms conceived by our patriarchal, essentialist Instruction Program until June of 2007.
Before that, from 1984 to 2002, she taught
tradition, translators are expected to do their English and Translation Studies at the State
work without leaving any traces of their inter- University of Campinas (Brazil), and also
ference, that is, without actually taking on an worked as a free-lance translator. Her main
publications in Portuguese include the
authorial role that might threaten the author’s following books: Oficina de Tradução: A
position or the alleged integrity of the original. Teoria na Prática, first published in 1986 and
currently in its 5th edition; O Signo
Desconstruí do: Implicações para a Tradução,
his deeply embedded distrust in the
T activity that is expected to make it
possible for meaning to safely travel
between languages and cultures also emerges
a Leitura e o Ensino (1992), as the editor and
main contributor; and Tradução,
Desconstrução e Psicanálise (1993).
Her publications in English include chapters
in several book collections, essays in all the
in several works of fiction, which explore main journals specializing in translation
some of the age-old prejudices associated studies, as well as book reviews. She is
with translators, their task, and their rela- currently preparing two books on
representations of translation in fiction,
tionships with originals and authors. In these which will include pieces on Borges, Kafka,
texts one can find representations of transla- Poe, Saramago, Guimarães Rosa, Calvino,
tors in close connection with an array of Kosztolányi, among others. Samples of her
work have been translated into German,
ambivalent feelings triggered by the ethical Spanish, Catalan, Turkish, and Hungarian.
dilemmas that constitute their craft. It has
been my belief that the examination of these pieces by several authors from different tra-
ditions will help us further understand the conflicts that seem to motivate, at least on some
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
level, the ways in which Western culture tends to respond, perhaps even unconsciously, to
the role of translators and their ‘dangerously’ intimate association with originals and their
authors. In recent years I have examined stories and novels whose revealing plots have
allowed me to reflect on the power struggles and the emotional investments that are usu-
ally at stake both in the writing and in the reception of translations and originals, and
which are not made quite so explicit in formal, theoretical statements. (pp. 92-94)
23
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 24
Homi K. Bhabha
Difference
HOMI K. BHaBHa
From: “DissemiNation” in Homi K. Bhabha (ed.) Nation and Narration (1990)
London – New York: Routledge.
he signs of cultural difference cannot […] be unitary or individual forms of iden-
T tity because their continual implication in other symbolic systems always leaves
them ‘incomplete’ or open to cultural translation. (p. 313)
In keeping with its subaltern, substitutive,—rather than synchronic—temporality,
the subject of cultural difference is neither pluralistic nor relativistic. The frontiers of cul-
tural difference are always belated or secondary in the sense that their hybridity is never
simply a question of admixture of pre-given identities, or essences. Hybridity is the per-
plexity of the living as it interrupts the representation of the fullness of life; it is an instance
of iteration, in the minority discourse, of the time, of the arbitrary sign—‘the minus in the
origin’—through which all forms of cultural meaning are open to translation because their
enunciation resists totalization. (p. 314)
[…]
Cultural difference emerges from the borderline moments of translation that
Benjamin describes as the ‘foreignness’ of languages. Translation represents only an extreme
instance of the figurative fate of writing that repeatedly generates a movement of equiva-
lence between representation and reference but never gets beyond the equivocation of the
sign. The ‘foreignness’ of language is the nucleus of untranslatable that goes beyond the
transparency of subject matter. The transfer of meaning can never be total between differ-
ential systems of meaning, or within them, for ‘the language of translation envelopes its
content like a royal robe with ample folds. … [it] signifies a more exalted language than its
own and thus remains unsuited to its content, overpowering an alien’. It is too often slip-
page of the signification that is celebrated at the expense of this disturbing alienation, or
powering of content. The erasure of content in the invisible but insistent structure of lin-
guistic difference does not lead us to some general, formal acknowledgement of the func-
tion of the sign. The ill fitting robe of a language alienates content in the sense that it
deprives it of an immediate access to a stable or holistic reference ‘outside’ itself—in socie-
ty. It suggests that social conditions are themselves being reinscribed or reconstituted in the
very act of enunciation, revealing the instability of any division of meaning into an inside
and outside. Content becomes the alien mise en scène that reveals the signifying structure
of linguistic difference which is never seen for itself, but only glimpsed in the gap or the
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
gapping of the garment. Benjamin’s argument can be elaborated for theory of cultural dif-
ference it is only by engaging which what he calls the ‘purer linguistic air’—the anteriority
of the sign—that the reality-effect of content can be overpowered which then makes all
cultural languages ‘foreign’ to themselves. And it is from this foreign perspective that it
becomes possible to inscribe the specific locality of cultural systems—their incommensu-
24
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 25
Bella Brodzki
rable difference—and through that apprehension of difference to perform the act a cultur-
al translation. In the act of translation the ‘given’ content becomes alien and estranged; and
that, in its turn, leaves the language of translation Aufgabe, always confronted by its dou-
ble, the untranslatable—alien and foreign. (pp. 314-315)
Bella BROdzKI
From: Can These Bones Live? Translation, Survival, and Cultural Memory
(2007) Stanford: Stanford University Press.
he principal concern of this book is not the comical underside of translation, but
T rather its underlying gravity. It would be difficult to overstate the role of transla-
tion in shaping history, culture, and memory. It is imperative, I believe, especially
given the current international political climate, in which relations with the Other are so
volatile, that concentrated interest and material resources be directed toward recognizing
the crucial role of translation in culture, of
translation as culture. This is more than an Bella Brodzki is
academic matter. At the same time, however, Professor of
Comparative Literature
it is one thing to make rhetorical claims at Sarah Lawrence
about the (over)determinacy of translation in College. She teaches
our lives and in the lives of future genera- courses in
tions, and another to show how and why autobiography; modern
and contemporary fiction; literary and
being more attentive to the fundamental, cultural theory; and translation studies
though intricate and often elusive, workings and holds the Alice Stone Ilchman Chair
of translation can crucially benefit inter- in Comparative Studies. Her articles and
essays on the critical intersections with and
preters of the humanities. My aim is the lat- impact of translation on other fields and
ter, but I doubt whether the demonstration disciplines have appeared in a range of
can be effective without the assertion. We are publications, most recently in the collection
Translating Women edited by Luise von
utterly dependent on translation, but that Flotow (2011). She is the coeditor of
does not mean that we respect the enterprise Life/Lines: Theorizing Women's Autobiography
or want to think too much about how it gets (1989) and author of Can These Bones Live?:
done. It bears repeating, I believe, that there Translation, Survival, and Cultural Memory
(2007).Her current project is coediting
is translation because there are different lan- a special volume of Comparative Literature
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
guages, and that this multilingualism is a gift, Studies entitled Trials of Trauma.
rather than a necessary (or natural) evil best
defended with reductive instrumentalism and resignation. Because translation is a shared
commodity whose value is not equally distributed, its labor must be recognized to ensure
both quality and fairness; it cannot be consigned only to bureaucrats, ‘experts’, or custodial
others.
25
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 26
Bella Brodzki
Difference
As subjects in a multicultural, polyglot, transnationìal, and intertextual universe, all of
us ‘live in translation’, but we also occupy that space differently, depending on our linguis-
tic capital and the status of our language(s) in rapidly changing historical, political, and
geographic contexts. We also occupy that space more or less self-consciously, and are more
or less deluded by what passes as transparency in our communicative encounters around
the globe. The specific asymmetric relations that currently incorporate translation into
globalization (call it ‘linguistic outsourcing’) mean that non-native speakers of English are
expected to fulfill most of the translating demands in the world. The refusal to translate
that both literally and figuratively characterizes most Anglophones’ cultural comportment
bespeaks a sense of power and privilege and has devastating consequences for everyone. As
the study of foreign languages declines in the United States and English increasingly
becomes the dominant global language, despite having fewer native speakers than Chinese,
Hindi, and Spanish, we ignore the impact of unidirectional translation and mistranslation
in international relations, mass tourism, science, and technology at incalculable cost.
Although I do not address these concerns directly here, I conceive of this critical project as
being wedded to them. We need to encourage, simultaneously, on two fronts, both the
study of foreign languages and the study of translation, because—of course—they are not
mutually exclusive, but mutually reinforcing. (pp. 11-12)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Space
IaIn cHaMBeRs
From: “The translated city”.
o think of the modern city—Cairo, London, Istanbul, Lagos or Buenos Aires—is
T to experience a perpetual translating machine. Economical, cultural and historical
forces are here locally configured and acquire form, substance and sense. These
days much attention is given to how global flows become local realities in the multiple real-
isations of ‘globalisation’, but the archive that Iain Chambers is
the city proposes actually represents an alto- Professor of Cultural,
gether deeper set of sedimentations. Cities as Postcolonial and
the sites of cultural encounters—from fifth Mediterranean Studies
at the Oriental
century Athens with its Greeks, Persians and University in Naples.
Egyptians, to present-day multi-cultured Los He is known for his
Angeles—are precisely where the outside interdisciplinary and intercultural work on
music, popular, and metropolitan cultures.
world pushes into our interiors to propose More recently he has transmuted this line of
immediate proximities. In this context, dif- research into a series of postcolonial
ferences may also be accentuated: think of analyses of the formation of the modern
the ghettoes and ethnic areas and communi- Mediterranean. He is author of Urban
Rhythms: pop music and popular culture
ties of many a modern Euro-American city. (1985), Popular Culture: The metropolitan
Cultural and historical overspills, most experience (1986), Border dialogues: Journeys
immediately registered in culinary, musical in postmodernity (1990), Migrancy, culture,
identity (1994), Hendrix, hip hop e
and cultural taste, do not automatically lead l'interruzione del pensiero (with Paul Gilroy)
to physical convivalities and friendship. (1995), Culture after humanism (2001); and
Nevertheless, even if we cling to familiar most recently, Mediterranean Crossings: The
Politics of an Interrupted Modernity (2008).
accents, the grammar of the city undergoes He is also editor with Lidia Curti of
transformation. This occurs without our The Post-colonial question: Common skies,
consent. We inevitably find ourselves speak- divided horizons (1996,) and the volume
ing in the vicinity of other histories and cul- Esercizi di Potere. Gramsci, Said e il
postcoloniale (2006). Several of these titles
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
tures, in the vicinity of others who may refuse have been translated into various
our terms of translation, who insist on opac- languages, including Italian, Spanish,
ity and refuse to be represented in our rea- German, Japanese, and Turkish. He is
presently preparing a work on music and
son. As a translating and translated space, the postcolonial criticism, tentatively entitled
language of the city is never merely a linguis- Mediterranean Blues, for publication in 2012.
27
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 28
Iain Chambers
Space
tic matter. For what is being ‘spoken’ in a mixture of asymmetrical powers is precisely the
intricate accumulation of historical encounters established in the conjunctural syntax of a
particular urban cultural formation. As the concentrated locality of such processes, and
their augmented velocity, the city continually proposes the urgency of considering life, both
ours, and that of others, in the transit proposed by translation.
What precisely might all of this mean? Beyond the obvious threshold of translation
inaugurated by the arrival of the other, the stranger, invariably called upon to transform his
history and her culture into our language and understanding, there emerges the disquiet-
ing insistence that we, too, are somehow being translated by complex processes occurring
in the very city that we consider our own. The city becomes increasingly problematic, and
we grow accustomed to walking on troubled ground. The foundations of our history and
culture, of our lives and sense of belonging, are disturbed. The assurance of a domestic
place is exposed to unauthorised questions, unplanned procedures, and unhomely prac-
tices. We are literally transported elsewhere and are ourselves translated. For what is ren-
dered explicit in translation is not merely the contingency of language and the manner in
which it sustains our movement, but also a persistent interrogation. Seeded in ambiguity,
uncertainty, mis-understanding, re-formulations, semantic contestation, and the uncon-
trolled passage of language elsewhere, there emerges the insistence on an irreducible opac-
ity. Not all will be revealed to our eyes and reason. This, of course, is the complex challenge
of the postcolonial city. It is here, where the colonial ghosts who haunt the making of
modernity are housed and accommodated, that we encounter the most acute site of trans-
lation, deferred representations and opacity.
The forces of translation can be traced in multiple forms and formations: in the phe-
nomenology of everyday life, in musical, pictorial and literary aesthetics, in clothing and culi-
nary practices, in debating questions of faith, in renewing the lexicon of philosophical and
critical discourse… Among the many ways of thinking of such processes, processes that are
intrinsic to the making of the modern city and the modernity it is presumed to represent, is
that provoked by critical considerations of contemporary architecture and urban planning.
rchitecture as the material and technical appropriation of ground, history and
A memory proposes a problematic site of power and politics, of technics, technology
and aesthetics. All of this is unconsciously secreted in the seemingly neutral grid
lines of the survey, the plan and the project. If architecture provides us with a habitat, a
home, it also contributes to the language in which ideas of home, belonging and domestic-
ity, and the supposed opposites of the unhomily, the non-identical and the foreign, are con-
ceived and received. This renders space both agonistic and partisan: no longer an empty,
‘neutral’ container, waiting to be filled by the abstract protocols of ‘progress’, but rather the
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
site of a complex and troubled inheritance that questions all desires to render it transpar-
ent to a conclusive logic. Architecture, even if it chooses to ignore it, is about the translation
of this troubled inheritance. So, opening up the languages of building, urban planning and
civic projection, seeding them with doubt, and criss-crossing their concerns with lives lived,
living and yet to come, is to render the ‘laws’ of cultural codification vulnerable to what they
28
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 29
Iain Chambers
seek to contain and control. Every act of representation is simultaneously an act of repres-
sion. Every excluded trace becomes the site of a potential transformation, the point of
departure for unsuspected meanings.
For, despite the presumption of the explorer’s map and the architectural drawing
board, space is never empty; it is has already been inhabited, nominated and produced by
some body. Abstract coordinates are themselves the purified signals of altogether more tur-
bulent and terrestrial transit. In this stark affirmation lies a profound challenge to an eye/I
that has historically been accustomed to colonising a space considered ‘empty’ prior to its
occupation by occidental ‘progress’. Against a grade zero of history inaugurated by the West,
its languages, disciplines, technologies and political economy, it is ethically and aesthetically
possible to pose the historical heterogeneity of what persistently precedes and exceeds such
a singular and unilateral framing of time and space. In translating abstract coordinates into
worldly concerns they become both multiple and mutable. In the situated realisation of sym-
bolic artifacts—the ‘house’, the ‘square’, the ‘building’, the ‘street’—a complex historical prove-
nance is pronounced in the shifting syntagms of an ultimately planetary frame.
he interruption posed by the other and the elsewhere encourages the interrogation
T released in a sidereal, oblique glance that cuts across the site and crumples the map
with other times. Set free from the assumptions of disciplinary protocols secured
in the institutional authority of architecture, civil engineering and public administration,
the plan, the project, is here exposed to questions and queries that were previously silenced
and unheard. The desire for the totalising translation of transparency, and hence control, is
deterritorialised and reterritorialised by what insists and resists the architectural and
administrative will (to power).
All of this crosses and contaminates aesthetics with ethics. A closed, idealist and
metaphysical imperative—the idea of ‘beauty’, the ‘order’ of reason, the ‘rationality’ of the
plan, the stable ‘meaning’ of the discourse—is transferred into the turbulent, open-ended
syntactical turmoil of a quotidian event. We are invited to look and think again; to touch
and feel the experience of the everyday and the ordinary rendered extra-ordinary. In this
transitory exposure (Heidegger’s aletheia or revealing), a breach in the predictable tissues of
a cultural and critical discourse is temporarily achieved. Here the solution proposed is nei-
ther permanent nor conclusive; it is precisely in ‘solution’, in the chemical and physical sense
of the term: a liquid state in which diverse forces, languages and histories are suspended
and culturally configured in the shifting currents of a worldly unfolding. This architecture,
and aesthetics, shadows, occasionally spilling over, the borders of more permanent preten-
sions. As a border discourse, this translating perspective proposes tactical interruptions of
a hegemonic strategy seeking to realise its unilateral plan (often under the label of ‘progress’,
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
‘modernity’ and ‘democracy’). It is in the borders, in a social and historical ‘no man’s’ land
where both civil rights, and frequently the very concept of the ‘human’, are suspended or yet
to come, that it becomes necessary to elaborate another architecture of sense, another
geometry of meaning: a poetics whose trajectory and potential translations literally leaves
the political speechless. (pp. 1-3)
29
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Globalization
aRjun appaduRaI
From: Modernity at Large (1996) Minneapolis – London: University of Minnesota
Press.
he central problem of today’s global interactions is the tension between cultural
T homogenization and cultural heterogenization. (p. 32) […] For polities of smaller
scale, there is always a fear of cultural absorption by polities of larger scale, especial-
ly those that are nearby. One man’s imagined community is another man’s political prison.
This scalar dynamic, which has wide-
spread global manifestations, is also tied to the Arjun Appadurai is a
relationship between nations and states, to contemporary social-
which I shall return later. For the moment let cultural anthropologist
focusing on modernity
us note that the simplification of these many and globalization, based
forces (and fears) of homogenization can also in New York. Appadurai
be exploited by nation-states in relation to was born in Bombay,
their own minorities, by posing global com- India in 1949 and educated in India before
coming to the United States. He graduated
moditization (or capitalism, or some other from St. Xavier's High School, Fort, Mumbai,
such external enemy) as more real than the and earned his Intermediate Arts degree
threat of its own hegemonic strategies. (p. 32) from Elphinstone College, Mumbai, before
coming to the United States. He then
[…] received his B.A. from Brandeis University
The new global cultural economy has in 1970. He was formerly a professor at the
to be seen as a complex, overlapping, disjunc- University of Chicago where he received his
M.A. (1973) and PhD (1976). After working
tive order that cannot any longer be under- there, he spent a brief time at Yale before
stood in terms of existing center-periphery going to the New School University.
models (even those that might account for He currently is a faculty member of New
multiple centers and peripheries). Nor is it York University's Media Culture and
Communication department in the
susceptible to simple models of push and pull Steinhardt School. Some of his most
(in terms of migration theory), or of surplus- important works include Worship and
es and deficits (as in traditional models of Conflict under Colonial Rule (1981),
“Disjuncture and Difference in the Global
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
balance of trade), or of consumers and pro- Cultural Economy” (1990) found in Modernity
ducers (as in most neo-Marxist theories of at Large (1996), and Fear of Small Numbers
development). (2006).
Even the most complex and flexible
theories of global development that have come out of the Marxist tradition (Amin 1980;
Mandel 1978; Wallerstein 1974; Wolf 1982) are inadequately quirky and have failed to
30
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 31
Arjun Appadurai
come to terms with what Scott Lash and John Urry called disorganized capitalism
(1987). The complexity of the current global economy has to do with certain fundamen-
tal disjunctures between economy, culture, and politics that we have only begun to theo-
rize. (pp. 32-33)
I propose that an elementary framework for exploring such disjunctures is to look at
the relationship among five dimensions of global cultural flows that can be termed (a)
ethnoscapes, (b) mediascapes, (c) technoscapes, (d) financescapes, and (e) ideoscapes. The suffix
–scape allows us to point to the fluid, irregular shapes of these landscapes, shapes that char-
acterize international capital as deeply as they do international clothing styles. These terms
with the common suffix -scape also indicate that these are not objectively given relations
that look the same from every angle of vision but, rather, that they are deeply perspectival
constructs, inflected by the historical, linguistic, and political situatedness of different sorts
of actors: nation-states, multinationals, diasporic communities, as well as subnational
groupings and movements (whether religious, political, or economic), and even intimate
face-to-face groups, such as villages, neighborhoods, and families. Indeed, the individual
actor is the last locus of this perspectival set of landscapes, for these landscapes are eventu-
ally navigated by agents who both experience and constitute larger formations, in part from
their own sense of what these landscapes offer.
These landscapes thus are the building blocks of what (extending Benedict
Anderson) I would like to call imagined worlds, that is, the multiple worlds that are consti-
tuted by the historically situated imaginations of persons and groups spread around the
globe. An important fact of the world we live in today is that many persons on the globe
live in such imagined worlds (and not just in imagined communities) and thus are able to
contest and sometimes even subvert the imagined worlds of the official mind and of the
entrepreneurial mentality that surround them. (p. 33)
s a result of the differential diaspora of these [landscapes], the political narratives
A that govern communication between elites and followers in different parts of the
world involve problems of both a semantic and pragmatic nature: semantic to the
extent that words (and their lexical equivalents) require careful translation from context to
context in their global movements, and pragmatic to the extent that the use of these words
by political actors and their audiences may be subject to very different sets of contextual
conventions that mediate their translation into public politics. Such conventions are not
only matters of the nature of political rhetoric: for example, what does the aging Chinese
leadership mean when it refers to dangers of hooliganism? What does the South Korean
leadership mean when it speaks of discipline as the key to democratic industrial growth?
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
(p. 36)
31
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Kwame Anthony Appiah
Globalization
KwaMe antHOny appIaH
From: Cosmopolitanism. Ethics in a World of Strangers (2006) London: Penguin.
o there are two strands that intertwine in the notion of cosmopolitanism. One is the
S idea that we have obligations to others, obligations that stretch beyond those to
whom we are already by the ties of kith and kin, or even the more formal ties of a
shared citizenship. The other is that we take seriously the value not just of human life but
of particular human lives, which means taking an interest in the practices and beliefs that
lend them significance. People are different, the cosmopolitan knows, and there is much to
learn from our differences. Because there are so many human possibilities worth exploring,
we neither expect nor desire that every person of every society should converge on a single
mode of life. Whatever our obligations are to others (or theirs to us) they often have the
right to go their own way. As we’ll see, there will be times when these two ideals—univer-
sal concern and respect for legitimate difference—clash. There’s a sense in which cos-
mopolitanism is the name not of the solution but of the challenge.
A citizen of the world: how far can we take that idea? Are you really supposed to
abjure all local allegiances and partialities in the name of this vast abstraction, humanity?
Some proponents of cosmopolitanism were pleased to think so; and they often made easy
targets of ridicule. “Friend of men, and enemy of almost every man he had to do with,”
Thomas Carlyle memorably said of the eighteenth-century physiocrat the Marquis de
Mirabeau, who wrote the treatise L’Ami des hommes when he wasn’t too busy jailing his
own son. “A lover of his kind, but a hater of his kindred”, Edmund Burke said of Jean-
Jacques Rousseau, who handed each of the five children he fathered to an orphanage.
Yet the impartialist version of the cosmopolitan creed has continued to hold a steely
fascination. Virginia Woolf once exhorted “freedom from unreal loyalties”—to nation, sex,
school, neighbourhood, and on and on. Leo Tolstoy, in the same spirit, inveighed against
the ‘stupidity’ of patriotism. “To destroy war, destroy patriotism”, he wrote in an 1896
essay—a couple of decades before the tsar was swept away by a revolution in the name of
the international working class. Some contemporary philosophers have similarly urged that
the boundaries of nations are morally irrelevant—accidents of history with no rightful
claim on our conscience.
But if there are friends of cosmopolitanism who make me nervous, I am happy to be
opposed to cosmopolitanism’s noisiest foes. Both Hitler and Stalin—who agreed about lit-
tle else, save that murder was the first instrument of politics—launched regular invectives
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
against “rootless cosmopolitans”; and while, for both, anti-cosmopolitanism was often just
a euphemism for anti-Semitism, they were right to see cosmopolitanism as their enemy.
For they both required a kind of loyalty to one portion of humanity—a nation, a class—
that ruled out loyalty to all of humanity. And the one thought that cosmopolitans share is
that no local loyalty can ever justify forgetting that each human being has responsibilities
32
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 33
Kwame Anthony Appiah
to every other. Fortunately, we need take sides neither with the nationalist who abandons
all foreigners nor with the hard-core cosmopolitan who regards her friends and fellow cit-
izens with icy impartiality. The position worth defending might be called (in both senses)
a partial cosmopolitanism. (pp. XIII-XIV)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Power
ROseMaRy aRROjO
From: “Writing, Interpreting, and the Power Struggle for Control
of Meaning: Scenes from Kafka, Borges, and Kosztolány” in Maria Tymoczko
and Edwin Gentzler (ed.) Translation and Power (2002) Amherst: University
of Massachusetts Press.
f, as Nietzsche argues, any attempt at mastering a text, or the world as text, “involves a
I fresh interpretation, an adaptation through which any previous ‘meaning’ and ‘purpose’
are necessarily obscured or even obliterated” (1969:12), the implicit relationship that
is usually established between authors and interpreters is not exactly inspired by coopera-
tion or collaboration, as common sense and the essentialist tradition would have it but,
rather, is constituted by an underlying competition, by a struggle for the power to deter-
mine that which will be (provisionally) accepted as true and definite within a certain con-
text and under certain circumstances. As Kafka’s and Borges’s stories have shown us, in this
textualized, human world, where immortal essences and absolute certainties are not to be
found, the indisputable control over a text, its full completion, and the definite establish-
ment of its limits cannot be simplistically determined nor merely related to its author once
and for all. If one cannot clearly and forever separate the author from the interpreter, the
text from its reading, or even one text from another, and if the will to power as authorial
desire is that which moves both writers and readers in their attempts at constructing tex-
tual mazes that could protect their meanings and, thus, also imprison and neutralize any
potential intruder, is it ever possible for interpreters to be faithful to the authors or to the
text they visit?
Obviously, it is not by chance that this has always been the central issue and the main
concern for all those interested in the mechanism of translation, an activity that provides a
paradigmatic scenario for the underlying struggle for the control over meaning that consti-
tutes both writing and interpretation as it involves the actual production of another text:
the writing of the translator’s reading of someone else’s text in another language, time, and
cultural environment. As it necessarily constitutes material evidence of translator’s passage
through the original and as it offers documented proof of the differences brought about by
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
such a passage, any translation is bound to be an exemplary site for the competitive nature
of textual activity. In a tradition that generally views originals as the closed, fixed recepta-
cle of their authors’ intentional meanings, the struggle for the power to determine the
“truth” of a text is obviously decided in favor of those who are considered as the “rightful”
owners of their texts’ meanings and who supposedly deserve unconditional respect from
anyone who dares to enter their textual “property”. In such a tradition, translators are not
34
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Rosemary Arrojo
only denied the rights and privileges of authorship but also must endure a reputation for
treachery and ineptitude while being urged to be as invisible and as humble as possible. (pp.
73-74)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Media
susan Bassnett
From: Susan Bassnett and Esperança Bielsa, Translation in Global News (2009)
London – New York: Routledge.
he asymmetries of globalization and the current inequalities in the production of
T knowledge and information are directly mirrored in translation, and this becomes
visible when the directionality of global information flows starts to be questioned.
Thus, some accounts of globalization have
pointed to the number of book translations Susan Bassnett is a
from English and into English as an indication scholar of comparative
literature. She served
of the power distribution in global informa- as pro-vice-chancellor
tion flows, where those at the core do the at the University of
transmission and those at the periphery mere- Warwick for ten years
and taught in its Centre
ly receive it. […] The global dominance of for Translation and Comparative Cultural
English is expressed in the fact that, in 1981, Studies, which she founded in the 1980s.
books originally written in English accounted She was educated in several European
for 42 per cent of translations worldwide, countries, and began her academic career
in Italy, lecturing in universities around the
compared with 13.5 per cent from Russian world. Author of over twenty books, her
and 11.4 per cent from French. At the same Translation Studies, which first appeared in
time, British and American book production 1980, has remained in print ever since and
has become an important international
is characterized by a low number of transla- textbook in this field. Her Comparative
tions: 2.4 per cent of books published in 1990 Literature (1993) has also become
in Britain and 2.96 per cent in the United internationally renowned and has been
translated into several languages. In 1996
States […] Global English dominance is she co-edited Constructing Cultures: Essays
expressed, on the one hand, in the sheer vol- on Literary Translation with André Lefevere,
ume of English-language information in cir- and together with Harish Trivedi she is the
culation. Thus, for example, current statistics editor of Post-colonial Translation: Theory
and Practice (1998). The Translator as Writer
on languages on the internet reveal the large (2006) was coedited with Peter Bush.
number of English-speaking users (about Her most recent book is Translation in
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
one-third of the total), but also the even Global News (2008) written with Esperança
Bielsa. In addition to her scholarly works,
stronger predominance of English-language Bassnett writes poetry.
internet content (which is estimated at over
half of the total). On the other hand, translation, which makes it possible for people to have
access to information in their own language, contributes to the global dominance of Anglo-
American culture, as we have seen above for the case of book translations, which account for
36
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 37
Lawrence Venuti
only the smallest part of the volume of translation, the bulk of which is in commercial trans-
lation, politics and administration and in the mass media.
Nevertheless, global or international English itself needs to be qualified and should be
examined more carefully.
[…]
International English, which in this sense can be viewed as a bad translation of itself, is
a supraterritorial language that has lost its essential connection to a specific cultural context.
It thus expresses in itself the fundamental abstractions derived from disembedding or the lift-
ing out of social relations from their local contexts of interaction.
[…]
Globalization has caused an exponential increase of translation. The global domi-
nance of English has been accompanied by a growing demand for translation, as people’s
own language continues to be the preferred language for access into informational goods.
An area of significant growth in the translation industry in recent decades has been the
activity of localization, through which global products are tailored to meet needs of specif-
ic local markets (Cronin 2003, Pym 2004). In an informational economy characterized by
instantaneous access to information worldwide, the objective of the localization industry
becomes simultaneous availability in all the languages of the product’s target markets.
Translation values and strategies in localization and elocalization (website localization) are
not uniform but combine elements of domestication and foreignization to market products
that have to appeal to their target buyers but, at the same time, often retain exoticizing con-
nections to the language of technological innovation.
Similarly, translation plays a central role in negotiating cultural difference and in shap-
ing the dialects between homogeneity and diversity in the production of global news. […]
[There are] present trends towards the homogenization of global news. However, these
need to be examined alongside domesticating translation strategies aimed at a fluid com-
munication with target readers and exotizicing devices through which the discourse of the
other is staged in media (in, for example, English translations of Osama Bin Laden’s tapes
or Saddam Hussein’s speeches). (pp. 28-31)
lawRence venutI
“Film Adaptation and Translation Theory: Equivalence and Ethics”.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
he shift in adaptation studies away from the discourse of fidelity toward a discourse
T of intertextuality continues to raise conceptual problems. Is the emphasis on inter-
textuality, to formulate one problem, just as essentialist as the concern with fidelity
that it seeks to displace by devising film analyses and ideological critiques that assume among
all audiences, regardless of their social diversity and historical moment, the same cultural lit-
37
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Lawrence Venuti
Media
eracy and critical competence required to process the different sets of intertextual connec-
tions at work in any film adaptation (namely, connections between the film and the adapted
material as well as connections between that material and the context where it originated and
between the film and its own originary context)? The most pressing problem, however, must
be the necessity to reformulate a relation of correspondence between the film and the adapt-
ed material that would justify calling a particular film an adaptation, that is to say, a film for
which the processing of prior materials, including but in addition to a screenplay, is central to
its signifying process. To treat a film as the second-order creation known as an adaptation (as
distinct from such other second-order creations as a translation, a dramatic performance, a
textual edition, or an anthology), its relation-
ship to the prior material cannot be described Lawrence Venuti,
Professor of English at
simply as intertextual and analyzed as differ- Temple University,
ential or interrogative. The film must also dis- works in early modern
play a recognizable resemblance or similarity literature, British,
to that material so as to share the title, name or American, and foreign
poetic traditions,
label by which it is designated. translation theory and history, and literary
To conceptualize and supply this theo- translation. He is the author of The
retical lack does not entail a return to the dis- Translator's Invisibility: A History of
Translation (1995), and The Scandals of
course of fidelity. In a previous study that Translation: Towards an Ethics of Difference
drew on translation theory to give a more (1998). He is the editor of the anthology of
nuanced account of the discourse of intertex- essays, Rethinking Translation: Discourse,
Subjectivity, Ideology (1992), and of The
tuality (“Adaptation, Translation, Critique,” Translation Studies Reader (2nd ed. 2004).
Journal of Visual Culture 6/1 [2007]: 25-43), I He is a contributor to the Encyclopedia of
constructed a hermeneutic model that treated Translation Studies (1998) and the Oxford
as fundamentally interpretive the relation Guide to Literature in English Translation
(2000). Recent articles and reviews have
between second-order creations and the appeared in New York Times Book Review,
materials they process. This relation should Performance Research, Translation and
be seen as interpretive because it is contin- Literature, and Yale Journal of Criticism.
In 1998, he edited a special issue of The
gent, in the first instance, on the forms and Translator devoted to translation and
practices which are deployed in the transla- minority. His translations from the Italian
tion or adaptation and which differ in lan- include Restless Nights: Selected Stories of
Dino Buzzati (1983), I.U. Tarchetti’s Fantastic
guage or medium from those deployed in the Tales (1992), Juan Rodolfo Wilcock’s
prior materials (the relation is also contingent collection of real and imaginary biographies,
on different kinds of reception, on different The Temple of Iconoclasts (2000), Antonia
cultural situations, and on different historical Pozzi’s Breath: Poems and Letters (2002),
Italy: A Traveler’s Literary Companion (2003),
moments). The key category that enables a and Melissa P.’s fictionalized memoir, 100
translation to inscribe an interpretation in the Strokes of the Brush before Bed (2004).
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
source text is the interpretant, usually a
complicated set of interpretants, which can be either formal or thematic. Formal interpre-
tants include a concept of equivalence, such as a semantic correspondence based on diction-
ary definitions, or discursive strategy, such as close adherence to the source text, or a concept
of style, a lexicon and syntax linked to a specific genre. Thematic interpretants are codes.
38
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 39
Lawrence Venuti
They include an interpretation of the source text that has been formulated independently in
commentary, a discourse in the sense of a relatively coherent body of concepts, problems, and
arguments, or an ensemble of values, beliefs, and representations affiliated with specific social
groups. These thematic interpretants can be interrelated: an interpretation of the source text
set forth in a work of literary criticism may be used to encode a translation with an ideolo-
gy, establishing an institutional or political affiliation. Formal and thematic interpretants can
also be mutually determining: a concept of equivalence may in a certain cultural situation be
reserved for canonical texts, so that when used to render a marginalized text it inscribes a
code of canonicity. Similarly, a style or genre can encode a discourse in a translation, while a
discourse can lead the translator to cultivate a style or construct a genre when neither exist-
ed in the source text.
he hermeneutic model can not only be reformulated to analyze an intersemiotic
T translation like a film adaptation, but it can be used to reformulate a relation of
resemblance or similarity between the film and the adapted materials. In a film
adaptation, formal interpretants include a relation of equivalence, such as a structural cor-
respondence between narrative point of view or plot details, a particular style that distin-
guishes the work of a director or studio, or a concept of genre that necessitates a distinctive
treatment of the adapted materials, whether retention or revision, imitation or manipula-
tion. Thematic interpretants may include an interpretation of the adapted materials artic-
ulated in commentary, a morality or cultural taste shared by the filmmakers and used to
appeal to a particular audience, or a political position that reflects the interests of a specif-
ic social group. In a film adaptation, formal and thematic interpretants can be interrelated
and mutually determining. An actor’s previous roles (an interfilmic connection) might add
a layer of meaning to the characterization in an adaptation for the informed spectator. A
film genre like noir or the musical might introduce an entire discourse when used to adapt
a novel or play composed in a different genre.
he hermeneutic model does not entail a return to the discourse of fidelity because
T it does not assume that the source text or adapted materials contain an invariant
which is reproduced or transferred in the translation or adaptation. On the con-
trary, the assumption is that a second-order creation transforms what it processes, that the
interpretation inscribed by the translation or adaptation varies the form and meaning of the
source text or adapted materials by removing them from their originary context and recon-
textualizing them in a different language and medium in a different cultural situation at a
different historical moment. Relations of resemblance simultaneously disclose relations of
difference and vice versa. The hermeneutic model also avoids the risk of essentialism in the
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
discourse of intertextuality because no formulation of the interpretants that enable and
constrain a second-order creation is possible without the application of critical interpre-
tants, that is to say, the critic’s or analyst’s own set of interpretive categories. To isolate rela-
tions of resemblance and difference between the translation or adaptation, on the one hand,
and the source text or adapted materials, on the other, the critic must apply a critical
39
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Lawrence Venuti
Media
methodology (a formal interpretant, such as the hermeneutic model) or an interpretation
of the text or material (a thematic interpretant) so as to fix their form and meaning of the
source text or adapted materials and thereby bring to light the interpretants in the transla-
tion or adaptation. The promise of the hermeneutic model, then, is not only a more
nuanced account of translational and adaptational practices but a greater theoretical self-
consciousness on the part of the critic.
The hermeneutic model complicates the issue of value in second-order creations. Every
interpretation is fundamentally evaluative insofar as it rests on the implicit judgment that a
text is worth interpreting, not only in commentary but through translation or adaptation.
Interpretants, moreover, are always already implicated in the hierarchies of value that struc-
ture the receiving culture at a particular historical moment, its centers and peripheries, its
canons and margins. Yet because a translation or adaptation necessarily transforms the source
text or adapted materials, at once detaching them from their originary context and recontex-
tualizing them, neither can be evaluated merely through a comparison to that text or those
materials without taking into account the cultural and social conditions of their interpreta-
tion. The evaluation must be shifted to a different level that seems to me properly ethical: in
inscribing an interpretation, a translation or adaptation can stake out an ethical position and
thereby serve an ideological function in relation to competing interpretations.
second-order creation, more specifically, might be evaluated according to its impact,
A potential or real, on cultural institutions in the receiving situation, according to
whether it challenges the styles, genres, and discourses that have gained institution-
al authority, according to whether it stimulates innovative thinking, research, and writing.
This ethics of translation or adaptation does not treat the bad as “the non-respect of the name
of the Other” (Alain Badiou), the move made by such theorists as Henri Meschonnic and
Antoine Berman who argued that translation can and ought to respect the differences of for-
eign texts and cultures through discursive strategies designed to preserve and make manifest
those differences. Rather, the bad in translation or adaptation “is much more the desire to
name at any price” (Badiou), imposing cultural norms that seek to master cognitively and
thereby deny the singularity that stands beyond them, the alternative set of interpretants that
enable a different translation or adaptation, a different interpretation. Hence a translation or
adaptation should not be faulted for exhibiting features that are commonly called unethical,
such as wholesale manipulation of the source text or adapted materials. We should instead
examine the cultural and social conditions of the translation or adaptation, considering
whether its interpretants initiate an event, creating new values and knowledges by supplying
a lack that they reveal in those that are currently dominant in the receiving culture.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
40
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Representation
MaRtHa p. y. cHeung
From: “The (un)importance of flagging Chineseness. Making sense of a recur-
rent theme in contemporary Chinese discourses on translation” (2011)
Translation Studies, vol. 4, Issue 1.
ranslation studies in China is best understood in the context of the cultural politics
T of the time. Many debates about translation are in fact debates about the perennial
problem of China’s cultural relationship with the world. In its most recent form, the
debate is about whether the ‘influx’ of foreign translation theories and the wholesale accept-
ance of these theories has resulted in a loss of
identity for Chinese translation studies. A Martha P.Y. Cheung is
related question concerns the appropriateness Chair Professor in
of asserting Chineseness in academic dis- Translation and
courses on translation. (p. 1) Director of the Centre
for Translation of Hong
[…] Kong Baptist University.
On the Chinese mainland, the notion of She has translated
Chineseness emerged in the theoretical con- many Chinese literary works into English,
and has published on translation theory,
sciousness of scholars in different branches of literary translation, and translation history.
the humanities in the mid-1980s. That devel- Her most recent publications are
opment, which I will analyse in the following An Anthology of Chinese Discourse on
pages, was initially a reaction to the theories, Translation, Volume 1: From Earliest Times
to the Buddhist Project (St. Jerome
imported through translation, which became Publishing, 2006) and a Special Issue of
so influential on the Mainland after the The Translator on “Chinese Discourses on
Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) that they Translation: Positions and Perspectives”
(2009). She is now preparing Volume 2
came to be regarded not only as a threat to the of the Anthology. Her main research
indigenous modes of scholarship, but also as interests include discourse and
reflecting a general loss of confidence in metadiscourse of translation, the relation
between translation theory and the practice
Chinese culture. The arrival of other cultural of translation, and the changing meanings
goods—such as films, fast food items, fashion of the concept of “translation” in different
and others—which became equally popular translation traditions.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
with the Chinese people was also seen by
many as a violent intrusion driven by greed and by thinly veiled cultural imperialism. There
was concern that unless the development was checked in time, Chinese culture would be
abandoned or changed beyond recognition, all its unique features eroded.
This ‘threat’ is generally believed to have come from ‘the West’, with ‘the West’ to be
understood in this article as a construct and, in the words of Naoki Sakai, as a “cartograph-
41
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Martha P. Y. Cheung
Representation
ic category” (Sakai 2005: 201) denoting “the geographic areas imagined to constitute the
West—mainly Western Europe in the nineteenth century, with North America being
added later in the twentieth century” (ibid.: 194). Sakai also stresses, rightly I think, that
the notion of modernity as a historical development and the process of “developmental tele-
ology” have (mis)led many into believing that the West has the right “to expand and radi-
ate towards the peripheries of the world”, so that “the representation of the world became
hierarchically organized into the West and the Rest, the modern and its others, the white
and the coloured” (ibid.: 202). The West also came to be regarded as centres of power
where theories and models are produced, disseminated to the peripheries, and consumed
by local academics keen to be part of the global community. As a category, I think that ‘the
West’ is as much of a gross generalization and biased discursive construction as ‘the Orient’.
But since this article deals with the historical circumstances in which Chineseness became
a discursive topic as a result of the perceived threat posed by theories from ‘the West’, it is
necessary to retain the use of such a category whilst bearing in mind that there are “no neu-
tral, uncontaminated terms or concepts”, only “compromised, historically encumbered tools”
(Clifford 1997: 39). (p. 2)
[…]
s the debate about Chineseness, which has taken a myriad of forms and has erupted
I repeatedly in different cultural and intellectual domains in China since the mid-1980s,
indicative of an obsessive compulsive disorder plaguing the Chinese? Is it a minor and
purely local affair? What significance, if any, does it have for the international community
of scholars?
In the field of translation studies, that significance can be gleaned from the appear-
ance of a number of publications in English thematizing translation in China or discourse
on translation in China. The fact that these publications—edited or authored by Chinese
scholars based in the PRC—all came out in the first decade of the twenty-first century is
significant. It indicates that on the international translation studies scene, Chinese voices
are making themselves heard in quick succession. Perhaps the West is beginning to take an
interest in listening to what China, or for that matter, what the non-West, has to say, fol-
lowing the initiatives taken by Western scholars themselves to learn from other translation
traditions and guard against Eurocentric tendencies. With such an interest, and with the
availability of primary material in translation, the West can, should it choose to make the
effort, achieve a deeper and more thorough understanding of the Other, an understanding
that is absolutely necessary if translation studies is to become “truly ‘international’” (Susam-
Sarajeva 2002: 203). Certainly, understanding is a prerequisite for conducting what I have
called explorations in a dialogic, fully collaborative mode, meaning a mode of discourse
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
based not on the pattern of “one topic, separate narratives”, but on the exchange of views on
equal terms.
The debate about Chineseness also has significance for the international community
of scholars. Voicelessness or speaking with a voice not one’s own is not peculiar to the
Chinese, but is the common affliction of scholars in Asia, Africa and Latin America. This
42
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Martha P. Y. Cheung
being the case, the Chinese sense of culture in crisis assumes significance as an instance of
the general sense of vulnerability and defencelessness that is tormenting the (intellectually
and culturally) subjugated. The fact that this is the plight of the Third World intellectuals
in general is a chastening reminder that although knowledge, ethnicity, identity and nation-
alism should be separate and independent concepts, in reality they are often hopelessly
entangled. We do not live in a post-nationalist world—not yet.
he debate about Chineseness has implications, too, for the promotion of intercul-
T tural dialogue in the new geopolitical settings of the twenty-first century. One of
these settings will be ushered in by the rise of China as a major power and the rad-
ical changes that are likely to follow in the power politics of the world. Bearing this in mind,
I would argue that a productive debate about Chineseness will be an enabling condition for
intercultural dialogue. As we have seen, that debate, though occasionally given to belliger-
ent assertion of nationalistic sentiments, is equally accompanied by stern warnings against
such sentiments and against academic sinocentrism. It is also characterized by discursive
attempts to project interpretations and constructions of China via a range of media. The
intensity of these activities suggests that Chineseness will continue to be a contested con-
cept, and that the Chinese will be engaged in a continuous process of self-constitution and
cultural self-translation. This is healthy. In the course of their history, the Chinese lived all
too long in the mentality of a Middle Kingdom. For centuries they were used to imagining
themselves as the centre of power, taming and domesticating their nomadic neighbours
with their superior civilization and turning them into vassal states. No doubt, there were
occasional periods when China lived in self-imposed isolation. It is also true that for much
of the last two centuries, the Chinese were driven by the humiliation of national defeat into
a pattern of behaviour typical of the cowed and wounded. Nonetheless, the Middle
Kingdom still features prominently in the imagination of the Chinese. Unless China
becomes fully aware that identity is not fixed but is an ongoing narrative with a plot criss-
crossed with possibilities and an indeterminate end, it could easily get trapped in a victim-
turned-aggressor complex and become a monolithic entity determined to dominate the
world—through either a policy of aggression or cultural imperialism. Far from being con-
ducive to intercultural dialogue, that would only lead to a clash of empires. The debate
about Chineseness—whether philosophical or discursive in orientation, and whether onto-
logical, epistemological, existential, hermeneutical, or political and ideological in empha-
sis—will prevent China from hardening into such a monolithic entity. (pp. 13-14)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Theo Hermans
Representation
tHeO HeRMans
From: Conference of the Tongues (2007) Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing.
The thick of it
et us leave the examples for what they are and try to formulate the more general issue
L at stake. I think it is at least twofold. First, there is the problem of grasping and gain-
ing access to concepts and discursive practices, in our case those pertaining to trans-
lation, in languages and cultures other than our own; this is primarily a problem of
hermeneutics, of understanding and interpretation. Secondly, the cross-lingual and cross-
cultural study of concepts and discursive practices involves recourse to translation if we want
to articulate in our own language what we
have understood as happening in another lan- Theo Hermans is
guage. We need to translate in order to study Professor of Dutch and
translation across languages and cultures. Comparative Literature
at University College
[…] London (UCL). Beyond
Both issues are familiar territory for UCL he is involved in
anthropologists and historians, and for com- the Translation
paratists in a number of other disciplines. Research Summer School (TRSS) and with
the International Association for Translation
Both also carry an element of latent or overt and Intercultural Studies (IATIS). He also
self-reflection on the terms on which and the edits the book series Translation Theories
contexts in which the representation of other- Explored for St. Jerome Publishing. He has
published on translation theory and history,
ness is acted out. But while these problems and on Dutch and comparative literature.
have been debated anxiously and extensively Monographs include The Structure of
by ethnographers and historiographers, they Modernist Poetry (1982), Translation in
Systems (1999) and The Conference of the
have remained largely and surprisingly absent Tongues (2007). He has edited The
from the study of translation. Manipulation of Literature: Studies in Literary
The absence is not inevitable, as becomes Translation (1985), The Flemish Movement:
A Documentary History (1992), Crosscultural
clear when we recall some earlier attempts to Transgressions (2002), Translating Others
create a methodology for the cross-cultural (2006) and A Literary History of the Low
study and representation of concepts. In 1932, Countries (2009). His work has been
for example, in his book Mencius on the Mind, translated into Arabic, Chinese, Dutch,
German, Greek, Spanish, and Turkish.
I.A. Richards developed what he called a “tech- In October 2006 he was awarded the
nique of multiple definition” as a way of nego- honorary post of Adjunct Professor in the
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
tiating alien meaning. Department of Translation at the Chinese
University of Hong Kong.
[…]
Twenty years after Mencius, in
Speculative Instruments (1955), Richards reviewed his cross-cultural mapping tool in the
essay Toward a Theory of Comprehending…. As regards the cross-cultural study of con-
44
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 45
Theo Hermans
cepts, he observed, we compare things in certain respects, and we select those respects that
will serve our purpose.
[…]
Any similarity thus established between two entities is a function of the respects that
were selected as the ground for comparison in the first place. Comprehending, as the per-
ception and positing of similarities and differences, is continually thrown back on an exam-
ination of the instrument which enables the similarities and differences to be established.
[…]
This brings us to what Kwame Anthony Appiah has called “thick translation”
(Appiah 2004). Appiah means by it the academic, heavily footnoted translation of texts
from traditions alien to that of the translating language. I will not use the term in Appiah’s
sense. Instead I will use it as a label for a self-critical form of cross-cultural translation stud-
ies. The transposition seems appropriate if, as I suggested above, we take the study of trans-
lation as consisting in translating concepts and practices of translation.
Appiah grafted his term “thick translation” on Clifford Geertz’s characterization of the
ethnographer’s work as “thick description.” This was a notion that Geertz introduced in the
programmatic essay “Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture” which
introduced his collection The Interpretation of Cultures in 1973.
[…]
Applying this line of thought to ethnographic work, Geertz notes several practical
points. Firstly he insists on both the interpretive and constructivist nature of the ethnogra-
phers descriptions (1973: 15-16). The point at issue for him is not whether the ethnogra-
pher’s thick description presents an accurate account of a particular society…but whether
it allows an appreciation both of what is similar and what is different, and in what ways,
from what angles,—in what “respects,” as Richards might have said—things appear similar
and different.
Finally, thick description keeps the universalizing urge of theory in check. Preferring
the microhistories of particular situations, it prides itself on the “delicacy of its distinctions,
not on the sweep of its abstractions” (Geertz 1973: 25). As one commentator phrases it,
thick description privileges the many over the one (Inglis 2000: 115).
[…]
For all these reasons, “thick translation” seems to me a line worth pursuing if we want
to study concepts and practices of translation across languages and cultures. As a form of
translation studies, thick translation has the potential to bring about a double dislocation:
of the foreign terms and concepts, which are probed by means of a methodology and vocab-
ulary alien to them, and of the describer’s own terminology, which must be wrenched out
of its familiar shape to accommodate both alterity and similarity. In other words, thick
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
translation is a double-edged technique. It engages with very different ways of conceptual-
izing translation, and it serves as a critique of current translation studies. (pp. 145-150)
45
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 46
Elsa Tamez
Representation
elsa taMez
From: “Three Narratives in Dialogue: the Text, the Translators and the
Readers”, presented at the conference “Translation, Identity and Heterogeneity”,
organized by the Nida Institute and other institutions at the University of San Marcos,
Peru, December 2007.
o see cultures as narratives allows us to see the ‘other’ as an event impossible to cap-
T ture in rigid or static concepts, univocal or one dimensional. This starting point for
a reflection on translation in the context of pluriculturalism carries two conse-
quences. On the one hand it challenges all pretension of absolute equivalency in translations,
already refuted by the new translation theories. On the other hand, it re-dimensions the
contribution of dynamic and functional equivalencies by radicalizing them.
Now, speaking of dialogue, we need to bring together the elements we are working
with, that is, the biblical text, the translator and the reader. In this light, the figures of body
and narrative are important in relation to the translator and the reader, the same as the text,
because in the end a narrative is also a text
and a narrated text is a body. The semiotician Elsa Tamez is Emeritus
Professor of the Latin
Roland Barthes has said that in the circle of American Biblical
Arab scholars they speak of the text as a body. University and
If the body is text, then the translator and the Translation Consultant
reader are also texts because they are bodies of the United Bible
Societies. She was born
made up of an infinity of interwoven tissues in Mexico. Prof. Tamez received her
and textures; the text is interwoven; as bodies Doctor's Degree in Theology from the
are weavings of flesh and texts are weavings of University of Lausanne, Switzerland. She
received her Licentiate in Theology in 1979
linguistic signs, but all are narratives, bodies from the Latin American Biblical Seminary,
and texts. and a Licentiate in Literature and
Linguistics at the National University of
Costa Rica in 1986. Among her most known
This symbolic terminology is important publications in English are: The Bible of the
because it breaks with fundamentalism, giv- Oppressed (1980), The Scandalous Message of
ing life, specificity and spontaneity to the James (1989), The Amnesty of Grace (1993),
and When the Horizons Close: Rereading
three elements in the approach that we are Ecclesiastes (2000). Her latest publication is
attempting to develop in this essay. Jesus and Courageous Women (2001) and
Struggles of Power in Early Christianity
Of these three narrative elements, that (2007). She has received several awards for
her contribution to Contextual Biblical
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
of the readers is the motor that starts up the Hermeneutics.
dialogue in the translation process. The Bible
is not translated just because, or in order to impose a particular kind of message. It is done
in order to share a message that dignifies and empowers the person and it does so with a
particular audience in mind that has requested said translation. This happens when that
audience wishes to hear or read in its own mother tongue what it has heard or read in anoth-
46
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translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/17561 | [
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War and conflict
eMIly apteR
From: The Translation Zone. A New Comparative Literature (2006)
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Twenty Theses on Translation
• Nothing is translatable.
• Global translation is another name for comparative literature.
• Humanist translatio is critical secularism.
• The translation zone is a war zone.
• Contrary to what U.S. military strategy would suggest, Arabic is translatable.
• Translation is a petit métier, translators the literary proletariat.
• Mixed tongues contest the imperium of global English.
• Translation is an oedipal assault on the mother tongue.
• Translation is the traumatic loss of native language.
• Translation is plurilingual and postmedial expressionism.
• Translation is Babel, a universal language that is universally unintelligible.
• Translation is the language of planets and monsters.
• Translation is a technology.
• Translationese is the generic language of global markets.
• Translation is a universal language of techne.
• Translation is a feedback loop.
• Translation can transpose nature into data.
• Translation is the interface between language and genes.
• Translation is the system-subject.
• Everything is translatable.
(pp. XI-XII)
he urgent, political need for skilled translators became abundantly clear in the trag-
T
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
ic wake of 9/11, as institutions charged with protecting national security scram-
bled to find linguistically proficient specialists to decode intercepts and docu-
ments. Translation and global diplomacy seemed never to have been so mutually implicat-
ed. As America’s monolingualism was publicly criticized as part of renewed calls for shared
information, mutual understanding across cultural and religious divides, and multilateral
cooperation, translation moved to the fore as an issue of major political and cultural signif-
49
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 50
Emily Apter
War and conflict
icance. No longer deemed a mere instrument of international relations, business, education,
and culture, translation took on special relevance as a matter of war and peace.
It is in this political situation that The Translation Zone: A New Comparative
Literature took shape. The book aims to rethink translation studies—a field traditionally
defined by problems of linguistic and textual fidelity to the original—in a broad theoreti-
cal framework that emphasizes the role
played by mistranslation in war, the influence Emily Apter teaches at
New York University
of language and literature wars on canon for- since 2002, after having
mation and literary fields, the aesthetic sig- taught in French and
nificance of experiments with nonstandard Comparative Literature
at UCLA, Cornell
language, and the status of the humanist tra- University, UC-Davis,
dition of translatio studii in an area of techno- Penn and Williams College. At NYU she
logical literacy. teaches in the departments of French,
Structuring my lines of inquiry has English, and Comparative Literature,
specializing in courses on French Critical
been an awareness of the contradictory Theory, the History and Theory of
process by which globally powerful languages Comparative Literature, the problem of
such as English, Mandarin Chinese, Swahili, “Francophonie,” translation studies, French
feminism, and nineteenth and twentieth
Spanish, Arabic, French simultaneously century French literature. Recent essays
reduce linguistic diversity and spawn new have focused on paradigms of
forms of multilingual aesthetic practice. "oneworldedness," the problem of self-
property and self-ownership, literary
While it has become commonplace, for world-systems and the translatability of
example, to bemoan the hegemony of global genres, and how to think about translation
English as the lingua franca of technocracy, as a form of intellectual labor. Since 1998
there has been insufficient attention paid to she has edited the book series,
Translation/Transnation for Princeton
how other global languages are shifting the University Press. In progress: coediting with
balance of power in the production of world Jacques Lezra and Michael Wood the
culture. Chinese, for example, is now a major English edition of the Vocabulaire européen
des philosophies: Dictionnaire des
language of internet literacy and is taking on intraduisibles [Dictionary of Untranslatables:
English as never before. A Philosophical Lexicon]. With Bruno
An underlying promise of this book Bosteels she is editing a selection of Alain
Badiou’ s literary writings. Work in
has been that language wars, great and small, preparation also includes two books:
shape the politics of translation in the “Politics small p:” Essays on the Society of
spheres of media, literacy, literary markets, Calculation in Nineteenth Century France and
electronic information transfer, and codes of Against World Literature: On Untranslatability
in Comparative Literature.
literariness. The field of translation studies
has been accordingly expanded to include on the one hand, pragmatic, real world issues—
intelligence-gathering in war, the embattlement of minority languages within official state
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
cultures, controversies over ‘other Englishes’—and on the other, more conceptually abstract
considerations such as the literary appropriation of pidgins and creoles, or multilingual
experimentalism among historic avant-gardes, or translation across media.
Translation studies has always had to confront the problem of whether it best serves
the ends of perpetuating cultural memory or advancing its effacement. A good translation,
50
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 51
Vicente L. Rafael
as Walter Benjamin famously argued, makes possible the afterlife of the original by jump-
ing the line between the death of the source language and its futural transference to a tar-
get. This death/life aporia leads to split discourses in the field of translation studies: while
translation is deemed essential to the dissemination and preservation of textual inheritance,
it is also understood to be an agent of language extinction. For translation, especially in a
world dominated by the languages of powerful economies and big populations, condemns
minority tongues to obsolescence, even as it fosters access to the cultural heritage of “small”
literatures, or guarantees a wider sphere of reception to seIected, representative authors of
minoritarian traditions. (pp. 3-4)
vIcente l. Rafael
From: “Translation, American English, and the National Insecurities
of Empire” (2009) Social Text, 101, v. 27, no. 4, Winter.
n a time of war, the task of the translator Vicente L. Rafael is
I is invariably mired in a series of professor of history at
intractable and irresolvable contradic- the University of
Washington in Seattle.
tions. It begins with the fact that translation Much of his work has
itself is a highly volatile act. As the displace- focused on such topics
ment, replacement, transfer and transforma- as comparative
colonialism and nationalism, translation,
tion of the original into another language, language and power, and the cultural
translation is incapable of fixing meanings histories of analog and digital media
across languages. Rather, as with the story of especially in the context of Southeast Asia,
the Philippines, and the United States.
Babel, it consists precisely in the proliferation His books include Contracting Colonialism:
and confusion of possible meanings and there- Translation and Christian Conversion in
fore in the impossibility of arriving at a single Tagalog Society Under Early Spanish Rule
(1993); White Love and Other Events in Filipino
one. For this reason, it repeatedly brings into Histories (2000), and The Promise of the
crisis the locus of address, the interpretation Foreign: Nationalism and the Technics of
of signs, the agency of mediation, and the Translation in the Spanish Philippines (2005).
ethics of speech. Hence is it impossible for
anyone to fully control much less recuperate its workings. The treachery and treason inher-
ent in translation in a time of war are the insistent counterpoints to the pervasive wish for
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
language to be fully transparent to meaning and fully compliant with the intentions of its
speakers regardless of what side of the conflict they are on. Any attempt to reduce language
into a sheer instrument of either the will to power or the will to resistance, thanks to trans-
lation, will invariably fail. Undercutting attempts to impose domination or hegemony, trans-
lation betrays both by promoting the circulation of what remains untranslatable. It would
seem then that in the context of war, translation is at permanent war with itself.
51
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 52
Vicente L. Rafael
War and conflict
ranslation at war and as war: how do we understand this? If translation is like war,
T is it possible that war is also like translation? It is possible I think if we consider that
the time of war is like the movement of translation. There is a sense that both lead
not to the privileging of order and meaning but to emergence of what I’ve referred to as the
untranslatable. ‘Wartime’ spreads what Nietzsche called in the wake of the Franco-Prussian
war, “an all consuming fever” that creates a crisis in historical thinking. So much of the way
we think about history, certainly in the Westernized parts of our planet since the
Enlightenment, is predicated on a notion of time as the succession of events leading towards
increasingly more progressive ends. Wartime decimates that mode of thinking. Instead, it
creates mass disorientation at odds with the temporal rhythms of progress and civilization.
In this way, wartime is what Samuel Weber refers to as “pure movement.” It is a “whirlwind…
that sweeps everything up in its path and yet goes nowhere. As a movement, the whirlwind
of war marks time, as it were, inscribing it in a destructive circularity that is both centripetal
and centrifugal, wrenching things and people out of their accustomed places, displacing
them and with them, all [sense] of place as well. …Wartime thus wrecks havoc with tradi-
tional conceptions of space and time and with the order they make possible.”
It is precisely the disordering effect of war on our notions of space and time that brings
it in association with translation that tends to scatter meaning, displace origins, and expose
the radical undecidability of references, names and addressees. Put differently, translation in
wartime intensifies the experience of untranslatability and thus defies the demands of any
particular power to reorder a place and call forth the submission of its inhabitants. Just as
civilizational time engenders the permanent possibility of wartime, the time that is out of
joint and out of whack, so the time of translation is haunted by untranslatability, the fever-
ish circulation of misrecognition and uncertainty from which we can find neither safety nor
security, national or otherwise.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
52
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] | Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 53
Politics
eMIly apteR
From: The Translation Zone. A New Comparative Literature (2006)
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
have real reservations about pushing translation studies in the direction of linguistic
I ecology even if this new direction offers potentially rich possibilities for interdiscipli-
nary work between comparative literature and area studies. More worries are ground-
ed in the concern that a translation studies overly indebted to linguistic ecology risks
fetishizing heritage language as it devotes itself to curatorial salvage: exoticizing burrs,
calques and idiomatic expressions as so many ornaments of linguistic local color, reinforc-
ing linguistic cultural essentialism, and subjecting the natural flux and variation of dialect
to a standard language model of grammatical fixity. I am personally more inclined toward
a critical model of language politics that would continue to emphasize aesthetic and theo-
retical questions, while invigorating the investigation of linguistic nominalism, or what a
language name really names when it refers to grammatical practices in linguistic territories.
Language wars have also remained a central theme in my conceptualization of trans-
lation zones. In fastening on the term ‘zone’ as a theoretical mainstay, the intention has been
to imagine a broad intellectual topography that is neither the property of a single nation,
nor an amorphous condition associated with postnationalism, but rather a zone of critical
engagement that connects the ‘l’ and the ‘n’ of transLation and transNation. The common
root ‘trans’ operates as a connecting port of translational transnationalism (a term I use to
emphasize translation among small nations or minority language communities), as well as
the point of debarkation to cultural caesura—a trans—ation—where transmission failure
is marked. (p. 5)
[…]
The zone, in my ascription, has designated sites that are ‘in-translation’, that is to say,
belonging to no single, discrete language or single medium of communication. Broadly con-
ceived in these terms, the translation zone applies to diasporic language communities, print
and media public spheres, institutions of governmentality and language policy-making, the-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
aters of war, and literary theories with particular relevance to the history and future of com-
parative literature. The translation zone defines the epistemological interstices of politics,
poetics, logic, cybernetics, linguistics, genetics, media, and environment; its locomotion
characterizes both psychic transference and the technology of information transfer. (p. 6)
53
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 54
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak
Politics
gayatRI cHaKRavORty spIvaK
From: Outside in the Teaching Machine (1993) London – New York: Routledge.
Translation as reading
ow does the translator attend to the Gayatri Chakravorty
H specificity of the language she
translates? There is a way in which
the rhetorical nature of every language dis-
Spivak is University
Professor and founding
member of the Institute
for Comparative
rupts its logical systematicity. If we emphasize Literature and Society at
Columbia University. Her
the logical at the expense of these rhetorical translation with critical introduction of
interferences, we remain safe. “Safety” is the Jacques Derrida’ s De la grammatologie
appropriate term here, because we are talking appeared in 1976. Among her books are
In Other Worlds: Essays in Cultural Politics
of risks, of violence to the translating medium.
(1987; Routledge Classics 2002), Selected
I felt that I was taking those risks when Subaltern Studies (ed., 1988), The Post-
I recently translated some eighteenth-century Colonial Critic: Interviews, Strategies, Dialogues
Bengali poetry. I quote a bit from my (1990), Outside in the Teaching Machine (1993;
Routledge Classics 2003), Imaginary Maps
“Translator’s Preface”: (translation with critical introduction of three
stories by Mahasweta Devi, 1994), A Critique of
I must overcome what I was taught in school: the Postcolonial Reason: Toward a History of the
highest mark for the most accurate collection of Vanishing Present (1999), Old Women
(translation with critical introduction of two
synonyms, strung together in the most proximate stories by Mahasweta Devi, 1999), Imperatives
syntax. I must resist both the solemnity of chaste to Re-Imagine the Planet / Imperative zur
Victorian poetic prose and the forced simplicity Neuerfindung des Planeten (ed. Willi
of “plain English”, that have imposed themselves Goetschel, 1999; 2d ed. forthcoming), Chotti
as the norm ... Translation is the most intimate Munda and His Arrow (translation with critical
introduction of a novel by Mahasweta Devi,
act of reading. I surrender to the text when I 2002), Death of a Discipline (2003), Other Asias
translate. These songs, sung day after day in fam- (2005), An Aesthetic Education in the Age of
ily chorus before clear memory began, have a Globalization (forthcoming). Significant
peculiar intimacy for me. Reading and surrender- articles: “Subaltern Studies: Deconstructing
ing take on new meanings in such a case. The Historiography” (1985), “Can the Subaltern
Speak?” (1988), “The Politics of Translation”
translator earns permission to transgress from the (1992), “Moving Devi” (1999), “Righting
trace of the other—before memory—in the clos- Wrong” (2003), “Ethics and Politics in Tagore,
est places of the self. Coetzee, and Certain Scenes of Teaching”
(2004), “Translating into English” (2005),
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
“Rethinking Comparativism” (2010). Activist
Yet language is not everything. It is only in rural education and feminist and ecological
a vital clue to where the self loses its bound- social movements since 1986.
aries. The ways in which rhetoric of figura-
tion disrupt logic themselves point at the possibility of random contingency, beside lan-
guage, around language. Such a dissemination cannot be under our control. Yet in transla-
54
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Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak
tion, where meaning hops into the spacy emptiness between two named historical lan-
guages, we get perilously close to it. By juggling the disruptive rhetoricity that breaks the sur-
face in not necessarily connected ways, we feel the selvedges of the language-textile give way,
fray into frayages or facilitations. Although every act of reading or communication is a bit of
this risky fraying which scrambles together somehow, our stake in agency keeps the fraying
down to a minimum except in the communication and reading of and in love. (What is the
place of “love” in the ethical? [...] Irigaray has struggled with this question.) The task of the
translator is to facilitate this love between the original and its shadow, a love that permits
fraying, holds the agency of the translator and the demands of her imagined or actual audi-
ence at bay. The politics of translation from a non-European woman’s text too often sup-
presses this possibility because the translator cannot engage with, or cares insufficiently for,
the rhetoricity of the original.
The simple possibility that something might not be meaningful is contained by the
rhetorical system as the always possible menace of a space outside language. This is most
eerily staged (and challenged) in the effort to communicate with other possible intelligent
beings in space. (Absolute alterity or otherness is thus differed-deffered into an other self
who resembles us, however minimally, and with whom we can communicate). But a more
homely staging of it occurs across two earthly languages. The experience of contained alter-
ity in an unknown language spoken in a different cultural milieu is uncanny.
Let us now think that, in that other language, rhetoric may be disrupting logic in the
matter of the production of an agent, and indicating the founding violence of the silence at
work within rhetoric. Logic allows us to jump from word to word by means of clearly indi-
cated connections. Rhetoric must work in the silence between and around words in order
to see what works and how much. The jagged relationship between rhetoric and logic, con-
dition and effect of knowing, is a relationship by which a world is made for the agent, so that
the agent can act in an ethical way, a political way, a day-to-day way; so that the agent can
be alive, in a human way, in the world. Unless one can at least construct a model of this for
the other language, there is no real translation. (pp. 180-181)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
55
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Ideology
MaRtHa p. y. cHeung
From: “Representation, Intervention and Mediation: A Translation
Anthologist’s Reflections on the Complexities of Translating China” in Luo,
Xuanmin & He, Yuanjian (eds.), Translating China (2009) Bristol: Multilingual Matters.
he “need to think ideologically about translation research” is a call I made in anoth-
T er paper (Cheung 2002). I would like to reiterate it here. To think ideologically
about translation research does not mean that we treat everything as ideologically
suspect. It does mean, however, that we accept ideological leanings/bias/convictions as an
epistemological fact, as something that is built into our attempts to make sense of things.
And this, I think, is one way of dealing with the problem of representation—both self-rep-
resentation as well as representation of ‘the other’. As far as An Anthology of Chinese
Discourse on Translation: From Ancient Times to the Revolution of 1911 is concerned, think-
ing ideologically about translation research means admitting that the kind of understanding
provided by this anthology for its English-speaking reader will be mediated by all who are
involved in the preparation of the project, and above all, by my own theoretical and ideolog-
ical orientations. These orientations can be summed up as at once a readiness to help—in a
non-innocent manner—‘Western’ readers understand ‘Chinese’ thinking about translation
in its context as well as a determination to engage with ‘Western’ thinking about translation
on its own terms. These orientations are the result of my attempt to make full use of Hong
Kong’s marginal position—marginal in relation to China as well as the West—which
enables me to look East and also to look West rather than at or from a single direction.
These orientations mark the limits, and perhaps also the excitement, of the kind of inter-
vention I am trying to achieve through the compilation of this anthology. (pp. 13-14)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Francis Jones
fRancIs jOnes
From: “‘Geldshark Ares god of War’: Ideology and Time in Literary
Translation” (2006) in The Yearbook of English Studies, vol. 36, No. 1, Translation.
iterary source texts, the translator’s raw materials, are often crucially time-marked. A
L text may have aged so much that its language, the content and allusions of its text
world, or even its genre strike the translator as markedly non-modern, thus creating
an ‘external’ time-gap between source and target text (translation). Or the source writer may
deliberately use language, content, or genre to allude to or site the text world in previous time,
thus creating an ‘internal’ time-gap within the source text. Thus, when a translator reads the
Watchman’s speech at the opening of
Aeschylus’s Agamemnon, she or he knows Francis Jones teaches
that, externally, the language is distinct from MA modules in
translation studies and
Modern Greek, long-distance communication research methods, and
by signal-fires manned by watchmen was a supervise translation-
feature of the pre-modern world, and a music, based PhD projects at
dance, and recitative retelling of a well-known the University of
Newcastle. His research focuses on poetry
legend was a standard literary genre of the translation: especially translating processes
time. She or he also knows that, internally, and strategies, and how translators work
Aeschylus in the fifth century B.C. is telling a with others within a social-political context.
He is particularly interested in translation
story set eight or nine centuries earlier. within the South Slav region (ex-
Time-marking, therefore, can be central Yugoslavia). He translates mainly poetry.
to a source work’s textuality, which means He also edits translations, mainly in South
Slav culture, politics, and philosophy.
that translators must choose how to reflect He works largely from Dutch and Bosnian-
this marking in the target work. Translators’ Croatian-Serbian, though he also translates
choices can be seen as forming a spectrum from German, Hungarian, Russian, and
from extreme archaization (ageing) to Caribbean creoles. He has about 15
published volumes of translated poetry,
extreme modernization (updating). The most several of which have won prizes.
common are:
• ‘Time-matched archaization’: target language and text world are of a similar time to those of
the source. For example, an English translation of a Dutch Renaissance poem might use lan-
guage and imagery from Herbert and Donne.
• ‘Superficial archaization’: retaining the past text world; linguistically, inserting occasional ‘past’
signals (such as verily) in an otherwise modern target idiom.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
• ‘Minimal modernization’: retaining the past text world; target language and often genre are
broadly present-day, without being marked for specific year/decade.
• ‘Violent modernization’: using linguistic signals and even text-world items that are specifical-
ly marked as present-day. For example, James Holmes translates Charles d’Orléans’s fifteenth-
century ‘amoureux nouveaulx’ (literally ‘new lovers’) as ‘rockers’, and ‘chevauchent’ (lit. ‘ride’) as
‘revving their engines’.
57
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Francis Jones
Ideology
Such decisions prompt readers to construct representations of translated texts that are
both temporal and cultural. Thus when Holmes translates ‘amoureux nouveaulx’ as ‘lusty
yonge bacheleres’ (time-matched archaization), he sites the poem in a medieval love-poetry
tradition familiar to target readers; and when he translates them as ‘rockers’, he signals its
modern cultural relevance. Moreover, translation norms (that is, culture-specific conven-
tions governing literary translation) prompt translators and readers to prefer certain repre-
sentations and disprefer others. For recent English translations of older literary works, for
example, minimal modernization is the most favoured strategy; archaization is largely dis-
favoured, and violent modernization meets with a mixed reception. In other words, the main
UK/US norm advocates concealing time-markings, rather than highlighting them by fore-
grounding the historicity or present-day relevance of the translated literary text. This is only
a convention, however: no discourse, even minimal modernization, can stand outside time.
Some choices which translators make may be random and ungrounded. Others, how-
ever, may be based on a socially shared system or systems of ideas, values, or beliefs. These
we term, with no pejorative undertone, ‘ideologies of translation’. They may convey transla-
tors’ attitudes towards the source text and writer, towards the source and target culture,
towards their own role as mediators, and more besides. Moreover, literary communication
via translation is affected not only by translators’ ideologies, but also by those of others in
the writing, publishing, and reading process. And ideologies of translation can have wider
cultural and even social effects: for example, in helping shape attitudes between countries.
Investigating ideologies of translation, therefore, can give important insights into the
nature of literary communication, as many studies attest. Time-marking in translation, how-
ever, remains remarkably under-researched (a fact probably linked to the stigmatization of
strategies that highlight it). Hence there has been little analysis of how ideology might influ-
ence translators’ strategies for tackling time-marked literary works and readers’ opinions of
the resulting target texts. (pp. 191-192)
[…]
deologies, being socially shared systems, are created and maintained through discourse:
I with ideologies of literary translation, for example, by making and performing, reading
and hearing, promoting and discussing translated works. This discourse takes place
within tighter or looser social networks, such as those involving source writer, translator,
publisher, critics, and general readers. And as individuals and groups have multiple ideolo-
gies, ideologies may stand in dominant, subservient, or transgressive relationships with one
another.
Ideologies informing the use and reception of translators’ time-reference strategies
appear to fall into three types, closely interlinked though they may be: the socio-political, the
intercultural, and the aestethic. (p. 193)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Knowledge
ROBeRt j. c. yOung
“Some Questions about Translation and the Production of Knowledge”.
he practice of translation has always been described in metaphorical terms, as
T ‘fidelity’ or ‘license’, notably, and this tendency to describe it solely in terms of what
it is not (to borrow Aristotle’s description of metaphor) means that as a result it is
therefore always running away from itself, while its content remains unspecified. Perhaps
this is why one of the fates of translation as a word is also to find itself incessantly being
translated in turn by being used as a metaphor for something else—and never more so than
now—perhaps because as a metaphor it remains in some sense an empty signifier. A whole
range of changing human, institutional and cultural experiences are deemed to fall under
the rubric of the translational. Translation,
the activity of the transposition of one lan- Robert J.C. Young is
guage into another, has itself been translated Julius Silver Professor
of English and
by cultural commentators into a modus Comparative Literature
operandi of our times, reflecting on the one at New York University.
hand the preference for dynamic rather than He was formerly
static concepts or metaphors, and on the Professor of English
and Critical Theory at Oxford University and
other, though not entirely disassociated from a fellow of Wadham College. In different
the first, the increasing cultural, economic, ways, his work has been primarily
electronic, institutional and material interac- concerned with people and their cultures
who exist or have existed on the margins
tion of different sections within society and and peripheries of society, whether
between different societies. In a globalizing nationally or globally. He has published
world, translation seems to offer the most apt White Mythologies: Writing History and the
West (Routledge, 1990, new edition 2004),
metaphor for the ways in which practices are Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Culture, Theory
being daily transformed in almost every area and Race (Routledge, 1995), Postcolonialism:
of society, from academia to zoology. What, An Historical Introduction (Blackwell, 2001),
however, is exactly being performed in such Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction
(Oxford, 2003) and The Idea of English
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
processes of translation? Ethnicity (Blackwell, 2008). He is the general
editor of Interventions: International Journal
The ‘translational turn’, if we may call it of Postcolonial Studies, and was also a
founding editor of the Oxford Literary Review
that, is occurring at the very moment when which he edited from 1977 to 1994. His work
current work in translation studies has been has been translated into 20 languages.
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Robert J. C. Young
Knowledge
focussing on the ways in which translation is not a neutral activity that transforms one text
into another language in a transparent way, but always involves a form of power relations
that directs the terms of the translation, which in turn affects its result, massages the mes-
sage. Translation, it may be said, always takes place on someone’s terms, and the results are
those which best conform to the terms that have been preset. Translation never involves a
transparent or neutral act of substitution or negotiation; rather it produces a transforma-
tion that may embody a whole range of philosophical, political and cultural agendas
(whether conscious or unconscious) that translation helps to put into practice—and never
more so than when translation is negotiating between significantly different cultures
(whether between different times, between different strata within a particular society, or
between different societies). Here translation begins to participate within the hidden,
determining processes of a particular ideology. A good example is provided by Cliff Siskin
and Bill Warner: at the beginning of Kant’s “An Answer to the Question, What Is
Enlightenment?” (1784), Kant translates Horace’s two-word admonition, ‘sapere aude!’
(‘dare to understand!’ or ‘dare to gain wisdom!’) as ‘Habe Muth dich deines eigenen
Verstandes zu bedienen!’--‘Have the courage to use your own understanding!’ With this
single free or, strictly, mistranslation, Kant turns the pursuit of knowledge inside out, from
gaining understanding of the world, to daring to use your own inner principles of under-
standing, pointing knowledge henceforth in a thoroughly Kantian direction. Kant revolu-
tionizes the modern subject by turning him or her inwards upon the self so that under-
standing henceforth becomes its own object of knowledge. Does translation produce new
knowledge or does it sometimes end up providing forms of false or bogus knowledge, trav-
esties that, paradoxically, seem to work better? Kant’s creative (mis)translation effectively
refracted the trajectory of the Enlightenment that he is discussing.
The structure of translation, however, is not always simply a binary one, between two
texts. In fact it always involves at least four dimensions—the translator, the source and tar-
get texts, and the eventual reader. Translation is equally often inserted in a power field oper-
ating according to a range of simultaneously incompatible demands and needs, between dif-
ferent authorities, multiple languages, requiring production of a certain kind of knowledge
that may be very different from that or those in the texts in other languages—or domain—
that are being translated. In general terms, Enlightenment ideals of comprehensive or uni-
versal forms of knowledge required them to be deployed on a level playing field in which
they could make up part of a compatible system, and transparent translation was one
means through which that universal economic system of knowledge exchange was sup-
posed to be effected and produced. We could say that this was an early version of Jakobson’s
radical equivalence in difference. Today we would add that the epistemological and cultur-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
al differences embedded in the forms of different languages means that translation always
involves transformation, it is not a transparent and exact process. It offers a process of
equivalence, but the equivalent is never fully equivalent. Translation theory focuses on this
paradoxical moment when translation makes the different into the same, but a same which
is at the same time different. Philosophically, this perception has produced a movement the
other way, towards an emphasis on untranslatability. What does it mean that today we have
60
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Robert J. C. Young
moved the stress to the untranslatable? Knowledges, we now wish to say in a counter-
Enlightenment move, are not necessarily constructed in a translatable way; so Jacques
Derrida argued that philosophical ‘concepts [cannot] transcend idiomatic differences’, and
this has produced continuing reverberating effects in the history of philosophy which until
recently has been presented as a multilingual discipline unaffected by the linguistic differ-
ence that forms its own medium. Exactly the same point can be made about Translation
Studies itself. Following Derrida, recent commentators have stressed how such knowledge
contains forms of resistance that emerge in moments of ‘untranslatability’.
hat, then, in a world of translation are the effects of this particular twist of the
W current translational turn? What are the conditions of the contemporary per-
formance of translation? What forms of transformation or mistranslation are
being produced under the rubric of ‘translation’, and which if any of them are providing sig-
nificant examples of transformation, re-alignment, or resistance? Which forms of transla-
tion in our current translational world have proved enabling, which disempowering? Does
translation produce new knowledge or does it rather end up providing forms of distorted
knowledge through ‘fuzzy translation’ that nevertheless manages to work as knowledge but
which are as much determined by linguistic difference as by any mediator? What is the
difference between translation and ‘mediation’? At what point does mediation encounter
irremediable untranslatability, how does it deal with it when it does and what effects are
produced?
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
61
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Memory
Bella BROdzKI
From: Can These Bones Live? Translation, Survival, and Cultural Memory
(2007) Stanford: Stanford University Press.
ranslation is an intercultural as well as a translingual phenomenon, a transcultural
T as well as an interlingual process. It involves the transfer of a narrative or text from
one signifying form to another, the transporting of texts from one historical con-
text to another, and the tracking of the migration of meanings from one cultural space to
another. Because translation is a movement never fully achieved, both trans, meaning ‘across’,
and inter, meaning ‘between’, are crucial to an understanding of the breadth of the workings
of translation. We are most accustomed to thinking of translation as an empirical linguis-
tic maneuver, but excavating or unearthing burial sites or ruins in order to reconstruct
traces of the physical and textual past in a new context is also a mode of translation, just as
resurrecting a memory or interpreting a dream are acts of translation. In the process of
being transferred from one realm or condition to another, the source event or idea is neces-
sarily reconfigured; the result of translation is that the original, also inaccessible, is no
longer an original per se; it is a pretext whose identity has been redefined.
The significance of this point as an idea, and its implications for understanding the
relationship between survival and cultural memory, will be reiterated throughout this study.
Even if, hypothetically, it were possible to excavate a body, a text, a narrative, an image, or
even a memory intact, the necessarily delayed, translated context of such an excavation
would be transformed in the interval between the moment of production and the moment
of its translation. As Benjamin states in the sixth of his eighteen Theses on the Philosophy of
History, a testament written not long before his suicide in 1940 in Port Bou at the French-
Spanish border, as he fled the Nazis:
To articulate the past historically does not mean to recognize it “the way it actually was” (Ranke). It
means to seize hold of a memory as it flashes up at a moment of danger. Historical materialism wish-
es to retain that image of the past which unexpectedly appears to man singled out by history at a
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
moment danger. The danger affects both the content of the tradition an its receivers. The same
threat hangs over both: that of becoming a tool of the ruling classes. In every era the attempt must
be made anew to wrest tradition away from a conformism that is about to overpower it.
This is memory resurrected and reconstructed in the breach, rescued from the breach.
Benjamin conceives of remembrance as a corrective flash of insight that emerges in times of
62
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Bella Brodzki
crisis, and in response to political and cultural persecution, to the threat of erasure of the
voices of resistance, disruption, and heterogeneity by totalitarian regimes. Arguably, the
idea that a seamless continuity of the past exists or should be desired could itself be taken
as a sign of crisis (of conscience): a deliberate or enforced concealment or forgetting that
requires redress. Recent accounts by forensic anthropologists who have retrieved, extricat-
ed, identified, and reconstituted the corporeal evidence of mass slaughter, on behalf of
those who mourn the victims and to promote social justice, explain how the reading of
human remains can “give a voice to people silenced… to people suppressed in the most final
way: murdered and put into clandestine graves.” But before bodily remains can be read, they
claim an irrefutable form of evidence. Clyde Snow explains: “Bones…are often our last and
best witnesses: they never lie, and they never forget.”
I proceed, then, by linking translation to a concept of survival—“survival” as a cul-
tural practice and symbolic action, and above all as a process that extends life, but one that
also prolongs the meaning traces of death-in-life, life after death, and life after life. Both bod-
ies and texts harbour the prospect of living on in their own remarkable ways. Echoing the
haunting, unanswerable question about the possibility of resurrection in the biblical book of
Ezekiel, my title Can These Bones Live? seeks to affirm survival’s ongoing poetic and politi-
cal significance and rhetorical power. Despite its usual connotations, prophetic speech is not
only annunciatory; it involves recovery, too, which is another kind of revelation. To cross the
threshold from life to death and from death to afterlife is to be translated, to be in translation.
Translation is the mode through which what is dead, disappeared, forgotten, buried, or sup-
pressed overcomes its determined fate by being borne (and thus born anew) to other con-
texts across time and space, as famously asserted by Salman Rushdie: “I, too, am a translat-
ed man. I have been borne across. It is generally believed that something is always lost in
translation; I cling to the notion…that something can also be gained.” (pp. 4-6)
[…]
o, what really hangs in the balance? That translation is a function of every cognitive
S and communicative operation, that every exchange (and non-exchange) has the
transforming potential of a fateful encounter. We can postulate that one side or the
other inevitably has the “wrong language,” but a connection can, and must, be made from
the space of difference. Can we afford not to make the effort? (p. 9)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
63
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Cultural translation
gayatRI cHaKRavORty spIvaK
From: “Translation as Culture” (2000) parallax, vol. 6, no. 1.
Oviedo
n every possible sense, translation is necessary but impossible. Melanie Klein, the
I Viennese psychoanalyst whom the Bloomsbury Group killed with kindness, suggest-
ed that the work of translation is an incessant shuttle that is a ‘life’. The human infant
grabs on to some one thing and then things. This grabbing (begreifen) of an outside indis-
tinguishable from an inside constitutes an inside, going back and forth and coding every-
thing into a sign-system by the thing(s) grasped. One can call this crude coding a ‘transla-
tion’. In this never-ending weaving, violence translates into conscience and vice versa. From
birth to death this ‘natural’ machine, programming the mind perhaps as genetic instructions
program the body (where does body stop and mind begin?), is partly metapsychological
and therefore outside the grasp of the mind. Thus ‘nature’ passes and repasses into ‘culture’,
in a work or shuttling site of violence (deprivation—evil—shocks the infant system-in-the-
making more than satisfaction, some say Paradiso is the dullest of The Divine Comedy): the
violent production of the precarious subject of reparation and responsibility. To plot this
weave, the reader—in my estimation, Klein was more a reader than an analyst in the strict
Freudian sense—, translating the incessant translating shuttle into that which is read, must
have the most intimate knowledge of the rules of representation and permissible narratives
which make up the substance of a culture, and must also become responsible and account-
able to the writing/translating presupposed original.
It is by way of Melanie Klein that I grasped a certain statement which comes to me
from Australian Aboriginals. But before I go on to talk about it I want to say just a little
bit more about Melanie Klein.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
The subject in the shuttling described by Klein is something that will have happened,
not something that definitely happens; because, first, it is not under the control of the I that
we think of as the subject and because, second, there is such a thing as a world out there,
however discursive. In this understanding of translation in Melanie Klein, therefore, the
word translation itself loses its literal sense, it becomes a catachresis, a term I use not for
obscurity, but because I find it indispensable.
64
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Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak
Here is why I have to use the word catachresis. I was recently having a discussion with
Dr. Aniruddha Das, a cell biologist. He is working on how cells recognize, how parasites
recognize, what to attack in the body. I asked him why he used the word recognize, such a
mindy word, a word that has to do with intellect and consciousness. Why use that word to
describe something that goes on in the body, not really at all in the arena of what we rec-
ognize as mind? Wouldn’t the word affinity do for these parasites ‘knowing’ what to attack?
He explained to me that no, indeed, the word affinity would not do, and why it is that pre-
cisely the word recognize had to be used. (I cannot reproduce the explanation but that does
not matter for us at this moment.) He added that the words recognition, recognize lose
their normal sense when used this way; there is no other word that can be used. Most peo-
ple find this difficult to understand. And I started laughing. I said, yes, most people do find
it difficult to understand, what you have just described is a catachrestic use of the word
recognition. In other words, no other word will do, and yet it does not really give you the
literal meaning in the history of the language, upon which a correct rather than catachrestic
metaphoric use would be based.
In the sense that I am deriving from Klein, translation does indeed lose its mooring in
a literal meaning. Translation in this general sense is not under the control of the subject
who is translating. Indeed the human subject is something that will have happened as this
shuttling translation, from inside to outside, from violence to conscience: the production of
the ethical subject. This originary translation thus wrenches the sense of the English word
translation outside of its making. One look at the dictionary will tell you the word comes
from a Latin past participle (of transferre = to transfer). It is a done deal, precisely not a
future anterior, something that will have happened without our knowledge, particularly
without our control, the subject coming into being.
hen so-called ethnophilosophies describe the embedded ethico-cultural sub-
W ject being formed prior to the terrain of rational decision making, they are dis-
missed as fatalistic. But the insight, that the constitution of the subject in
responsibility is a certain kind of translation, of a genealogical scripting, which is not under
the control of the deliberative consciousness, is not something that just comes from
Melanie Klein. What is interesting about Melanie Klein is that she does indeed want to
touch responsibility-based ethical systems rather than just rights-based ethical systems and
therefore she looks at the violent translation that constitutes the subject in responsibility. It
is in this sense that the human infant, on the cusp of the natural and the cultural, is in
translation, except the word translation loses its dictionary sense right there. Here, the body
itself is a script—or perhaps one should say a ceaseless inscribing instrument. (pp. 13-14)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
65
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Babli Moitra Saraf
Cultural translation
BaBlI MOItRa saRaf
From: “Translation as Cultural Practice”.
he introduction to the present issue agonizes about an “epistemological crisis” con-
T fronting the discipline of translation studies, laments the impasse within and
looks towards “startlingly new” ways of defining translation. We are given to under-
stand that it articulates the anxiety of scholars and practitioners of the discipline in “single
nation states and linguistic limits”.
Babli Moitra Saraf is an
It is difficult for us in India to appreciate Associate Professor in
these anxieties and find ourselves in an intel- the Department of
English, and the
lectual cul-de-sac just yet with translation. Principal of
There are 22 officially recognized languages, Indraprastha College
SIL Ethnologue lists 415 living ones, and one for Women, University
of Delhi. She has received her MPhil degree
count puts the number of languages at 1652. in English and PhD in Sociology.
However, languages are also dying with each Her doctoral thesis studies language
generation resulting in epistemological losses. change in the advertising industry in India
in the first phase of globalization (1984-94),
The crisis of the humanities has hit language and the emergence of the Indian urban
learning particularly hard. In a rapidly global- middle class identity. Her current work
izing world large swathes of geographical and focuses on orality and performance in
mental landscapes in India stay cocooned in a relation to Translation Studies. Her teaching
interests include Modern Indian Literature
time warp while others translate and are trans- in Translation, Classical Literature,
lated, transformed and transmitted. In a Renaissance and Modern European Drama,
nation of story-tellers, oral and written narra- Milton, The Bible, Cultural Studies, and
Literary Theory. Babli Moitra Saraf has been
tives are recovered by scholars, scribes and a scholar under the Indo-Italian Cultural
performers to be translated. However, gaps Exchange Program. She has a Diploma
have to be bridged between dialects and stan- in Spanish. She has translated the Bengali
writer Mahasweta Devi’s works into Italian
dard languages and languages which are spo- in collaboration with Maria Federica Oddera,
ken but do not have a script. Then there is the entitled La Cattura (Theoria, 1996) and
presence since ancient times of vigorous oral La Preda e altri Racconti (Einaudi, 2004).
traditions as well as rigorous traditions of Her work Rajouri Remembered (2007),
a translated memoir located in the states
writing for dissemination of knowledge and of Jammu and Kashmir during the Partition
these continue to be recuperated. of India, also engages with the problem
The national educational agenda fac- of recuperating memory and negotiating
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
the translator’s position as a participant
tors in translation as a tool to open up the in the narrative.
world of knowledge of a specialized kind to
native vernacular speakers. With the formation of South Asian Association for Regional
Cooperation (SAARC), translation is also on the regional agenda as countries grappling
with languages and cultures of the region strive to promote mutual understanding and eco-
66
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Babli Moitra Saraf
nomic co-operation. With so many permutations and combinations of the communicative
contexts, the potential of translation studies is far from exhausted.
For the Indian sub-continent, the world has always been intercultural and cultural
exchange has long been a mode of being. Five definitive moments can be identified for our
purposes. The first is the translation of Buddhist texts and their travel right up to the Far
East. The second is the encounter with Islam and the great cultural energy that encounter
produced. The third is the colonial experience which culminated in the organization of the
nation state along linguistic lines. The fourth, the post-independence era, which marked a
spurt in regional translation activity, promoted by state patronage. The last is the contem-
porary condition of globalization. Yet predating these identifiable epochs is a continuum
stretching back into the era of maritime and overland activity of trade and commerce, a
‘globalization’ with its own set of markers. For a region of such linguistic diversity where
since ancient times translation is axiomatic, a given of the great commercial and social net-
works of trade routes, it seems an activity so innocuous and un-selfconscious that there is
no reflection on it till we come to the translation activity undertaken with the advent of
Buddhism and then in the encounter with the world of Islam, when we also see the oper-
ation of translation as metaphor, as two world views come into contact. Different histori-
cal epochs have thrown up their particular problematic. We in India are still negotiating
these epochs in translation and translation studies.
Ethnographic studies might just hold the key to opening new vistas and thinking
about translation in new/different ways. My ongoing work with texts of pre-colonial
Bengal (1204-1756), confronts the problem of reconciling the massive cultural knowledge
in circulation with the fact of mass illiteracy. How does a text travel across linguistic bound-
aries, cultural borders, geographical spaces in pre-literacy contexts? It leads me to think
about translation as cultural practice. As a cultural practice translation needs to be viewed
in the specific contexts of what people are doing with texts, how they are circulated, dis-
seminated and received. My findings suggest that cultural articulation of the time, both
erudite and folk, is oriented towards performance and mediated by an acute sense of an
audience: through ritual, recitation, song, dance, puppets, paintings, and other modes of
folk expression. Do performance and its dynamics in the social space, especially in pre-lit-
eracy, pre-print mass cultures constitute and produce legitimate and viable texts as well as
methodologies of translation? Further, may these methodologies constitute a paradigm
shift from the Eurocentric modes of regarding translation within the parameters of source
texts and target languages, in terms of the ‘original’ and its equivalent in the ‘translated’? Is
it possible to redefine the notion of ‘original text’ in specific cultural milieus? Is there an
‘original text’? Can we retrieve translational strategies in oral cultures? May ‘adaptation’ for
performance function as a translational strategy?
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
he caste structure of society in India, the division into jatis and upajatis—largely
T occupational groups and subgroups—and the nature of their encounter with texts,
both oral and written, is fundamental to the understanding of translation as cultur-
al practice. The existing social stratification has been crucial to the development of cultural
67
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Maria Tymoczko
Cultural translation
practices which are more often linked to occupation and economic conditions, than to eru-
dition and literacy, a situation in which impoverished and illiterate peoples may actually pro-
duce the text by providing the supporting infrastructure and human resources to realize it
in the performative. Canonical texts were meant to be performed, through recitation, song,
dance, puppets and other modes of folk practices which clustered around caste occupations,
particularly of the ‘nimnakoti’, or the lower castes. The Namasudras of Bengal produce the
castes of Gope (writers), Sutradhar (storytellers), Gayans (singers), Bayen (Percussionists),
the caste of Teli who cured leather and made musical instruments, Patua (painters and pic-
torial storytellers), Nat (magicians/actors), practically constituting the production team of a
performance. These occupations groups could be Hindus or Muslims, drawing upon the
common heritage of the oral tradition and shared cultural codes. The occupational diversi-
ty and division of labor, the presence of many jatis, and within them of religious groupings
means that a text could find diverse articulations within its locale, as well as travel with itin-
erant performing troupes across discrete linguistic and cultural regions. A text in pre-mod-
ern Bengal therefore, may be thought of as translated and retranslated as many times as the
number of performances, and edited/adapted for its audience and for the occasion on which
it was performed. This permitted the text the cultural crossovers that translation allows and
the former also reinvented itself in various languages. This process produced a dynamism
within the act of translation which carried the text through the many linguistic and cultur-
al regions that it traveled in this trajectory. And texts did travel, from the deserts of Arabia
to the forests of Bengal and back. The arena of performance we find is actually an overlap,
an encounter of the oral and the written text. It is also a space which produces a new text. I
call this new text a translation. Would this notion of translation stand critical scrutiny and
be accommodated in translation theory? (pp. 1-3)
MaRIa tyMOczKO
From: “Reconceptualizing Translation Theory” in Theo Hermans (ed.) Translating
Others (2006) vol. 1, Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing.
here are a number of things that should be done in translation studies to enlarge
T and redefine the object of study (and its corollary, to reconfigure concepts about
ways that a text and its translation are related), including examining the meanings
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
of words for translation in non-Western contexts and looking at specific historical traditions
associated with those variant conceptions of translation. In theorizing the data it is essential
to view translation as a cluster concept, moving beyond attempts to define translation as a
logical concept or a prototype concept, which have resulted in so many Eurocentric pro-
nouncements about the field. Clearly, in order to understand the scope of the cluster con-
cept called translation in English, translation studies scholars must be assiduous in seeking
68
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Maria Tymoczko
out more of the world’s words for translation, as well as investigating in detail the connota-
tions, implications, translation practices and actual histories of translation associated with
those terms. Only by engaging in such an investigative enterprise can translation scholars
fully understand the objects of research in
translation studies—encompassed in the Maria Tymoczko is
large and complicated cluster concept of Professor in
translation—and the types of family resem- Comparative Literature
at the University of
blances that bind these objects conceptually, Massachusetts. Her
thus expanding translation theory in the fields are Translation
process. Studies, Celtic medieval
In broadening the definition of transla- literature and Irish Studies. Her critical
studies The Irish “Ulysses” (University of
tion and breaking the hold of Eurocentric California Press, 1994) and Translation in a
stereotypes of translation, it may also be help- Postcolonial Context (St. Jerome Publishing,
ful to consider forms and modes of cultural 1999) have both won prizes and
commendations. Prof. Tymoczko has
interface that are related to translation but dis- published widely on translation theory and
tinct from it. Such forms include, for example, on translation as an engaged social
postcolonial literature and related hybridized practice; her articles have appeared in
forms of cultural production; work on these major collections of essays about
translation and in many translation studies
forms of translation studies has already been journals. She has edited several volumes
productive for the field. Three additional including Born into a World at War (with
modes of cultural interface to explore are illus- Nancy Blackmun, 2000), Translation and
Power (with Edwin Gentzler, 2002), Language
trated by the English words transference, repre- and Tradition in Ireland (with Colin Ireland,
sentation and transculturation. 2003), Language and Identity in Twentieth-
In transference or transmission, material Century Irish Culture (with Colin Ireland,
2003; special issue of Éire-Ireland), and
is moved from one cultural context to anoth- Translation as Resistance (2006, special
er, but the mode of transfer is not specified. It section in the Massachusetts Review).
can range from physical transfer to symbolic Her most recent books are Enlarging
transfer (such as happens in a bank transfer) Translation, Empowering Translators
(St. Jerome Publishing, 2007), a major
or transfer that involves a radical shift in reconceptualization of translation theory,
medium (such as a television transmission). and the edited volume Translation,
Thus, transference can result in cultural Resistance, Activism (University
of Massachusetts Press, 2010).
products that are either very close (even iden-
tical) to the source substance or very different
from the source material. In cultural transfer, then, there is no presupposition about either
the process or product of the cultural transposition. By contrast, translation in a single cul-
ture at a single point in time is usually governed by cultural prototype encompassing both
product and process, notwithstanding the fact that such prototypes have varied widely
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
through history, from close linguistic transfer to free adaptation, from fluency to radical
abridgment, and so forth […]. Thinking about transference or transmission can remind
translation studies scholars of how varied cultural mediation can be in process and prod-
uct, helping to move their thinking beyond their own particular cultural presuppositions
and stereotypes.
69
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Maria Tymoczko
Cultural translation
Still another strand of translation is indicated by the word representation. […] [It]
constructs an image, but implies as well the exhibition of that image. It involves clarity of
knowledge and symbolic substitution. It has a serious import connected with social goals,
including social change. Representation, therefore, presupposes both a perspective on what
is represented and a purpose in the activity itself. In fact, since the decline of positivism,
there has been a new awareness of the constructivist aspect of representation, of the fact
that representation is not an ‘objective’ process. As a form of definition that involves substi-
tution in the symbolic realm, representation creates images that have an ideological aspect.
It is the power inherent in representation, the potential for speaking with authority on
behalf of another, and the ability to make statements that have legal or political standing,
as well as the inescapability of a perspective of purpose, that have led to the crisis of repre-
sentation in the social sciences, most particularly in anthropology and ethnography, where
the potential for manipulation and ethnocentrism in representations has been discussed
and debated (see, for example, Clifford and Marcus 1986). Obviously translation is a major
intercultural form of representation, and, as such, translations must be scrutinized for the
various factors associated with representation, even when translation occurs internally to a
plurilingual society.
inally, translation can bee seen in the light of the process of transculturation, which
F can be defined as “the transmission of cultural characteristics from one cultural
group to another”. The term has come into English from Spanish, where it was first
used to speak about the interchange of cultural characteristics between Europeans and the
indigenous population in Latin America, and to describe the creolization and hybridization
of most Latin American cultures. Transculturation goes far beyond the transfer of verbal
materials and includes such things as the transfer of ideas about religion and government;
the spread of artistic forms including music and the visual arts; the transfers having to do
with material culture including clothing, food, housing, transportation, and so forth, not to
mention more recent cultural domains such as the modern media. Thus, the popularity of
Chinese food, reggae and US films around the world are all examples of transculturation.
Transculturation has elements in common with intersemiotic translation, for it is not
exclusively or even primarily a linguistic process. With respect to texts, transculturation is
often a matter of transposing elements that constitute overcodings, such as the poetics, for-
mal literary elements and genres of literary systems, as well as discourses, worldviews, and
so forth. Obviously transculturation is an essential aspect of cultural interchange in cul-
tures where more than one language and culture are in interface; indeed transculturation is
operative in any postcolonial nation.
One of the distinguishing aspects of transculturation, in contrast to either represen-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
tation or transmission, is that it entails the performance of specific forms or aspects of
another culture. It is not sufficient that Chinese food be displayed nor defined nor
described for transculturation to occur: the food must be eaten and enjoyed as well. At the
same time, paradoxically, transculturation does not always involve representation; one can
easily imagine a person receiving and incorporating into her life a cultural form with little
70
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Maria Tymoczko
or no sense that it originated in another cultural setting. That is, a cultural form can become
completely naturalized in the receptor culture or transculturation can proceed in such a
way as to obscure the point of origin of a specific cultural element. This aspect of easy
interchange through transculturation is very common in places that bring together more
than one cultural group; many things may be perceived as perfectly natural in a hybridized
culture without people having a strong sense of their cultural point of origin. (pp. 26-29)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
71
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(World) Literature
susan Bassnett
From: “When is a Translation Not a Translation?” in Susan Bassnett
& André Lefevere, Constructing Cultures. Essays on Literary translation (1998)
Clevedon – Philadelphia – Toronto – Sydney – Johannesburg: Multilingual Matters.
nce we start to consider the way in which both the terminology of translation and
O the idea of authentic ‘original’ that exits somewhere beyond the text in front of us
are used by writers, then the question of when a translation is or is not taking
place becomes increasingly difficult to answer. It is probably more helpful to think of trans-
lation not so much as a category in its own right, but rather as a set of textual practices with
which the writer and reader collude. This suggests that literary studies, and discourse analy-
sis in particular, need to look again at translation, for the investigation of translation as a set
of textual practices has not received much attention. This is doubtless because we have been
far too obsessed with binary oppositions within the translation model and have been too
concerned with defining and redefining the relationship between translation and original.
Even where the model of dominant original and subservient translation has been chal-
lenged, the idea of some kind of hegemonic original still remains—either in the source lan-
guage or target language. It is time to free ourselves from the constraints that the term
‘translation’ has placed upon us and recognise that we have immense problems in pinning
down a term that continues to elude us. For whether we acknowledge it or not, we have
been colluding with alternative notions of translation all our lives. (p. 39)
davId daMROscH
From: “Death in Translation” in Sandra Bermann and Michael Wood (eds.)
Nation, Language and the Ethics of Translation (2005) Princeton – Oxford: Princeton
University Press.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
o understand the workings of world literature we need more of a phenomenology
T than an ontology of the work of art: a work manifests differently abroad than it does
at home. (p. 394)
[…]
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David Damrosch
It shouldn’t be necessary to treat a for- David Damrosch is
eign work with an uncomprehending sympa- Professor of English
and Comparative
thy in order to appreciate its excellence. It Literature at Harvard
does no service to works of world literature to University. A past
set them loose in some deracinated space, president of the
whether the “great conversation” of a 1950s- American Comparative
Literature Association, David Damrosch has
style academic humanism or the “closed self- written widely on comparative and world
referential loop” of recent poststructuralist literature. His books include The Narrative
metafiction. Aesthetically as well as ethically, Covenant: Transformations of Genre in the
Growth of Biblical Literature (1987), We
a pure universalism of either variety is finally Scholars: Changing the Culture of the
reductive, missing the real complexity of a University (1995), What Is World Literature?
work, just as much as would an opposite (2003), The Buried Book: The Loss and
Rediscovery of the Great Epic of Gilgamesh
insistence that a work can only be read effec- (2007), and How to Read World Literature
tively in the original language, inextricably (2009). He is the founding general editor of
linked at all points to its local context. An the six-volume Longman Anthology of World
informed reading of a work of world litera- Literature (2004), and of the six-volume
Longman Anthology of British Literature (4th
ture should keep both aspects in play togeth- ed. 2010), editor of Teaching World Literature
er, recognizing that it brings us elements of a (2009), co-editor of The Princeton
time and place different from our own, and at Sourcebook in Comparative Literature (2009),
and co-editor of a recent collection, Xin
the same time recognizing that these ele- Fang Xiang: Bi Jiao Wen Xue Yu Shi Jie Wen
ments change in force as the book gets farther Xue Du Ben [New Directions: A Reader of
from home. Comparative and World Literature] (Beijing U.
P., 2010). He is presently writing a book
[…] called Comparing the Literatures: What Every
[W]hen we read a work of world liter- Comparatist Needs to Know.
ature we have a great deal of freedom in
deciding what use we will make of such contextual understanding. This freedom can most
readily be seen when we are reading a work from a distant time as well as place. To take the
case of Dante, for instance, it seems to me trivializing to treat the Divine Comedy as an
essential secular work, though various modern commentators have chosen to focus on
Dante as “poet of the secular world,” in Erich Auerbach’s phrase. Auerbach went so far as
to claim that Dante’s realism overwhelmed his theology “and destroyed it in the very process
or realizing it” (Mimesis, 202). We can dispute such a claim on both historical and aesthet-
ic grounds, taking seriously the idea that the Divine Comedy may actually have been a suc-
cessful Christian poem. Even so, appreciating Dante’s profound religious vision does not
require us to convert to Catholicism, or to take a stand on issues of Florentine politics,
though both of these responses are ones that Dante might well have desired. A work of
world literature has its fullest life, and its greatest power, when we can read it with a kind
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
of a detached engagement, informed but not confined by a knowledge of what the work
would likely mean in its original time and place, even as we adapt it to our present context
and purposes. (pp. 394-395)
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David Damrosch
(World) Literature
davId daMROscH
From: “How American is World Literature?” (2009) The Comparatist, 33.
t would be well worth while to undertake a comparative study of world literature as it
I is construed in differing locations around the globe. Such a study could help scholars
everywhere to think directly about the relations (whether symbiotic or hegemonic;
whether unusually close or unusually disjointed) between their national tradition and their
presentation of the wider plenum of world literature. A fuller sense of the range of possibil-
ity might keep scholars from falling unwittingly into nationalistic patterns in the construal
of global literary relations, such as the Gallicentrism so prominent in Pascale Casanova’s
otherwise wide-ranging République mondiale des lettres. Perhaps in time only a third of the
essays in the Jadavpur Journal of Comparative Literature, instead of the two-thirds or more,
would center on India’s authors and linguistic traditions.
American comparatists, on the other hand, seem clearly to be at the opposite end of the
range of continuity/discontinuity. For too long, we have accepted a high degree of uprooted-
ness and the internal exile in relation to our home culture. This orientation may have had a
certain logic for the émigrés who taught us or our teachers, but it makes less and less sense for
our field today—even for foreign-born scholars, as can be seen in the cross-cultural work of
such comparatist Americanists as Wai Chee Dimock and Djelal Kadir. There are encouraging
signs of a budding rapprochement between Amarican and comparative literary studies, seen
for instance in a valuable recent collection edited by Wai Chee Dimock and Lawrence Buell,
Shades of the Planet: American Literature as World Literature (2007). It is symptomatic, though,
that both editors are based in departments of English and American studies rather than com-
parative literature. They and their contributors clearly see the benefits that can accrue to
American studies by taking a comparative and global perspective; more departments of com-
parative literature need to accept the converse realization, that a vital comparatism can best
thrive in creative symbiosis with its home traditions as well as those of the wider world.
A comparative study of different national approaches to world literature should also
help us to do a better job construing the world’s literary traditions, whether to move beyond
an overemphasis on a few literary great powers, as Werner Friederich urged, or to avoid pro-
jecting liberal American multiculturalism outward, as Spivak fears that our courses (and pos-
sibly some anthologies!) may do. Already in the early 1960s René Wellek commented, in a
trenchant article on “American Literary Scholarship,” that “The selection of European writ-
ers which have attracted the attention of modern critics in the United States is oddly nar-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
row and subject to the distortion of a very local and temporary perspective”. Such distortions
can become endemic in any scholarly community that pays little attention to foreign tradi-
tions, and this danger applies to patterns of construing world literature as much as individ-
ual national traditions. The study of world literature in America has much to gain if it can
become both more American and more wordly as well. (pp. 18-19)
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Suzanne Jill Levine
suzanne jIll levIne
From: The Subversive Scribe: Translating Latin American Fiction (first edition:
1991; 2009) Champaign – London – Dublin: Dalkey Archive Press.
n 1932, in Las versiones homéricas, an essay that could be translated as “Some version of
I Homer,” Jorge Luis Borges questioned the privileged status of the original books we call
the Odyssey and the Iliad. Which interpretation of the original is the “original”? he asked;
only a Greek from the tenth century B.C. (according to Borges) might be able to tell us. Borges
prefigured here Michel Foucault’s challenge to the concept of authorship: What is an author?
How can we determine intentionality? The
only real difference between original and Suzanne Jill Levine is a
leading translator of
translation—Borges playfully specified—is Latin American
that the translator’s referent is a visible text literature, and
against which the translation can be judged; Professor at the
University of California
the original escapes this sceptical scrutiny in Santa Barbara where
because its referent is unspoken, perhaps for- she directs a translation studies doctoral
gotten, and probably embarrassingly banal. program. Her scholarly and critical works
This meditation of translation contains include her award-winning literary
biography Manuel Puig and the Spider
the subversive seed of Borges’s poetics of Woman (FSG and Faber & Faber, 2000) and
“reading as writing,” which he articulated fur- her groundbreaking book on the poetics of
ther in 1939 in his perverse parable “Pierre translation The Subversive Scribe:
Translating Latin American Fiction (published
Menard, Author of Don Quixote,” the piece in 1991 and reissued this year by Dalkey
that George Steiner, in After Babel, considers Archive Press, along with her classic
the summa of all translation theory. Here translations of novels by Manuel Puig).
Aside from numerous volumes of
Cervantes’s masterpiece becomes a tentative translations of Latin American fiction and
web of propositions that change with each poetic works, she has regularly contributed
new historical act of reading; each successive articles, reviews, essays, and translations of
reading, rewriting, translating of a text enrich- prose and poetry to major anthologies and
journals including the New Yorker. Her many
es and ensures the original’s survival anew. honors include National Endowment for the
Every work enters into a dialogue with other Arts and NEH fellowship and research
texts, and with a context; texts are relation- grants, the first PEN USA West Prize for
Literary Translation (1989), the PEN
ships that of necessity evolve in other contexts. American Center Career Achievement award
Borges has shown us how literary works (1996), and a Guggenheim Foundation
already give us the theoretical models through fellowship. She has just completed a five
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
volume project as general editor of the
which we may interpret them: “Some Version works of Borges for Penguin Classics.
of Homer” and “Pierre Menard” both prefig-
ure reader-response and reception theories. These texts reveal not only the thin line between
originals and their interpretations but the parallel and complementary nature of these inter-
pretations. “Pierre Menard” in particular illuminates the related functions of translation,
parody, and literary criticism.
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Suzanne Jill Levine
(World) Literature
“Pierre Menard” is a stylized parody of the laborious bibliographic homage an obscure
French provincial writer pays to his mentor Pierre Menard, an obscure French symbolist whose
most fantastic project is his attempt to rewrite word-for-word, in the language of Cervantes,
Don Quixote. Our vertigo upon reading this ficcion is infinite. To begin with, Don Quixote—
often labeled the first modern novel—was born both as a parody (of the chivalresque novel)
and a “translation”. The narrator suggests in an aside that the “original” is a found manuscript
written by an Arab named Cide Hamete Benengeli (to wit, Sir Eggplant). That a French writer
of the late nineteenth century would attempt to re-create (without plagiarizing) a seventeenth-
century Spanish classic, and that an Argentine writer—Borges—would attempt to write
Menard’s disciple’s homage, produces a mise en abîme. Menard’s faithful rendition of a sentence
from the Quixote turns out as different as a parody, that is, an imitation with a critical differ-
ence, because the same Spanish phrase becomes an affectation and takes on different, even
opposite meanings, reinscribed in another linguistic and historical context. Borges’s Spanish
“rendition” of a supposed French original (the invented disciple’s homage to the invented men-
tor) is both a “translation” and a parody (about the parody/translation of a parody/translation)
that makes us question the status of what appears to be an ever-elusive original. Indeed, where
does the French end and the Spanish begin in this text? Here Borges conflates the modes of
parody or satirical imitation and translation or imitation in another language, and also shows
how they function as literary criticism with one important difference: Both translations and
parodies attempt to repeat the discourse of the original; the critical essay uses another rhetoric.
orges has proposed, essentially, a tentative status for the original as one of many pos-
B sible versions. James Joyce, collaborative translator of the “Anna Livia Plurabelle” sec-
tion of Finnegans Wake into Italian, was thinking along similar lines when he chose
to call his original “work in progress”—which he continued to complete in the next stage—
translation. Joyce “transelaborated” aspects of the original, which became more explicit in
Italian. He took advantage of his relationship to what he experienced as the earthy musical-
ity of the target language to invent a more slangy version, and different double, even triple
puns. The poet laureate Robert Penn Warren once observed, Dante’s Inferno on his lap in
the original Italian, that those outside of the language, like himself, could appreciate its
musicality more than a native speaker—precisely because the outside reader would tend to
focus more on (exotic) sound than sense.
In a sacred vein Walter Benjamin privileges the original, radiating an infinity of ver-
sions, over translation, one limited version among many, but he coincides with the profane
Joyce in seeing the original “embodiment” as, in George Steiner’s words in Antigones, “an
annunciation, however well wrought, of forms of being yet to come.” Steiner shows how
Benjamin’s theory of “absolute translation and of the confluence of all secular tongues
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
towards a mythical Ursprache, a primal source of perfect unison and facsimile” was inspired,
in part, by Hölderlin’s journey to the source, seeking through his translations of Sophocles
to bring forth “the ‘Oriental’ substratum and well-spring stifled in fifth century Greek art.”
The bringing forth of a “substratum” is implied in the concept of subversion, in which
translation betrays in the traditional traduttore, traditore sense but also because it makes evi-
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Suzanne Jill Levine
dent a version underneath that becomes explicit, a latent version implied in the original. In
a sense this latent version is a subtext, a term borrowed from psychoanalytical theory, which
Terry Eagleton has defined as
A text running within a work, visible at certain “symptomatic” points of ambiguity, evasion or overem-
phasis and which we as readers are able to “write” even if the novel itself does not. All literary texts
contain one or more such sub-texts… which can be called the “unconscious” of the work. The work’s
insights… deeply related to its blindness—that is does not say, and how it does not say it—may be
as important as what it articulates; what seems absent, marginal or ambivalent about it may provide
the central clue.
Persuasive translations uncover subtexts, or underlying meanings, for, after all is said
and done, translation’s first and final function is to relate meaning.
(Sub)versions
uthorized geniuses such as Borges, James Joyce, Ezra Pound, Samuel Beckett, and
A Vladimir Nabokov command an authority, unlike most translators, to re-create, to “sub-
vert” the original—particularly their own. They offer an ideal model, nonetheless, for
what literary translations should be: creation. Having collaborated with such polyglots as
Guillermo Cabrera Infante, Julio Cortázar, Carlos Fuentes, and Manuel Puig, I have been able
to observe a symbiotic if not parasitic relationship between translation and original composition.
Far from the traditional view of translators as servile, nameless scribes, the literary trans-
lator can be considered a subversive scribe. Something is destroyed—the form of the origi-
nal—but meaning is reproduced through another form. A translation in this light becomes a
continuation of the original, which already always alters the reality it intends to re-create.
But let’s take this argument beyond the cliché about what gets lost in translation—
from reality to original, as well as from original to translation. The disruptive effect of books
such as Tres tristes tigres and La traición de Rita Hayworth occurs through the violation of
usage, through a resistance to language as useful or usual. Proper names become puns in
Cabrera Infante’s books; the communicative function of spoken language is subverted when
Puig and Cabrera Infante transform it, with all its grammatical violations, into writing. The
translation of their “abuses”—a term Philip Lewis applies to creative translation—must also
violate, and in doing so sustain, their comment about language, in ways that are not arbitrary
but which make the reader aware of decisive linguistic or textual knots of signification. The
translation of Cabrera Infante’s title La habana para un infante difunto into Infante’s Inferno
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
offers a prime example of this both abusive and sustaining process. Cabrera Infante, Manuel
Puig, Severo Sarduy-principal exemplars in this meditation on my work as a translator-see
their originals already as translations of texts and traditions as well as of realities; each in his
own way is a parodist, a creator-commentator. Dethroning language’s dominion over mean-
ing, they have also in a sense dethroned the “author”. As collaborators or self-translators they
are self-subverters. (pp. 4-8)
77
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Transdisciplinarity
susan Bassnett
From: “The Translation Turn in Cultural Studies” in Susan Bassnett
& André Lefevere, Constructing Cultures. Essays on Literary translation (1998)
Clevedon – Philadelphia – Toronto – Sydney – Johannesburg: Multilingual Matters.
oth translation studies and cultural studies have come of age. Both interdisciplines
B have entered a new internationalist phase, and have been moving for some time
away from their more overtly parochial and Eurocentric beginnings, towards a more
sophisticated investigation of the relationship between the local and the global. Both are
now vast wide-ranging fields, within which there is no consensus, but neither are there rad-
ical disagreements that threaten fragmentation or destruction from within. There are now
clearly several areas that would lend themselves fruitfully to greater cooperation between
practitioners of both interdisciplines.
• There needs to be more investigation of the acculturation process that takes place
between cultures and the way in which different cultures construct their image of
writers and texts.
• There needs to be more comparative study of the ways in which texts become cultur-
al capital across cultural boundaries.
• There needs to be greater investigation of what Venuti has called ‘the ethnocentric
violence of translation’ and much more research into the politics of translating.
• There needs to be a pooling of resources to extend research into intercultural train-
ing and the implications of such training in today’s world.
It is not accidental that the genre of travel literature is providing such a rich field of
exploration by both translation studies and cultural studies practitioners, for this is the
genre in which individual strategies employed by writers deliberately to construct images of
other cultures for consumption by readers can be most clearly seen.
In pointing out that none of us are able to comprehend fully the entirety of the com-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
plex network of signs that constitutes culture, Raymond Williams effectively freed us from
the old myth of the definitive version of anything. His thesis also offers a way forward that
invites a collaborative approach, for if the totality is denied the individual, then a combina-
tion of individuals with different areas of expertise and different interests must surely be
advantageous. Both cultural studies and translation studies have tended to move in the
direction of the collaborative approach, with the establishment of research teams and
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Lourens J. de Vries
groups, and with more international networks and increased communication. What we can
see from both cultural studies and translation studies today is that the moment of the iso-
lated academic sitting in an ivory tower is over, and indeed in these multifaceted interdisci-
plines, isolation is counterproductive. Translation is, after all, dialogic in its very nature,
involving as it does more than one voice. The study of translation, like the study of culture,
needs a plurality of voices. And, similarly, the study of culture always involves an examina-
tion of the processes of encoding and decoding that comprise translation. (pp. 138-139)
lOuRens j. de vRIes
From: “Runny icky material moved into liquid from the wind blowing on it:
linguistics as translation”.
inguistics and translation theory used to have a somewhat asymmetrical relation-
L ship, with the latter graciously emphasizing that she needed linguistics (along with
other partners, to be sure) but with only very few linguists acknowledging that they
needed translation theory or translation studies. In fact, there was a time that translation
theory, especially in the field of Bible translation, was dominated by linguistics, with trans-
lation theory almost becoming an applied subfield of linguistics. The truth is that linguis-
tics very badly needs translation studies as an autonomous, independent discipline, espe-
cially when translation studies embraces a broader, transdisciplinary perspective that sees
translation as an instantiation of more general cognitive and cultural processes of the cre-
ation, communication and transformation of meaning, within and across cultures.
There are many reasons why linguistics needs translation studies. Here are the most impor-
tant. First, translation studies can save linguistics from the follies of extreme universalism
and extreme relativism. Second, linguistic description of the languages of the world crucial-
ly involves translation, and it is very dangerous for linguists to leave that translation aspect
of their work untheorized.
Translation studies is a discipline predicated on difference, as is translation itself. The
very act of translating emphasizes differences between people. But emphasizing differences
is not innocent. And disciplines predicated on difference such as translation studies and
cultural anthropology may have an uneasy relationship with this focus on difference.
Modern anthropologists sometimes deal with this uneasiness by downplaying Otherness
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
and by refusing to portray the people they study as Exotic Others. They have a history of
colonial anthropology to come to terms with, an anthropology that emphasized Otherness
and a West that never would meet the East.
Translators and students of translation are pulled into opposite directions. There is
fear to lose Otherness in translation, a fear to tame and domesticate the Other Culture in
translation and at the same time the fear to lose the audience, the awareness that transla-
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Lourens J. de Vries
Transdisciplinarity
tors are ‘doomed’ to communicate with audiences in the terms of those audiences. Even
translators committed to conveying the very Otherness of the source text and source cul-
ture have to do so in terms of Otherness that the audience can relate to, that is the paradox
of exotization. The most exoticizing translations of the Bible invariably turned out to be
monuments to the Zeitgeist, the spirit, ideologies and mentality of their time and place. For
example, the German translation of the Hebrew Bible by Buber and Rosenzweig tried very
hard to capture the Hebrew Otherness in the
translation but it is a monument to German
Lourens J. de Vries is
Neo-Romanticism of the late nineteenth and Professor at the
early twentieth century, more specifically a University of
monument to German Neo-Romantic Amsterdam. His main
interests are the study
understanding of Hebrew Otherness. of Papuan and
Translators become acutely aware of Austronesian languages
two things at the same time: of linguistic and in functional, typological, and
cultural otherness and difference, of gaps and anthropological frameworks, history and
theory of Bible translation in the broader
divides on the one hand, and of continuities, context of translation studies, linguistic
bridges and overlap on the other hand. This aspects of (Bible) translation processes,
specific sensitivity to both gaps and bridges, skopos theory and effective communication
in Bible translations, and Bible translations
to cultural continuity and discontinuity, in languages of Asia and Oceania. His recent
should be celebrated as the heart of transla- publications are The Korowai of Irian Jaya.
tion studies because one of the central and Their Language in its Cultural Context (Oxford
lasting contributions of translation studies to University Press, 1997), A Short Grammar of
Inanwatan, an Endangered Language of the
the humanities is to be an antidote to the dis- Bird’s Head of Papua, Indonesia (Australian
torting impact of ideologies of both univer- National University Press, 2004), “Areal
salism and relativism. When linguistics was pragmatics of New Guinea: Thematization,
distribution and recapitulative linkage in
in the iron grip of naïve universalism, with Papuan languages” in Journal of Pragmatics
‘universal grammar’ and with ‘universal mean- 38 (2006), “Translation Functions and
ings’ (mostly English words in capitals), it Interculturality” in Translation and
Interculturality: Africa and the West, vol. 16
was among students of translation that the (2008), and “From clause conjoining to
awareness of the incommensurability prob- clause chaining in the Dumut languages of
lem, of limits to translatability and of the New Guinea” in Studies in Language Series
very real, deep differences between languages (Peter Lang, 2010).
and cultures was kept alive. And when the
ideological pendulum swings back to rela-
tivism and towards denials of very real cross-linguistic and cross-cultural continuities, it is
in the field of translation that the awareness of such continuities remains alive.
Translation is core business for any linguist. This insight was never totally lost in lin-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
guistics (e.g. Grace 1981: 36: “Translation is a sine qua non in the analysis of a new lan-
guage”). But few linguists see the core role of translation in their work, let alone that they
use the insights from translation studies to illuminate this core element. When linguists are
aware of the central place of the translational element in their work and when they theo-
rize that translational aspect, the quality of their work dramatically increases, for example
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Lourens J. de Vries
in increased focus on the emic, language-specific and unique meanings of simple construc-
tions such as adnominal genitives or coordinated nouns that look deceptively similar and
‘universal’ under the guise of English translation equivalents (see Reesink 2008 for the role
of translation in linguistics in relation to Pike’s notion of emic/etics). (pp. 1-2)
[…]
inguists are often incredibly unreflective and naïve in providing glosses and transla-
L tions; they should learn from translation studies to critically reflect on the skopos of
their translations and on what is lost and gained in translation. Many linguists
would look at the situation that the Atsugewi utterance wanted to describe, for example
rotten tomatoes blowing into a pond, and then translate according to that denotation, with
something like ‘rotten tomatoes blew into the water’. There is a very real danger that con-
structions are classified and understood by linguists in terms of the English translation
equivalents, for example Papuan thematic constructions that were classified as relative or
adverbial clauses because they were translated in English with adverbial and/or relative
clauses (De Vries 2005; 2006). English, the language of international grammar writing, is
an enemy linguists rarely recognize as such. Just like Latin in the past, English easily
becomes a channel through which grammars of other languages are forced to flow when
linguists do not pay attention to the insights of students of translation.
Linguistics is a form of translation with a very specific scholarly skopos: to translate
the categories and distinctions of the lexicons and the grammars of the languages of the
world in an English-based metalanguage with strong traces of an earlier Latin-based lin-
guistic metalanguage, with categories such as ablative, switch reference, noun phrase,
inalienable, animate, direct object and with English lexical glosses such as ‘move’, ‘hit’ and
‘black’. The grammatical terms such as ‘relative clause’ and ‘first person’, the lexical glosses
such as ‘hit’ and ‘move’ and the translations of the utterances of the object language (‘runny
icky material’) are all part of 'linguish' in the context of grammar writing, that is English
as a linguistic metalanguage. This translational process of object language categories into
metalanguage categories can only be done properly when linguists are constantly aware of
the need to force their English-based metalanguage away from the categories and distinc-
tions of English as a natural language. This is turn can only be done when the English-
based linguistic metalanguage is transformed and sharpened by the study of as many lan-
guages as possible, languages with different lexical and grammatical categories such as
Atsugewi or Spanish.
When I was a young linguist my discipline had almost absorbed translation theory,
now that I am no longer all that young I find myself arguing that linguistics would improve
dramatically if it could look at itself from the perspective of a broadly defined field of trans-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
disciplinary translation studies. Had it embraced the lessons of translation studies on the
deep differences between languages and cultures, it would have been spared the unfruitful
episode of pointless universalism. Perhaps the most damaging aspect of the temporary
dominance of linguistics in translation theory was the reduction of translation to a ‘purely’
linguistic process, a process of words, phrases and sentences only; for a while this reduction
81
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Patricia Willson
Transdisciplinarity
hid the true nature of interlingual translation as a social and cultural process that can only
be understood in wider cognitive contexts of the creation and transformation of meaning
in and across cultural boundaries. (pp. 3-4)
patRIcIa wIllsOn
“Translation as a metaphor in scientific discourse”.
his still incipient research aims at exploring the metaphoric uses of translation to
T account for transformations concomitant with a certain degree of invariance in the
field of science and technique. It aims as well at inquiring into the possible connec-
tions between such uses and metaphors of translation already studied in philosophy, anthro-
pology, sociology, among other disciplines.
The field explored insofar is molecular Patricia Willson has a
degree in biochemistry
biology, an avant-garde domain in scientific and is Professor
discourse in the sixties and seventies. In 1961, (Translation /
biochemists François Jacob and Jacques Comparative Literature)
at El Colegio de México.
Monod proposed a model to explain deoxyri- Between 1998 and 2010,
bonucleic acid (DNA) duplication and protein she was Lecturer in Argentine Literature at
synthesis in the cell. They used the terms code, University of Buenos Aires; between 2004
transcription and translation, and called messen- and 2010, she chaired the Permanent
Seminar of Translation Studies at Instituto
ger RNA (mRNA) the chain of ribonucleic de Enseñanza Superior en Lenguas Vivas,
acid required as an intermediate in such dupli- Buenos Aires. She is also a translator and
cation. The terminology shows that translation has translated, among other authors,
Roland Barthes, Paul Ricoeur, Jean-Paul
is ‘the scene of striking metaphorics’ not only in Sartre, Gustave Flaubert, Richard Rorty,
the field of social sciences. In 1970, in his Le H.P. Lovecraft, Mark Twain, and Mary
hasard et la nécessité, Monod analyzed the Shelley. She is currently translating
Darwin’ s On the Origin of Species. She has
implications of the discovery in the history of published La Constelación del Sur.
sciences, and claimed that “the fundamental Traducciones y traducciones en la literatura
biologic invariant is DNA”, and that «the argentina del siglo XX (Siglo XXI Editores,
process of translation by which DNA dupli- 2004), and was awarded in Madrid the
Panhispanic Prize for Specialized
cates» is «uni-directional», and is, in this sense, Translation (2005). She is counted among
a “Cartesian” and not a “Hegelian” process. In a the founding members of IATIS (Seoul 2004).
famous statement that completed Francis
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
Crick’s “central dogma of molecular biology” and has been often refuted since then (In 1970,
Howard Temin demonstrated that genetic information in retroviruses is stocked in RNA and
transcripted into DNA; in other words, the duplication occurs the other way around, due to
the existence of reverse transcriptase, and proceeding through a ‘back translation’.), Monod
maintained that it is unconceivable that DNA duplication occurs backwards.
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Patricia Willson
ollowing the model by Jacob and Monod, some mechanisms of gene expression have
F been referred to by molecular biologists as ‘translational control’, ‘translational regu-
lation’, ‘translation inhibition’, ‘translation masking’ and so forth. However, since the
target of this research is not science itself but the ideas suggested by scientific discourse, the
corpus to examine is also composed by texts where these ideas are supported, contested or
invested with different or vaster implications. For instance, in Hermès III. La traduction, the
philosopher of science Michel Serres refers to Monod’s claims and gives them a wider frame:
he affirms that science is the set of invariant messages in every optimal translation situation;
when this maximum is not attained, we are in one of the other cultural fields. According to
Serres, translation goes across the most diverging fields, hence the interest in studying trans-
lating processes, not in abstract, but in the concrete transformations they operate.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
83
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Introduction
Translation: a new paradigm
T
oday, translation scholarship and practice face a twofold situation. On the one hand
translation studies is enjoying unprecedented success: translation has become a fe-
cund and frequent metaphor for our contemporary intercultural world, and schol-
ars from many disciplines, for instance, linguistics, comparative literature, cultural studies,
anthropology, psychology, communication and social behavior, and global studies have begun
investigating translational phenomena. On the other hand, many scholars in the field rec-
ognize an epistemological crisis in the discipline of translation studies, noticing a repetition
of theories and a plethora of stagnant approaches. This impasse derives largely from the
field’s inability to renew the discipline and its unwillingness to develop approaches that are
able to say something original or reflect the complex situations of migration and hybrid cul-
tures and languages we live in today. Translation needs to redefine its role in a context of
fragmented texts and languages in a world of crises within national identities and emerging
transnational and translocal realities.
The fertility of the metaphor of translation is worthy of study, and we probably will
find out that it is not merely a metaphor. Since Salman Rushdie’s well-known statement
“Having been borne across the world, we are translated men” (1991), translation has become
a frequent concept to describe and even explain identity as it surfaces in travelling, migrating,
diasporic, and border-crossing individuals and cultures. It has been so frequent that some
even state we are experiencing a “translation turn” in the humanities. The anthropologist Talal
Asad’s concept of “cultural translation” became central in the seminal Writing Cultures edited
by James Clifford and George E. Marcus in 1986. Later Clifford developed this concept and
imagined travels and even museums as translations (1997). Even though many scholars today
are familiar with such a broad use of the concept of translation, they tend to keep them sep-
arated from “real” translation. The step forward we want to make with and through this jour-
nal is to consider Rushdie’s translated men and Asad and Clifford’s cultural translations as
real acts of translation, as representations of how translations appear in our world.
Beyond disciplinary boundaries: post-translation studies
W
ith this new journal the editors attempt to go beyond disciplinary borders, and
specifically beyond the bounds of translation studies. We invite original thinking
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
about what translation is today and where translation occurs. We welcome new
concepts that speak about translation and hope to reshape translation discourse within these
new terms and ideas. To achieve this goal, we must go beyond the traditional borders of the
discipline, and even beyond interdisciplinary studies. We propose the inauguration of a trans-
disciplinary research field with translation as an interpretive as well as operative tool. We
imagine a sort of new era that could be termed post-translation studies, where translation
is viewed as fundamentally transdisciplinary, mobile, and open ended. The “post” here recog-
8
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Introduction
nizes a fact and a conviction: new and enriching thinking on translation must take place out-
side the traditional discipline of translation studies. The time is past when we can maintain
the usual borders of translation studies, just as the time is past when in a more general way
we can close the borders of certain disciplines and exclude translation discourse from entering
their intellectual space. We are convinced that today—at least in the humanities but surely
in principle for all academic fields—exchange and dynamic discourse are fundamental. Gay-
atri Spivak’s discourse in Death of a Discipline (2003), dealing specifically with comparative
literature, is emblematic of concerns within translation studies:
We cannot not try to open up, from the inside, the colonialism of European national language-based
Comparative Literature and the Cold War format of Area Studies, and infect history and anthropol-
ogy with the ‘other’ as producer of knowledge. From the inside, acknowledging complicity. No accu-
sations. No excuses. Rather, learning the protocol of those disciplines, turning them around,
laboriously, not only by building institutional bridges but also by persistent curricular interventions.
The most difficult thing here is to resist mere appropriation by the dominant. (2003: 10-11)
The crisis of translation studies: a missing epistemology
T
he crisis of translation studies compares with other situations of crisis in many dis-
ciplines, especially those in the humanities and social sciences: all have to do with
fundamental questions of knowledge and meaning. The crisis or, let’s say, the death
of translation studies as a discipline, leads us necessarily to transdisciplinarity. To speak of
transdisciplinarity is not to propose that we create new relationships between closed disci-
plines; rather, transdisciplinarity opens up closed disciplines and inquires into translational
features that they have in common or toward translational moments that transcend them.
Such a perspective implies that no single logic, no single tool, no single perspective by itself
is sufficient to explain the world’s complexity, and that research cannot be inscribed in one
discipline, with one defined object and method. Translation in this sense is a “nomadic con-
cept”; it is born in transdisciplinarity and it lives in transdisciplinarity.
Epistemologically this transdisciplinarity signals a change: it is not the disciplines that
decide how to analyse their objects of research, but the objects themselves that ask for certain
instruments, neither inside nor outside the academic boundaries of the disciplines, but
“above” them. We are speaking of a different way of facing the great epistemological questions
of what we know and how we know, and these questions model new transdisciplinary re-
search. Such research cannot follow linear paths that conceive of structures as trees, but
must rather walk along rhizomatic paths, in the sense given to it by Deleuze and Guattari:
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
“unlike trees or their roots, the rhizome connects any point to any other point, and its traits
are not necessarily linked to traits of the same nature; it brings into play very different
regimes of signs, and even nonsign states. The rhizome is reducible neither to the one nor
the multiple” [1980 (1987): 21].
In an epistemological sphere it becomes less important to distinguish and define clearly
what translation is and what it is not, what stands inside the borders of translation and what
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Introduction
stands outside. Such distinctions and definitions belong to an older and widespread sense
of limits that scholars register when they create categorical, but also hierarchical and di-
chotomous divisions between self and other, true and false, original and translation, inside
and outside, feminine and masculine, pretending that they are natural. From queer theory
as well as from border studies, and in general from poststructuralist thinking, we have
learned that these divisions are constructed and that many texts, identities and cultures
move in between, on the edges and in the interstices, in transversal movements. In this sense
we can also evoke other deleuzian conceptualisations, such as multiplicity, and even that of
transpositions of multiple differences developed by Rosi Braidotti (2006), to promote the
idea of a multiple transdisciplinary concept of translation.
The evolution of translation studies
I
n order to create a common ground for our future dialogue, we sketch in the following
paragraphs a brief history of what we consider the principal stages in the evolution of
the discipline of translation studies (from the Seventies until today). In 1990 Susan
Bassnett and André Lefevere stated that “the growth of translation studies as a separate dis-
cipline is a success story of the 1980s.” We take this claim to mean that translation studies
was at that time no longer in a subordinate position to linguistics or comparative literature.
Still, when translation studies sought out its own autonomy, it relied heavily on the definition
James S. Holmes had already given the discipline in the early Seventies. At that time Holmes
moved translation studies away from prescriptivism towards empirical description of what
happens when cultures translate each other’s texts. At the beginning of the Eighties, and
still in this theoretical context, the Israeli scholars Itamar Even-Zohar and Gideon Toury
introduced a perspective that saw translations as a part of a culture’s literary polysystem.
Elsewhere, in the so-called “manipulation school,” scholars like Theo Hermans, André Lefe-
vere and José Lambert defined all translations inevitably as manipulations of an original
text. These scholars located the causes for such manipulations not only in the differences
between the structures and segmentation of meaning within languages, but also in the struc-
ture of cultures, for instance in a culture’s range of ideologies.
Inevitably, then, the Nineties came to be characterized by a “cultural turn” that insisted
on the intercultural nature of any translation, whereby ideology was a determining factor.
Here scholars took some of the first interdisciplinary steps. This cultural turn defined the
questions surrounding translation in new terms. As translation studies drew on and was in-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
spired by cultural studies and poststructuralism, it took into account questions of gender
and postcolonialism and recognized the political value of translating. With this turn trans-
lation studies struck out in international directions, reaching beyond Europe and influencing
Asia (see the work of Z. Tan, M. Cheung), Canada (S. Simon), and North America (L.
Venuti, E. Gentzler, M. Tymoczko). Postcolonial studies, on the other hand, started to ques-
tion the Eurocentric perspectives of translation studies, turning its attention to alternative
10
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Introduction
directions that recognize how every translation implies a conflict between dominating and
dominated cultures and languages.
To summarize: the Eighties and Nineties were characterized by an eagerness to found
a new and autonomous discipline. No doubt this effort has been successful and of funda-
mental importance for the recognition of what translation is, and for its role in the develop-
ment and transformation of language and culture. Still, and in terms of a conscious
appreciation of the important role occupied by translators and translations both throughout
history and today, there is still much work to be done. While we encourage the continuation
of this very important work in translation studies, we also see that this concentration on the
definition of translation as an autonomous discipline represents a problem, a problem for
translation studies itself. It is the problem of epistemological roots, or rather the lack of epis-
temological roots. Translation studies, having “collected” data and knowledge from other dis-
ciplines, was so eager to stand on its own feet that it neglected to develop and explain its own
overarching epistemology and to show how it knew what it claimed to know. In our view
what was created as the discipline of translation studies was actually an illusion: it existed in
a sort of epistemological naïvety. Pieces from other disciplines like linguistics and comparative
literature were assembled without being really questioned. What was done was simply to
open up pathways on a terrain already covered with well-travelled pathways, and with exactly
the same epistemological map and guiding principles as those present in the disciplines from
which the so-called founders borrowed. What should have been done, or what was lacking
in our opinion, was an epistemological and paradigmatic shift.
In this panorama we should nevertheless recognize and salute the important efforts
made by translation studies as it introduced new and alternative paradigms. André Lefevere
significantly proposed the category of ideology and introduced the concept of rewriting.
Edwin Gentzler introduced at a critical moment the category of power. But inside the
boundaries of translation studies these new concepts did not develop completely. It is our
hope that the research of such scholars might find fertile ground and wide reception through
the transdisciplinary perspective we are proposing. We are confident that the journal’s con-
tributors will rethink and, hopefully, re-establish the epistemological foundations behind
our conceptualization of translation. This re-establishing will, we think, necessarily follow
because the material of our research is new, or better; its focus is both broader than and dif-
ferent from the focus and material conceived by traditional translation studies.
Setting a fresh course
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
D
espite an original focus and fresh material content, the object of our research,
namely translation, remains the same. But it will appear differently. New objects
called translation will emerge, letting the already existing ones take a different
shape and value. It is similar to those moments when scholarship uses new words to speak
about and describe a thing, allowing the thing itself to appear different and, in addition, al-
lowing us to see things in a fresh light.
11
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Introduction
It is more and more difficult to define translation and to limit the situations in which
translation occurs. Today many of us are familiar with the idea that translation is a transfor-
mative process not only of texts produced in different languages and media, but one that af-
fects cultures and individuals. While some express concern about an ill-defined and delimited
concept, we are of the view that such an approach is a strength and that any premature and
a priori definition of the limits and borders of translation prevents us from evolving new the-
ories and changing our assumptions and directions. The tendency within the discipline of
translation studies is to continue to operate with traditional definitions and conceptualizations
of translation, and thus with the same epistemological paradigm, sometimes proposing ad-
ditional definitions, but never new and alternative ones. We believe this tendency is reductive
and unhelpful for thinking about translation and suggest that it is time to open up new and
in some cases startlingly new uses of the concept of translation. By accepting new ideas, by
moving the focus, and by revealing new objects, we believe it will be possible to develop and
organize the necessary theoretical consequences, to more fully understand what translation
entails, to pinpoint where translation occurs today, and to formulate a perspective able to deal
with all these different translation situations.
Jakobson and beyond: the hybrid nature of culture
S
ince we believe translation is a universal and characteristic aspect of our contemporary
world we will have to go far beyond the tripartite model (intralingual, interlingual
and intersemiotic translation) proposed by Roman Jakobson in 1959. His model had
the advantage of considering translation also outside language and written texts, and as a
transformative interpretive practice taking place between different semiotic systems. But
even this approach is much too reductive.
Today, translation has to be considered as a transformative representation of, in, and
among cultures and individuals. Until recently translation has been studied almost exclu-
sively as a transaction between cultures, where cultures have been identified within single
nation states and linguistic limits. Only in the latest studies have scholars begun to consider
the phenomenon of translation among other cultural identities that are situated inside, upon,
or across the traditional delimitations of national and linguistic borders. These scholars have
recognized the fragmented, hybrid nature of cultures and texts.
The direction indicated by Edwin Gentzler, who states that “translations in the Amer-
icas are less something that happens between separate and distinct cultures and more some-
thing that is constitutive of these cultures” expresses the way forward (2008: 5). We think
that translation is constitutive not only for American cultures, but for all cultures and culture
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
as such.
When we speak of cultures here, we also think about individuals, subjectivities and
identities. And even in a broader sense, it is not only about widening the perspective, but
seeing translation in new and different spaces.
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Introduction
Radically rethinking translation
T
his kind of radical rethinking of translation is what our new journal brings forward
as its special contribution to research: translational processes are fundamental for
the creation of culture(s) and identities, for the ongoing life of culture(s), and for
the creation of social and economic values. As the Russian cultural semiotician Jury M. Lot-
man puts it, translation is the necessary mechanism of cultural dynamics:
For culture to exist as a mechanism organizing the collective personality with a common memory
and a collective consciousness, there must be present a pair of semiotic systems with the consequent
possibility of text translation. (2000: 34)
We believe translation constitutes a fundamental condition for the existence and the
transformation of cultures, and especially of cultural spheres where values, and in particular
economic values, reside: as Chakrabarty persuasively asserts, “the problem of capitalist
modernity cannot any longer be seen simply as a sociological transition […] but as a problem
of translation, as well” (2000: 17).
In effect, translation appears to us as the social relation from which the critique of communication
and its corollary “culture” as the reigning ideology of Capital is most directly linked to a politics of
life, or again, the politics in which life becomes invested by Capital. (Solomon 2007: 6)
We also recognize that everything said so far should also be applied to the new, and
still renewing, media environments in which translation occurs. Our use of the internet, so-
cial media, and digital and screen tools produces consequences for translation that transform
identities, power structures, theoretical models and day-to-day practices that constitute so-
ciety. These transformations in all their radical implications deserve our profound investi-
gation. From this point of view, the project called Open Translation appears particularly
interesting, as it proposes “a new participatory ecology of translation emerging on the inter-
net” questioning in this way “the proposition that discrete languages exist before the act of
translation” (Neilson 2009).
Within contemporary translation studies the traditional concept of translation is un-
able to determine what translation actually is or identify all the different situations in which
it occurs. Ironically, the larger, contemporary world of scholarship, outside the discipline of
translation studies, understands translation in a much broader sense. As we indicate above,
we do not dismiss the possibility that “real” translation and the metaphor of translation over-
lap and mix. On the contrary, we wish to establish a dialogue with any area of research in
which translation is, implicitly or explicitly, occupying a central conceptual position, or even
a marginal one. The way, for instance, that Ulf Hannerz (1990, 1996) or Tullio Maranhão
(2003) have conceptualized cultural translation in anthropology is illuminating for thinking
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
about translation itself. In the same way, Sakai and Solomon’s (2006) way of thinking about
translation in economic, ontological and political terms is equally illuminating. Translation
in these uses of the concept has taken on additional meaning and given deeper meaning to
the whole translation problem.
13
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Introduction
Translation matters in different fields of research
O
ther scholars, representing different fields of research, have written on translation
in terms that have been new for studies on translation, and that we think should
be given more credit than hitherto afforded. We are thinking of scholars such as
Derrida and his concepts of monolingualism (1998) and hospitality (2000) as they bear on
translation, and of Bhabha and his concept of cultural translation (1994).
In recent years, due to the discipline’s stronger interdisciplinarity, many areas of human
experience and representation connected to translation have begun to be explored. The dif-
ferent aspects of translation connected to issues of postcolonialism are perhaps the most
evident examples of positive exchange among the disciplines: through postcolonial perspec-
tives, translation studies has been able to put aside a Eurocentric dominance that has on
both a theoretical and practical level blinded research to important questions of cultures in
contact. With a postcolonial perspective, research has been able to uncover the many varieties
of inequality in cultural exchange.
Back to epistemology
T
his epistemological potentiality of the concept of translation is an untapped re-
source and seems central to us here. Both inside and outside translation studies
scholars are today working on epistemologically relevant themes that clearly con-
nect to translation: memory (B. Brodzki), space (S. Simon), conflict (E. Apter, M. Baker)
and economics ( J. Solomon, S. Mezzadra). What is new in this work is that translation
functions as an interpretive and operative instrument for deeper analysis and a more pro-
found comprehension of these themes. By reconceptualizing these themes in and around
the concept of translation, we believe new perspectives will emerge.
Translation is poised to become a powerful epistemological instrument for reading
and assessing the transformation and exchange of cultures and identities. As we see it, this
new appreciation of translation compares favorably with the emergence of the concept of
structure in the Seventies. We welcome this tendency because we are sure it is a way to study
how translation is constitutive for cultures. We are witnessing nothing less than a sea-change
in the world of translation. Translation is moving away from being simply a concept based
in certain disciplines to being an epistemological principle applicable to the whole field of
humanistic, social and natural sciences.
If we follow this path, we will reshape the epistemological principles of the humanities
and at the same time fashion a new instrument that also will permit us to reconsider trans-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
lation in all its properties and facets. Only in this sense do we see a future for reflection on
translation.
14
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Introduction
New directions
W
hat kind of new directions will the journal follow? Without excluding any fruit-
ful direction, we can already anticipate that it will seek to investigate the hybrid
nature of languages, cultures, identities in our present deterritorialized world
of difference and the ways in which space is continuously crossed, translated, and rede-
fined through migration. It will be attuned to our globalized and localized world that
is at one and the same time a common and divided world, structured around differential
power relations and ideologies, where new media scenarios occupy an active role both
reflecting and causing completely new conditions for representation and translation. War
and conflict for their part will have the power to transform our world into a “translation
zone” (Apter 2006), where economy and politics of course play the most powerful role in
terms of value. The journal will also direct us to knowledge, especially to its acquisition
and distribution, but also to the important channel called memory, which is responsible
for the transmission and cultural translation of present cultural knowledge and litera-
ture to future cultures and their encyclopedias of knowledge. As the journal develops into
a natural and much needed space for a new kind of analysis of translation, this will always
be characterized by its transdisciplinary approach.
STEFANO ARDUINI and SIRI NERGAARD
References
Apter, Emily (2006) The Translation Zone. A New Comparative Literature. Princeton and
Oxford: Princeton University Press.
Asad, Talal (1986) “The Concept of Cultural Translation in British Anthropology” in James
Clifford and George E. Marcus (eds.) Writing Culture. The Poetics and Politics of Ethnog-
raphy. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Baker, Mona (2006) Translation and Conflict. London – New York: Routledge.
Bassnett, Susan and André Lefevere (eds.) (1990) Translation, History and Culture. London
– New York: Pinter Publishers.
Bhabha, Homi (1994) The Location of Culture. London – New York: Routledge.
Braidotti, Rosi (2006) Transpositions. On Nomadic Ethics. Cambridge, UK – Malden, Mass:
Polity Press.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
15
Translation Inaugural Introduction:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.03 Pagina 16
Introduction
Brodzki, Bella (2007) Can These Bones Live? Translation, Survival, and Cultural Memory.
Stanford: Stanford University Press.
Chakrabarty, Dipesh (2000) Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Dif-
ference. Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Clifford, James (1997) Routes. Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century, Cam-
bridge Mass: Harvard University Press.
Clifford, James and George E. Marcus (eds.) (1986) Writing Culture. The Poetics and Politics
of Ethnography. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press.
Deleuze, Gilles and Fèlix Guattari [1980] (1987) A Thousand Plateaus. Capitalism and Schiz-
ophrenia. Minneapolis – London: University of Minnesota Press.
Derrida, Jacques (1998) Monolingualism of the Other; or, the Prosthesis of Origin. Stanford:
Stanford University Press.
— (2000) Of Hospitality. Anne Dufourmantelle Invites Jacques Derrida to Respond. Stanford:
Stanford University Press.
Gentzler, Edwin (2008) Translation and Identity in the Americas. New Directions in Transla-
tion Theory. London – New York: Routledge.
Hannerz, Ulf (1990) Cultural Complexity. Studies in the Social Organization of Meaning. New
York: Columbia University Press.
— (1996) Transnational Connections. Culture, People, Places. London – New York: Rout-
ledge.
Jakobson, Roman (1959) “On Linguistic Aspects of Translation.” In R. Brower (ed.) On
Translation, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Lotman, Yuri M. (2000) Universe of the Mind: A Semiotic Theory of Culture, Bloomington
and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.
Maranhão, Tullio and Bernhard Streck (eds.) (2003) Translation and Ethnography. The An-
thropological Challenge of Intercultural Understanding. Tucson: University of Arizona
Press.
Mezzadra, Sandro (2008) La condizione postcoloniale. Storia e politica nel presente globale.
Verona: Ombre corte.
Neilson, Brett (2009) “Opening Translation.” Transeuropeennes. International Journal of Crit-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
ical Thought. November http://www.transeuropeennes.eu/en/articles/107/-Open-
ing_translation
Rushdie, Salman (1991) Imaginary Homelands. New York: Penguin.
Sakai, Naoki and Jon Solomon (eds.) (2006) Translation, Biopolitics, Colonial Difference.
(Traces), Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.
16
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Introduction
Simon, Sherry (2006) Translating Montreal. Episodes in the Life of a Divided City. Montreal
– London – Itacha: McGill-Queen’s University Press.
Solomon, Jon (2007) “Translation as a Critique of The West: Sakai, Agamben, and Liu”
http://phen.nsysu.edu.tw/culturalskin/Translation%20as%20a%20Critique%20of%2
0The%20West%20_Chilhac_Solomon_.pdf
Spivak, Gayatri Chakravorty (2003) Death of a Discipline. New York: Columbia University
Press.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
17
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Introduction
The journal: a presentation
W
e are honored to introduce the twenty-two prominent scholars who have ac-
cepted to serve as members of translation’s advisory board, and are grateful
to them for supporting our project. With this publication, we let the words of
each of these scholars represent their initial positions. Their words, whether written explicitly
for this journal or taken from their previously published work (notes and/or references of
original publications are not included here), represent suggestions, directions, and even pro-
grams for the journal’s future issues. While presenting each member of the advisory board
with a short bio–bibliography, we have made rhizomatic collages of their texts, creating links
and even unexpected and surprising connections between them, with a view to stimulating
ideas for a new reflection on translation. These connections are organized according to a se-
lection of key words that are representative of the vision of the journal; they are intended to
function like guidelines for reading the texts and to invite reflection about translation.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Hybridity
HOMI K. BHaBHa
From: The Location of Culture (1994) London – New York: Routledge.
f hybridity is heresy, then to blaspheme is to dream. To dream not of the past or pres-
I ent, nor the continuous present; it is not the nostalgic dream of tradition, nor the
Utopian dream of modern progress; it is the dream of translation as ‘survival’ as
Derrida translates the ‘time’ of Benjamin’s concept of the after-life of translation, as sur-
vivre, the act of living on borderlines. Rushdie
translates this into the migrant’s dream of Homi K. Bhabha is the
survival: an initiatory interstices; an empow- Anne F. Rothenberg
ering condition of hybridity; an emergence Professor of the
that turns ‘return’ into reinscription or Humanities in the
Department of English,
redescription; an iteration that is not belated, Director of the
but iconic and insurgent. For the migrant’s Mahindra Humanities
survival depends, as Rushdie put it, on dis- Center, and Senior Advisor on the
Humanities to the President and Provost
covering ‘how newness enters the world’. The at Harvard University. He is the author
focus is on making the linkages through the of numerous works exploring postcolonial
unstable elements of literature and life—the theory, cultural change and power, and
dangerous tryst with the ‘untranslatable’— cosmopolitanism, among other themes.
His works include Nation and Narration
rather than arriving at ready-made names. and The Location of Culture. He has two
The ‘newness’ of migrant or minority forthcoming books titled A Global Measure
discourse has to be discovered in medias res: a and The Right to Narrate. Bhabha most
recently contributed essays to exhibition
newness that is not part of the ‘progressivist’ catalogues on the work of Anish Kapoor,
division between past and present, or the Raqib Shaw, and Shahzia Sikander
archaic and the modern; nor is it a ‘newness’ and interviews with Akbar Padamsee
and on the work of ORLAN.
that can be contained in the mimesis of ‘orig- He serves as an advisor at key art
inal and copy’. In both these cases, the image institutions, as well as on the Steering
of the new iconic rather than enunciatory; in Committee of the Aga Khan Architectural
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
both instances, temporal difference is repre- Prize. He is a Trustee of the UNESCO World
Report on Cultural Diversity and the Chair
sented as epistemological or mimetic dis- of the World Economic Forum’s Global
tance from an original source. The newness Agenda Council on Human Rights.
of cultural translation is akin to what Walter Educated at the University of Bombay
and the University of Oxford, Bhabha was
Benjamin describes as the ‘foreignness of lan- profiled by Newsweek as one of “100
guages’—that problem of representation Americans for the Next [21st] Century”.
19
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 20
Homi K. Bhabha
Hybridity
native to representation itself. If Paul de Man focused on the ‘metonymy’ of translation, I
want to foreground the ‘foreignness’ of cultural translation.
With the concept of ‘foreignness’ Benjamin comes closest to describing the performa-
tivity of translation as the staging of cultural difference. The argument begins with the sug-
gestion that though Brot and pain intend the same object, bread, their discursive and cul-
tural modes of signification are in conflict with each other, striving to exclude each other. The
complementary of language as communication must be understood as emerging from the
constant state of contestation and flux caused by the differential of social and cultural sig-
nification. This process of complementary as the agonistic supplement is the seed of the
‘untranslatable’—the foreign element in the midst of the performance of cultural transla-
tion. And it is this seed that turns into the famous, overworked analogy in the Benjamin
essay: unlike the original where fruit and skin form a certain unity, in the act of translation
the content or subject matter is made disjunct, overwhelmed and alienated by the form of
signification, like a royal robe with ample folds.
Unlike Derrida and de Man, I am less interested in the metonymic fragmentation of
the ‘original’. I am more engaged with the ‘foreign’ element that reveals the interstitial; insists
in the textile superfluity of folds and wrinkles; and becomes the ‘unstable element of link-
age’, the indeterminate temporality of the in-between, that has to be engaged in creating the
conditions through which ‘newness comes into the world’. The foreign element ‘destroys the
original’s structures of reference and sense communication as well not simply by negating
it but by negotiating the disjunction in which successive cultural temporalities are ‘pre-
served in the work of history and at the same time cancelled… The nourishing fruit of the
historically understood contains time as a precious but tasteless seed. And through this
dialectic of cultural negation-as-negotiation, this splitting of skin and fruit through the
agency of foreignness, the purpose is, as Rudolf Pannwitz says, not ‘to turn Hindi, Greek,
English into German [but] instead to turn German into Hindi, Greek, English’.
Translation is the performative nature of cultural communication. It is language in
actu (enunciation, positionality) rather than language in situ (énoncé, or propositionality).
And the sign of translation continually tells, or ‘tolls’ the different times and spaces between
cultural authority and its performative practices. The ‘time’ of translation consists in that
movement of meaning, the principle and practice of a communication that, in the words of
de Man ‘puts the original in motion to decanonise it, giving it the movement of fragmenta-
tion, a wandering of errance, a kind of permanent exile’. (pp. 227-228)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Difference
KwaMe antHOny appIaH
From: “Thick Translation” (2000)L. Venuti (ed.) The Translation Studies Reader,
London – New York: Routledge. Previously published in Callaloo 16:4 (1993).
tterances are the products of actions, which like all actions, are undertaken for
U reasons. Understanding the reasons characteristic of other cultures and (as an
instance of this) other times is part of what our teaching is about: this is especial-
ly important because in the easy atmosphere of relativism—in the world of ‘that’s just your
opinion’ that pervades the high schools that produce our students—one thing that can get
entirely lost is the rich differences of human
life in culture. One thing that needs to be Kwame Anthony Appiah
challenged by our teaching is the confusion is a philosopher,
cultural theorist, and
of relativism and tolerance so scandalously novelist whose interests
perpetuated by Allan Bloom, in his, the latest include political and
in a long succession of American jeremiad. moral theory, the
philosophy of language
And that, of course, is a task for my sort of and mind, and African intellectual history.
teaching—philosophical teaching—and it is He is currently the Laurance S. Rockefeller
one I am happy to accept. But there is a role University Professor of Philosophy at the
Princeton University. Appiah was raised
here for literary teaching also, in challenging in Ashanti Region, Ghana, and educated
this easy tolerance, which amounts not to a at Bryanston School and Clare College,
celebration of human variousness but to a Cambridge, where he earned a PhD
refusal to attend to how various other people in philosophy. Appiah is the author
of several books including The Ethics of
really are or were. A thick description of the Identity, Cosmopolitanism: Ethics in a World
context of literary production, a translation of Strangers, Experiment in Ethics, and
that draws on and creates that sort of under- The Honor Code: How Moral Revolutions
Happen. Appiah has also written three
standing, meets the need to challenge our- novels.
selves and our students to go further, to
undertake the harder project of a genuinely informed respect for others. Until we face up
to difference, we cannot see what price tolerance is demanding of us.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
In the American academy, therefore, the translation of African texts seems to me to
need to be directed at least by such purposes as these: the urge to continue the repudiation
of racism (and, at the same time, through explorations of feminist issues and women’s writ-
ing, of sexism); the need to extend the American imagination—an imagination that regu-
lates much of the world system economically and politically—beyond the narrow scope of
the United States; the desire to develop views of the world elsewhere that respect more
21
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 22
Rosemary Arrojo
Difference
deeply the autonomy of the Other, views that are not generated solely by the legitimate but
local political needs of America’s multiple diasporas.
To stress such purposes in translation is to argue that, from the standpoint of analy-
sis of the current cultural situation—an analysis that is frankly political—certain purpos-
es are productively served by the literary, the text-teaching, institutions of the academy. To
offer our proverbs to American students is to invite them, by showing how sayings can be
used within an oral culture to communicate in ways that are complex and subtle, to a deep-
er respect for the people of pre-industrial societies. (pp. 427-428)
ROseMaRy aRROjO
From: “Translation and Impropriety: A Reading of Claude Bleton’s Les Nègres
du Traducteur” (2006) Translation and Interpretation Studies, vol. I, No. 2, Fall.
ranslation has been frequently associated with different forms of improprierty—
T betrayal, infidelity, theft, indecency, seduction, invasion of property, etc.—that may
be directly related to the translator’s necessarily close and often ambivalent relation-
ship with the original and/or its author. In fact, translation entails a very close contact with
somebody else’s text, not simply as “the most intimate act of reading” (Spivak 2004: 397),
but also as a form of rewriting that claims to replace the original in another language and
context. It is not surprising, then, that the ethical implications of this complex relationship
have been one of the main concerns of Western translation theories, which, at least since
Cicero, have focused on devising strategies to help translators behave properly.
The apparently dangerous relationship that translation is perceived to establish between
the original and the translated text, and between the author and the translator, has been asso-
ciated, for instance, with the disappointments involved in parasitic, unreliable friendships. The
Earl of Roscommon’s An Essay on Translated Verse, written in 1684, gives us an insightful illus-
tration of the basic issues at stake in these relationships. According to Roscommon, the trans-
lator, after becoming aware of his own preferences and inclinations, should find an author or
a poet with whom he is compatible, and with whom he could establish a strong connection:
“Examine how your humour is inclined,/ And which the ruling passion of your mind;/ Then
seek a poet who your way does bend,/ And choose an author as you choose a friend”
(Robinson 176). However, the pursuit of intimacy with the author and his original, which is
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
supposedly part and parcel of the groundwork for successful translations, is also basically
improper and, of course, highly risky for the author since the translator is told to insidiously
take advantage of his closeness with the latter in order to take his place: “United by this sym-
pathetic bond,/ You grow familiar, intimate, and fond;/ Your thoughts, your words, your
styles, your souls agree,/ No longer his interpreter, but he” (176). Moreover, to the extent that
in this plot both the translator and the author are represented as males while the text itself is
22
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 23
Rosemary Arrojo
identified as a fickle young muse who must be both conquered and protected, the triangular
relationship in which they find themselves is inextricably tinted with sexual overtones, suggest-
ing that the translator is indeed a double-faced character, a traduttore-traditore who befriends
the author in order to take possession of his precious text and muse.
Most of the traditional statements about translation, whether found in formal theories or
in the usual prejudices disseminated by what one might call common sense, will reveal that the
translator’s activity often seems to be caught up in descriptions and conceptions that are gen-
erally haunted by fears of betrayal and disrespect, which are compatible with an underlying anx-
iety about the fact that texts are indeed always
at risk of falling prey to spurious interpreta- Rosemary Arrojo
is Professor
tions. Therefore, one is tempted to speculate of Comparative
that there might be a close connection between Literature
the supposed danger of unreliable collabora- at Binghamton
tions and the persistent ideal of translation as University. She joined
the Department of
an activity that should be performed ‘invisibly’. Comparative Literature in January of 2003
In other words, according to the idealized and directed the Translation Research and
terms conceived by our patriarchal, essentialist Instruction Program until June of 2007.
Before that, from 1984 to 2002, she taught
tradition, translators are expected to do their English and Translation Studies at the State
work without leaving any traces of their inter- University of Campinas (Brazil), and also
ference, that is, without actually taking on an worked as a free-lance translator. Her main
publications in Portuguese include the
authorial role that might threaten the author’s following books: Oficina de Tradução: A
position or the alleged integrity of the original. Teoria na Prática, first published in 1986 and
currently in its 5th edition; O Signo
Desconstruí do: Implicações para a Tradução,
his deeply embedded distrust in the
T activity that is expected to make it
possible for meaning to safely travel
between languages and cultures also emerges
a Leitura e o Ensino (1992), as the editor and
main contributor; and Tradução,
Desconstrução e Psicanálise (1993).
Her publications in English include chapters
in several book collections, essays in all the
in several works of fiction, which explore main journals specializing in translation
some of the age-old prejudices associated studies, as well as book reviews. She is
with translators, their task, and their rela- currently preparing two books on
representations of translation in fiction,
tionships with originals and authors. In these which will include pieces on Borges, Kafka,
texts one can find representations of transla- Poe, Saramago, Guimarães Rosa, Calvino,
tors in close connection with an array of Kosztolányi, among others. Samples of her
work have been translated into German,
ambivalent feelings triggered by the ethical Spanish, Catalan, Turkish, and Hungarian.
dilemmas that constitute their craft. It has
been my belief that the examination of these pieces by several authors from different tra-
ditions will help us further understand the conflicts that seem to motivate, at least on some
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
level, the ways in which Western culture tends to respond, perhaps even unconsciously, to
the role of translators and their ‘dangerously’ intimate association with originals and their
authors. In recent years I have examined stories and novels whose revealing plots have
allowed me to reflect on the power struggles and the emotional investments that are usu-
ally at stake both in the writing and in the reception of translations and originals, and
which are not made quite so explicit in formal, theoretical statements. (pp. 92-94)
23
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 24
Homi K. Bhabha
Difference
HOMI K. BHaBHa
From: “DissemiNation” in Homi K. Bhabha (ed.) Nation and Narration (1990)
London – New York: Routledge.
he signs of cultural difference cannot […] be unitary or individual forms of iden-
T tity because their continual implication in other symbolic systems always leaves
them ‘incomplete’ or open to cultural translation. (p. 313)
In keeping with its subaltern, substitutive,—rather than synchronic—temporality,
the subject of cultural difference is neither pluralistic nor relativistic. The frontiers of cul-
tural difference are always belated or secondary in the sense that their hybridity is never
simply a question of admixture of pre-given identities, or essences. Hybridity is the per-
plexity of the living as it interrupts the representation of the fullness of life; it is an instance
of iteration, in the minority discourse, of the time, of the arbitrary sign—‘the minus in the
origin’—through which all forms of cultural meaning are open to translation because their
enunciation resists totalization. (p. 314)
[…]
Cultural difference emerges from the borderline moments of translation that
Benjamin describes as the ‘foreignness’ of languages. Translation represents only an extreme
instance of the figurative fate of writing that repeatedly generates a movement of equiva-
lence between representation and reference but never gets beyond the equivocation of the
sign. The ‘foreignness’ of language is the nucleus of untranslatable that goes beyond the
transparency of subject matter. The transfer of meaning can never be total between differ-
ential systems of meaning, or within them, for ‘the language of translation envelopes its
content like a royal robe with ample folds. … [it] signifies a more exalted language than its
own and thus remains unsuited to its content, overpowering an alien’. It is too often slip-
page of the signification that is celebrated at the expense of this disturbing alienation, or
powering of content. The erasure of content in the invisible but insistent structure of lin-
guistic difference does not lead us to some general, formal acknowledgement of the func-
tion of the sign. The ill fitting robe of a language alienates content in the sense that it
deprives it of an immediate access to a stable or holistic reference ‘outside’ itself—in socie-
ty. It suggests that social conditions are themselves being reinscribed or reconstituted in the
very act of enunciation, revealing the instability of any division of meaning into an inside
and outside. Content becomes the alien mise en scène that reveals the signifying structure
of linguistic difference which is never seen for itself, but only glimpsed in the gap or the
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
gapping of the garment. Benjamin’s argument can be elaborated for theory of cultural dif-
ference it is only by engaging which what he calls the ‘purer linguistic air’—the anteriority
of the sign—that the reality-effect of content can be overpowered which then makes all
cultural languages ‘foreign’ to themselves. And it is from this foreign perspective that it
becomes possible to inscribe the specific locality of cultural systems—their incommensu-
24
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 25
Bella Brodzki
rable difference—and through that apprehension of difference to perform the act a cultur-
al translation. In the act of translation the ‘given’ content becomes alien and estranged; and
that, in its turn, leaves the language of translation Aufgabe, always confronted by its dou-
ble, the untranslatable—alien and foreign. (pp. 314-315)
Bella BROdzKI
From: Can These Bones Live? Translation, Survival, and Cultural Memory
(2007) Stanford: Stanford University Press.
he principal concern of this book is not the comical underside of translation, but
T rather its underlying gravity. It would be difficult to overstate the role of transla-
tion in shaping history, culture, and memory. It is imperative, I believe, especially
given the current international political climate, in which relations with the Other are so
volatile, that concentrated interest and material resources be directed toward recognizing
the crucial role of translation in culture, of
translation as culture. This is more than an Bella Brodzki is
academic matter. At the same time, however, Professor of
Comparative Literature
it is one thing to make rhetorical claims at Sarah Lawrence
about the (over)determinacy of translation in College. She teaches
our lives and in the lives of future genera- courses in
tions, and another to show how and why autobiography; modern
and contemporary fiction; literary and
being more attentive to the fundamental, cultural theory; and translation studies
though intricate and often elusive, workings and holds the Alice Stone Ilchman Chair
of translation can crucially benefit inter- in Comparative Studies. Her articles and
essays on the critical intersections with and
preters of the humanities. My aim is the lat- impact of translation on other fields and
ter, but I doubt whether the demonstration disciplines have appeared in a range of
can be effective without the assertion. We are publications, most recently in the collection
Translating Women edited by Luise von
utterly dependent on translation, but that Flotow (2011). She is the coeditor of
does not mean that we respect the enterprise Life/Lines: Theorizing Women's Autobiography
or want to think too much about how it gets (1989) and author of Can These Bones Live?:
done. It bears repeating, I believe, that there Translation, Survival, and Cultural Memory
(2007).Her current project is coediting
is translation because there are different lan- a special volume of Comparative Literature
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
guages, and that this multilingualism is a gift, Studies entitled Trials of Trauma.
rather than a necessary (or natural) evil best
defended with reductive instrumentalism and resignation. Because translation is a shared
commodity whose value is not equally distributed, its labor must be recognized to ensure
both quality and fairness; it cannot be consigned only to bureaucrats, ‘experts’, or custodial
others.
25
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 26
Bella Brodzki
Difference
As subjects in a multicultural, polyglot, transnationìal, and intertextual universe, all of
us ‘live in translation’, but we also occupy that space differently, depending on our linguis-
tic capital and the status of our language(s) in rapidly changing historical, political, and
geographic contexts. We also occupy that space more or less self-consciously, and are more
or less deluded by what passes as transparency in our communicative encounters around
the globe. The specific asymmetric relations that currently incorporate translation into
globalization (call it ‘linguistic outsourcing’) mean that non-native speakers of English are
expected to fulfill most of the translating demands in the world. The refusal to translate
that both literally and figuratively characterizes most Anglophones’ cultural comportment
bespeaks a sense of power and privilege and has devastating consequences for everyone. As
the study of foreign languages declines in the United States and English increasingly
becomes the dominant global language, despite having fewer native speakers than Chinese,
Hindi, and Spanish, we ignore the impact of unidirectional translation and mistranslation
in international relations, mass tourism, science, and technology at incalculable cost.
Although I do not address these concerns directly here, I conceive of this critical project as
being wedded to them. We need to encourage, simultaneously, on two fronts, both the
study of foreign languages and the study of translation, because—of course—they are not
mutually exclusive, but mutually reinforcing. (pp. 11-12)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
26
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Space
IaIn cHaMBeRs
From: “The translated city”.
o think of the modern city—Cairo, London, Istanbul, Lagos or Buenos Aires—is
T to experience a perpetual translating machine. Economical, cultural and historical
forces are here locally configured and acquire form, substance and sense. These
days much attention is given to how global flows become local realities in the multiple real-
isations of ‘globalisation’, but the archive that Iain Chambers is
the city proposes actually represents an alto- Professor of Cultural,
gether deeper set of sedimentations. Cities as Postcolonial and
the sites of cultural encounters—from fifth Mediterranean Studies
at the Oriental
century Athens with its Greeks, Persians and University in Naples.
Egyptians, to present-day multi-cultured Los He is known for his
Angeles—are precisely where the outside interdisciplinary and intercultural work on
music, popular, and metropolitan cultures.
world pushes into our interiors to propose More recently he has transmuted this line of
immediate proximities. In this context, dif- research into a series of postcolonial
ferences may also be accentuated: think of analyses of the formation of the modern
the ghettoes and ethnic areas and communi- Mediterranean. He is author of Urban
Rhythms: pop music and popular culture
ties of many a modern Euro-American city. (1985), Popular Culture: The metropolitan
Cultural and historical overspills, most experience (1986), Border dialogues: Journeys
immediately registered in culinary, musical in postmodernity (1990), Migrancy, culture,
identity (1994), Hendrix, hip hop e
and cultural taste, do not automatically lead l'interruzione del pensiero (with Paul Gilroy)
to physical convivalities and friendship. (1995), Culture after humanism (2001); and
Nevertheless, even if we cling to familiar most recently, Mediterranean Crossings: The
Politics of an Interrupted Modernity (2008).
accents, the grammar of the city undergoes He is also editor with Lidia Curti of
transformation. This occurs without our The Post-colonial question: Common skies,
consent. We inevitably find ourselves speak- divided horizons (1996,) and the volume
ing in the vicinity of other histories and cul- Esercizi di Potere. Gramsci, Said e il
postcoloniale (2006). Several of these titles
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
tures, in the vicinity of others who may refuse have been translated into various
our terms of translation, who insist on opac- languages, including Italian, Spanish,
ity and refuse to be represented in our rea- German, Japanese, and Turkish. He is
presently preparing a work on music and
son. As a translating and translated space, the postcolonial criticism, tentatively entitled
language of the city is never merely a linguis- Mediterranean Blues, for publication in 2012.
27
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 28
Iain Chambers
Space
tic matter. For what is being ‘spoken’ in a mixture of asymmetrical powers is precisely the
intricate accumulation of historical encounters established in the conjunctural syntax of a
particular urban cultural formation. As the concentrated locality of such processes, and
their augmented velocity, the city continually proposes the urgency of considering life, both
ours, and that of others, in the transit proposed by translation.
What precisely might all of this mean? Beyond the obvious threshold of translation
inaugurated by the arrival of the other, the stranger, invariably called upon to transform his
history and her culture into our language and understanding, there emerges the disquiet-
ing insistence that we, too, are somehow being translated by complex processes occurring
in the very city that we consider our own. The city becomes increasingly problematic, and
we grow accustomed to walking on troubled ground. The foundations of our history and
culture, of our lives and sense of belonging, are disturbed. The assurance of a domestic
place is exposed to unauthorised questions, unplanned procedures, and unhomely prac-
tices. We are literally transported elsewhere and are ourselves translated. For what is ren-
dered explicit in translation is not merely the contingency of language and the manner in
which it sustains our movement, but also a persistent interrogation. Seeded in ambiguity,
uncertainty, mis-understanding, re-formulations, semantic contestation, and the uncon-
trolled passage of language elsewhere, there emerges the insistence on an irreducible opac-
ity. Not all will be revealed to our eyes and reason. This, of course, is the complex challenge
of the postcolonial city. It is here, where the colonial ghosts who haunt the making of
modernity are housed and accommodated, that we encounter the most acute site of trans-
lation, deferred representations and opacity.
The forces of translation can be traced in multiple forms and formations: in the phe-
nomenology of everyday life, in musical, pictorial and literary aesthetics, in clothing and culi-
nary practices, in debating questions of faith, in renewing the lexicon of philosophical and
critical discourse… Among the many ways of thinking of such processes, processes that are
intrinsic to the making of the modern city and the modernity it is presumed to represent, is
that provoked by critical considerations of contemporary architecture and urban planning.
rchitecture as the material and technical appropriation of ground, history and
A memory proposes a problematic site of power and politics, of technics, technology
and aesthetics. All of this is unconsciously secreted in the seemingly neutral grid
lines of the survey, the plan and the project. If architecture provides us with a habitat, a
home, it also contributes to the language in which ideas of home, belonging and domestic-
ity, and the supposed opposites of the unhomily, the non-identical and the foreign, are con-
ceived and received. This renders space both agonistic and partisan: no longer an empty,
‘neutral’ container, waiting to be filled by the abstract protocols of ‘progress’, but rather the
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
site of a complex and troubled inheritance that questions all desires to render it transpar-
ent to a conclusive logic. Architecture, even if it chooses to ignore it, is about the translation
of this troubled inheritance. So, opening up the languages of building, urban planning and
civic projection, seeding them with doubt, and criss-crossing their concerns with lives lived,
living and yet to come, is to render the ‘laws’ of cultural codification vulnerable to what they
28
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 29
Iain Chambers
seek to contain and control. Every act of representation is simultaneously an act of repres-
sion. Every excluded trace becomes the site of a potential transformation, the point of
departure for unsuspected meanings.
For, despite the presumption of the explorer’s map and the architectural drawing
board, space is never empty; it is has already been inhabited, nominated and produced by
some body. Abstract coordinates are themselves the purified signals of altogether more tur-
bulent and terrestrial transit. In this stark affirmation lies a profound challenge to an eye/I
that has historically been accustomed to colonising a space considered ‘empty’ prior to its
occupation by occidental ‘progress’. Against a grade zero of history inaugurated by the West,
its languages, disciplines, technologies and political economy, it is ethically and aesthetically
possible to pose the historical heterogeneity of what persistently precedes and exceeds such
a singular and unilateral framing of time and space. In translating abstract coordinates into
worldly concerns they become both multiple and mutable. In the situated realisation of sym-
bolic artifacts—the ‘house’, the ‘square’, the ‘building’, the ‘street’—a complex historical prove-
nance is pronounced in the shifting syntagms of an ultimately planetary frame.
he interruption posed by the other and the elsewhere encourages the interrogation
T released in a sidereal, oblique glance that cuts across the site and crumples the map
with other times. Set free from the assumptions of disciplinary protocols secured
in the institutional authority of architecture, civil engineering and public administration,
the plan, the project, is here exposed to questions and queries that were previously silenced
and unheard. The desire for the totalising translation of transparency, and hence control, is
deterritorialised and reterritorialised by what insists and resists the architectural and
administrative will (to power).
All of this crosses and contaminates aesthetics with ethics. A closed, idealist and
metaphysical imperative—the idea of ‘beauty’, the ‘order’ of reason, the ‘rationality’ of the
plan, the stable ‘meaning’ of the discourse—is transferred into the turbulent, open-ended
syntactical turmoil of a quotidian event. We are invited to look and think again; to touch
and feel the experience of the everyday and the ordinary rendered extra-ordinary. In this
transitory exposure (Heidegger’s aletheia or revealing), a breach in the predictable tissues of
a cultural and critical discourse is temporarily achieved. Here the solution proposed is nei-
ther permanent nor conclusive; it is precisely in ‘solution’, in the chemical and physical sense
of the term: a liquid state in which diverse forces, languages and histories are suspended
and culturally configured in the shifting currents of a worldly unfolding. This architecture,
and aesthetics, shadows, occasionally spilling over, the borders of more permanent preten-
sions. As a border discourse, this translating perspective proposes tactical interruptions of
a hegemonic strategy seeking to realise its unilateral plan (often under the label of ‘progress’,
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
‘modernity’ and ‘democracy’). It is in the borders, in a social and historical ‘no man’s’ land
where both civil rights, and frequently the very concept of the ‘human’, are suspended or yet
to come, that it becomes necessary to elaborate another architecture of sense, another
geometry of meaning: a poetics whose trajectory and potential translations literally leaves
the political speechless. (pp. 1-3)
29
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Globalization
aRjun appaduRaI
From: Modernity at Large (1996) Minneapolis – London: University of Minnesota
Press.
he central problem of today’s global interactions is the tension between cultural
T homogenization and cultural heterogenization. (p. 32) […] For polities of smaller
scale, there is always a fear of cultural absorption by polities of larger scale, especial-
ly those that are nearby. One man’s imagined community is another man’s political prison.
This scalar dynamic, which has wide-
spread global manifestations, is also tied to the Arjun Appadurai is a
relationship between nations and states, to contemporary social-
which I shall return later. For the moment let cultural anthropologist
focusing on modernity
us note that the simplification of these many and globalization, based
forces (and fears) of homogenization can also in New York. Appadurai
be exploited by nation-states in relation to was born in Bombay,
their own minorities, by posing global com- India in 1949 and educated in India before
coming to the United States. He graduated
moditization (or capitalism, or some other from St. Xavier's High School, Fort, Mumbai,
such external enemy) as more real than the and earned his Intermediate Arts degree
threat of its own hegemonic strategies. (p. 32) from Elphinstone College, Mumbai, before
coming to the United States. He then
[…] received his B.A. from Brandeis University
The new global cultural economy has in 1970. He was formerly a professor at the
to be seen as a complex, overlapping, disjunc- University of Chicago where he received his
M.A. (1973) and PhD (1976). After working
tive order that cannot any longer be under- there, he spent a brief time at Yale before
stood in terms of existing center-periphery going to the New School University.
models (even those that might account for He currently is a faculty member of New
multiple centers and peripheries). Nor is it York University's Media Culture and
Communication department in the
susceptible to simple models of push and pull Steinhardt School. Some of his most
(in terms of migration theory), or of surplus- important works include Worship and
es and deficits (as in traditional models of Conflict under Colonial Rule (1981),
“Disjuncture and Difference in the Global
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
balance of trade), or of consumers and pro- Cultural Economy” (1990) found in Modernity
ducers (as in most neo-Marxist theories of at Large (1996), and Fear of Small Numbers
development). (2006).
Even the most complex and flexible
theories of global development that have come out of the Marxist tradition (Amin 1980;
Mandel 1978; Wallerstein 1974; Wolf 1982) are inadequately quirky and have failed to
30
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Arjun Appadurai
come to terms with what Scott Lash and John Urry called disorganized capitalism
(1987). The complexity of the current global economy has to do with certain fundamen-
tal disjunctures between economy, culture, and politics that we have only begun to theo-
rize. (pp. 32-33)
I propose that an elementary framework for exploring such disjunctures is to look at
the relationship among five dimensions of global cultural flows that can be termed (a)
ethnoscapes, (b) mediascapes, (c) technoscapes, (d) financescapes, and (e) ideoscapes. The suffix
–scape allows us to point to the fluid, irregular shapes of these landscapes, shapes that char-
acterize international capital as deeply as they do international clothing styles. These terms
with the common suffix -scape also indicate that these are not objectively given relations
that look the same from every angle of vision but, rather, that they are deeply perspectival
constructs, inflected by the historical, linguistic, and political situatedness of different sorts
of actors: nation-states, multinationals, diasporic communities, as well as subnational
groupings and movements (whether religious, political, or economic), and even intimate
face-to-face groups, such as villages, neighborhoods, and families. Indeed, the individual
actor is the last locus of this perspectival set of landscapes, for these landscapes are eventu-
ally navigated by agents who both experience and constitute larger formations, in part from
their own sense of what these landscapes offer.
These landscapes thus are the building blocks of what (extending Benedict
Anderson) I would like to call imagined worlds, that is, the multiple worlds that are consti-
tuted by the historically situated imaginations of persons and groups spread around the
globe. An important fact of the world we live in today is that many persons on the globe
live in such imagined worlds (and not just in imagined communities) and thus are able to
contest and sometimes even subvert the imagined worlds of the official mind and of the
entrepreneurial mentality that surround them. (p. 33)
s a result of the differential diaspora of these [landscapes], the political narratives
A that govern communication between elites and followers in different parts of the
world involve problems of both a semantic and pragmatic nature: semantic to the
extent that words (and their lexical equivalents) require careful translation from context to
context in their global movements, and pragmatic to the extent that the use of these words
by political actors and their audiences may be subject to very different sets of contextual
conventions that mediate their translation into public politics. Such conventions are not
only matters of the nature of political rhetoric: for example, what does the aging Chinese
leadership mean when it refers to dangers of hooliganism? What does the South Korean
leadership mean when it speaks of discipline as the key to democratic industrial growth?
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
(p. 36)
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Kwame Anthony Appiah
Globalization
KwaMe antHOny appIaH
From: Cosmopolitanism. Ethics in a World of Strangers (2006) London: Penguin.
o there are two strands that intertwine in the notion of cosmopolitanism. One is the
S idea that we have obligations to others, obligations that stretch beyond those to
whom we are already by the ties of kith and kin, or even the more formal ties of a
shared citizenship. The other is that we take seriously the value not just of human life but
of particular human lives, which means taking an interest in the practices and beliefs that
lend them significance. People are different, the cosmopolitan knows, and there is much to
learn from our differences. Because there are so many human possibilities worth exploring,
we neither expect nor desire that every person of every society should converge on a single
mode of life. Whatever our obligations are to others (or theirs to us) they often have the
right to go their own way. As we’ll see, there will be times when these two ideals—univer-
sal concern and respect for legitimate difference—clash. There’s a sense in which cos-
mopolitanism is the name not of the solution but of the challenge.
A citizen of the world: how far can we take that idea? Are you really supposed to
abjure all local allegiances and partialities in the name of this vast abstraction, humanity?
Some proponents of cosmopolitanism were pleased to think so; and they often made easy
targets of ridicule. “Friend of men, and enemy of almost every man he had to do with,”
Thomas Carlyle memorably said of the eighteenth-century physiocrat the Marquis de
Mirabeau, who wrote the treatise L’Ami des hommes when he wasn’t too busy jailing his
own son. “A lover of his kind, but a hater of his kindred”, Edmund Burke said of Jean-
Jacques Rousseau, who handed each of the five children he fathered to an orphanage.
Yet the impartialist version of the cosmopolitan creed has continued to hold a steely
fascination. Virginia Woolf once exhorted “freedom from unreal loyalties”—to nation, sex,
school, neighbourhood, and on and on. Leo Tolstoy, in the same spirit, inveighed against
the ‘stupidity’ of patriotism. “To destroy war, destroy patriotism”, he wrote in an 1896
essay—a couple of decades before the tsar was swept away by a revolution in the name of
the international working class. Some contemporary philosophers have similarly urged that
the boundaries of nations are morally irrelevant—accidents of history with no rightful
claim on our conscience.
But if there are friends of cosmopolitanism who make me nervous, I am happy to be
opposed to cosmopolitanism’s noisiest foes. Both Hitler and Stalin—who agreed about lit-
tle else, save that murder was the first instrument of politics—launched regular invectives
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
against “rootless cosmopolitans”; and while, for both, anti-cosmopolitanism was often just
a euphemism for anti-Semitism, they were right to see cosmopolitanism as their enemy.
For they both required a kind of loyalty to one portion of humanity—a nation, a class—
that ruled out loyalty to all of humanity. And the one thought that cosmopolitans share is
that no local loyalty can ever justify forgetting that each human being has responsibilities
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Kwame Anthony Appiah
to every other. Fortunately, we need take sides neither with the nationalist who abandons
all foreigners nor with the hard-core cosmopolitan who regards her friends and fellow cit-
izens with icy impartiality. The position worth defending might be called (in both senses)
a partial cosmopolitanism. (pp. XIII-XIV)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
33
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Power
ROseMaRy aRROjO
From: “Writing, Interpreting, and the Power Struggle for Control
of Meaning: Scenes from Kafka, Borges, and Kosztolány” in Maria Tymoczko
and Edwin Gentzler (ed.) Translation and Power (2002) Amherst: University
of Massachusetts Press.
f, as Nietzsche argues, any attempt at mastering a text, or the world as text, “involves a
I fresh interpretation, an adaptation through which any previous ‘meaning’ and ‘purpose’
are necessarily obscured or even obliterated” (1969:12), the implicit relationship that
is usually established between authors and interpreters is not exactly inspired by coopera-
tion or collaboration, as common sense and the essentialist tradition would have it but,
rather, is constituted by an underlying competition, by a struggle for the power to deter-
mine that which will be (provisionally) accepted as true and definite within a certain con-
text and under certain circumstances. As Kafka’s and Borges’s stories have shown us, in this
textualized, human world, where immortal essences and absolute certainties are not to be
found, the indisputable control over a text, its full completion, and the definite establish-
ment of its limits cannot be simplistically determined nor merely related to its author once
and for all. If one cannot clearly and forever separate the author from the interpreter, the
text from its reading, or even one text from another, and if the will to power as authorial
desire is that which moves both writers and readers in their attempts at constructing tex-
tual mazes that could protect their meanings and, thus, also imprison and neutralize any
potential intruder, is it ever possible for interpreters to be faithful to the authors or to the
text they visit?
Obviously, it is not by chance that this has always been the central issue and the main
concern for all those interested in the mechanism of translation, an activity that provides a
paradigmatic scenario for the underlying struggle for the control over meaning that consti-
tutes both writing and interpretation as it involves the actual production of another text:
the writing of the translator’s reading of someone else’s text in another language, time, and
cultural environment. As it necessarily constitutes material evidence of translator’s passage
through the original and as it offers documented proof of the differences brought about by
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
such a passage, any translation is bound to be an exemplary site for the competitive nature
of textual activity. In a tradition that generally views originals as the closed, fixed recepta-
cle of their authors’ intentional meanings, the struggle for the power to determine the
“truth” of a text is obviously decided in favor of those who are considered as the “rightful”
owners of their texts’ meanings and who supposedly deserve unconditional respect from
anyone who dares to enter their textual “property”. In such a tradition, translators are not
34
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 35
Rosemary Arrojo
only denied the rights and privileges of authorship but also must endure a reputation for
treachery and ineptitude while being urged to be as invisible and as humble as possible. (pp.
73-74)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
35
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Media
susan Bassnett
From: Susan Bassnett and Esperança Bielsa, Translation in Global News (2009)
London – New York: Routledge.
he asymmetries of globalization and the current inequalities in the production of
T knowledge and information are directly mirrored in translation, and this becomes
visible when the directionality of global information flows starts to be questioned.
Thus, some accounts of globalization have
pointed to the number of book translations Susan Bassnett is a
from English and into English as an indication scholar of comparative
literature. She served
of the power distribution in global informa- as pro-vice-chancellor
tion flows, where those at the core do the at the University of
transmission and those at the periphery mere- Warwick for ten years
and taught in its Centre
ly receive it. […] The global dominance of for Translation and Comparative Cultural
English is expressed in the fact that, in 1981, Studies, which she founded in the 1980s.
books originally written in English accounted She was educated in several European
for 42 per cent of translations worldwide, countries, and began her academic career
in Italy, lecturing in universities around the
compared with 13.5 per cent from Russian world. Author of over twenty books, her
and 11.4 per cent from French. At the same Translation Studies, which first appeared in
time, British and American book production 1980, has remained in print ever since and
has become an important international
is characterized by a low number of transla- textbook in this field. Her Comparative
tions: 2.4 per cent of books published in 1990 Literature (1993) has also become
in Britain and 2.96 per cent in the United internationally renowned and has been
translated into several languages. In 1996
States […] Global English dominance is she co-edited Constructing Cultures: Essays
expressed, on the one hand, in the sheer vol- on Literary Translation with André Lefevere,
ume of English-language information in cir- and together with Harish Trivedi she is the
culation. Thus, for example, current statistics editor of Post-colonial Translation: Theory
and Practice (1998). The Translator as Writer
on languages on the internet reveal the large (2006) was coedited with Peter Bush.
number of English-speaking users (about Her most recent book is Translation in
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
one-third of the total), but also the even Global News (2008) written with Esperança
Bielsa. In addition to her scholarly works,
stronger predominance of English-language Bassnett writes poetry.
internet content (which is estimated at over
half of the total). On the other hand, translation, which makes it possible for people to have
access to information in their own language, contributes to the global dominance of Anglo-
American culture, as we have seen above for the case of book translations, which account for
36
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 37
Lawrence Venuti
only the smallest part of the volume of translation, the bulk of which is in commercial trans-
lation, politics and administration and in the mass media.
Nevertheless, global or international English itself needs to be qualified and should be
examined more carefully.
[…]
International English, which in this sense can be viewed as a bad translation of itself, is
a supraterritorial language that has lost its essential connection to a specific cultural context.
It thus expresses in itself the fundamental abstractions derived from disembedding or the lift-
ing out of social relations from their local contexts of interaction.
[…]
Globalization has caused an exponential increase of translation. The global domi-
nance of English has been accompanied by a growing demand for translation, as people’s
own language continues to be the preferred language for access into informational goods.
An area of significant growth in the translation industry in recent decades has been the
activity of localization, through which global products are tailored to meet needs of specif-
ic local markets (Cronin 2003, Pym 2004). In an informational economy characterized by
instantaneous access to information worldwide, the objective of the localization industry
becomes simultaneous availability in all the languages of the product’s target markets.
Translation values and strategies in localization and elocalization (website localization) are
not uniform but combine elements of domestication and foreignization to market products
that have to appeal to their target buyers but, at the same time, often retain exoticizing con-
nections to the language of technological innovation.
Similarly, translation plays a central role in negotiating cultural difference and in shap-
ing the dialects between homogeneity and diversity in the production of global news. […]
[There are] present trends towards the homogenization of global news. However, these
need to be examined alongside domesticating translation strategies aimed at a fluid com-
munication with target readers and exotizicing devices through which the discourse of the
other is staged in media (in, for example, English translations of Osama Bin Laden’s tapes
or Saddam Hussein’s speeches). (pp. 28-31)
lawRence venutI
“Film Adaptation and Translation Theory: Equivalence and Ethics”.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
he shift in adaptation studies away from the discourse of fidelity toward a discourse
T of intertextuality continues to raise conceptual problems. Is the emphasis on inter-
textuality, to formulate one problem, just as essentialist as the concern with fidelity
that it seeks to displace by devising film analyses and ideological critiques that assume among
all audiences, regardless of their social diversity and historical moment, the same cultural lit-
37
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Lawrence Venuti
Media
eracy and critical competence required to process the different sets of intertextual connec-
tions at work in any film adaptation (namely, connections between the film and the adapted
material as well as connections between that material and the context where it originated and
between the film and its own originary context)? The most pressing problem, however, must
be the necessity to reformulate a relation of correspondence between the film and the adapt-
ed material that would justify calling a particular film an adaptation, that is to say, a film for
which the processing of prior materials, including but in addition to a screenplay, is central to
its signifying process. To treat a film as the second-order creation known as an adaptation (as
distinct from such other second-order creations as a translation, a dramatic performance, a
textual edition, or an anthology), its relation-
ship to the prior material cannot be described Lawrence Venuti,
Professor of English at
simply as intertextual and analyzed as differ- Temple University,
ential or interrogative. The film must also dis- works in early modern
play a recognizable resemblance or similarity literature, British,
to that material so as to share the title, name or American, and foreign
poetic traditions,
label by which it is designated. translation theory and history, and literary
To conceptualize and supply this theo- translation. He is the author of The
retical lack does not entail a return to the dis- Translator's Invisibility: A History of
Translation (1995), and The Scandals of
course of fidelity. In a previous study that Translation: Towards an Ethics of Difference
drew on translation theory to give a more (1998). He is the editor of the anthology of
nuanced account of the discourse of intertex- essays, Rethinking Translation: Discourse,
Subjectivity, Ideology (1992), and of The
tuality (“Adaptation, Translation, Critique,” Translation Studies Reader (2nd ed. 2004).
Journal of Visual Culture 6/1 [2007]: 25-43), I He is a contributor to the Encyclopedia of
constructed a hermeneutic model that treated Translation Studies (1998) and the Oxford
as fundamentally interpretive the relation Guide to Literature in English Translation
(2000). Recent articles and reviews have
between second-order creations and the appeared in New York Times Book Review,
materials they process. This relation should Performance Research, Translation and
be seen as interpretive because it is contin- Literature, and Yale Journal of Criticism.
In 1998, he edited a special issue of The
gent, in the first instance, on the forms and Translator devoted to translation and
practices which are deployed in the transla- minority. His translations from the Italian
tion or adaptation and which differ in lan- include Restless Nights: Selected Stories of
Dino Buzzati (1983), I.U. Tarchetti’s Fantastic
guage or medium from those deployed in the Tales (1992), Juan Rodolfo Wilcock’s
prior materials (the relation is also contingent collection of real and imaginary biographies,
on different kinds of reception, on different The Temple of Iconoclasts (2000), Antonia
cultural situations, and on different historical Pozzi’s Breath: Poems and Letters (2002),
Italy: A Traveler’s Literary Companion (2003),
moments). The key category that enables a and Melissa P.’s fictionalized memoir, 100
translation to inscribe an interpretation in the Strokes of the Brush before Bed (2004).
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
source text is the interpretant, usually a
complicated set of interpretants, which can be either formal or thematic. Formal interpre-
tants include a concept of equivalence, such as a semantic correspondence based on diction-
ary definitions, or discursive strategy, such as close adherence to the source text, or a concept
of style, a lexicon and syntax linked to a specific genre. Thematic interpretants are codes.
38
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Lawrence Venuti
They include an interpretation of the source text that has been formulated independently in
commentary, a discourse in the sense of a relatively coherent body of concepts, problems, and
arguments, or an ensemble of values, beliefs, and representations affiliated with specific social
groups. These thematic interpretants can be interrelated: an interpretation of the source text
set forth in a work of literary criticism may be used to encode a translation with an ideolo-
gy, establishing an institutional or political affiliation. Formal and thematic interpretants can
also be mutually determining: a concept of equivalence may in a certain cultural situation be
reserved for canonical texts, so that when used to render a marginalized text it inscribes a
code of canonicity. Similarly, a style or genre can encode a discourse in a translation, while a
discourse can lead the translator to cultivate a style or construct a genre when neither exist-
ed in the source text.
he hermeneutic model can not only be reformulated to analyze an intersemiotic
T translation like a film adaptation, but it can be used to reformulate a relation of
resemblance or similarity between the film and the adapted materials. In a film
adaptation, formal interpretants include a relation of equivalence, such as a structural cor-
respondence between narrative point of view or plot details, a particular style that distin-
guishes the work of a director or studio, or a concept of genre that necessitates a distinctive
treatment of the adapted materials, whether retention or revision, imitation or manipula-
tion. Thematic interpretants may include an interpretation of the adapted materials artic-
ulated in commentary, a morality or cultural taste shared by the filmmakers and used to
appeal to a particular audience, or a political position that reflects the interests of a specif-
ic social group. In a film adaptation, formal and thematic interpretants can be interrelated
and mutually determining. An actor’s previous roles (an interfilmic connection) might add
a layer of meaning to the characterization in an adaptation for the informed spectator. A
film genre like noir or the musical might introduce an entire discourse when used to adapt
a novel or play composed in a different genre.
he hermeneutic model does not entail a return to the discourse of fidelity because
T it does not assume that the source text or adapted materials contain an invariant
which is reproduced or transferred in the translation or adaptation. On the con-
trary, the assumption is that a second-order creation transforms what it processes, that the
interpretation inscribed by the translation or adaptation varies the form and meaning of the
source text or adapted materials by removing them from their originary context and recon-
textualizing them in a different language and medium in a different cultural situation at a
different historical moment. Relations of resemblance simultaneously disclose relations of
difference and vice versa. The hermeneutic model also avoids the risk of essentialism in the
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
discourse of intertextuality because no formulation of the interpretants that enable and
constrain a second-order creation is possible without the application of critical interpre-
tants, that is to say, the critic’s or analyst’s own set of interpretive categories. To isolate rela-
tions of resemblance and difference between the translation or adaptation, on the one hand,
and the source text or adapted materials, on the other, the critic must apply a critical
39
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Lawrence Venuti
Media
methodology (a formal interpretant, such as the hermeneutic model) or an interpretation
of the text or material (a thematic interpretant) so as to fix their form and meaning of the
source text or adapted materials and thereby bring to light the interpretants in the transla-
tion or adaptation. The promise of the hermeneutic model, then, is not only a more
nuanced account of translational and adaptational practices but a greater theoretical self-
consciousness on the part of the critic.
The hermeneutic model complicates the issue of value in second-order creations. Every
interpretation is fundamentally evaluative insofar as it rests on the implicit judgment that a
text is worth interpreting, not only in commentary but through translation or adaptation.
Interpretants, moreover, are always already implicated in the hierarchies of value that struc-
ture the receiving culture at a particular historical moment, its centers and peripheries, its
canons and margins. Yet because a translation or adaptation necessarily transforms the source
text or adapted materials, at once detaching them from their originary context and recontex-
tualizing them, neither can be evaluated merely through a comparison to that text or those
materials without taking into account the cultural and social conditions of their interpreta-
tion. The evaluation must be shifted to a different level that seems to me properly ethical: in
inscribing an interpretation, a translation or adaptation can stake out an ethical position and
thereby serve an ideological function in relation to competing interpretations.
second-order creation, more specifically, might be evaluated according to its impact,
A potential or real, on cultural institutions in the receiving situation, according to
whether it challenges the styles, genres, and discourses that have gained institution-
al authority, according to whether it stimulates innovative thinking, research, and writing.
This ethics of translation or adaptation does not treat the bad as “the non-respect of the name
of the Other” (Alain Badiou), the move made by such theorists as Henri Meschonnic and
Antoine Berman who argued that translation can and ought to respect the differences of for-
eign texts and cultures through discursive strategies designed to preserve and make manifest
those differences. Rather, the bad in translation or adaptation “is much more the desire to
name at any price” (Badiou), imposing cultural norms that seek to master cognitively and
thereby deny the singularity that stands beyond them, the alternative set of interpretants that
enable a different translation or adaptation, a different interpretation. Hence a translation or
adaptation should not be faulted for exhibiting features that are commonly called unethical,
such as wholesale manipulation of the source text or adapted materials. We should instead
examine the cultural and social conditions of the translation or adaptation, considering
whether its interpretants initiate an event, creating new values and knowledges by supplying
a lack that they reveal in those that are currently dominant in the receiving culture.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Representation
MaRtHa p. y. cHeung
From: “The (un)importance of flagging Chineseness. Making sense of a recur-
rent theme in contemporary Chinese discourses on translation” (2011)
Translation Studies, vol. 4, Issue 1.
ranslation studies in China is best understood in the context of the cultural politics
T of the time. Many debates about translation are in fact debates about the perennial
problem of China’s cultural relationship with the world. In its most recent form, the
debate is about whether the ‘influx’ of foreign translation theories and the wholesale accept-
ance of these theories has resulted in a loss of
identity for Chinese translation studies. A Martha P.Y. Cheung is
related question concerns the appropriateness Chair Professor in
of asserting Chineseness in academic dis- Translation and
courses on translation. (p. 1) Director of the Centre
for Translation of Hong
[…] Kong Baptist University.
On the Chinese mainland, the notion of She has translated
Chineseness emerged in the theoretical con- many Chinese literary works into English,
and has published on translation theory,
sciousness of scholars in different branches of literary translation, and translation history.
the humanities in the mid-1980s. That devel- Her most recent publications are
opment, which I will analyse in the following An Anthology of Chinese Discourse on
pages, was initially a reaction to the theories, Translation, Volume 1: From Earliest Times
to the Buddhist Project (St. Jerome
imported through translation, which became Publishing, 2006) and a Special Issue of
so influential on the Mainland after the The Translator on “Chinese Discourses on
Cultural Revolution (1966-1976) that they Translation: Positions and Perspectives”
(2009). She is now preparing Volume 2
came to be regarded not only as a threat to the of the Anthology. Her main research
indigenous modes of scholarship, but also as interests include discourse and
reflecting a general loss of confidence in metadiscourse of translation, the relation
between translation theory and the practice
Chinese culture. The arrival of other cultural of translation, and the changing meanings
goods—such as films, fast food items, fashion of the concept of “translation” in different
and others—which became equally popular translation traditions.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
with the Chinese people was also seen by
many as a violent intrusion driven by greed and by thinly veiled cultural imperialism. There
was concern that unless the development was checked in time, Chinese culture would be
abandoned or changed beyond recognition, all its unique features eroded.
This ‘threat’ is generally believed to have come from ‘the West’, with ‘the West’ to be
understood in this article as a construct and, in the words of Naoki Sakai, as a “cartograph-
41
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Martha P. Y. Cheung
Representation
ic category” (Sakai 2005: 201) denoting “the geographic areas imagined to constitute the
West—mainly Western Europe in the nineteenth century, with North America being
added later in the twentieth century” (ibid.: 194). Sakai also stresses, rightly I think, that
the notion of modernity as a historical development and the process of “developmental tele-
ology” have (mis)led many into believing that the West has the right “to expand and radi-
ate towards the peripheries of the world”, so that “the representation of the world became
hierarchically organized into the West and the Rest, the modern and its others, the white
and the coloured” (ibid.: 202). The West also came to be regarded as centres of power
where theories and models are produced, disseminated to the peripheries, and consumed
by local academics keen to be part of the global community. As a category, I think that ‘the
West’ is as much of a gross generalization and biased discursive construction as ‘the Orient’.
But since this article deals with the historical circumstances in which Chineseness became
a discursive topic as a result of the perceived threat posed by theories from ‘the West’, it is
necessary to retain the use of such a category whilst bearing in mind that there are “no neu-
tral, uncontaminated terms or concepts”, only “compromised, historically encumbered tools”
(Clifford 1997: 39). (p. 2)
[…]
s the debate about Chineseness, which has taken a myriad of forms and has erupted
I repeatedly in different cultural and intellectual domains in China since the mid-1980s,
indicative of an obsessive compulsive disorder plaguing the Chinese? Is it a minor and
purely local affair? What significance, if any, does it have for the international community
of scholars?
In the field of translation studies, that significance can be gleaned from the appear-
ance of a number of publications in English thematizing translation in China or discourse
on translation in China. The fact that these publications—edited or authored by Chinese
scholars based in the PRC—all came out in the first decade of the twenty-first century is
significant. It indicates that on the international translation studies scene, Chinese voices
are making themselves heard in quick succession. Perhaps the West is beginning to take an
interest in listening to what China, or for that matter, what the non-West, has to say, fol-
lowing the initiatives taken by Western scholars themselves to learn from other translation
traditions and guard against Eurocentric tendencies. With such an interest, and with the
availability of primary material in translation, the West can, should it choose to make the
effort, achieve a deeper and more thorough understanding of the Other, an understanding
that is absolutely necessary if translation studies is to become “truly ‘international’” (Susam-
Sarajeva 2002: 203). Certainly, understanding is a prerequisite for conducting what I have
called explorations in a dialogic, fully collaborative mode, meaning a mode of discourse
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
based not on the pattern of “one topic, separate narratives”, but on the exchange of views on
equal terms.
The debate about Chineseness also has significance for the international community
of scholars. Voicelessness or speaking with a voice not one’s own is not peculiar to the
Chinese, but is the common affliction of scholars in Asia, Africa and Latin America. This
42
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Martha P. Y. Cheung
being the case, the Chinese sense of culture in crisis assumes significance as an instance of
the general sense of vulnerability and defencelessness that is tormenting the (intellectually
and culturally) subjugated. The fact that this is the plight of the Third World intellectuals
in general is a chastening reminder that although knowledge, ethnicity, identity and nation-
alism should be separate and independent concepts, in reality they are often hopelessly
entangled. We do not live in a post-nationalist world—not yet.
he debate about Chineseness has implications, too, for the promotion of intercul-
T tural dialogue in the new geopolitical settings of the twenty-first century. One of
these settings will be ushered in by the rise of China as a major power and the rad-
ical changes that are likely to follow in the power politics of the world. Bearing this in mind,
I would argue that a productive debate about Chineseness will be an enabling condition for
intercultural dialogue. As we have seen, that debate, though occasionally given to belliger-
ent assertion of nationalistic sentiments, is equally accompanied by stern warnings against
such sentiments and against academic sinocentrism. It is also characterized by discursive
attempts to project interpretations and constructions of China via a range of media. The
intensity of these activities suggests that Chineseness will continue to be a contested con-
cept, and that the Chinese will be engaged in a continuous process of self-constitution and
cultural self-translation. This is healthy. In the course of their history, the Chinese lived all
too long in the mentality of a Middle Kingdom. For centuries they were used to imagining
themselves as the centre of power, taming and domesticating their nomadic neighbours
with their superior civilization and turning them into vassal states. No doubt, there were
occasional periods when China lived in self-imposed isolation. It is also true that for much
of the last two centuries, the Chinese were driven by the humiliation of national defeat into
a pattern of behaviour typical of the cowed and wounded. Nonetheless, the Middle
Kingdom still features prominently in the imagination of the Chinese. Unless China
becomes fully aware that identity is not fixed but is an ongoing narrative with a plot criss-
crossed with possibilities and an indeterminate end, it could easily get trapped in a victim-
turned-aggressor complex and become a monolithic entity determined to dominate the
world—through either a policy of aggression or cultural imperialism. Far from being con-
ducive to intercultural dialogue, that would only lead to a clash of empires. The debate
about Chineseness—whether philosophical or discursive in orientation, and whether onto-
logical, epistemological, existential, hermeneutical, or political and ideological in empha-
sis—will prevent China from hardening into such a monolithic entity. (pp. 13-14)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
43
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 44
Theo Hermans
Representation
tHeO HeRMans
From: Conference of the Tongues (2007) Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing.
The thick of it
et us leave the examples for what they are and try to formulate the more general issue
L at stake. I think it is at least twofold. First, there is the problem of grasping and gain-
ing access to concepts and discursive practices, in our case those pertaining to trans-
lation, in languages and cultures other than our own; this is primarily a problem of
hermeneutics, of understanding and interpretation. Secondly, the cross-lingual and cross-
cultural study of concepts and discursive practices involves recourse to translation if we want
to articulate in our own language what we
have understood as happening in another lan- Theo Hermans is
guage. We need to translate in order to study Professor of Dutch and
translation across languages and cultures. Comparative Literature
at University College
[…] London (UCL). Beyond
Both issues are familiar territory for UCL he is involved in
anthropologists and historians, and for com- the Translation
paratists in a number of other disciplines. Research Summer School (TRSS) and with
the International Association for Translation
Both also carry an element of latent or overt and Intercultural Studies (IATIS). He also
self-reflection on the terms on which and the edits the book series Translation Theories
contexts in which the representation of other- Explored for St. Jerome Publishing. He has
published on translation theory and history,
ness is acted out. But while these problems and on Dutch and comparative literature.
have been debated anxiously and extensively Monographs include The Structure of
by ethnographers and historiographers, they Modernist Poetry (1982), Translation in
Systems (1999) and The Conference of the
have remained largely and surprisingly absent Tongues (2007). He has edited The
from the study of translation. Manipulation of Literature: Studies in Literary
The absence is not inevitable, as becomes Translation (1985), The Flemish Movement:
A Documentary History (1992), Crosscultural
clear when we recall some earlier attempts to Transgressions (2002), Translating Others
create a methodology for the cross-cultural (2006) and A Literary History of the Low
study and representation of concepts. In 1932, Countries (2009). His work has been
for example, in his book Mencius on the Mind, translated into Arabic, Chinese, Dutch,
German, Greek, Spanish, and Turkish.
I.A. Richards developed what he called a “tech- In October 2006 he was awarded the
nique of multiple definition” as a way of nego- honorary post of Adjunct Professor in the
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
tiating alien meaning. Department of Translation at the Chinese
University of Hong Kong.
[…]
Twenty years after Mencius, in
Speculative Instruments (1955), Richards reviewed his cross-cultural mapping tool in the
essay Toward a Theory of Comprehending…. As regards the cross-cultural study of con-
44
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 45
Theo Hermans
cepts, he observed, we compare things in certain respects, and we select those respects that
will serve our purpose.
[…]
Any similarity thus established between two entities is a function of the respects that
were selected as the ground for comparison in the first place. Comprehending, as the per-
ception and positing of similarities and differences, is continually thrown back on an exam-
ination of the instrument which enables the similarities and differences to be established.
[…]
This brings us to what Kwame Anthony Appiah has called “thick translation”
(Appiah 2004). Appiah means by it the academic, heavily footnoted translation of texts
from traditions alien to that of the translating language. I will not use the term in Appiah’s
sense. Instead I will use it as a label for a self-critical form of cross-cultural translation stud-
ies. The transposition seems appropriate if, as I suggested above, we take the study of trans-
lation as consisting in translating concepts and practices of translation.
Appiah grafted his term “thick translation” on Clifford Geertz’s characterization of the
ethnographer’s work as “thick description.” This was a notion that Geertz introduced in the
programmatic essay “Thick Description: Toward an Interpretive Theory of Culture” which
introduced his collection The Interpretation of Cultures in 1973.
[…]
Applying this line of thought to ethnographic work, Geertz notes several practical
points. Firstly he insists on both the interpretive and constructivist nature of the ethnogra-
phers descriptions (1973: 15-16). The point at issue for him is not whether the ethnogra-
pher’s thick description presents an accurate account of a particular society…but whether
it allows an appreciation both of what is similar and what is different, and in what ways,
from what angles,—in what “respects,” as Richards might have said—things appear similar
and different.
Finally, thick description keeps the universalizing urge of theory in check. Preferring
the microhistories of particular situations, it prides itself on the “delicacy of its distinctions,
not on the sweep of its abstractions” (Geertz 1973: 25). As one commentator phrases it,
thick description privileges the many over the one (Inglis 2000: 115).
[…]
For all these reasons, “thick translation” seems to me a line worth pursuing if we want
to study concepts and practices of translation across languages and cultures. As a form of
translation studies, thick translation has the potential to bring about a double dislocation:
of the foreign terms and concepts, which are probed by means of a methodology and vocab-
ulary alien to them, and of the describer’s own terminology, which must be wrenched out
of its familiar shape to accommodate both alterity and similarity. In other words, thick
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
translation is a double-edged technique. It engages with very different ways of conceptual-
izing translation, and it serves as a critique of current translation studies. (pp. 145-150)
45
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 46
Elsa Tamez
Representation
elsa taMez
From: “Three Narratives in Dialogue: the Text, the Translators and the
Readers”, presented at the conference “Translation, Identity and Heterogeneity”,
organized by the Nida Institute and other institutions at the University of San Marcos,
Peru, December 2007.
o see cultures as narratives allows us to see the ‘other’ as an event impossible to cap-
T ture in rigid or static concepts, univocal or one dimensional. This starting point for
a reflection on translation in the context of pluriculturalism carries two conse-
quences. On the one hand it challenges all pretension of absolute equivalency in translations,
already refuted by the new translation theories. On the other hand, it re-dimensions the
contribution of dynamic and functional equivalencies by radicalizing them.
Now, speaking of dialogue, we need to bring together the elements we are working
with, that is, the biblical text, the translator and the reader. In this light, the figures of body
and narrative are important in relation to the translator and the reader, the same as the text,
because in the end a narrative is also a text
and a narrated text is a body. The semiotician Elsa Tamez is Emeritus
Professor of the Latin
Roland Barthes has said that in the circle of American Biblical
Arab scholars they speak of the text as a body. University and
If the body is text, then the translator and the Translation Consultant
reader are also texts because they are bodies of the United Bible
Societies. She was born
made up of an infinity of interwoven tissues in Mexico. Prof. Tamez received her
and textures; the text is interwoven; as bodies Doctor's Degree in Theology from the
are weavings of flesh and texts are weavings of University of Lausanne, Switzerland. She
received her Licentiate in Theology in 1979
linguistic signs, but all are narratives, bodies from the Latin American Biblical Seminary,
and texts. and a Licentiate in Literature and
Linguistics at the National University of
Costa Rica in 1986. Among her most known
This symbolic terminology is important publications in English are: The Bible of the
because it breaks with fundamentalism, giv- Oppressed (1980), The Scandalous Message of
ing life, specificity and spontaneity to the James (1989), The Amnesty of Grace (1993),
and When the Horizons Close: Rereading
three elements in the approach that we are Ecclesiastes (2000). Her latest publication is
attempting to develop in this essay. Jesus and Courageous Women (2001) and
Struggles of Power in Early Christianity
Of these three narrative elements, that (2007). She has received several awards for
her contribution to Contextual Biblical
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
of the readers is the motor that starts up the Hermeneutics.
dialogue in the translation process. The Bible
is not translated just because, or in order to impose a particular kind of message. It is done
in order to share a message that dignifies and empowers the person and it does so with a
particular audience in mind that has requested said translation. This happens when that
audience wishes to hear or read in its own mother tongue what it has heard or read in anoth-
46
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War and conflict
eMIly apteR
From: The Translation Zone. A New Comparative Literature (2006)
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
Twenty Theses on Translation
• Nothing is translatable.
• Global translation is another name for comparative literature.
• Humanist translatio is critical secularism.
• The translation zone is a war zone.
• Contrary to what U.S. military strategy would suggest, Arabic is translatable.
• Translation is a petit métier, translators the literary proletariat.
• Mixed tongues contest the imperium of global English.
• Translation is an oedipal assault on the mother tongue.
• Translation is the traumatic loss of native language.
• Translation is plurilingual and postmedial expressionism.
• Translation is Babel, a universal language that is universally unintelligible.
• Translation is the language of planets and monsters.
• Translation is a technology.
• Translationese is the generic language of global markets.
• Translation is a universal language of techne.
• Translation is a feedback loop.
• Translation can transpose nature into data.
• Translation is the interface between language and genes.
• Translation is the system-subject.
• Everything is translatable.
(pp. XI-XII)
he urgent, political need for skilled translators became abundantly clear in the trag-
T
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
ic wake of 9/11, as institutions charged with protecting national security scram-
bled to find linguistically proficient specialists to decode intercepts and docu-
ments. Translation and global diplomacy seemed never to have been so mutually implicat-
ed. As America’s monolingualism was publicly criticized as part of renewed calls for shared
information, mutual understanding across cultural and religious divides, and multilateral
cooperation, translation moved to the fore as an issue of major political and cultural signif-
49
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 50
Emily Apter
War and conflict
icance. No longer deemed a mere instrument of international relations, business, education,
and culture, translation took on special relevance as a matter of war and peace.
It is in this political situation that The Translation Zone: A New Comparative
Literature took shape. The book aims to rethink translation studies—a field traditionally
defined by problems of linguistic and textual fidelity to the original—in a broad theoreti-
cal framework that emphasizes the role
played by mistranslation in war, the influence Emily Apter teaches at
New York University
of language and literature wars on canon for- since 2002, after having
mation and literary fields, the aesthetic sig- taught in French and
nificance of experiments with nonstandard Comparative Literature
at UCLA, Cornell
language, and the status of the humanist tra- University, UC-Davis,
dition of translatio studii in an area of techno- Penn and Williams College. At NYU she
logical literacy. teaches in the departments of French,
Structuring my lines of inquiry has English, and Comparative Literature,
specializing in courses on French Critical
been an awareness of the contradictory Theory, the History and Theory of
process by which globally powerful languages Comparative Literature, the problem of
such as English, Mandarin Chinese, Swahili, “Francophonie,” translation studies, French
feminism, and nineteenth and twentieth
Spanish, Arabic, French simultaneously century French literature. Recent essays
reduce linguistic diversity and spawn new have focused on paradigms of
forms of multilingual aesthetic practice. "oneworldedness," the problem of self-
property and self-ownership, literary
While it has become commonplace, for world-systems and the translatability of
example, to bemoan the hegemony of global genres, and how to think about translation
English as the lingua franca of technocracy, as a form of intellectual labor. Since 1998
there has been insufficient attention paid to she has edited the book series,
Translation/Transnation for Princeton
how other global languages are shifting the University Press. In progress: coediting with
balance of power in the production of world Jacques Lezra and Michael Wood the
culture. Chinese, for example, is now a major English edition of the Vocabulaire européen
des philosophies: Dictionnaire des
language of internet literacy and is taking on intraduisibles [Dictionary of Untranslatables:
English as never before. A Philosophical Lexicon]. With Bruno
An underlying promise of this book Bosteels she is editing a selection of Alain
Badiou’ s literary writings. Work in
has been that language wars, great and small, preparation also includes two books:
shape the politics of translation in the “Politics small p:” Essays on the Society of
spheres of media, literacy, literary markets, Calculation in Nineteenth Century France and
electronic information transfer, and codes of Against World Literature: On Untranslatability
in Comparative Literature.
literariness. The field of translation studies
has been accordingly expanded to include on the one hand, pragmatic, real world issues—
intelligence-gathering in war, the embattlement of minority languages within official state
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
cultures, controversies over ‘other Englishes’—and on the other, more conceptually abstract
considerations such as the literary appropriation of pidgins and creoles, or multilingual
experimentalism among historic avant-gardes, or translation across media.
Translation studies has always had to confront the problem of whether it best serves
the ends of perpetuating cultural memory or advancing its effacement. A good translation,
50
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 51
Vicente L. Rafael
as Walter Benjamin famously argued, makes possible the afterlife of the original by jump-
ing the line between the death of the source language and its futural transference to a tar-
get. This death/life aporia leads to split discourses in the field of translation studies: while
translation is deemed essential to the dissemination and preservation of textual inheritance,
it is also understood to be an agent of language extinction. For translation, especially in a
world dominated by the languages of powerful economies and big populations, condemns
minority tongues to obsolescence, even as it fosters access to the cultural heritage of “small”
literatures, or guarantees a wider sphere of reception to seIected, representative authors of
minoritarian traditions. (pp. 3-4)
vIcente l. Rafael
From: “Translation, American English, and the National Insecurities
of Empire” (2009) Social Text, 101, v. 27, no. 4, Winter.
n a time of war, the task of the translator Vicente L. Rafael is
I is invariably mired in a series of professor of history at
intractable and irresolvable contradic- the University of
Washington in Seattle.
tions. It begins with the fact that translation Much of his work has
itself is a highly volatile act. As the displace- focused on such topics
ment, replacement, transfer and transforma- as comparative
colonialism and nationalism, translation,
tion of the original into another language, language and power, and the cultural
translation is incapable of fixing meanings histories of analog and digital media
across languages. Rather, as with the story of especially in the context of Southeast Asia,
the Philippines, and the United States.
Babel, it consists precisely in the proliferation His books include Contracting Colonialism:
and confusion of possible meanings and there- Translation and Christian Conversion in
fore in the impossibility of arriving at a single Tagalog Society Under Early Spanish Rule
(1993); White Love and Other Events in Filipino
one. For this reason, it repeatedly brings into Histories (2000), and The Promise of the
crisis the locus of address, the interpretation Foreign: Nationalism and the Technics of
of signs, the agency of mediation, and the Translation in the Spanish Philippines (2005).
ethics of speech. Hence is it impossible for
anyone to fully control much less recuperate its workings. The treachery and treason inher-
ent in translation in a time of war are the insistent counterpoints to the pervasive wish for
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
language to be fully transparent to meaning and fully compliant with the intentions of its
speakers regardless of what side of the conflict they are on. Any attempt to reduce language
into a sheer instrument of either the will to power or the will to resistance, thanks to trans-
lation, will invariably fail. Undercutting attempts to impose domination or hegemony, trans-
lation betrays both by promoting the circulation of what remains untranslatable. It would
seem then that in the context of war, translation is at permanent war with itself.
51
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 52
Vicente L. Rafael
War and conflict
ranslation at war and as war: how do we understand this? If translation is like war,
T is it possible that war is also like translation? It is possible I think if we consider that
the time of war is like the movement of translation. There is a sense that both lead
not to the privileging of order and meaning but to emergence of what I’ve referred to as the
untranslatable. ‘Wartime’ spreads what Nietzsche called in the wake of the Franco-Prussian
war, “an all consuming fever” that creates a crisis in historical thinking. So much of the way
we think about history, certainly in the Westernized parts of our planet since the
Enlightenment, is predicated on a notion of time as the succession of events leading towards
increasingly more progressive ends. Wartime decimates that mode of thinking. Instead, it
creates mass disorientation at odds with the temporal rhythms of progress and civilization.
In this way, wartime is what Samuel Weber refers to as “pure movement.” It is a “whirlwind…
that sweeps everything up in its path and yet goes nowhere. As a movement, the whirlwind
of war marks time, as it were, inscribing it in a destructive circularity that is both centripetal
and centrifugal, wrenching things and people out of their accustomed places, displacing
them and with them, all [sense] of place as well. …Wartime thus wrecks havoc with tradi-
tional conceptions of space and time and with the order they make possible.”
It is precisely the disordering effect of war on our notions of space and time that brings
it in association with translation that tends to scatter meaning, displace origins, and expose
the radical undecidability of references, names and addressees. Put differently, translation in
wartime intensifies the experience of untranslatability and thus defies the demands of any
particular power to reorder a place and call forth the submission of its inhabitants. Just as
civilizational time engenders the permanent possibility of wartime, the time that is out of
joint and out of whack, so the time of translation is haunted by untranslatability, the fever-
ish circulation of misrecognition and uncertainty from which we can find neither safety nor
security, national or otherwise.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Politics
eMIly apteR
From: The Translation Zone. A New Comparative Literature (2006)
Princeton: Princeton University Press.
have real reservations about pushing translation studies in the direction of linguistic
I ecology even if this new direction offers potentially rich possibilities for interdiscipli-
nary work between comparative literature and area studies. More worries are ground-
ed in the concern that a translation studies overly indebted to linguistic ecology risks
fetishizing heritage language as it devotes itself to curatorial salvage: exoticizing burrs,
calques and idiomatic expressions as so many ornaments of linguistic local color, reinforc-
ing linguistic cultural essentialism, and subjecting the natural flux and variation of dialect
to a standard language model of grammatical fixity. I am personally more inclined toward
a critical model of language politics that would continue to emphasize aesthetic and theo-
retical questions, while invigorating the investigation of linguistic nominalism, or what a
language name really names when it refers to grammatical practices in linguistic territories.
Language wars have also remained a central theme in my conceptualization of trans-
lation zones. In fastening on the term ‘zone’ as a theoretical mainstay, the intention has been
to imagine a broad intellectual topography that is neither the property of a single nation,
nor an amorphous condition associated with postnationalism, but rather a zone of critical
engagement that connects the ‘l’ and the ‘n’ of transLation and transNation. The common
root ‘trans’ operates as a connecting port of translational transnationalism (a term I use to
emphasize translation among small nations or minority language communities), as well as
the point of debarkation to cultural caesura—a trans—ation—where transmission failure
is marked. (p. 5)
[…]
The zone, in my ascription, has designated sites that are ‘in-translation’, that is to say,
belonging to no single, discrete language or single medium of communication. Broadly con-
ceived in these terms, the translation zone applies to diasporic language communities, print
and media public spheres, institutions of governmentality and language policy-making, the-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
aters of war, and literary theories with particular relevance to the history and future of com-
parative literature. The translation zone defines the epistemological interstices of politics,
poetics, logic, cybernetics, linguistics, genetics, media, and environment; its locomotion
characterizes both psychic transference and the technology of information transfer. (p. 6)
53
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 54
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak
Politics
gayatRI cHaKRavORty spIvaK
From: Outside in the Teaching Machine (1993) London – New York: Routledge.
Translation as reading
ow does the translator attend to the Gayatri Chakravorty
H specificity of the language she
translates? There is a way in which
the rhetorical nature of every language dis-
Spivak is University
Professor and founding
member of the Institute
for Comparative
rupts its logical systematicity. If we emphasize Literature and Society at
Columbia University. Her
the logical at the expense of these rhetorical translation with critical introduction of
interferences, we remain safe. “Safety” is the Jacques Derrida’ s De la grammatologie
appropriate term here, because we are talking appeared in 1976. Among her books are
In Other Worlds: Essays in Cultural Politics
of risks, of violence to the translating medium.
(1987; Routledge Classics 2002), Selected
I felt that I was taking those risks when Subaltern Studies (ed., 1988), The Post-
I recently translated some eighteenth-century Colonial Critic: Interviews, Strategies, Dialogues
Bengali poetry. I quote a bit from my (1990), Outside in the Teaching Machine (1993;
Routledge Classics 2003), Imaginary Maps
“Translator’s Preface”: (translation with critical introduction of three
stories by Mahasweta Devi, 1994), A Critique of
I must overcome what I was taught in school: the Postcolonial Reason: Toward a History of the
highest mark for the most accurate collection of Vanishing Present (1999), Old Women
(translation with critical introduction of two
synonyms, strung together in the most proximate stories by Mahasweta Devi, 1999), Imperatives
syntax. I must resist both the solemnity of chaste to Re-Imagine the Planet / Imperative zur
Victorian poetic prose and the forced simplicity Neuerfindung des Planeten (ed. Willi
of “plain English”, that have imposed themselves Goetschel, 1999; 2d ed. forthcoming), Chotti
as the norm ... Translation is the most intimate Munda and His Arrow (translation with critical
introduction of a novel by Mahasweta Devi,
act of reading. I surrender to the text when I 2002), Death of a Discipline (2003), Other Asias
translate. These songs, sung day after day in fam- (2005), An Aesthetic Education in the Age of
ily chorus before clear memory began, have a Globalization (forthcoming). Significant
peculiar intimacy for me. Reading and surrender- articles: “Subaltern Studies: Deconstructing
ing take on new meanings in such a case. The Historiography” (1985), “Can the Subaltern
Speak?” (1988), “The Politics of Translation”
translator earns permission to transgress from the (1992), “Moving Devi” (1999), “Righting
trace of the other—before memory—in the clos- Wrong” (2003), “Ethics and Politics in Tagore,
est places of the self. Coetzee, and Certain Scenes of Teaching”
(2004), “Translating into English” (2005),
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
“Rethinking Comparativism” (2010). Activist
Yet language is not everything. It is only in rural education and feminist and ecological
a vital clue to where the self loses its bound- social movements since 1986.
aries. The ways in which rhetoric of figura-
tion disrupt logic themselves point at the possibility of random contingency, beside lan-
guage, around language. Such a dissemination cannot be under our control. Yet in transla-
54
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 55
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak
tion, where meaning hops into the spacy emptiness between two named historical lan-
guages, we get perilously close to it. By juggling the disruptive rhetoricity that breaks the sur-
face in not necessarily connected ways, we feel the selvedges of the language-textile give way,
fray into frayages or facilitations. Although every act of reading or communication is a bit of
this risky fraying which scrambles together somehow, our stake in agency keeps the fraying
down to a minimum except in the communication and reading of and in love. (What is the
place of “love” in the ethical? [...] Irigaray has struggled with this question.) The task of the
translator is to facilitate this love between the original and its shadow, a love that permits
fraying, holds the agency of the translator and the demands of her imagined or actual audi-
ence at bay. The politics of translation from a non-European woman’s text too often sup-
presses this possibility because the translator cannot engage with, or cares insufficiently for,
the rhetoricity of the original.
The simple possibility that something might not be meaningful is contained by the
rhetorical system as the always possible menace of a space outside language. This is most
eerily staged (and challenged) in the effort to communicate with other possible intelligent
beings in space. (Absolute alterity or otherness is thus differed-deffered into an other self
who resembles us, however minimally, and with whom we can communicate). But a more
homely staging of it occurs across two earthly languages. The experience of contained alter-
ity in an unknown language spoken in a different cultural milieu is uncanny.
Let us now think that, in that other language, rhetoric may be disrupting logic in the
matter of the production of an agent, and indicating the founding violence of the silence at
work within rhetoric. Logic allows us to jump from word to word by means of clearly indi-
cated connections. Rhetoric must work in the silence between and around words in order
to see what works and how much. The jagged relationship between rhetoric and logic, con-
dition and effect of knowing, is a relationship by which a world is made for the agent, so that
the agent can act in an ethical way, a political way, a day-to-day way; so that the agent can
be alive, in a human way, in the world. Unless one can at least construct a model of this for
the other language, there is no real translation. (pp. 180-181)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
55
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Ideology
MaRtHa p. y. cHeung
From: “Representation, Intervention and Mediation: A Translation
Anthologist’s Reflections on the Complexities of Translating China” in Luo,
Xuanmin & He, Yuanjian (eds.), Translating China (2009) Bristol: Multilingual Matters.
he “need to think ideologically about translation research” is a call I made in anoth-
T er paper (Cheung 2002). I would like to reiterate it here. To think ideologically
about translation research does not mean that we treat everything as ideologically
suspect. It does mean, however, that we accept ideological leanings/bias/convictions as an
epistemological fact, as something that is built into our attempts to make sense of things.
And this, I think, is one way of dealing with the problem of representation—both self-rep-
resentation as well as representation of ‘the other’. As far as An Anthology of Chinese
Discourse on Translation: From Ancient Times to the Revolution of 1911 is concerned, think-
ing ideologically about translation research means admitting that the kind of understanding
provided by this anthology for its English-speaking reader will be mediated by all who are
involved in the preparation of the project, and above all, by my own theoretical and ideolog-
ical orientations. These orientations can be summed up as at once a readiness to help—in a
non-innocent manner—‘Western’ readers understand ‘Chinese’ thinking about translation
in its context as well as a determination to engage with ‘Western’ thinking about translation
on its own terms. These orientations are the result of my attempt to make full use of Hong
Kong’s marginal position—marginal in relation to China as well as the West—which
enables me to look East and also to look West rather than at or from a single direction.
These orientations mark the limits, and perhaps also the excitement, of the kind of inter-
vention I am trying to achieve through the compilation of this anthology. (pp. 13-14)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
56
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 57
Francis Jones
fRancIs jOnes
From: “‘Geldshark Ares god of War’: Ideology and Time in Literary
Translation” (2006) in The Yearbook of English Studies, vol. 36, No. 1, Translation.
iterary source texts, the translator’s raw materials, are often crucially time-marked. A
L text may have aged so much that its language, the content and allusions of its text
world, or even its genre strike the translator as markedly non-modern, thus creating
an ‘external’ time-gap between source and target text (translation). Or the source writer may
deliberately use language, content, or genre to allude to or site the text world in previous time,
thus creating an ‘internal’ time-gap within the source text. Thus, when a translator reads the
Watchman’s speech at the opening of
Aeschylus’s Agamemnon, she or he knows Francis Jones teaches
that, externally, the language is distinct from MA modules in
translation studies and
Modern Greek, long-distance communication research methods, and
by signal-fires manned by watchmen was a supervise translation-
feature of the pre-modern world, and a music, based PhD projects at
dance, and recitative retelling of a well-known the University of
Newcastle. His research focuses on poetry
legend was a standard literary genre of the translation: especially translating processes
time. She or he also knows that, internally, and strategies, and how translators work
Aeschylus in the fifth century B.C. is telling a with others within a social-political context.
He is particularly interested in translation
story set eight or nine centuries earlier. within the South Slav region (ex-
Time-marking, therefore, can be central Yugoslavia). He translates mainly poetry.
to a source work’s textuality, which means He also edits translations, mainly in South
Slav culture, politics, and philosophy.
that translators must choose how to reflect He works largely from Dutch and Bosnian-
this marking in the target work. Translators’ Croatian-Serbian, though he also translates
choices can be seen as forming a spectrum from German, Hungarian, Russian, and
from extreme archaization (ageing) to Caribbean creoles. He has about 15
published volumes of translated poetry,
extreme modernization (updating). The most several of which have won prizes.
common are:
• ‘Time-matched archaization’: target language and text world are of a similar time to those of
the source. For example, an English translation of a Dutch Renaissance poem might use lan-
guage and imagery from Herbert and Donne.
• ‘Superficial archaization’: retaining the past text world; linguistically, inserting occasional ‘past’
signals (such as verily) in an otherwise modern target idiom.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
• ‘Minimal modernization’: retaining the past text world; target language and often genre are
broadly present-day, without being marked for specific year/decade.
• ‘Violent modernization’: using linguistic signals and even text-world items that are specifical-
ly marked as present-day. For example, James Holmes translates Charles d’Orléans’s fifteenth-
century ‘amoureux nouveaulx’ (literally ‘new lovers’) as ‘rockers’, and ‘chevauchent’ (lit. ‘ride’) as
‘revving their engines’.
57
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Francis Jones
Ideology
Such decisions prompt readers to construct representations of translated texts that are
both temporal and cultural. Thus when Holmes translates ‘amoureux nouveaulx’ as ‘lusty
yonge bacheleres’ (time-matched archaization), he sites the poem in a medieval love-poetry
tradition familiar to target readers; and when he translates them as ‘rockers’, he signals its
modern cultural relevance. Moreover, translation norms (that is, culture-specific conven-
tions governing literary translation) prompt translators and readers to prefer certain repre-
sentations and disprefer others. For recent English translations of older literary works, for
example, minimal modernization is the most favoured strategy; archaization is largely dis-
favoured, and violent modernization meets with a mixed reception. In other words, the main
UK/US norm advocates concealing time-markings, rather than highlighting them by fore-
grounding the historicity or present-day relevance of the translated literary text. This is only
a convention, however: no discourse, even minimal modernization, can stand outside time.
Some choices which translators make may be random and ungrounded. Others, how-
ever, may be based on a socially shared system or systems of ideas, values, or beliefs. These
we term, with no pejorative undertone, ‘ideologies of translation’. They may convey transla-
tors’ attitudes towards the source text and writer, towards the source and target culture,
towards their own role as mediators, and more besides. Moreover, literary communication
via translation is affected not only by translators’ ideologies, but also by those of others in
the writing, publishing, and reading process. And ideologies of translation can have wider
cultural and even social effects: for example, in helping shape attitudes between countries.
Investigating ideologies of translation, therefore, can give important insights into the
nature of literary communication, as many studies attest. Time-marking in translation, how-
ever, remains remarkably under-researched (a fact probably linked to the stigmatization of
strategies that highlight it). Hence there has been little analysis of how ideology might influ-
ence translators’ strategies for tackling time-marked literary works and readers’ opinions of
the resulting target texts. (pp. 191-192)
[…]
deologies, being socially shared systems, are created and maintained through discourse:
I with ideologies of literary translation, for example, by making and performing, reading
and hearing, promoting and discussing translated works. This discourse takes place
within tighter or looser social networks, such as those involving source writer, translator,
publisher, critics, and general readers. And as individuals and groups have multiple ideolo-
gies, ideologies may stand in dominant, subservient, or transgressive relationships with one
another.
Ideologies informing the use and reception of translators’ time-reference strategies
appear to fall into three types, closely interlinked though they may be: the socio-political, the
intercultural, and the aestethic. (p. 193)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Knowledge
ROBeRt j. c. yOung
“Some Questions about Translation and the Production of Knowledge”.
he practice of translation has always been described in metaphorical terms, as
T ‘fidelity’ or ‘license’, notably, and this tendency to describe it solely in terms of what
it is not (to borrow Aristotle’s description of metaphor) means that as a result it is
therefore always running away from itself, while its content remains unspecified. Perhaps
this is why one of the fates of translation as a word is also to find itself incessantly being
translated in turn by being used as a metaphor for something else—and never more so than
now—perhaps because as a metaphor it remains in some sense an empty signifier. A whole
range of changing human, institutional and cultural experiences are deemed to fall under
the rubric of the translational. Translation,
the activity of the transposition of one lan- Robert J.C. Young is
guage into another, has itself been translated Julius Silver Professor
of English and
by cultural commentators into a modus Comparative Literature
operandi of our times, reflecting on the one at New York University.
hand the preference for dynamic rather than He was formerly
static concepts or metaphors, and on the Professor of English
and Critical Theory at Oxford University and
other, though not entirely disassociated from a fellow of Wadham College. In different
the first, the increasing cultural, economic, ways, his work has been primarily
electronic, institutional and material interac- concerned with people and their cultures
who exist or have existed on the margins
tion of different sections within society and and peripheries of society, whether
between different societies. In a globalizing nationally or globally. He has published
world, translation seems to offer the most apt White Mythologies: Writing History and the
West (Routledge, 1990, new edition 2004),
metaphor for the ways in which practices are Colonial Desire: Hybridity in Culture, Theory
being daily transformed in almost every area and Race (Routledge, 1995), Postcolonialism:
of society, from academia to zoology. What, An Historical Introduction (Blackwell, 2001),
however, is exactly being performed in such Postcolonialism: A Very Short Introduction
(Oxford, 2003) and The Idea of English
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
processes of translation? Ethnicity (Blackwell, 2008). He is the general
editor of Interventions: International Journal
The ‘translational turn’, if we may call it of Postcolonial Studies, and was also a
founding editor of the Oxford Literary Review
that, is occurring at the very moment when which he edited from 1977 to 1994. His work
current work in translation studies has been has been translated into 20 languages.
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Robert J. C. Young
Knowledge
focussing on the ways in which translation is not a neutral activity that transforms one text
into another language in a transparent way, but always involves a form of power relations
that directs the terms of the translation, which in turn affects its result, massages the mes-
sage. Translation, it may be said, always takes place on someone’s terms, and the results are
those which best conform to the terms that have been preset. Translation never involves a
transparent or neutral act of substitution or negotiation; rather it produces a transforma-
tion that may embody a whole range of philosophical, political and cultural agendas
(whether conscious or unconscious) that translation helps to put into practice—and never
more so than when translation is negotiating between significantly different cultures
(whether between different times, between different strata within a particular society, or
between different societies). Here translation begins to participate within the hidden,
determining processes of a particular ideology. A good example is provided by Cliff Siskin
and Bill Warner: at the beginning of Kant’s “An Answer to the Question, What Is
Enlightenment?” (1784), Kant translates Horace’s two-word admonition, ‘sapere aude!’
(‘dare to understand!’ or ‘dare to gain wisdom!’) as ‘Habe Muth dich deines eigenen
Verstandes zu bedienen!’--‘Have the courage to use your own understanding!’ With this
single free or, strictly, mistranslation, Kant turns the pursuit of knowledge inside out, from
gaining understanding of the world, to daring to use your own inner principles of under-
standing, pointing knowledge henceforth in a thoroughly Kantian direction. Kant revolu-
tionizes the modern subject by turning him or her inwards upon the self so that under-
standing henceforth becomes its own object of knowledge. Does translation produce new
knowledge or does it sometimes end up providing forms of false or bogus knowledge, trav-
esties that, paradoxically, seem to work better? Kant’s creative (mis)translation effectively
refracted the trajectory of the Enlightenment that he is discussing.
The structure of translation, however, is not always simply a binary one, between two
texts. In fact it always involves at least four dimensions—the translator, the source and tar-
get texts, and the eventual reader. Translation is equally often inserted in a power field oper-
ating according to a range of simultaneously incompatible demands and needs, between dif-
ferent authorities, multiple languages, requiring production of a certain kind of knowledge
that may be very different from that or those in the texts in other languages—or domain—
that are being translated. In general terms, Enlightenment ideals of comprehensive or uni-
versal forms of knowledge required them to be deployed on a level playing field in which
they could make up part of a compatible system, and transparent translation was one
means through which that universal economic system of knowledge exchange was sup-
posed to be effected and produced. We could say that this was an early version of Jakobson’s
radical equivalence in difference. Today we would add that the epistemological and cultur-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
al differences embedded in the forms of different languages means that translation always
involves transformation, it is not a transparent and exact process. It offers a process of
equivalence, but the equivalent is never fully equivalent. Translation theory focuses on this
paradoxical moment when translation makes the different into the same, but a same which
is at the same time different. Philosophically, this perception has produced a movement the
other way, towards an emphasis on untranslatability. What does it mean that today we have
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Robert J. C. Young
moved the stress to the untranslatable? Knowledges, we now wish to say in a counter-
Enlightenment move, are not necessarily constructed in a translatable way; so Jacques
Derrida argued that philosophical ‘concepts [cannot] transcend idiomatic differences’, and
this has produced continuing reverberating effects in the history of philosophy which until
recently has been presented as a multilingual discipline unaffected by the linguistic differ-
ence that forms its own medium. Exactly the same point can be made about Translation
Studies itself. Following Derrida, recent commentators have stressed how such knowledge
contains forms of resistance that emerge in moments of ‘untranslatability’.
hat, then, in a world of translation are the effects of this particular twist of the
W current translational turn? What are the conditions of the contemporary per-
formance of translation? What forms of transformation or mistranslation are
being produced under the rubric of ‘translation’, and which if any of them are providing sig-
nificant examples of transformation, re-alignment, or resistance? Which forms of transla-
tion in our current translational world have proved enabling, which disempowering? Does
translation produce new knowledge or does it rather end up providing forms of distorted
knowledge through ‘fuzzy translation’ that nevertheless manages to work as knowledge but
which are as much determined by linguistic difference as by any mediator? What is the
difference between translation and ‘mediation’? At what point does mediation encounter
irremediable untranslatability, how does it deal with it when it does and what effects are
produced?
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
61
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Memory
Bella BROdzKI
From: Can These Bones Live? Translation, Survival, and Cultural Memory
(2007) Stanford: Stanford University Press.
ranslation is an intercultural as well as a translingual phenomenon, a transcultural
T as well as an interlingual process. It involves the transfer of a narrative or text from
one signifying form to another, the transporting of texts from one historical con-
text to another, and the tracking of the migration of meanings from one cultural space to
another. Because translation is a movement never fully achieved, both trans, meaning ‘across’,
and inter, meaning ‘between’, are crucial to an understanding of the breadth of the workings
of translation. We are most accustomed to thinking of translation as an empirical linguis-
tic maneuver, but excavating or unearthing burial sites or ruins in order to reconstruct
traces of the physical and textual past in a new context is also a mode of translation, just as
resurrecting a memory or interpreting a dream are acts of translation. In the process of
being transferred from one realm or condition to another, the source event or idea is neces-
sarily reconfigured; the result of translation is that the original, also inaccessible, is no
longer an original per se; it is a pretext whose identity has been redefined.
The significance of this point as an idea, and its implications for understanding the
relationship between survival and cultural memory, will be reiterated throughout this study.
Even if, hypothetically, it were possible to excavate a body, a text, a narrative, an image, or
even a memory intact, the necessarily delayed, translated context of such an excavation
would be transformed in the interval between the moment of production and the moment
of its translation. As Benjamin states in the sixth of his eighteen Theses on the Philosophy of
History, a testament written not long before his suicide in 1940 in Port Bou at the French-
Spanish border, as he fled the Nazis:
To articulate the past historically does not mean to recognize it “the way it actually was” (Ranke). It
means to seize hold of a memory as it flashes up at a moment of danger. Historical materialism wish-
es to retain that image of the past which unexpectedly appears to man singled out by history at a
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
moment danger. The danger affects both the content of the tradition an its receivers. The same
threat hangs over both: that of becoming a tool of the ruling classes. In every era the attempt must
be made anew to wrest tradition away from a conformism that is about to overpower it.
This is memory resurrected and reconstructed in the breach, rescued from the breach.
Benjamin conceives of remembrance as a corrective flash of insight that emerges in times of
62
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Bella Brodzki
crisis, and in response to political and cultural persecution, to the threat of erasure of the
voices of resistance, disruption, and heterogeneity by totalitarian regimes. Arguably, the
idea that a seamless continuity of the past exists or should be desired could itself be taken
as a sign of crisis (of conscience): a deliberate or enforced concealment or forgetting that
requires redress. Recent accounts by forensic anthropologists who have retrieved, extricat-
ed, identified, and reconstituted the corporeal evidence of mass slaughter, on behalf of
those who mourn the victims and to promote social justice, explain how the reading of
human remains can “give a voice to people silenced… to people suppressed in the most final
way: murdered and put into clandestine graves.” But before bodily remains can be read, they
claim an irrefutable form of evidence. Clyde Snow explains: “Bones…are often our last and
best witnesses: they never lie, and they never forget.”
I proceed, then, by linking translation to a concept of survival—“survival” as a cul-
tural practice and symbolic action, and above all as a process that extends life, but one that
also prolongs the meaning traces of death-in-life, life after death, and life after life. Both bod-
ies and texts harbour the prospect of living on in their own remarkable ways. Echoing the
haunting, unanswerable question about the possibility of resurrection in the biblical book of
Ezekiel, my title Can These Bones Live? seeks to affirm survival’s ongoing poetic and politi-
cal significance and rhetorical power. Despite its usual connotations, prophetic speech is not
only annunciatory; it involves recovery, too, which is another kind of revelation. To cross the
threshold from life to death and from death to afterlife is to be translated, to be in translation.
Translation is the mode through which what is dead, disappeared, forgotten, buried, or sup-
pressed overcomes its determined fate by being borne (and thus born anew) to other con-
texts across time and space, as famously asserted by Salman Rushdie: “I, too, am a translat-
ed man. I have been borne across. It is generally believed that something is always lost in
translation; I cling to the notion…that something can also be gained.” (pp. 4-6)
[…]
o, what really hangs in the balance? That translation is a function of every cognitive
S and communicative operation, that every exchange (and non-exchange) has the
transforming potential of a fateful encounter. We can postulate that one side or the
other inevitably has the “wrong language,” but a connection can, and must, be made from
the space of difference. Can we afford not to make the effort? (p. 9)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Cultural translation
gayatRI cHaKRavORty spIvaK
From: “Translation as Culture” (2000) parallax, vol. 6, no. 1.
Oviedo
n every possible sense, translation is necessary but impossible. Melanie Klein, the
I Viennese psychoanalyst whom the Bloomsbury Group killed with kindness, suggest-
ed that the work of translation is an incessant shuttle that is a ‘life’. The human infant
grabs on to some one thing and then things. This grabbing (begreifen) of an outside indis-
tinguishable from an inside constitutes an inside, going back and forth and coding every-
thing into a sign-system by the thing(s) grasped. One can call this crude coding a ‘transla-
tion’. In this never-ending weaving, violence translates into conscience and vice versa. From
birth to death this ‘natural’ machine, programming the mind perhaps as genetic instructions
program the body (where does body stop and mind begin?), is partly metapsychological
and therefore outside the grasp of the mind. Thus ‘nature’ passes and repasses into ‘culture’,
in a work or shuttling site of violence (deprivation—evil—shocks the infant system-in-the-
making more than satisfaction, some say Paradiso is the dullest of The Divine Comedy): the
violent production of the precarious subject of reparation and responsibility. To plot this
weave, the reader—in my estimation, Klein was more a reader than an analyst in the strict
Freudian sense—, translating the incessant translating shuttle into that which is read, must
have the most intimate knowledge of the rules of representation and permissible narratives
which make up the substance of a culture, and must also become responsible and account-
able to the writing/translating presupposed original.
It is by way of Melanie Klein that I grasped a certain statement which comes to me
from Australian Aboriginals. But before I go on to talk about it I want to say just a little
bit more about Melanie Klein.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
The subject in the shuttling described by Klein is something that will have happened,
not something that definitely happens; because, first, it is not under the control of the I that
we think of as the subject and because, second, there is such a thing as a world out there,
however discursive. In this understanding of translation in Melanie Klein, therefore, the
word translation itself loses its literal sense, it becomes a catachresis, a term I use not for
obscurity, but because I find it indispensable.
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Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak
Here is why I have to use the word catachresis. I was recently having a discussion with
Dr. Aniruddha Das, a cell biologist. He is working on how cells recognize, how parasites
recognize, what to attack in the body. I asked him why he used the word recognize, such a
mindy word, a word that has to do with intellect and consciousness. Why use that word to
describe something that goes on in the body, not really at all in the arena of what we rec-
ognize as mind? Wouldn’t the word affinity do for these parasites ‘knowing’ what to attack?
He explained to me that no, indeed, the word affinity would not do, and why it is that pre-
cisely the word recognize had to be used. (I cannot reproduce the explanation but that does
not matter for us at this moment.) He added that the words recognition, recognize lose
their normal sense when used this way; there is no other word that can be used. Most peo-
ple find this difficult to understand. And I started laughing. I said, yes, most people do find
it difficult to understand, what you have just described is a catachrestic use of the word
recognition. In other words, no other word will do, and yet it does not really give you the
literal meaning in the history of the language, upon which a correct rather than catachrestic
metaphoric use would be based.
In the sense that I am deriving from Klein, translation does indeed lose its mooring in
a literal meaning. Translation in this general sense is not under the control of the subject
who is translating. Indeed the human subject is something that will have happened as this
shuttling translation, from inside to outside, from violence to conscience: the production of
the ethical subject. This originary translation thus wrenches the sense of the English word
translation outside of its making. One look at the dictionary will tell you the word comes
from a Latin past participle (of transferre = to transfer). It is a done deal, precisely not a
future anterior, something that will have happened without our knowledge, particularly
without our control, the subject coming into being.
hen so-called ethnophilosophies describe the embedded ethico-cultural sub-
W ject being formed prior to the terrain of rational decision making, they are dis-
missed as fatalistic. But the insight, that the constitution of the subject in
responsibility is a certain kind of translation, of a genealogical scripting, which is not under
the control of the deliberative consciousness, is not something that just comes from
Melanie Klein. What is interesting about Melanie Klein is that she does indeed want to
touch responsibility-based ethical systems rather than just rights-based ethical systems and
therefore she looks at the violent translation that constitutes the subject in responsibility. It
is in this sense that the human infant, on the cusp of the natural and the cultural, is in
translation, except the word translation loses its dictionary sense right there. Here, the body
itself is a script—or perhaps one should say a ceaseless inscribing instrument. (pp. 13-14)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
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Babli Moitra Saraf
Cultural translation
BaBlI MOItRa saRaf
From: “Translation as Cultural Practice”.
he introduction to the present issue agonizes about an “epistemological crisis” con-
T fronting the discipline of translation studies, laments the impasse within and
looks towards “startlingly new” ways of defining translation. We are given to under-
stand that it articulates the anxiety of scholars and practitioners of the discipline in “single
nation states and linguistic limits”.
Babli Moitra Saraf is an
It is difficult for us in India to appreciate Associate Professor in
these anxieties and find ourselves in an intel- the Department of
English, and the
lectual cul-de-sac just yet with translation. Principal of
There are 22 officially recognized languages, Indraprastha College
SIL Ethnologue lists 415 living ones, and one for Women, University
of Delhi. She has received her MPhil degree
count puts the number of languages at 1652. in English and PhD in Sociology.
However, languages are also dying with each Her doctoral thesis studies language
generation resulting in epistemological losses. change in the advertising industry in India
in the first phase of globalization (1984-94),
The crisis of the humanities has hit language and the emergence of the Indian urban
learning particularly hard. In a rapidly global- middle class identity. Her current work
izing world large swathes of geographical and focuses on orality and performance in
mental landscapes in India stay cocooned in a relation to Translation Studies. Her teaching
interests include Modern Indian Literature
time warp while others translate and are trans- in Translation, Classical Literature,
lated, transformed and transmitted. In a Renaissance and Modern European Drama,
nation of story-tellers, oral and written narra- Milton, The Bible, Cultural Studies, and
Literary Theory. Babli Moitra Saraf has been
tives are recovered by scholars, scribes and a scholar under the Indo-Italian Cultural
performers to be translated. However, gaps Exchange Program. She has a Diploma
have to be bridged between dialects and stan- in Spanish. She has translated the Bengali
writer Mahasweta Devi’s works into Italian
dard languages and languages which are spo- in collaboration with Maria Federica Oddera,
ken but do not have a script. Then there is the entitled La Cattura (Theoria, 1996) and
presence since ancient times of vigorous oral La Preda e altri Racconti (Einaudi, 2004).
traditions as well as rigorous traditions of Her work Rajouri Remembered (2007),
a translated memoir located in the states
writing for dissemination of knowledge and of Jammu and Kashmir during the Partition
these continue to be recuperated. of India, also engages with the problem
The national educational agenda fac- of recuperating memory and negotiating
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
the translator’s position as a participant
tors in translation as a tool to open up the in the narrative.
world of knowledge of a specialized kind to
native vernacular speakers. With the formation of South Asian Association for Regional
Cooperation (SAARC), translation is also on the regional agenda as countries grappling
with languages and cultures of the region strive to promote mutual understanding and eco-
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Babli Moitra Saraf
nomic co-operation. With so many permutations and combinations of the communicative
contexts, the potential of translation studies is far from exhausted.
For the Indian sub-continent, the world has always been intercultural and cultural
exchange has long been a mode of being. Five definitive moments can be identified for our
purposes. The first is the translation of Buddhist texts and their travel right up to the Far
East. The second is the encounter with Islam and the great cultural energy that encounter
produced. The third is the colonial experience which culminated in the organization of the
nation state along linguistic lines. The fourth, the post-independence era, which marked a
spurt in regional translation activity, promoted by state patronage. The last is the contem-
porary condition of globalization. Yet predating these identifiable epochs is a continuum
stretching back into the era of maritime and overland activity of trade and commerce, a
‘globalization’ with its own set of markers. For a region of such linguistic diversity where
since ancient times translation is axiomatic, a given of the great commercial and social net-
works of trade routes, it seems an activity so innocuous and un-selfconscious that there is
no reflection on it till we come to the translation activity undertaken with the advent of
Buddhism and then in the encounter with the world of Islam, when we also see the oper-
ation of translation as metaphor, as two world views come into contact. Different histori-
cal epochs have thrown up their particular problematic. We in India are still negotiating
these epochs in translation and translation studies.
Ethnographic studies might just hold the key to opening new vistas and thinking
about translation in new/different ways. My ongoing work with texts of pre-colonial
Bengal (1204-1756), confronts the problem of reconciling the massive cultural knowledge
in circulation with the fact of mass illiteracy. How does a text travel across linguistic bound-
aries, cultural borders, geographical spaces in pre-literacy contexts? It leads me to think
about translation as cultural practice. As a cultural practice translation needs to be viewed
in the specific contexts of what people are doing with texts, how they are circulated, dis-
seminated and received. My findings suggest that cultural articulation of the time, both
erudite and folk, is oriented towards performance and mediated by an acute sense of an
audience: through ritual, recitation, song, dance, puppets, paintings, and other modes of
folk expression. Do performance and its dynamics in the social space, especially in pre-lit-
eracy, pre-print mass cultures constitute and produce legitimate and viable texts as well as
methodologies of translation? Further, may these methodologies constitute a paradigm
shift from the Eurocentric modes of regarding translation within the parameters of source
texts and target languages, in terms of the ‘original’ and its equivalent in the ‘translated’? Is
it possible to redefine the notion of ‘original text’ in specific cultural milieus? Is there an
‘original text’? Can we retrieve translational strategies in oral cultures? May ‘adaptation’ for
performance function as a translational strategy?
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
he caste structure of society in India, the division into jatis and upajatis—largely
T occupational groups and subgroups—and the nature of their encounter with texts,
both oral and written, is fundamental to the understanding of translation as cultur-
al practice. The existing social stratification has been crucial to the development of cultural
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Maria Tymoczko
Cultural translation
practices which are more often linked to occupation and economic conditions, than to eru-
dition and literacy, a situation in which impoverished and illiterate peoples may actually pro-
duce the text by providing the supporting infrastructure and human resources to realize it
in the performative. Canonical texts were meant to be performed, through recitation, song,
dance, puppets and other modes of folk practices which clustered around caste occupations,
particularly of the ‘nimnakoti’, or the lower castes. The Namasudras of Bengal produce the
castes of Gope (writers), Sutradhar (storytellers), Gayans (singers), Bayen (Percussionists),
the caste of Teli who cured leather and made musical instruments, Patua (painters and pic-
torial storytellers), Nat (magicians/actors), practically constituting the production team of a
performance. These occupations groups could be Hindus or Muslims, drawing upon the
common heritage of the oral tradition and shared cultural codes. The occupational diversi-
ty and division of labor, the presence of many jatis, and within them of religious groupings
means that a text could find diverse articulations within its locale, as well as travel with itin-
erant performing troupes across discrete linguistic and cultural regions. A text in pre-mod-
ern Bengal therefore, may be thought of as translated and retranslated as many times as the
number of performances, and edited/adapted for its audience and for the occasion on which
it was performed. This permitted the text the cultural crossovers that translation allows and
the former also reinvented itself in various languages. This process produced a dynamism
within the act of translation which carried the text through the many linguistic and cultur-
al regions that it traveled in this trajectory. And texts did travel, from the deserts of Arabia
to the forests of Bengal and back. The arena of performance we find is actually an overlap,
an encounter of the oral and the written text. It is also a space which produces a new text. I
call this new text a translation. Would this notion of translation stand critical scrutiny and
be accommodated in translation theory? (pp. 1-3)
MaRIa tyMOczKO
From: “Reconceptualizing Translation Theory” in Theo Hermans (ed.) Translating
Others (2006) vol. 1, Manchester: St. Jerome Publishing.
here are a number of things that should be done in translation studies to enlarge
T and redefine the object of study (and its corollary, to reconfigure concepts about
ways that a text and its translation are related), including examining the meanings
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
of words for translation in non-Western contexts and looking at specific historical traditions
associated with those variant conceptions of translation. In theorizing the data it is essential
to view translation as a cluster concept, moving beyond attempts to define translation as a
logical concept or a prototype concept, which have resulted in so many Eurocentric pro-
nouncements about the field. Clearly, in order to understand the scope of the cluster con-
cept called translation in English, translation studies scholars must be assiduous in seeking
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Maria Tymoczko
out more of the world’s words for translation, as well as investigating in detail the connota-
tions, implications, translation practices and actual histories of translation associated with
those terms. Only by engaging in such an investigative enterprise can translation scholars
fully understand the objects of research in
translation studies—encompassed in the Maria Tymoczko is
large and complicated cluster concept of Professor in
translation—and the types of family resem- Comparative Literature
at the University of
blances that bind these objects conceptually, Massachusetts. Her
thus expanding translation theory in the fields are Translation
process. Studies, Celtic medieval
In broadening the definition of transla- literature and Irish Studies. Her critical
studies The Irish “Ulysses” (University of
tion and breaking the hold of Eurocentric California Press, 1994) and Translation in a
stereotypes of translation, it may also be help- Postcolonial Context (St. Jerome Publishing,
ful to consider forms and modes of cultural 1999) have both won prizes and
commendations. Prof. Tymoczko has
interface that are related to translation but dis- published widely on translation theory and
tinct from it. Such forms include, for example, on translation as an engaged social
postcolonial literature and related hybridized practice; her articles have appeared in
forms of cultural production; work on these major collections of essays about
translation and in many translation studies
forms of translation studies has already been journals. She has edited several volumes
productive for the field. Three additional including Born into a World at War (with
modes of cultural interface to explore are illus- Nancy Blackmun, 2000), Translation and
Power (with Edwin Gentzler, 2002), Language
trated by the English words transference, repre- and Tradition in Ireland (with Colin Ireland,
sentation and transculturation. 2003), Language and Identity in Twentieth-
In transference or transmission, material Century Irish Culture (with Colin Ireland,
2003; special issue of Éire-Ireland), and
is moved from one cultural context to anoth- Translation as Resistance (2006, special
er, but the mode of transfer is not specified. It section in the Massachusetts Review).
can range from physical transfer to symbolic Her most recent books are Enlarging
transfer (such as happens in a bank transfer) Translation, Empowering Translators
(St. Jerome Publishing, 2007), a major
or transfer that involves a radical shift in reconceptualization of translation theory,
medium (such as a television transmission). and the edited volume Translation,
Thus, transference can result in cultural Resistance, Activism (University
of Massachusetts Press, 2010).
products that are either very close (even iden-
tical) to the source substance or very different
from the source material. In cultural transfer, then, there is no presupposition about either
the process or product of the cultural transposition. By contrast, translation in a single cul-
ture at a single point in time is usually governed by cultural prototype encompassing both
product and process, notwithstanding the fact that such prototypes have varied widely
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
through history, from close linguistic transfer to free adaptation, from fluency to radical
abridgment, and so forth […]. Thinking about transference or transmission can remind
translation studies scholars of how varied cultural mediation can be in process and prod-
uct, helping to move their thinking beyond their own particular cultural presuppositions
and stereotypes.
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Maria Tymoczko
Cultural translation
Still another strand of translation is indicated by the word representation. […] [It]
constructs an image, but implies as well the exhibition of that image. It involves clarity of
knowledge and symbolic substitution. It has a serious import connected with social goals,
including social change. Representation, therefore, presupposes both a perspective on what
is represented and a purpose in the activity itself. In fact, since the decline of positivism,
there has been a new awareness of the constructivist aspect of representation, of the fact
that representation is not an ‘objective’ process. As a form of definition that involves substi-
tution in the symbolic realm, representation creates images that have an ideological aspect.
It is the power inherent in representation, the potential for speaking with authority on
behalf of another, and the ability to make statements that have legal or political standing,
as well as the inescapability of a perspective of purpose, that have led to the crisis of repre-
sentation in the social sciences, most particularly in anthropology and ethnography, where
the potential for manipulation and ethnocentrism in representations has been discussed
and debated (see, for example, Clifford and Marcus 1986). Obviously translation is a major
intercultural form of representation, and, as such, translations must be scrutinized for the
various factors associated with representation, even when translation occurs internally to a
plurilingual society.
inally, translation can bee seen in the light of the process of transculturation, which
F can be defined as “the transmission of cultural characteristics from one cultural
group to another”. The term has come into English from Spanish, where it was first
used to speak about the interchange of cultural characteristics between Europeans and the
indigenous population in Latin America, and to describe the creolization and hybridization
of most Latin American cultures. Transculturation goes far beyond the transfer of verbal
materials and includes such things as the transfer of ideas about religion and government;
the spread of artistic forms including music and the visual arts; the transfers having to do
with material culture including clothing, food, housing, transportation, and so forth, not to
mention more recent cultural domains such as the modern media. Thus, the popularity of
Chinese food, reggae and US films around the world are all examples of transculturation.
Transculturation has elements in common with intersemiotic translation, for it is not
exclusively or even primarily a linguistic process. With respect to texts, transculturation is
often a matter of transposing elements that constitute overcodings, such as the poetics, for-
mal literary elements and genres of literary systems, as well as discourses, worldviews, and
so forth. Obviously transculturation is an essential aspect of cultural interchange in cul-
tures where more than one language and culture are in interface; indeed transculturation is
operative in any postcolonial nation.
One of the distinguishing aspects of transculturation, in contrast to either represen-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
tation or transmission, is that it entails the performance of specific forms or aspects of
another culture. It is not sufficient that Chinese food be displayed nor defined nor
described for transculturation to occur: the food must be eaten and enjoyed as well. At the
same time, paradoxically, transculturation does not always involve representation; one can
easily imagine a person receiving and incorporating into her life a cultural form with little
70
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Maria Tymoczko
or no sense that it originated in another cultural setting. That is, a cultural form can become
completely naturalized in the receptor culture or transculturation can proceed in such a
way as to obscure the point of origin of a specific cultural element. This aspect of easy
interchange through transculturation is very common in places that bring together more
than one cultural group; many things may be perceived as perfectly natural in a hybridized
culture without people having a strong sense of their cultural point of origin. (pp. 26-29)
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
71
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(World) Literature
susan Bassnett
From: “When is a Translation Not a Translation?” in Susan Bassnett
& André Lefevere, Constructing Cultures. Essays on Literary translation (1998)
Clevedon – Philadelphia – Toronto – Sydney – Johannesburg: Multilingual Matters.
nce we start to consider the way in which both the terminology of translation and
O the idea of authentic ‘original’ that exits somewhere beyond the text in front of us
are used by writers, then the question of when a translation is or is not taking
place becomes increasingly difficult to answer. It is probably more helpful to think of trans-
lation not so much as a category in its own right, but rather as a set of textual practices with
which the writer and reader collude. This suggests that literary studies, and discourse analy-
sis in particular, need to look again at translation, for the investigation of translation as a set
of textual practices has not received much attention. This is doubtless because we have been
far too obsessed with binary oppositions within the translation model and have been too
concerned with defining and redefining the relationship between translation and original.
Even where the model of dominant original and subservient translation has been chal-
lenged, the idea of some kind of hegemonic original still remains—either in the source lan-
guage or target language. It is time to free ourselves from the constraints that the term
‘translation’ has placed upon us and recognise that we have immense problems in pinning
down a term that continues to elude us. For whether we acknowledge it or not, we have
been colluding with alternative notions of translation all our lives. (p. 39)
davId daMROscH
From: “Death in Translation” in Sandra Bermann and Michael Wood (eds.)
Nation, Language and the Ethics of Translation (2005) Princeton – Oxford: Princeton
University Press.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
o understand the workings of world literature we need more of a phenomenology
T than an ontology of the work of art: a work manifests differently abroad than it does
at home. (p. 394)
[…]
72
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 73
David Damrosch
It shouldn’t be necessary to treat a for- David Damrosch is
eign work with an uncomprehending sympa- Professor of English
and Comparative
thy in order to appreciate its excellence. It Literature at Harvard
does no service to works of world literature to University. A past
set them loose in some deracinated space, president of the
whether the “great conversation” of a 1950s- American Comparative
Literature Association, David Damrosch has
style academic humanism or the “closed self- written widely on comparative and world
referential loop” of recent poststructuralist literature. His books include The Narrative
metafiction. Aesthetically as well as ethically, Covenant: Transformations of Genre in the
Growth of Biblical Literature (1987), We
a pure universalism of either variety is finally Scholars: Changing the Culture of the
reductive, missing the real complexity of a University (1995), What Is World Literature?
work, just as much as would an opposite (2003), The Buried Book: The Loss and
Rediscovery of the Great Epic of Gilgamesh
insistence that a work can only be read effec- (2007), and How to Read World Literature
tively in the original language, inextricably (2009). He is the founding general editor of
linked at all points to its local context. An the six-volume Longman Anthology of World
informed reading of a work of world litera- Literature (2004), and of the six-volume
Longman Anthology of British Literature (4th
ture should keep both aspects in play togeth- ed. 2010), editor of Teaching World Literature
er, recognizing that it brings us elements of a (2009), co-editor of The Princeton
time and place different from our own, and at Sourcebook in Comparative Literature (2009),
and co-editor of a recent collection, Xin
the same time recognizing that these ele- Fang Xiang: Bi Jiao Wen Xue Yu Shi Jie Wen
ments change in force as the book gets farther Xue Du Ben [New Directions: A Reader of
from home. Comparative and World Literature] (Beijing U.
P., 2010). He is presently writing a book
[…] called Comparing the Literatures: What Every
[W]hen we read a work of world liter- Comparatist Needs to Know.
ature we have a great deal of freedom in
deciding what use we will make of such contextual understanding. This freedom can most
readily be seen when we are reading a work from a distant time as well as place. To take the
case of Dante, for instance, it seems to me trivializing to treat the Divine Comedy as an
essential secular work, though various modern commentators have chosen to focus on
Dante as “poet of the secular world,” in Erich Auerbach’s phrase. Auerbach went so far as
to claim that Dante’s realism overwhelmed his theology “and destroyed it in the very process
or realizing it” (Mimesis, 202). We can dispute such a claim on both historical and aesthet-
ic grounds, taking seriously the idea that the Divine Comedy may actually have been a suc-
cessful Christian poem. Even so, appreciating Dante’s profound religious vision does not
require us to convert to Catholicism, or to take a stand on issues of Florentine politics,
though both of these responses are ones that Dante might well have desired. A work of
world literature has its fullest life, and its greatest power, when we can read it with a kind
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
of a detached engagement, informed but not confined by a knowledge of what the work
would likely mean in its original time and place, even as we adapt it to our present context
and purposes. (pp. 394-395)
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David Damrosch
(World) Literature
davId daMROscH
From: “How American is World Literature?” (2009) The Comparatist, 33.
t would be well worth while to undertake a comparative study of world literature as it
I is construed in differing locations around the globe. Such a study could help scholars
everywhere to think directly about the relations (whether symbiotic or hegemonic;
whether unusually close or unusually disjointed) between their national tradition and their
presentation of the wider plenum of world literature. A fuller sense of the range of possibil-
ity might keep scholars from falling unwittingly into nationalistic patterns in the construal
of global literary relations, such as the Gallicentrism so prominent in Pascale Casanova’s
otherwise wide-ranging République mondiale des lettres. Perhaps in time only a third of the
essays in the Jadavpur Journal of Comparative Literature, instead of the two-thirds or more,
would center on India’s authors and linguistic traditions.
American comparatists, on the other hand, seem clearly to be at the opposite end of the
range of continuity/discontinuity. For too long, we have accepted a high degree of uprooted-
ness and the internal exile in relation to our home culture. This orientation may have had a
certain logic for the émigrés who taught us or our teachers, but it makes less and less sense for
our field today—even for foreign-born scholars, as can be seen in the cross-cultural work of
such comparatist Americanists as Wai Chee Dimock and Djelal Kadir. There are encouraging
signs of a budding rapprochement between Amarican and comparative literary studies, seen
for instance in a valuable recent collection edited by Wai Chee Dimock and Lawrence Buell,
Shades of the Planet: American Literature as World Literature (2007). It is symptomatic, though,
that both editors are based in departments of English and American studies rather than com-
parative literature. They and their contributors clearly see the benefits that can accrue to
American studies by taking a comparative and global perspective; more departments of com-
parative literature need to accept the converse realization, that a vital comparatism can best
thrive in creative symbiosis with its home traditions as well as those of the wider world.
A comparative study of different national approaches to world literature should also
help us to do a better job construing the world’s literary traditions, whether to move beyond
an overemphasis on a few literary great powers, as Werner Friederich urged, or to avoid pro-
jecting liberal American multiculturalism outward, as Spivak fears that our courses (and pos-
sibly some anthologies!) may do. Already in the early 1960s René Wellek commented, in a
trenchant article on “American Literary Scholarship,” that “The selection of European writ-
ers which have attracted the attention of modern critics in the United States is oddly nar-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
row and subject to the distortion of a very local and temporary perspective”. Such distortions
can become endemic in any scholarly community that pays little attention to foreign tradi-
tions, and this danger applies to patterns of construing world literature as much as individ-
ual national traditions. The study of world literature in America has much to gain if it can
become both more American and more wordly as well. (pp. 18-19)
74
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Suzanne Jill Levine
suzanne jIll levIne
From: The Subversive Scribe: Translating Latin American Fiction (first edition:
1991; 2009) Champaign – London – Dublin: Dalkey Archive Press.
n 1932, in Las versiones homéricas, an essay that could be translated as “Some version of
I Homer,” Jorge Luis Borges questioned the privileged status of the original books we call
the Odyssey and the Iliad. Which interpretation of the original is the “original”? he asked;
only a Greek from the tenth century B.C. (according to Borges) might be able to tell us. Borges
prefigured here Michel Foucault’s challenge to the concept of authorship: What is an author?
How can we determine intentionality? The
only real difference between original and Suzanne Jill Levine is a
leading translator of
translation—Borges playfully specified—is Latin American
that the translator’s referent is a visible text literature, and
against which the translation can be judged; Professor at the
University of California
the original escapes this sceptical scrutiny in Santa Barbara where
because its referent is unspoken, perhaps for- she directs a translation studies doctoral
gotten, and probably embarrassingly banal. program. Her scholarly and critical works
This meditation of translation contains include her award-winning literary
biography Manuel Puig and the Spider
the subversive seed of Borges’s poetics of Woman (FSG and Faber & Faber, 2000) and
“reading as writing,” which he articulated fur- her groundbreaking book on the poetics of
ther in 1939 in his perverse parable “Pierre translation The Subversive Scribe:
Translating Latin American Fiction (published
Menard, Author of Don Quixote,” the piece in 1991 and reissued this year by Dalkey
that George Steiner, in After Babel, considers Archive Press, along with her classic
the summa of all translation theory. Here translations of novels by Manuel Puig).
Aside from numerous volumes of
Cervantes’s masterpiece becomes a tentative translations of Latin American fiction and
web of propositions that change with each poetic works, she has regularly contributed
new historical act of reading; each successive articles, reviews, essays, and translations of
reading, rewriting, translating of a text enrich- prose and poetry to major anthologies and
journals including the New Yorker. Her many
es and ensures the original’s survival anew. honors include National Endowment for the
Every work enters into a dialogue with other Arts and NEH fellowship and research
texts, and with a context; texts are relation- grants, the first PEN USA West Prize for
Literary Translation (1989), the PEN
ships that of necessity evolve in other contexts. American Center Career Achievement award
Borges has shown us how literary works (1996), and a Guggenheim Foundation
already give us the theoretical models through fellowship. She has just completed a five
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
volume project as general editor of the
which we may interpret them: “Some Version works of Borges for Penguin Classics.
of Homer” and “Pierre Menard” both prefig-
ure reader-response and reception theories. These texts reveal not only the thin line between
originals and their interpretations but the parallel and complementary nature of these inter-
pretations. “Pierre Menard” in particular illuminates the related functions of translation,
parody, and literary criticism.
75
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Suzanne Jill Levine
(World) Literature
“Pierre Menard” is a stylized parody of the laborious bibliographic homage an obscure
French provincial writer pays to his mentor Pierre Menard, an obscure French symbolist whose
most fantastic project is his attempt to rewrite word-for-word, in the language of Cervantes,
Don Quixote. Our vertigo upon reading this ficcion is infinite. To begin with, Don Quixote—
often labeled the first modern novel—was born both as a parody (of the chivalresque novel)
and a “translation”. The narrator suggests in an aside that the “original” is a found manuscript
written by an Arab named Cide Hamete Benengeli (to wit, Sir Eggplant). That a French writer
of the late nineteenth century would attempt to re-create (without plagiarizing) a seventeenth-
century Spanish classic, and that an Argentine writer—Borges—would attempt to write
Menard’s disciple’s homage, produces a mise en abîme. Menard’s faithful rendition of a sentence
from the Quixote turns out as different as a parody, that is, an imitation with a critical differ-
ence, because the same Spanish phrase becomes an affectation and takes on different, even
opposite meanings, reinscribed in another linguistic and historical context. Borges’s Spanish
“rendition” of a supposed French original (the invented disciple’s homage to the invented men-
tor) is both a “translation” and a parody (about the parody/translation of a parody/translation)
that makes us question the status of what appears to be an ever-elusive original. Indeed, where
does the French end and the Spanish begin in this text? Here Borges conflates the modes of
parody or satirical imitation and translation or imitation in another language, and also shows
how they function as literary criticism with one important difference: Both translations and
parodies attempt to repeat the discourse of the original; the critical essay uses another rhetoric.
orges has proposed, essentially, a tentative status for the original as one of many pos-
B sible versions. James Joyce, collaborative translator of the “Anna Livia Plurabelle” sec-
tion of Finnegans Wake into Italian, was thinking along similar lines when he chose
to call his original “work in progress”—which he continued to complete in the next stage—
translation. Joyce “transelaborated” aspects of the original, which became more explicit in
Italian. He took advantage of his relationship to what he experienced as the earthy musical-
ity of the target language to invent a more slangy version, and different double, even triple
puns. The poet laureate Robert Penn Warren once observed, Dante’s Inferno on his lap in
the original Italian, that those outside of the language, like himself, could appreciate its
musicality more than a native speaker—precisely because the outside reader would tend to
focus more on (exotic) sound than sense.
In a sacred vein Walter Benjamin privileges the original, radiating an infinity of ver-
sions, over translation, one limited version among many, but he coincides with the profane
Joyce in seeing the original “embodiment” as, in George Steiner’s words in Antigones, “an
annunciation, however well wrought, of forms of being yet to come.” Steiner shows how
Benjamin’s theory of “absolute translation and of the confluence of all secular tongues
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
towards a mythical Ursprache, a primal source of perfect unison and facsimile” was inspired,
in part, by Hölderlin’s journey to the source, seeking through his translations of Sophocles
to bring forth “the ‘Oriental’ substratum and well-spring stifled in fifth century Greek art.”
The bringing forth of a “substratum” is implied in the concept of subversion, in which
translation betrays in the traditional traduttore, traditore sense but also because it makes evi-
76
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Suzanne Jill Levine
dent a version underneath that becomes explicit, a latent version implied in the original. In
a sense this latent version is a subtext, a term borrowed from psychoanalytical theory, which
Terry Eagleton has defined as
A text running within a work, visible at certain “symptomatic” points of ambiguity, evasion or overem-
phasis and which we as readers are able to “write” even if the novel itself does not. All literary texts
contain one or more such sub-texts… which can be called the “unconscious” of the work. The work’s
insights… deeply related to its blindness—that is does not say, and how it does not say it—may be
as important as what it articulates; what seems absent, marginal or ambivalent about it may provide
the central clue.
Persuasive translations uncover subtexts, or underlying meanings, for, after all is said
and done, translation’s first and final function is to relate meaning.
(Sub)versions
uthorized geniuses such as Borges, James Joyce, Ezra Pound, Samuel Beckett, and
A Vladimir Nabokov command an authority, unlike most translators, to re-create, to “sub-
vert” the original—particularly their own. They offer an ideal model, nonetheless, for
what literary translations should be: creation. Having collaborated with such polyglots as
Guillermo Cabrera Infante, Julio Cortázar, Carlos Fuentes, and Manuel Puig, I have been able
to observe a symbiotic if not parasitic relationship between translation and original composition.
Far from the traditional view of translators as servile, nameless scribes, the literary trans-
lator can be considered a subversive scribe. Something is destroyed—the form of the origi-
nal—but meaning is reproduced through another form. A translation in this light becomes a
continuation of the original, which already always alters the reality it intends to re-create.
But let’s take this argument beyond the cliché about what gets lost in translation—
from reality to original, as well as from original to translation. The disruptive effect of books
such as Tres tristes tigres and La traición de Rita Hayworth occurs through the violation of
usage, through a resistance to language as useful or usual. Proper names become puns in
Cabrera Infante’s books; the communicative function of spoken language is subverted when
Puig and Cabrera Infante transform it, with all its grammatical violations, into writing. The
translation of their “abuses”—a term Philip Lewis applies to creative translation—must also
violate, and in doing so sustain, their comment about language, in ways that are not arbitrary
but which make the reader aware of decisive linguistic or textual knots of signification. The
translation of Cabrera Infante’s title La habana para un infante difunto into Infante’s Inferno
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
offers a prime example of this both abusive and sustaining process. Cabrera Infante, Manuel
Puig, Severo Sarduy-principal exemplars in this meditation on my work as a translator-see
their originals already as translations of texts and traditions as well as of realities; each in his
own way is a parodist, a creator-commentator. Dethroning language’s dominion over mean-
ing, they have also in a sense dethroned the “author”. As collaborators or self-translators they
are self-subverters. (pp. 4-8)
77
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Transdisciplinarity
susan Bassnett
From: “The Translation Turn in Cultural Studies” in Susan Bassnett
& André Lefevere, Constructing Cultures. Essays on Literary translation (1998)
Clevedon – Philadelphia – Toronto – Sydney – Johannesburg: Multilingual Matters.
oth translation studies and cultural studies have come of age. Both interdisciplines
B have entered a new internationalist phase, and have been moving for some time
away from their more overtly parochial and Eurocentric beginnings, towards a more
sophisticated investigation of the relationship between the local and the global. Both are
now vast wide-ranging fields, within which there is no consensus, but neither are there rad-
ical disagreements that threaten fragmentation or destruction from within. There are now
clearly several areas that would lend themselves fruitfully to greater cooperation between
practitioners of both interdisciplines.
• There needs to be more investigation of the acculturation process that takes place
between cultures and the way in which different cultures construct their image of
writers and texts.
• There needs to be more comparative study of the ways in which texts become cultur-
al capital across cultural boundaries.
• There needs to be greater investigation of what Venuti has called ‘the ethnocentric
violence of translation’ and much more research into the politics of translating.
• There needs to be a pooling of resources to extend research into intercultural train-
ing and the implications of such training in today’s world.
It is not accidental that the genre of travel literature is providing such a rich field of
exploration by both translation studies and cultural studies practitioners, for this is the
genre in which individual strategies employed by writers deliberately to construct images of
other cultures for consumption by readers can be most clearly seen.
In pointing out that none of us are able to comprehend fully the entirety of the com-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
plex network of signs that constitutes culture, Raymond Williams effectively freed us from
the old myth of the definitive version of anything. His thesis also offers a way forward that
invites a collaborative approach, for if the totality is denied the individual, then a combina-
tion of individuals with different areas of expertise and different interests must surely be
advantageous. Both cultural studies and translation studies have tended to move in the
direction of the collaborative approach, with the establishment of research teams and
78
Translation Inaugural 01.qxp:Layout 1 12/09/11 12.04 Pagina 79
Lourens J. de Vries
groups, and with more international networks and increased communication. What we can
see from both cultural studies and translation studies today is that the moment of the iso-
lated academic sitting in an ivory tower is over, and indeed in these multifaceted interdisci-
plines, isolation is counterproductive. Translation is, after all, dialogic in its very nature,
involving as it does more than one voice. The study of translation, like the study of culture,
needs a plurality of voices. And, similarly, the study of culture always involves an examina-
tion of the processes of encoding and decoding that comprise translation. (pp. 138-139)
lOuRens j. de vRIes
From: “Runny icky material moved into liquid from the wind blowing on it:
linguistics as translation”.
inguistics and translation theory used to have a somewhat asymmetrical relation-
L ship, with the latter graciously emphasizing that she needed linguistics (along with
other partners, to be sure) but with only very few linguists acknowledging that they
needed translation theory or translation studies. In fact, there was a time that translation
theory, especially in the field of Bible translation, was dominated by linguistics, with trans-
lation theory almost becoming an applied subfield of linguistics. The truth is that linguis-
tics very badly needs translation studies as an autonomous, independent discipline, espe-
cially when translation studies embraces a broader, transdisciplinary perspective that sees
translation as an instantiation of more general cognitive and cultural processes of the cre-
ation, communication and transformation of meaning, within and across cultures.
There are many reasons why linguistics needs translation studies. Here are the most impor-
tant. First, translation studies can save linguistics from the follies of extreme universalism
and extreme relativism. Second, linguistic description of the languages of the world crucial-
ly involves translation, and it is very dangerous for linguists to leave that translation aspect
of their work untheorized.
Translation studies is a discipline predicated on difference, as is translation itself. The
very act of translating emphasizes differences between people. But emphasizing differences
is not innocent. And disciplines predicated on difference such as translation studies and
cultural anthropology may have an uneasy relationship with this focus on difference.
Modern anthropologists sometimes deal with this uneasiness by downplaying Otherness
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
and by refusing to portray the people they study as Exotic Others. They have a history of
colonial anthropology to come to terms with, an anthropology that emphasized Otherness
and a West that never would meet the East.
Translators and students of translation are pulled into opposite directions. There is
fear to lose Otherness in translation, a fear to tame and domesticate the Other Culture in
translation and at the same time the fear to lose the audience, the awareness that transla-
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Lourens J. de Vries
Transdisciplinarity
tors are ‘doomed’ to communicate with audiences in the terms of those audiences. Even
translators committed to conveying the very Otherness of the source text and source cul-
ture have to do so in terms of Otherness that the audience can relate to, that is the paradox
of exotization. The most exoticizing translations of the Bible invariably turned out to be
monuments to the Zeitgeist, the spirit, ideologies and mentality of their time and place. For
example, the German translation of the Hebrew Bible by Buber and Rosenzweig tried very
hard to capture the Hebrew Otherness in the
translation but it is a monument to German
Lourens J. de Vries is
Neo-Romanticism of the late nineteenth and Professor at the
early twentieth century, more specifically a University of
monument to German Neo-Romantic Amsterdam. His main
interests are the study
understanding of Hebrew Otherness. of Papuan and
Translators become acutely aware of Austronesian languages
two things at the same time: of linguistic and in functional, typological, and
cultural otherness and difference, of gaps and anthropological frameworks, history and
theory of Bible translation in the broader
divides on the one hand, and of continuities, context of translation studies, linguistic
bridges and overlap on the other hand. This aspects of (Bible) translation processes,
specific sensitivity to both gaps and bridges, skopos theory and effective communication
in Bible translations, and Bible translations
to cultural continuity and discontinuity, in languages of Asia and Oceania. His recent
should be celebrated as the heart of transla- publications are The Korowai of Irian Jaya.
tion studies because one of the central and Their Language in its Cultural Context (Oxford
lasting contributions of translation studies to University Press, 1997), A Short Grammar of
Inanwatan, an Endangered Language of the
the humanities is to be an antidote to the dis- Bird’s Head of Papua, Indonesia (Australian
torting impact of ideologies of both univer- National University Press, 2004), “Areal
salism and relativism. When linguistics was pragmatics of New Guinea: Thematization,
distribution and recapitulative linkage in
in the iron grip of naïve universalism, with Papuan languages” in Journal of Pragmatics
‘universal grammar’ and with ‘universal mean- 38 (2006), “Translation Functions and
ings’ (mostly English words in capitals), it Interculturality” in Translation and
Interculturality: Africa and the West, vol. 16
was among students of translation that the (2008), and “From clause conjoining to
awareness of the incommensurability prob- clause chaining in the Dumut languages of
lem, of limits to translatability and of the New Guinea” in Studies in Language Series
very real, deep differences between languages (Peter Lang, 2010).
and cultures was kept alive. And when the
ideological pendulum swings back to rela-
tivism and towards denials of very real cross-linguistic and cross-cultural continuities, it is
in the field of translation that the awareness of such continuities remains alive.
Translation is core business for any linguist. This insight was never totally lost in lin-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
guistics (e.g. Grace 1981: 36: “Translation is a sine qua non in the analysis of a new lan-
guage”). But few linguists see the core role of translation in their work, let alone that they
use the insights from translation studies to illuminate this core element. When linguists are
aware of the central place of the translational element in their work and when they theo-
rize that translational aspect, the quality of their work dramatically increases, for example
80
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Lourens J. de Vries
in increased focus on the emic, language-specific and unique meanings of simple construc-
tions such as adnominal genitives or coordinated nouns that look deceptively similar and
‘universal’ under the guise of English translation equivalents (see Reesink 2008 for the role
of translation in linguistics in relation to Pike’s notion of emic/etics). (pp. 1-2)
[…]
inguists are often incredibly unreflective and naïve in providing glosses and transla-
L tions; they should learn from translation studies to critically reflect on the skopos of
their translations and on what is lost and gained in translation. Many linguists
would look at the situation that the Atsugewi utterance wanted to describe, for example
rotten tomatoes blowing into a pond, and then translate according to that denotation, with
something like ‘rotten tomatoes blew into the water’. There is a very real danger that con-
structions are classified and understood by linguists in terms of the English translation
equivalents, for example Papuan thematic constructions that were classified as relative or
adverbial clauses because they were translated in English with adverbial and/or relative
clauses (De Vries 2005; 2006). English, the language of international grammar writing, is
an enemy linguists rarely recognize as such. Just like Latin in the past, English easily
becomes a channel through which grammars of other languages are forced to flow when
linguists do not pay attention to the insights of students of translation.
Linguistics is a form of translation with a very specific scholarly skopos: to translate
the categories and distinctions of the lexicons and the grammars of the languages of the
world in an English-based metalanguage with strong traces of an earlier Latin-based lin-
guistic metalanguage, with categories such as ablative, switch reference, noun phrase,
inalienable, animate, direct object and with English lexical glosses such as ‘move’, ‘hit’ and
‘black’. The grammatical terms such as ‘relative clause’ and ‘first person’, the lexical glosses
such as ‘hit’ and ‘move’ and the translations of the utterances of the object language (‘runny
icky material’) are all part of 'linguish' in the context of grammar writing, that is English
as a linguistic metalanguage. This translational process of object language categories into
metalanguage categories can only be done properly when linguists are constantly aware of
the need to force their English-based metalanguage away from the categories and distinc-
tions of English as a natural language. This is turn can only be done when the English-
based linguistic metalanguage is transformed and sharpened by the study of as many lan-
guages as possible, languages with different lexical and grammatical categories such as
Atsugewi or Spanish.
When I was a young linguist my discipline had almost absorbed translation theory,
now that I am no longer all that young I find myself arguing that linguistics would improve
dramatically if it could look at itself from the perspective of a broadly defined field of trans-
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
disciplinary translation studies. Had it embraced the lessons of translation studies on the
deep differences between languages and cultures, it would have been spared the unfruitful
episode of pointless universalism. Perhaps the most damaging aspect of the temporary
dominance of linguistics in translation theory was the reduction of translation to a ‘purely’
linguistic process, a process of words, phrases and sentences only; for a while this reduction
81
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Patricia Willson
Transdisciplinarity
hid the true nature of interlingual translation as a social and cultural process that can only
be understood in wider cognitive contexts of the creation and transformation of meaning
in and across cultural boundaries. (pp. 3-4)
patRIcIa wIllsOn
“Translation as a metaphor in scientific discourse”.
his still incipient research aims at exploring the metaphoric uses of translation to
T account for transformations concomitant with a certain degree of invariance in the
field of science and technique. It aims as well at inquiring into the possible connec-
tions between such uses and metaphors of translation already studied in philosophy, anthro-
pology, sociology, among other disciplines.
The field explored insofar is molecular Patricia Willson has a
degree in biochemistry
biology, an avant-garde domain in scientific and is Professor
discourse in the sixties and seventies. In 1961, (Translation /
biochemists François Jacob and Jacques Comparative Literature)
at El Colegio de México.
Monod proposed a model to explain deoxyri- Between 1998 and 2010,
bonucleic acid (DNA) duplication and protein she was Lecturer in Argentine Literature at
synthesis in the cell. They used the terms code, University of Buenos Aires; between 2004
transcription and translation, and called messen- and 2010, she chaired the Permanent
Seminar of Translation Studies at Instituto
ger RNA (mRNA) the chain of ribonucleic de Enseñanza Superior en Lenguas Vivas,
acid required as an intermediate in such dupli- Buenos Aires. She is also a translator and
cation. The terminology shows that translation has translated, among other authors,
Roland Barthes, Paul Ricoeur, Jean-Paul
is ‘the scene of striking metaphorics’ not only in Sartre, Gustave Flaubert, Richard Rorty,
the field of social sciences. In 1970, in his Le H.P. Lovecraft, Mark Twain, and Mary
hasard et la nécessité, Monod analyzed the Shelley. She is currently translating
Darwin’ s On the Origin of Species. She has
implications of the discovery in the history of published La Constelación del Sur.
sciences, and claimed that “the fundamental Traducciones y traducciones en la literatura
biologic invariant is DNA”, and that «the argentina del siglo XX (Siglo XXI Editores,
process of translation by which DNA dupli- 2004), and was awarded in Madrid the
Panhispanic Prize for Specialized
cates» is «uni-directional», and is, in this sense, Translation (2005). She is counted among
a “Cartesian” and not a “Hegelian” process. In a the founding members of IATIS (Seoul 2004).
famous statement that completed Francis
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
Crick’s “central dogma of molecular biology” and has been often refuted since then (In 1970,
Howard Temin demonstrated that genetic information in retroviruses is stocked in RNA and
transcripted into DNA; in other words, the duplication occurs the other way around, due to
the existence of reverse transcriptase, and proceeding through a ‘back translation’.), Monod
maintained that it is unconceivable that DNA duplication occurs backwards.
82
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Patricia Willson
ollowing the model by Jacob and Monod, some mechanisms of gene expression have
F been referred to by molecular biologists as ‘translational control’, ‘translational regu-
lation’, ‘translation inhibition’, ‘translation masking’ and so forth. However, since the
target of this research is not science itself but the ideas suggested by scientific discourse, the
corpus to examine is also composed by texts where these ideas are supported, contested or
invested with different or vaster implications. For instance, in Hermès III. La traduction, the
philosopher of science Michel Serres refers to Monod’s claims and gives them a wider frame:
he affirms that science is the set of invariant messages in every optimal translation situation;
when this maximum is not attained, we are in one of the other cultural fields. According to
Serres, translation goes across the most diverging fields, hence the interest in studying trans-
lating processes, not in abstract, but in the concrete transformations they operate.
translation / inaugural issue / 2011
83
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] | Translation: A commitment
to transdisciplinary exploration
T his is translation's first regular issue. After an encouraging start with the inaugural
issue chat was sent out to readers in numerous countries around the globe, and af
ter significant positive feedback, we look forward to this challenge to create a fresh,
lively, and ongoing dialogue with our readers and authors-in both the journal's paper and
online versions.
The contents of this first issue are divided into four parts, the first of which pres
ents the work of three young scholars-Antonia Carcelen-Estrada, Piotr Blumczynski,
and Sergey Tyulenev. Carcelen-Estrada shows through the example of the translation
of Don Quixote into the indigenous language Kichwa in Ecuador how translation can be
part of a political and social project of resistance. The resulting translation, Tiyu Kijuti,
is according to the author (she is one of the novel's two translators) a hybrid text, where
'hybridiry consciously attempts to depart from transculturation or mestizaje by making
use of borrowings or appropriations local precisely to reveal their farcical performance of
the native. The world of early modern imperial Spain is made obviously foreign by disguis
ing it as native'. Blumczynski's article analyzes the translation of conversion narratives in
Poland, demonstrating their broad relevance to the consideration of ideological and social
aspects of translation at large. By comparing the translations of two English confessional
texts published in the USA into Polish by the two different Polish religious communities,
the dominant Catholic Church and the Evangelical community representing a very small
minority, the author shows the complex and dynamic relationship between language, reli
gion, and translation through a combined, multidimensional perspective. The third article
in this first part, by Tyulenev, explores translation in comparison with conflict. The author
claims that translation is a crossing phenomena and chat it 'should and can be theorized
as more than just a verbum-centered crossing; only then will it be seen as an independent
object, rather than a subsection of applied linguistics'. As a crossing phenomenon, transla
tion is also a result of crossing, like other social crossing boundary phenomena, such as
transgression and war. The author asks: "How is translation to be distinguished vis-a-vis
other types of boundary crossing phenomena and other types of mediation?"
The second part of this issue gathers together contributions from The Nida School's
first Research Symposium char took place in New York City on September 14, 2011. E
�
E
Gayarri Chakravorty Spivak and Anthony Pym were invited to give papers on the theme
5
Editorial
'Translation, Globalization, and Localization', and Sandra Bermann and Edwin
Gentzler were challenged to respond. This thoughtful interchange resulted in an ex
tremely interesting meeting, followed by lively debate. Here we present parts of what took
place in NYC, through the edited transcript of Spivak's oral and written presentation,
the summary of Pym's paper, and Gentzler's full response to both. On the Nida School's
website (nsts.fusp.it) it will soon be possible to see videos of both the papers and interviews
with some of the participants at the symposium.
In the third part of issue one you will find articles of three members of the advisory
board. Robert J. C. Young presents his rereading of Franz Fanon as cultural translation,
both in the sense that the author's books have mainly been read and interpreted through
translations, and in the sense chat Fanon's 'combat literature' both represents and enacts a
total commitment to cultural translation as a strategy for subaltern empowerment. Young
asks, 'If culture is itself a form of translation, and if both sides of a cultural translation
constitute dynamic practices of struggle, how can we chink chem all together as a com
mon process, or a particular kind of intervention?' Iain Chambers's Translating space is
presented in its entirety, a portion of which appeared in the inaugural issue. In it, Cham
bers considers cities as sites of cultural encounters, and as such, in perpetual translation.
'There is no one project, no single perspective chat is able to subordinate, discipline, edify,
and translate space', Chambers maintains, because 'Space is re-articulated, transformed
from a singular structure into a multilateral palimpsest that can be "written" up and over,
again and again. Freed from their supposedly objective status, space and temporality are
deviated from the unilateralism of "progress"; both are redistributed in a narrative yet to
be cold.' The third part of this issue concludes with Babli Moitra Saraf's elaboration of a
theme she previously set forth in translation's inaugural issue. 'The idea of translation as a
linear operation needs to be interrogated', she states. 'Even the word "translation" muse be
reviewed to consider chat interlingual translation may just be one of several translational
practices. Its dominance in defining all aces of translation muse be examined and chal
lenged'. With this document, Saraf challenges the perspectives on translation presented
in the inaugural issue's introduction by Stefano Arduini and Siri Nergaard. I am hopeful
chat her words are a start to a rich debate chat can be developed online: how and where
can studies on translation meet when the 'translation question' is radically different in dif
ferent parts of the world?
The issue concludes with translation's interview with Susan Bassnett. What is print
ed here is the transcript of our conversation in October 2011. Boch her and translation
studies' main steps can be traced through her words, ending with important consider
ations for the future: Which are the significant questions on translation today? Where
does translation cake place? The video of the interview with Bassnett is already available
online: http://translation.fusp.it/ interviews/ interview-w ich-susan-bassnett
EE Let me welcome a new member of the editorial board, Babli Moitra Saraf. Passing
from member of the advisory to the editorial board, she will more actively and directly
enrich the journal by enlarging its geographical, linguistic, and cultural perspectives. Babli
6
Editorial
succeeds Valerie Henitiuk, who has left the editorial board for other duties. We thank
Valerie for her important contribution to the journal's initial steps. Welcome also to James
Maxey, who is the journal's managing editor: without him neither the journal's paper ver
sion nor the online journal would be possible.
Some concluding remarks on the future issues: We will endeavor to include an in
terview with a prominent person in different fields of research on translation in each issue.
We believe in these personal encounters, and in their capacity to create through dialogue
new ideas beyond disciplinary boundaries.
Additional content is available to translation subscribers online, including reviews,
news, debates, and comments. It is our hope that through the combination of these two
forms of publication the journal will be both current and timely. The website offers quick
availability, searchable content, and opportunities to interact while the paper version al
lows for reflective and deep reading. Both formats shall always be transdisciplinary.
E
E
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] | Across the Cross:
Translation, Transgression, War 1
SER G EY TY U L E N EV
Without a sigh he left to cross the brine,
And traverse Paynim shores, and pass earth's central line.
-Lord Byron, 'Childe Harold's Pilgrimage' ( I : XI)
The Ever Divided World
TI1e world is divided into marked and unmarked spaces.
-Niklas Luhmann ( 1 998, 79)
T he world, as we know it, does not exist in an undivided state-the world is al
ways a combination of marked and unmarked parts. Even if an observer attempts
to observe the world in its entirety, the world will inevitably be divided into the
observed and the observer. In other words, the world should be presented as ever-crossed,
that is, containing a cross. George Spencer Brown, the author of Laws of Form, defines
cross as distinguishing between two sides of a cleft space (form), or between something
and something else (1973, 1 , 6). Cross is a boundary between something that is indicated,
and therefore marked, and all the rest-not indicated, not marked. Such cross- generating
distinction lies at the basis of any observation understood at the highest degree of abstrac
tion (not just optical), including observations in the cognitive and social realms (Spencer
Brown 1973, v, xiii). Observation is understood as handling distinctions- differentiating
between marked and unmarked phenomena. The boundary (cross), drawn as a result of
distinguishing between the marked and unmarked and indicating the marked, separates
a named value from all other values, ego from alter, and system (including social systems)
from environment.
There are different types of phenomena in the world understood as the space cleft by
a cross into two sides. Some phenomena exist within one of che sides of the cleft space
either inside or outside che cross; they do not cross che cross. Other phenomena, on the
contrary, thrive on crossing the cross. In face, they exist because it is possible to cross cross-
E
E
1 I would like to express my gratefulness to Brenden Coetzee for his help in the preparation of this
manuscript.
45
S e r g e y T y u le n e v
es, and such crossing is their role in the world. One might say they live across the cross.
The crossing phenomena (CPs) are responsible for the interaction between the marked and
the unmarked sides. They make it possible to bring marked and unmarked items together,
juxtapose chem, identify their convergences and divergences, and carry out all sorts of op
erations of exchange between the internal and external sides of the cross.
The Two Crosses of Translation
T ranslation is one of such phenomena chat exist across the cross. In translation
studies (T S), translation has been considered so far exclusively either on its own
or in comparison with adjacent phenomena studied in the verbum-centered hu
manities (among the most recent examples, see Merkle 2009). Even when translation is
studied in combination with extra-verbal phenomena, the verbum-centrism still dominates
the scholarly approach. For instance, in Baker (2006), it is verbum-centered translation chat
is at the focus, it is translation in the context of conflict. H owever, it would also b e instruc
tive to consider translation in compa rison with confli ct. One may wonder, on what basis? In
what follows, I will suggest a basis.
Moreover, I argue chat a broader conception of translation is long overdue and is in
deed necessary, because a broader view would show translation in its natural social context,
as a social phenomenon in connection with other similar social phenomena of a particular
kind; this relationship so far has been outside the scope of consideration in TS. Besides, the
narrower conception of translation predominant in TS is one of the reasons why TS still
fails to draw a clear separating line (cross) between translation and the rest of the world.
The connection of TS with its philological parents (literary studies and linguistics) is still
stiflingly dominant among translation students, one of the main reasons, little doubt, be
ing that the majority ofTS scholars come from verbum-centered educational backgrounds
(notably, linguistics). As a resulr, no matter how hard TS tries to impress the scholarly
world with its claim to be a full-fledged discipline, the umbilical cord is still there and still
shows few signs of being severed. Until a clear-cut cross has been drawn between transla
tion and non-translation, such a claim is not quite convincing for non-translation special
ists. Indeed, such claims remind one of an adolescent's claim to be independent, while she
or he is still under their parents' roof. The prevalent verbum-centered understanding of
translation testifies to the absence of a clear cross between translation and other verbum
centered phenomena, traditionally studied in linguistics and literary studies .
Translation is a crossing phenomenon (CP), but it is also a resulr of crossing. Unless
translation is clearly separated (crossed) from other ways of crossing the world, there is hard
ly any possibility for it to rise to its claim as a scholarly discipline. Translation should and
can be theorized as more than just a verbum-centered crossing; only then will it be seen as
an independent object, rather than a subsection of applied linguistics. Yet, on the other hand,
translation must have something chat separates it from other crossing phenomena. Only if
E we find the exact position of the cross for translation, can we emancipate TS. W hen talking
��
E
about translation, one has, therefore, to see two crosses: ( 1 ) translation as a cross, as a CP,
and (2) a cross between translation and all other (crossing or non-crossing) phenomena.
46
S e r g ey T y u l e n e v
Cross is a convenient basis for categorization of translational phenomena. Translation
is crossing of a particular type. In order to distinguish this particular type of crossing from
any other crossing, it is, first, necessary to compare translation with other types of crossing.
This is what I would like to undertake in the present paper.
I will concentrate on social crossing phenomena (CPs), chat is, the phenomena chat ex
ist across the crosses delineating boundaries of social systems. Translation will be compared
with two other social CPs, which are also viewed as boundary phenomena-transgression
and war. The goal is not to describe exhaustively either translation, or transgression, or war,
but rather to juxtapose them in order to compare chem; at chat, the purport is to learn more
about the first of the three. Therefore, when considering each ofthe three phenomena, I will
keep turning from transgression and war to translation. In shore, in the present paper, I will
attempt to draw a cross to separate translation as a cross from other social CPs-transgres
sion and war, and thereby, hopefully, outline translation as a CP in a clearer way.
Transgression and war were selected among many other CPs because there are available
theoretical studies about them and also because they help to contextualize translation's social
force or intensity, as well as put into perspective some other translation's social properties.
Mediating Translation
F
irst, lee us consider translation itself. Sergey Tyulenev holds
Translation is one of social mecha a PhD in linguistics and
is a former lecturer in
nisms enabling the social s ystem to translation and lexicography
interact with the environment. Society can at the University of Moscow.
be seen as a system, operationally closed In 2009 he completed a
second PhD in translation
from, yet i nteractionally open to the envi studies at the University of Ottawa. He has
ronment; translation can be considered as been a postdoctoral fellow at the University
the social s ystem's boundary phenomenon of Cambridge and at the University of the
Free State I Bloemfontein, South Africa). His
(Luhmann 1995, 197; Tyulenev 20 1 1). scholarly interests include the sociology of
Translation is located on the boundaries of translation and the history of translation
s ocial s ystems and subsystems. No social in Russia, in particular, the application
interaction- be it non-verbal or verbal and, of Luhmann·s social systems theory to
translation. He is the author of several
in che latter case, both on the intra- or in monographs, the most recent one being
terlingual levels-is possi ble without trans Applying Luhmann ta Translation Studies
lation. Translation mediates between inter- 1201 1 ). He contributes regularly to journals
and dictionaries and has published more
acting parties; and it opens systems to their than twenty articles on translation theory,
environments or closes i:hem by filtrating practice, and teaching methodology. His
incoming and outgoing phenomena. personal website is www.tyulenev.org and
his blog Translation Studies and Its Turns can
Translation's mediation can be ex
be found at www.translation.tyulenev.org.
pressed by the formula A< > M < > B, where [email protected]
A and B stand for interacting parties (e.g., a
social system and its environment) and M is a mediator = translator; the arrows ' < ' and'> ' E
E
stand for interaction in both directions. Any interaction (or result thereof), which can be
schematized with this formula, can be defined as translation. To distinguish between verbal
47
Sergey Tyulenev
and extra-verbal translations, one has to introduce further criteria, yet there is no reason
why predominantly studied verbal translation should be termed translation and extra-ver
bal types of mediation should not. Including extra-verbal mediation into the category of
translation is sometimes seen as a potential danger co che emancipated status of translation
studies as a discipline. In fact, the opposite is true. Reluctance to include extra-verbal me
diation is little less than bigotry of former linguists who feel uncomfortable in the open sea
of interdisciplinaricy, but translation's natural habitat is there. We had better all overcome
our hydrophobia and learn sailing or at least swimming. The relationship between verbal
and extra-verbal translations is comparable to the difference between language and s emi
otics, the latter including the former as its special case. Sooner or lacer, TS will inevitably
come to the realization chat it has to deal with general principles of mediation, and therein
lies its emancipation of literary studies and linguistics; also therein, the cross between TS
and the rest of the world muse be drawn. Therefore, the time is ripe to study laws governing
cranslacion-Proceus as a way of crossing the cross. There is only one place co draw a cross
ofTS's emancipation; it is not between verbal and non-verbal mediation-the cross should
be drawn along the line separating crossing the cross and all the rest.
However, at this point, che question is bound co arise: How is translation to be distin
guished vis-a-vis (1) other types of boundary crossing phenomena and (2) other types ofme
diation? In the present paper, I will address the difference between translation and other types
of boundary crossing aspect 1, while aspect 2 should be discussed separately elsewhere.
A Cluster of Cross-Crossers
T o be sure, translation is not the only social phenomenon chat exists across the
cross. Therefore, in order to be better appreciated and properly distinguished from
other boundary phenomena, CPs, translation should be compared with other
CPs. There are a number of boundary phenomena that exist in modern society, e.g., trade,
diplomacy, transgression, war, and all sorts of cultural interactions. All these CPs belong to
different s ocial function(al) s ystems.
Modern society in developed countries, i.e., politically and economically modernized
countries, which participate in international and globalizing processes, can be described as
function-based (Luhmann 1997; H abermas 1984, 153-197). Roughly, around che period of
che Industrial Revolution, the basis ofintra- and inter-systemic interactions became funccion
based. Previously, social interactions had been determined either by che relative autonomy
and self-maintenance of social groups (tribe-like segmentation); or by the dynamics of the
relationship between centre and periphery; or by the rank- and cla'ss-dominated logic. Differ
ent types of social organization (segmentation; centre/ periphery; ranks) did not follow each
other as if in single file. In some periods, some of chem coexisted, yet usually one of chem
dominated. In modern society, interactions are predominantly determined by differences be
tween subsystems having different social functions. Function subsystems are differentiated
E
E
social operational systems, each of which specializes in handling a particular social problem
� (Luhmann 1995, 299; Luhmann 2000, 138; Krause 1996, 34). Therefore, in modern society,
we can distinguish between legal, military, educational, religious, and other subsystems.
C
0
48
S e r g e y T y u l e n ev
All function subsystems are independent from each other in the sense that their spe
·cialization makes it impossible for one ofthe subsystems to exercise full and unconditioned
control over another/the others without being controlled by its own dependence on other
subsystems for their 'services'. Contrary to widespread beliefs, even the political subsystem,
which seems to be the most powerful and influential among the subsystems-a super
subsyscem, one might say- cannot fully control che other subsystems . Policies can subdue
the other subsystems for some time, as is the case in totalitarian states for example, yet
this time inevitably runs out because the other subsystems exist according to their internal
laws that cannot be determined from the outside. As a result, policies' supremacy gives way
to economic laws (the economic order imposed b y totalitarianism collapses and new eco
nomic patterns develop on the ashes of the overly centralized economy), to laws governing
arts (underground art rebels against aesthetics foisted on it), etc.
Function subsystems are operationally closed. Yet one subsystem may affect the behav
iour of another, bur this happens only by way of irritations, which are external in relation
to the internal operations of the subsystem. It is up to che subsystem whether to react to or
ignore these outside irritations. Thus, being interaccionally open, subsystems are operationally
closed and do not compromise their functional independence. Translation is an example of
such function subsystem, being an interactionally open operational closure (Tyulenev 201 0).
Not all boundary phenomena, however, constitute full-blown function subsystems;
some may belong to other subsystems, sometimes to more than one. For instance, trade con
tributes to the operations of the function subsystem of the economy; diplomacy facilitates
functioning of the political subsystem on the international level or of other subsystems (cf.
international cultural activities which involve arts); war is associated primarily with the mili
tary subsystem bur also policies and the economy may be involved; espionage and intelligence
services belong primarily to the subsystem ofpolicies, yet in the case ofeconomic spying their
connection with the economy becomes predominant; cultural interactions are carried out
primarily within the subsystem of art, yet in the case of what is termed 'soft power'. chat is,
cultural diplomacy, culcural events fall under the jurisdiction of policies (Nye 2004).
In order to decide which ofthe boundary phenomena constitute function subsystems
and which do not, a closer look at che properties of function systems is needed. In the
modern world, function subsystems become so independent ofrespective intrastate politi
cal subsystems chat they go beyond geopolitical frontiers; the world merges into one global
system, a world society (Luhmann 1990, 178). Internacional police (Interpol) is one such
type of functional crossing of frontiers based on a particular type of systemic 'communica
tive behaviour' (ibid.) in the modern global world society; Interpol belongs primarily to the
legal function subsystem. Education is yet another function chat is exercised internationally.
International news agencies are the internationally operating subsystem of mass media.
All the above-listed boundary phenomena are, however, different from translation in
chat they do not constitute subsystems; rather they are operations (among other possible
operations) ofthis or that function subsystem. This can be shown if we apply five criteria in
order to define function subsystems: function, efficacy, medium, code, and program (Krause
1 996, 37-38). To exist, all function subsystems have to have a specific social problem which E
E
the entire social system needs to cake care ofin order to ensure its smooth operation, whether
for the sake of its internal communication or for the sake of its external interaction with the
49
S e r g e y T y u le n e v
environment. The ability of a subsystem to tackle a particular problem on behalf of the entire
system is efficacy of the subsystem. Thus, a problem that a system faces requires assigning
the function of suggesting ways to handle this problem to a subsystem, which has the capac
ity to produce a desired effect and thereby address the issue-in other words, to a subsystem
that demonstrates the required efficacy. For instance, the legal subsystem regulates social life
by suggesting discrimination of actions according to whether they comply with the existing
laws; science supplies knowledge; religion meets spiritual needs; etc.
Social-systemic codes are specific binary differences that allow ( sub) systems to differ
entiate what is theirs and what is alien. Codes imply a cross-deft two-sided form with posi
tive and negative values, or marked and unmarked spaces. Thus, for the economy, the code
is payment/ non-payment; for religion, immanence/ transcendence; for science, truth/ false
hood; etc. Interpol, international circulation of news by international news agencies, war,
trade do not have any code of their own that would distinguish them as social subsystems.
Interpol, for example, operates according to the code of the legal subsystem and observes
the difference between the lawful and lawless, the legal and illegal; trade operates according
to the code of the economy subsystem; war according to the code of the military subsystem.
Translation, on the other hand, operates based on its own code, which cannot be reduced to
any other function subsystem's code-mediated/non-mediated ( Tyulenev 20 10).
While the code does not change within a subsystem, programs do. Programs are chro
notopically sensitive. They thereby allow, 'assigning the correct code value' to different things
under changing circumstances, according to the spirit of the age without forfeiting the sub
system's operational identity (Luhmann 2000, 20 1 ) . Based on these five criteria, only transla
tion, among the above-mentioned social crossing phenomena, can claim to be a subsystem.
Transversal Transgression
. . . (A]nd your children, which . . . had no knowledge between good
and evil, they shall go in thither .. .
-Deuteronomy 1 :39 (KJV)
T ransgression is a special case of border crossing as compared to the above-men
tioned boundary phenomena in that it is an operation, which may take place with
in any function subsystem.
Although meaning primarily transgression as represented by sexuality and its language,
Michel Foucault sees this type of border crossing as a present-day replacement of another
transgressive operation-profanation in religious discourse: 'Profanation in a world that
no longer recognizes any positive meaning in the sacred-is this not more or less what we
may call transgression?' ( 1 994, 702 ; see also p. 75). According to Foucault, in the modern
world lacking objects which could be desecrated, transgression provides division, which
E
E
2
1l1e article A Preface to Transgression' was translated by Donald F. Bourchard and Sherry Simon and
slightly amended by James Faubion.
50
Sergey Tyulenev
allows affirmation o f conventionally limited phenomena. Transgression is, therefore, inti
mately connected with the limit, 'rhar narrow zone of a line where it displays the flash of
its passage' (73). Transgression crosses and re-crosses the line of the limit. The limit is not
uncrossable and at the same rime it is not an illusion-the limiting line is a real division
in and of the world: that it is inevitably divided and must be divided because otherwise no
part of the world would be definable: '. . . we cannot make an indication without drawing a
distinction' (Spencer Brown 1 973, 1 ) . Foucault compare's transgression to a flash of lighr
ning'in the night which . . . gives a dense and black intensity to the night it denies' (Foucault
1 994, 74) . lmportanrly, Foucault theorizes transgression outside ethics, as neither ' bad' nor
'good; and defines the role of transgression as tracing'rhe flashing line that causes the limit
to arise' (74 ). Transgression's function is 'simply an affirmation of division' and 'rhe resting of
the limit' (74). 'The instantaneous play of the limit and of transgression' is thus cognitively
indispensable, being 'the essential rest for a thought that centers on the 'o rigin' (75) .
Bur what does the interplay of a limit and its transgression imply? Thanks to the
fact of affirming division and demonstrating the limit by pointing to the limitlessness on
the other side, the sides of the cross 'learn' something about each other and themselves.
Transgression functions as a mechanism of breaking the circular internaliry of the sides of
the divided world. In social-systemic terms, transgression is a way of overcoming the op
erational closure of the transgressed system and a channel of the ( sub ) system's interactional
openness to the other side of the crossed form.
Such function of transgression, however, jeopardizes the integrity and the bliss of
complacent ignorance of otherwise limited systems and may be seen as more or less seri
ous crimes-and indeed they are seen as crimes, therefore Foucault has to emphasize that
his consideration of transgression is beyond ethics ( 1 994, 74). In order to understand this
aspect of rhe social role of transgression, it would be helpful to take into consideration what
Emile Durkheim wrote about the social role of crime. He defined crime as normal ( 1 982,
32, 97- 107). Contrary to widely held beliefs which confuse the moral nature of crime
and its social role, Durkheim considers crime from the sociological point of view not as
pathology bur rather as normality, because crime is ( 1 ) universal, and (2) necessary, in that
it plays an important social role. There is no society without crime (i.e., crime is univer
sal); therefore, crime must be an indispensable component of the social. Crime ensures the
evolution of society-of its morality and law (i.e., crime is necessary). Crime is 'an action
which offends certain collective feelings which are especially strong and clear-cut' (Durk
heim 1 982, 99). Crime breaks open the hermetic closure of the dominant social discourse
by introducing something foreign. Yer crime supplies society with options for transforma
tion and helps overcome rigidity and resentment towards change. Crime allows individual
originality, which goes beyond moral principles of its age, and this is how crime participates
in introducing new moral principles:
Not only does [crime) imply chat the way co necessary changes remains open, but in certain cases
it also directly prepares for these changes. [Hence, w)here crime exists, collective sentiments are nor
only in the scare of plasticity necessary co assume a new form, bur sometimes it even contributes co
E
determining beforehand che shape they will cake on. Indeed, how often is it only an anticipation of E
the morality co come, a progression cowards what will be! (Durkheim 1 982, 102)
51
S e r g e y T y u l e n ev
Durkheim adduces an example of Socrates who was a criminal according to Athenian
law, yet who, by his crime that was the independence of thought, prepared a way for a new
Athenian morality and intellectual freedom.
Recall that Foucault also vindicates transgression by putting it outside the realm of
good and evil where it is seen as tantamount to demonism:
Nothing is more alien to this experience than the demonic character who, true to his nature, 'denies
everything'. Transgression opens onto a scintillating and constantly affirmed world, a world without
shadow or twilight, without that serpentine 'no' that bites into fruits and lodges their contradictions
at their core. It is the solar inversion of satanic denial. (1994, 75)
Foucault himself was a prophet of the good land of transgression. Transgression lay at
the core of his own method and scholarly mission: his own scholarly effort always negotiated
between extremes, totalisations, centralizations, leveling his critique both against Marxism and
against bourgeoisie, passing from level to level, crossing the thresholds, overcoming horizontal
ity and verticality alike, preferring diagonal mobility, or, borrowing Felix Guattari's term, trans
versality (Deleuze 1 986, 30, 32). Foucault was interested in creating'une theorie generale des
productions' with Tanalyse des formations sociales' as its basic motivation and method (Fou
cault 1969, 270; also Kremer-Marietti 1 974, 6). In other words, he was fascinated by tracing
limits and boundaries in their malleability, when they were breaking, forming, and changing,
rather than when they were already congealed; he was mesmerized by the abysses of ruptures
rather than the plateaus of continuities. Being himself part of transversal transgression, Fou
cault sought to unearth the fundamental function of transgression-affirmation in the divided
world. Hence, transgression for him is neither negative nor positive and, mutatis mutandis,
comparable to Durkheim's view of crime as an objectively necessary social phenomenon. This
affirmation, as has been mentioned above, is inevitably related with continuous supply of the
sides of a form with newness ( of learning more about the other sides and, therefore, about
themselves). This newness introduces new elements, as does crime, according to Durkheim.
Translation plays the same function in the evolution of social systems. Translation
crosses the boundary thereby ( 1 ) affirming the limited inside of the cross against the un
limited outside of the cross and (2) suggesting new ways of social evolution. Aspect ( 1 ) is
at the basis of any translational act: translation always moves from one side of a cross into
the other, from one (sub) system into another. Such trajectory of translation affirms one side
against the other: a named value against all other values, the ego against the alter, and the
system against the environment.
Aspect (2) is not as self-evident. Social evolution can be seen as a three-stage process
consisting of the stages of variation, selection, and stabilization. The social system has to
compensate for the difference, which exists between itself and its environment. The envi
ronment, which is always more complex than the system, sends signals to the system, or
irritates the system, yet it is up to the system whether to accept or reject the signals. The
signals suggest new elements or variations of phenomena already existing within the system
or new phenomena. This is the stage of variation. Out of the suggested range of incoming
E
signals, the system selects some and rejects others. The stage of variation throws the system
=�
E
out of its established order, yet upon the completion of the stage of selection, the system
stabilizes its internal communication, which now includes new phenomena.
52
Sergey Tyulenev
How does the system learn and make sense of the environment's signals? Translation
as a boundary phenomenon plays a crucial role in this process. Translation enables the sys
tem to see and understand che options on offer. Like transgression and crime, translation
makes the system sensitive to the environment and keeps the system open to the possibility
of evolution. First, translation provides options for rhe variation stage. A ll the options, sug
gested by translation, boil down to a limited set. (1 ) Options may be borrowed exacrly as
they exist in rhe environment, even without changing the source's code, as is the case in bor
rowings of macaronic types of literary texts. Such ways of translating may be expressed as
A= A. (2) Options may be changed in their form bur not in their content: A= A1 • This can
be illustrated by trans literating translation when a foreign word is re- coded in the graphical
form of the target language without any significant change in the content. (3) Equivalents
may be found in the target system and they replace the incoming options: A=B. This is the
most widely pracciced way of verbum-centered translation when words or phrases of the
source language are replaced by target language 'equivalents'. (4) Mid- way between direct
borrowing of what the environment offers and a replacement with something already exist
ing in the system is when A is equalized with structures like'A 1 , (or) B'. Such is the case with
glossing types of translation when both a borrowing from the environment and an equiva
lent (or several equivalents) are provided. (5) Sometimes, phenomena of the environment
and of the system are fused and hybrids result: A = A l / B. This can be exemplified by lexi
(
cal hybrids, such as the English word oddments, where the Germanic root odd was joined
with the Larin suffi x -ment. T his is how translation handles the incoming signals from the
environment and passes chem on to the system for selection.
Ac the stage of selection, translation's role is significancly more modest. The system
decides which of the suggested options to accept and which should be rejected. Although
translators may have a say in this process, they usually are asked for their opinion in an
other capacity-as influential cultural or social figures, rather than as translators. When
a particular option is accepted, translation's function is to conform to the re-negotiated
social discourse. Ac this stage of stabilization, rranslacion adopts char of che above listed
five options for each suggested phenomenon, which che system selected and adheres to char
option, while, concurrencly, suggesting other ways of evolution by handling new signals
coming from outside the system.
As we see, fundamentally, translation plays rhe same part as transgression and crime
do in crossing rhe established limit in order to affirm one side of rhe crossed form by com
paring it with the other and suggesting new ways of social evolution. This closeness to
transgression/ crime explains, among other things, why translation is often seen as unfaith
fulness or a downright criminal activity (traduttore traditore). Yet the main difference as
compared to transgression/ crime is that translation is not as consistencly radical as trans
gression and crime are. We have seen that at the stage of stabilization in social evolution,
translation conforms to, rather than breaks the established rules.
Besides, transgression crosses 'incessantly' (Foucault 1 994, 73), while translation ~
crosses in order to bring a handful of options and then to adopt whichever option was ~
found acceptable by the home system. Occasionally, however, translation may be perceived
as dangerous as transgression or even crime (cf, translators of the Bible into vernaculars in
early modern Europe, such as William Tyndale or Marcin Luther).
53
S e r g ey T y u l e n e v
Subduing War
. . . [R]anged as infantry,
And staring face to face,
I shot at him as he at me . . .
-Thomas Hardy, '1he Man He Killed'
T ransgression is strong; crime is stronger still; bur war is by far the strongest of the
boundary phenomena. War forces the system co become acutely, very often pain
fully and tragically, sensitive co the environment (See Machiavelli 1965, 718). War
is a locus not just of the system's contact, but rather the system's clash with the environment
or, more precisely, with another system or other systems in the environment.
Since rimes immemorial, war has shaped s ocieties, being at the same rime a product
of social development. Fundamentally, war 'is a function of ambiguities in the state sys
tem' caused by unequal distribution of resources and ensuing rivalry (Freedman 1994, 3).
Social- systemically, wars may be seen as a result of che system's failure to curb conflicts,
which, as we have seen in the cases of transgression 2nd crime, are necessary in order co en
sure the system's flexibility and ability co evolve (GLU, 97). If the system manages to limit
the effect of a conflict, the latter remains a transgression or crime. If however the scale of
a conflict becomes unmanageable and the system fails to cope with it, warfare may result.
The system ceases co exist as one unit and an internal (e.g., intrastate) war may break out.
Interstate wars may be represented as either one complex system breaking into two or as
two systems, originally in balanced interaction, yet at some point, the balance is disturbed
and the systems' military forces cross the cross (frontier) and an interplay of offensives and
defensives begins (Machiavelli 1975, vol. I, 381; Clausewitz 1832, VP). Allied systems
may war against their common enemy/enemies; thus, two crosses are united (allied) under
one common cross and che war is waged across this common cross with the enemy. 'If two
or more scares combine against another, the result is still politically speaking a single war'
(Clausewitz, in Freedman 1994, 212). The goal of war, thus, is to eliminate obstacles in
either internal systemic communication or external intersyscemic interaction, whatever size
or structural complexity these systems may assume, or increase che domain of the original
communication and include a part of the environment (of the external side of the cross) to
the system (co the internal side of the cross) (Machiavelli 1975, vol. I, 375).
There is probably no better suiting discussion ofwar available than Carl von Clausewicz'
magnum opus Vom Kriege ( On War). Although written (1806- 1830) and published (1832)
roughly two centuries ago (Schossler 1991, 79-100) and all elements of warfare since then
has drastically changed, 'no one, as yet, has written a book on the subject chat even remotely
surpasses chat of Clausewicz' because his 'fundamental explanation and definition of war [ . . . ]
has remained relevant' (Handel 1986, 2, 12; see also Freedman 1994, 7, 191-194). Therefore,
I will draw my comparison of war with translation on Clausewicz' theory.
�E
E
� 3
Hereinafter, in references to Clausewitz' On War, the Roman numeral stands for the number of the book
cited; the Arabic for the section therein; and a letter, if any, after the Arabic numeral points to a subsection.
54
Sergey Tyu lenev
Transgression is a s free a s lightning, bur not so is war. As seven cities 'warr'd for
Homer dead' (Thomas Heywood, ' Heirarchie of the Blessed Angells'. 1635), so several
subsystems lay claim to war. War is most commonly viewed as a purely military activ
ity. Clausewitz, 'a true philosopher in uniform'. revolutionized the study of war-and his
revolution is compared to Copernican revolution for its profundity and scale-in showing
that politics provides the source and motivation of war; without politics, war turns into a
senseless slaughter (Clausewitz 1 832, VIII, 6B; Handel 1 986, 7; Creveld 2000, 1 08, 1 1 2) .
Other causes of warfare are known-notably, economic, religious, and ethnic; moreover,
deeper motives are found (Stoessinger 2008; Machiavelli 1 975, vol. I, 378; Lebow 20 10).
In social-systemic terms, these different combinations of military action with other social
activities or psychological phenomena show strong intersystemic links, which develop be
tween war and other phenomena, notably social subsystems. It is beyond my expertise and
the purport of the present paper to discuss arguments as to which of the 'seven subsystems'
has more legitimate rights to lay their claim to causing and motivating wars (see Lebow
20 1 0, 18). What is more important in light of comparing war and translation as two
boundary phenomena is that both are volatile in their allegiances to social activities and
(sub)systems, they easily form structural couplings with other social phenomena; at that,
their structural couplings are stronger bonds than those of transgression which always
contests and challenges the establishment, yet shuns any commitments.
On the one hand, as Clausewitz put it, war has 'its own grammar: its own nature; on
the other hand, its logic originates from parities ( 1 832, VIII, 6B: 'seine eigene Grammatik,
aber nicht seine eigene Logik'). Moreover, this instrumental vision of war 'enabled Clausewitz
to argue that war was morally neutral' (Creveld 2000, 1 1 2). Thus, war, like transgression,
crime, and translation, which all, being neutral in themselves, exist beyond good and evil, is
theorized as a neutral instrument of boundary crossing in the hands of politics. At the same
time, politics is not a tyrant over war, for whatever political goal motivates warfare, the po
litical will must be commensurate with the available military resources (Clausewitz 1832,
I, 23). Clausewitz' contemporary, Baron deJornini, a military theorist who, like Clausewitz,
found his material for analysis in Napoleonic warfare, viewed war as 'a great drama, [ . . . ]
which cannot be reduced to mathematical calculations'. yet he also recognized that there
was 'a small number of fundamental principles of war, which could not be deviated from
without danger, and the application of which, on the contrary, has been in almost all times
crowned with success' (cited in Freedman 1 994, 1 9 1 ) . In social-systemic terms, this state
ment could be re-read as defining war as an operational closure which forms structural
couplings with different phenomena of its environment.
The same, mutatis mutandis, can be said about translation: on the one hand, transla
tion operates according to its own 'grammar: that is, rules and principles of transformation
of phenomena passing through it between the source and the target, yet the material for
th'e transformation is supplied from outside translation. Without such outside provisions,
neither war nor translation do not make sense, or, in Clausewitz own words, they become
einsinn- und zweckloses Ding (a meaningless and purposeless thing, 1832, VIII, 6B). War
and politics are described by Clausewitz as being interdependent; this is exactly how Luh E
E
mann understands the relationship between different function subsystems: politics perme
ates ( durchziehen) military operations and exercises continuous influence on them, yet so
55
S e r g e y T y u l e n ev
far as military force will allow (Clausewitz 1 832, I, 23). Such view of war supports the
possibility of the social-systemic sovereignty of translation ( operational closure) and its
existence in structural couplings with other social and psychological phenomena. In TS
today, this equilibrium is infrequently upset and, as a result, translation's social syscemics is
not recognized and translation is mistakenly seen to be ephemeral in the social space ( Wolf
2007, 1 14- 1 17).
Clausewicz compares war with a duel on a larger scale ( einerweiterter Zweikampf, I, 2) .
Thereby Clausewicz stresses che reciprocal nature (Wechselwirkung) of war ( 1 832, I, 3; 4; 5;
6; 8). Reciprocity is also an integral part of interpreting ( understood here as the oral form
of translation). Yee the nature of war's reciprocity is, of course, quite different from chat of
translation. First of all, war is a violent act aimed at subduing the opponent (Clausewitz
1 832, L 2) . Even when the aim is to avoid bloodshed as much as possible, the goal is victory
and taking the high ground (see, for instance how such a goal is at rhe basis of Sun Tzu's
principles of warfare which makes chem applicable to quire peaceful business transactions,
as shown in Hawkins and Rajagopal 20054) . Translation is hardly ever as belligerent as
war; even when it is faulty or biased, superficial and distorting, translation aims at enabling
intersyscemic interaction.
Yer another aspect, which is important for understanding such boundary phenomena
as war and translation, is the balance of psychic and social phenomena. Clausewitz consid
ers this aspect as a problem of friction. The problem boils down to the difference between
an ideal warfare, an imaginary view ofabsolute war; vs. 'real war' -in other words, between
the war, 'stripped of all practical considerations concerning time, place and intent; imagined,
as it were,'srand[ing] up naked, so to speak' and the war as it is in the battlefield ( 1832, VIII,
2; I, 7; Creveld 2000, 1 09). The friction between the theory and practice of war is caused
by a number of factors, yet what is pertinent for the present discussion, is the difference
between the psychic and social dimensions of war. Troops are made up of individuals, each
with his individual will, feelings, fears, etc. Yee for the success of a military operation, they
all have to be united to act as one. 11ms, the difference between war in reality, complicated
and confused, and war on paper is, among other things, the difference between individual
psychic systems and a social unit of the entire army or any of its subdivisions.
Arguably, a similar difference is observed in translation viewed as a sum total of all
translational acts (in a particular place in a particular time) and each translation ace taken
on its own. Clarity of what constitutes the psychology and sociology of translation has still
nor been reached in present-day TS. Nor all translation students understand the difference
and importance of viewing translation from the sociological perspective; many are strug
gling with social-systemic approaches to the study of translation, such as Luhmann's theory
of social systems. Yer, although there is no denying char each translator always has a cer
tain degree of freedom of choice in his/her decisions, all translators are socialized human
beings-they are produces of their upbringing and carriers of a particular social-systemic
communication and, therefore, there is a fully legitimate ground for efforts to capture supra-
E
E
See Creveld 2000, 1 14 - 1 15, on rhe difrerence between Oausewirz' vision of war and Chinese military
4
theory epitomized in Sun Tzu's treatise The Art of War.
56
S e r g e y T y u l e n ev
psychic translational processes. Translation can be studied as a social phenomenon which
means that it can be studied sociologically or, in Durkheim's terms, as a social fact, that is, a
'way of acting, whether fixed or not, capable of exerting over the individual an external con
straint' (1 982, 59). Social fact is 'general over the whole of a given society whilst having an
existence of its own, independent of its individual manifestations' (ibid., emphasis in original) .
Translation's own existence, stripped of all individual manifestations, can well be studied.
Translation manifests itself in a particular way in a particular chronotopic locus. It is this
that allows us today to have translator education, according to the principle formulated by
Machiavelli about warriors: 'Nature brings forth few valiant men; effort and training make
plenty of them' (1965, 718) . Effort and training, or socialization of translational praxis, is
what, among other things, turns translation from a psychological fact into a social fact.
Conclusion
A
II three social phenomena, translation, transgression, and war, are boundary phe
nomena. This is the basis, which allowed us to compare these otherwise quite
different social activities. Although to cover all their similarities and differences
would be 'mission impossible' for just one paper, I hope to have demonstrated the potential
of such a systemic approach to translation when such comparisons can be made and, thanks
to that, better understood. This also helps to draw a clearer distinction (cross) between
translation and all other comparable social phenomena. Let us recapitulate and finalize the
major findings of comparing translation with transgression and war.
All the three cross the systemic cross and such crossing is the essence of their social
functioning. Their fundamental source is social evolution and they are a product of social
evolution (although war should be considered as an extreme and undesired case). Society
needs to evolve and it does evolve. In the process of social development, established dis
courses, norms, conventions, all of what makes a system a distinct social unit-all that
is comprised in the term systemic communication-undergo transformations. What is the
source of new options? It is the system's environment. Boundary phenomena are mecha
nisms of how the system obtains new options from the environment.
At that, all the boundary phenomena have different 'casks': translation directly sug
gests new options; transgression probes the established boundary ; war aims at resolving
problems of intrasystemic communication or intersysremic interaction. All the three cross
boundaries (systemic boundaries, of which geographical-political state frontiers are only a
special case!), thereby affirming the fact of the boundaries'. However, all the three analysed
phenomena differ in the ratio of primary functions vs. secondary functions, or'by -products'.
of crossing social-systemic boundaries.
Translation is supposed primarily to facilitate the exchange of phenomena between
interacting (sub)systems across boundaries. Naturally, such an exchange implies affirma
tion of boundaries and, consequently, of sy stemic identities. Transgression, on the contrary,
w
primarily, affirms intrasystemic discourses (by challenging them and raking them to their E
E
limits). Transgression brings these intrasystemic discourses all the way to the point where
they can be juxtaposed with the phenomena located beyond the boundary. Such juxtaposi-
57
Sergey Tyulenev
tion necessarily generates a fresh appreciation of the juxtapos ed phenomena and, thereby,
something new is brought into the system (new information about what is beyond the
system's limit and how it is different from what is inside the system). However, the latter
result of transgression is but a by-product of crossing the boundary, whereas in the case of
translation, that was the primary objective.
War also crosses the boundary, thereby affirming the existence of the boundary and
opening the internal communication of the involved systems for one another's elements
(e.g., soldiers of warring nations inevitably learn something new about people in the coun
tries they pass), yet these two functions are only by-products of war as a boundary phe
nomenon, the primary goal being an attempt to restore the integrity of the intrasystemic
communication or intersystemic interaction or to enrich them (See Machiavelli 1975, vol.
I, 375; vol. II, 101-102, note 6, 1).
Such are governing principles of distinguishing between these boundary phenomena,
all other of their differences and similarities are deductible from these principal ones. For
example, all the three cross the systemic boundary, yet the intensity of crossing is different
in all the three cases. In transgression, crossing is not more than a glance beyond the cross,
at the other side, from the limited into the limitless. H ence, transgression's extremism is
nothing to compare to the extremism of the boundary crossing as observed in war, yet it
is stronger than the intensity of translation's boundary- crossing. Translation may be trans
gressive ( when it couples with transgression and as.sumes some of its properties), yet the
power of translation's transgression is perhaps the most modest among the three. Transla
tion's main function is to provide new elements, and transgression may be called upon only
in order to emphasize the importance of suggested options. Yet, rarely, translators go as far
as to impose the translated options upon the system ( that is why we know those translators
who were considered criminals for their translational audacity by name-they are excep
tions that confirm the rule).
On the contrary, the extremism of transgression is much stronger because transgres
sion aims 'to release forces within language that will hurl us to the limits of our ordinary
concepts and experiences and give us a (perhaps transforming) glimpse of radically new
modes of thought' (Gutting 2005, 17; emphasis added). There is no guarantee, however,
that transgression will bring us transformation-pe rhaps is an important word used by
Gary Gutting here. After all, transgression's function is not so much to provide something
from beyond, but to bring us to the beyond. But none of the two-translation or trans
gression- can compare with war in the latter's intensity of crossing the boundary. War is a
violent crossing aiming ar nothing less than subduing the other side of the cross (Machia
velli 1965, 581, 653). But the constructive aspect of intersystemic boundary crossing is the
strongest with translation.
Finally, translation, as compared with transgression and war, acts as a mediator be
tween the two interacting social units in chat it helps, even if only superficially, the interact
ing social units to reach a better understanding of one another; whereas transgression and
war act almost exclusively on behalf of the home system and do not mediate in the sense of
E
E
facilitating the home system's better appreciation of the other side of the cross.
S e r g e y T y u l e n ev
References
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VomKriegel832/TOC.htm.
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Handel, Michael I. (ed.). 1986. Clausewitz and Modern Strategy. London: Frank Cass.
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Enke.
Kremer-Marietti, Angele. 1974. Foucault et l'archeologie du savoir. Paris: Seghers.
Lebow, Richard Ned. 20 1 0. Why Nations Fight: Past and Future Motives for War. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni
versity Press.
Luhmann, Niklas. 1990. Essays on Self- Reference. New York: Columbia University Press.
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1997. Die Gesellschaft der Gesellschaft. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp.
1998. Observations on Modernity. Translated by William Whobrey. Stanford: Stanford University Press.
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Machiavelli, Niccolo. 1 965. The Chief Works and Others. Translated by Allan Gilbert. Vol. Two. Durham, North
Carolina: Duke University Press.
1975. The Discourses of Niccolo Machiavelli. Translated by Leslie J. Walker. London and Boston: Rout
ledge & Kegan Paul.
Merkle, Denise ( ed.). 2009. Comparative Literature and Literary Translation Studies: Points of Convergence and
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Divergence. TTR (XXII): 2. E
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Nye,Joseph S., Jr. 2004. Soft Power: The Means to Success in World Politics. New York: Public Affairs.
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Schossler, Diecmar. 1991. Carl van Clausewitz. Hamburg: Rowohlc.
Spencer Brown, George. 1 973. Laws of Form. Toronto / New York /and London: Bantam Books.
Scoessinger, John G. 2008. Why Nations Go to War. Belmont, California: Thomson Wadsworth.
Tyulenev, Sergey. 2010.'Is Translation an Aucopoietic System:" MonTI, (2): 345-37 1 .
20 1 1. Applying Luhmann to Translation Studies: Translation i n Society. New York and London: Roucledge.
Wolf. Michaela. 2007. 'The Location of the ' Translation Field". ln Constructing a Sociology of Translation, edited
by Michaela Wolf, and Alexandra Fukari, 1 09- 1 19. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins.
E
E
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] | Rewriting Memory: A Postcolonial Translation
of Don Quixote into Kichwa
ANTONIA CARCELEN-ESTRADA
Introduction
B
efore Spanish colonization, the Antonia Carcelen-Estrada
northernmost part of the Tawant is finishing her PhD in
Comparative Literature
insuyu or Inka Empire was known at the University of
as the Chinchaysuyu, today Ecuador. Three Massachusetts Amherst
million indigenous people currently speak [UMassl. where she is
Kichwa in Ecuador. Its speakers consider it an instructor for Social
Thought and Political Economy. Her
a language of communication between hu latest publications are ·covert and Overt
man beings (runakuna), divinities (ayakuna/ Ideologies in the Translation of the Wycliffe
achillikkuna), animals (wiwakuna), the ances Bible into Huao Terero· in Translation,
Resistance, Activism [2011 J; 'Latin American
tors (apukkuna), and Nature (Pachamama). H istoriography in Emerging Capitalism· in
Thus, it serves as the language of initiation Ethnicity from Various Angles and Through
into Andean epistemology. Its delicate, melo Varied Lenses: Yesterday's Today in Latin
America [2011); and ·Tierra, riqueza,
dious nature and the lack of words for insulcs cuerpos, diferencia· in Actas de/ I Congreso
make it ideally suited for diplomatic commu Internacional de Literatura Comparada
nication. Kichwa belongs to the IIB group in [2011 I. Carcelen-Estrada is a translator
the Quechua linguistic family, and it is not and interpreter for the Translation Center
at UMass, a member of Runapacha, and
the same language as the one spoken in Peru a collaborator for the Migrants· National
and Bolivia, chat is, Quechua I and Quechua Bureau of Ecuador [SENAMI) in Barcelona.
Her research interests include postcolonial
IIA/IIC respectively (Torero 1964, 451).
literature, colonial and contemporary Latin
Some differences between Kichwa America, translation studies, philosophy,
and Quechua are chat che former only has cultural studies, art history, anthropology,
three vowels, corresponding to the proto- and oral literature.
[email protected]
Quechua, while the latter has five ( Adelaar
and Muysken 2004, 197), Ic lacks glottal sounds and draws upon phonemes from pre
Colombian languages such as the Karanki's "cs" or "z" or the use of a labial "f" (Adelaar and
Muysken 2004, 392-394). Kichwa has four variants: Northern, Central, Southern, and
Amazonian dialeccs.1
�E
E
1
Among Ecuadorian Kichwa dialects, there is semantic variation, but rhe dialectic differentiation mostly hap
�
pens at rhe level of allomorphs and varying morpho-phonologic processes ( Adelaar and Muysken 2004, 242).
9
Antonia Carcelen-Estrada
These dialects are the result ofthe. hybridization ofQuechua with Karanki and Span
ish, a result of long-term word borrowing (Gomez Rendon 2005: 42; 2008: 176) and an
adoption of certain structural elements such as demonstratives shuk and kay (Fauchois
1988; Gomez Rendon 2007).
Through conquest, colonialism, and nation building, Spanish s eeders imposed their
language on native populations. As in many postcolonial situations, Kichwa was the van
quished language of barbarity, while the colonial language narrated the conquered territory
in a civilizing prose. In his essay "El proceso de la liceratura" (1928), Peruvian indigenist2
Jose Carlos Mariategui claims that "lo unico casi que sobrevive de! Tawantinsuyoes el in
dio. La civilizacion ha perecido. No ha perecido la raza" (2008, 289).3 Since indigenous
literature is moscly oral, mestizo writers have composed the nation, narrating the Indian in
Spanish in the many moments of indigenist literature, from the first indigenist novel in re
publican cimes,Juan Leon Mera's Cumanda (1879), through the social realist vanguard fic
tion, Huasipungo by Jorge lcaza (1934) to the first magical realist novel by Angel Felicisimo
Rojas, El Exodo de Yangana (1949).
Although socially committed, these works use one-dimensional, stereotypical char
acterizations of what it means to be indigenous: a state of being at odds with culture and
civilization. Their plots focus mainly on the conflict among Indians, mestizos, and white
populations, leaving our indigenous self-representations and the complex, multi-layered rela
tionship between natives and non-indigenous peoples in the past five hundred years. Already
in 1892, Catalan philologist Antonio Rubio i Lluch wrote to the most renowned architect of
the Ecuadorian nacion,Juan Leon Mera, warning him that he could not speak for the Indian
race, especially not in Spanish, and that a true indigenous poetry could only be expressed in
Kichwa (Rubio 1893, 591-593). Rubio i Lluch advocated for a revitalizing of Catalan, while
Leon Mera merely cook Kichwa tropes to strengthen a Latin American Spanish.
By translating Miguel de Cervantes's Don Quixote de la Mancha (1605/1615) into
Kichwa, Ocavalo economist Lucia Rosero and I have attempted to provide (1) a fictional
language in Kichwa; and (2) the linguistic tools for native writers to narrate themselves.
The process of translation involves both a re-imagining of the nation and a rewriting of the
language. We also hope to provide the first of a series of books in Kichwa chat can be used
for bilingual education. Indeed, as a consequence ofthis project, we have already received an
offer to translateJ. K. Rowling's Harry Potter and the Philosopher's Stone (1997) into Kichwa.
No final arrangements have been made.
In this paper, I study the historical connections between Spanish and Kichwa, evinc
ing the imperial linguistic policies that led to the subjugation of the latter to the former.
2
The indigenisc movement was a vanguard pro-indian movement chat was particularly strong in the
Andes and served as a nostalgic national rhetoric chat spoke for the folklorized Indians while claiming chat their
civilization had been destroyed in the past. As a result, indigenists did not respect indigenous people as groups
with a civilization of their own, but as people in need to be civilized and slowly assimilate in the mestizo nation.
I use indigenist to refer to thinkers and writers from this movement and indigenous to refer to the cultural
production emerging from the subaltern Kichwa.
3 The only remnant of the Tawantinsuyu is the Indian. Its civilization has perished. The race has not
perished'. (Unless otherwise noted, all translations are mine.)
10
Antonia Carcelen-Estrada
Through a historical overview o f this subjugation and its resistance, I show that the lin
guistic and the social struggles of Kichwa people are interconnected. Thus, the people's
liberation requires an expanded acceptance and use of the Kichwa language. I focus on the
figure ofTransito Amaguafi.a, a Kichwa leader who spent a century-long life fighting for the
valorization of her language and her culture, and for the incorporation of indigenous rights
into the mestizo nation. After placing Kichwa in its historical context, I establish a dialogue
between this language and Catalan, another language subjugated to Spanish through colo
nialism and conquest. Catalan's revalorization began at the end of the nineteenth century;
one of its first advocates corresponded with Ecuadorian intellectual Leon Mera discussing
the issue of Kichwa. In Ecuador, however, Kichwa continued to be subdued, while Catalan
began a steady and unprecedented renaissance. Then, I present a brief history of translation
into Kichwa. Finally, following the Noucentisme Movement's strategies to revitalize Catalan,
I propose a translation of Don Quixote into Kichwa as a possible seed for a linguistic and
cultural movement of our own.
The Linguistic Cross-Pollination between Spanish and Kichwa
F
rom 1492 until 1599, Spain slowly constituted itself as a nation through a process
of imperialism at the time of the emergence of early modernity (Carcelen-Estrada
2011). From the Enlightenment on Western epistemology developed thanks to
the emergence of its foundational sciences, namely history, geography, medicine, military
development, and grammar. During the time of the Conquest, Kichwa, or Runa Shimi,
was spoken as a language of cultural, ritual, and commercial exchange. Given its wide use,
it is safe to conclude that this language had been introduced by the mindalaes or traders
( Gomez-Rendon 2008, 175), but was not imposed as a lingua franca by the Inka Empire
( Torero 2002, 93-105). Scholars know that Felipillo translated for Francisco Pizarro, and
that he was a Guancavilca, evidence that Quechua was indeed spoken by people other than
the Inka. It is possible that a bilingualism occurred, and that, over the centuries, Quechua
creolized with local languages resulting in Kichwa, a language that today has about 70 per
cent coincidence with modern Quechua (Sacha Rosero, personal communication), and 30
percent Spanish-derivate lexicon (Gomez Rendon 2005, 46).
Inspired by Antonio de Nebrija's imperial views on grammar, the early colonial lin
guistic policies adopted Quechua as an Andean lingua franca and Nahuad as the Me
soamerican one (Oberem and Hartmann 1971; Leon-Portilla 2002; Rafael 1999). Al
though the use of native languages as an evangelizing tool was not always the official
policy ( Mannheim 1991, 64), scholars agree that Runa Shimi was spread through Catho
lic missionaries for conversion purposes in the context of the Counter Reform ( Mignolo
2005, 15-22). Missionaries translated sacred texts and prepared grammars ( artes) and
dictionaries (vocabularies), thus beginning the reduction of indigenous languages to a writ
ten form ( Rafael 1993, 20). However, after the initial conquest consolidated into the form
of a colony, this lingua franca was later supplanted by Spanish. The surviving indigenous E
�
E
languages resisted the new linguistic imposition in the many corners of the conquered ter
ritories, varying from Runa Shimi to Kiche to Tagalog to Vasque to Catalan.
11
Antonia Carcelen- Estrada
As the colony strengthened, Runa Shimi increasingly acquired negative connotations
becoming the Yanka Shimior, the 'useless' language, causing shame and rejection of the na
tive language and culture. This continued to be the case after Ecuador became a republic.
Runa Shimi was deeply repressed, except for a couple of punctual moments when presi
dents, motivated by the rise of folkloristic studies and anthropology in Europe, compiled
dictionaries and attempted Kichwa literacy programs.4 Bur the fact remained that Kichwa
served as the language of the hacienda workers, as a vanquished language. In this regard,
when thinking about the future of Kichwa as a language of knowledge, National Anthem
writer Juan Leon Mera claimed that 'Las escuelas civilizan, y no veo la posibilidad de esta
blecer escuelas en que se de la ensenanza en quichua. Contribuye, asimismo, a difundir la
cultura el trato frecuentemente e intimo con genre ilustrada y la lectura de buenos libros, y
esagente no habla quichuani hay en quichua libros buenos ni malos' (Leon Mera 1892, ix). 5
Indeed, bilingual education did not occur until the following century.
During the twentieth century, indigenous people became better organized, and they
slowly began to emerge as a social movement. In the 1920s, at the age of fourteen, one of
its early leaders, Trinsito Amaguafla, began her work by forming peasant unions, organiz
ing strikes, and mobilizing protests to the capital.6 'Mama Trinsito' founded the Federacion
Ecuatoriana de Indios (FEI), initiated bilingual education, and incorporated the indigenous
struggle to national politics through the Communist Party (Mino Grijalva 2009, 179; Rodas
2009, 43). After witnessing her father's torture and the miserable conditions under which
her people lived, she took it upon herself to take revenge in the name of indigenous people, a
revenge that was based on principles offriendship and love. Mama Trinsito remembers that,
along with Dolores Cacuango and Luisa Gomez de la Torre, 'organizamos las escuelas para
guaguas janchis en quichua y en espanol. Por eso me cogieron presa la primera vez. Para que
no organice la escuela para los indios' ( Amaguafi. a in Mino Grij alva 2009, 96). 7 Trinsito spoke
for the first time at a national level after she allied with President Jose Maria Velasco Ibarra
during his second term (1944-1947). She addressed Congress with the following words:
Yo he gricado en cascellano y luego en kichwa: que la ley sea justicia para codes, para blancos, para
rices, para pobres. Que no pongan a un !ado al indio. Que sea igualico el trabajo para codos, que
cengamos amiscad, que crabajemos carifi.osamence para vivir asi; comunisca es de la comunidad . . . No
revoluci6n. (Amaguana in Mino Grijalva 2009, 180) 8
4
For example, in 1892 as che president of Ecuador, Luis Cordero Davila, wrote Diccionario Quichua
Espaiiol, only published in 1904. He also wrote poetry in l(jchwa, for example, his famous poem " Rimini llakca"
from 1875.
5 "Schools civilize, and I don't see the possibility of establishing schools with teachings in l(jchwa. Similarly,
a frequent and intimate exchange with enlightened people and the reading of good books enables the dissemina
tion of culture, and chat kind of people don't speak l(jcl1wa nor can l(jchwa have books, be it good or bad:'
6
Tr:insito is by no means the first to work for indigenous rights. Her mother was an activist as many
women before her had done throughout the colony. I begin with her because she was the first co organize na
tionally and around che issue of language and bilingual education.
E 7
E " We organized the schools for children in l(jcl1wa and in Spanish. That's why chey took me prisoner the
� first time. So chat I would not organize schools for Indians:·
8
"I have screamed in Spanish and then in Kichwa: chat the law may be the same for all, for whites, for
12
Antonia Carcelen- Estrada
Mama Transito Amaguafia strove for a revalorizacion o fher culture through bilingual
education in the frame of a larger goal, namely co preserve universal peace in an atmosphere
of friendship and cooperation for j ustice among peoples. She was persecuted, tortured,
imprisoned, isolated, and oscracized. The last time she was beaten while alone in her home
on the Andean plateaus she was ninety-seven years old. She died four months short of her
hundredth birthday.
The next generation of indigenous leaders organized after the failure of the 1964 Agrar
ian Reform. Some of its members began to study at the university, as was the case of linguist
Luz Maria de la Torre Amaguafia, today a professor at U CLA. She remembers how difficulc it
was co create a system ofwriting char departed from the alphabet systematized by the Summer
Inscicure of Linguistics (SIL) linguists, recounting chat the SIL missionaries would say char
'K' was the letter of the devil, or chat mashi, a word today used as 'friend; had the communist
connotation ofcomrade'.9 Bue most importantly, SIL linguists differentiated dialects from one
community to the next, making it very difficulc to communicate among each ocher. 10
When the Indigenous Movement became the largest social movement in the conti
nent in the 1990s, the policies of Kichwa writing and grammar had a decades-long history
of rivalry between missionaries and native linguists (Hornberger 1 995, 199).11 In the con
text of che' long night of the 500 years'. 1 2 and as a consequence of the massive mobilizations
char paralyzed Ecuador for almost two months in 1990, the indigenous plight became vis
ible continentally, motivating a positive revalorization of ancestral languages and cultures.
Moreover, in 1992, Rigoberta Menchu won the Nobel Peace Prize and remains the only
indigenous person to have done so.'Native' became increasingly fashionable and indigenous
language use increased. In the context of Ecuador, the SIL was expelled from the country
in 1 981 (Lara 2007, 1 86), leaving the linguistic authority to the native linguists. By the end
of the 1990s, simultaneously fighting from linguistic and political fronts, the indigenous
linguists finally had their unified Kichwa alphabet supported by official institutions . In
particular, che D INEIB (National Board for Incercultural Bilingual Education), is now
preparing and publishing didactic materials, dictionaries, and poetry books with the goal of
spreading the use and learning of the Runa Shimi. The people using the language, however,
continue to be confused by the various forms of writing.
rich, for poor. That the Indian may not be put aside. 11,ac work may be the same for all, and may we have friend
ship, work with affection co live like chis: communism is of che community. . . not revolution:·
9
Interview with Luz Maria de la Torre Amaguana, November 1, 2006, Northampton, MA.
1
° For derailed information, see the Echnologue, where SIL classifies Kichwa in at lease nine variants.
beep:/ /www.echnologue.com/ show_country.asp?name=ec
" Peru does not yet have a unified Quechua. During che II Inter-American Indigenisc Congress in 1954
and again in 1985, linguists such as Nancy Hornberger have proposed systems of standardization, but the SIL
has been instrumental in rejecting chem. In this sense, SIL prepares grammars, dictionaries, and books from
the United States and opposes standardization (Hornberger 1995, 199). Nonetheless, Peru has a Qheswa Simi
Hamut'ana Kuraq Suntur (Academia Mayor de la Lengua Quechua/Quechua Language High Academy), albeit
one controlled by the SIL (Cerr6n-Palomino 1997, 63). �E
12 Zapacista Sub- commandant Marcos used this phrase to refer to the five hundred years of colonization E
over indigenous populations in his speech on January 1, 1994, when taking over San Cristobal de !as Casas (in
Estevez 2006).
13
Antonia Carcelen- Estrada
Another linguist from the 1 970s generation, Ariruma Kowii, who received a BA in
Political and S ocial S ciences from the Universidad Central de! Ecuador, today leads the
' Campana Nacional y Continental por la valoraci6n, uso y desarrollo de las culturas y len
guas de! Abya-Yala'. 1 3 which provides the institutional frame for our translation of Don
Quixote into Kichwa. Kowii, the coordinator of the Master's Degree Program on Indig
enous Peoples at the Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar in Quito, Ecuador, has proved
instrumental in achieving an institutional backing for today's unified Kichwa. H e is also
one of the most recognized poets in the country.
Oppressed Languages in Dialogue
T he process of normalization and unification of Kichwa was not solely a Kichwa
endeavor. It had, for example, the input of the Consorci de Normalizaci6 Lingiiistica
de Catalunya (Catalan Institute of Linguistic Normalization), a wealthy institu
tion that came into being as the result of the successful resistance of Catalan to Spanish.
The Catalan resistance is best exemplified through the Noucentisme Movement, a bour
geois cultural-political movement that began at the end of the nineteenth century (D'Ors
2000, 1 87). The first step was to create a newspaper, ' La Veu de Catalunya'. which ran from
1 899 to 1 936. Moreover, a large sector of the Catalan intellectual and political bourgeoisie
started a political party called the L liga in 1 901 . The triumph of their conservative politics
resulted in a rise of Catalan pride (Figuerola et al. 1 986, 1 3).
One of the primary tools for their organization and success was the recovery and
preservation of Catalan language. In 1 907, they published a dictionary (D' Ors 2000, 34).
Noucentisme began to be labeled a movement after the death of writer Joan Maragall in
1 91 1 . In 1 91 8, Pompeu Fabra published a Catalan grammar, and a new generation of writ
ers emerged, among themJosep Carner, Joan Fuster, and Eugeni D'Ors. The latter stopped
writing in Catalan in 1 920 (Figuerola et al. 1 986, 1 1 ), but most continued relexifying and
revalorizing the language. The main objective was to 'convert Catalan culture into a normal
European culture, and it basically succeeded' (�mphasis added, my translation, 1 5). Fina
Figuerola described this project as 'mitjas;ants la creaci6 d'un compleix sistema de signes
linguistics i iconografics ( . . . ] establir pautes de comportament social tendents a possibili
tar la viabilitat d'una acci6 reformista' (1 6): 14 'Filologs i lingiiistes, doncs, s'encarregarien de
cisellar, codificar, estructurar i homogenei"tzar la llengua [ . . . ] B asta canviar el llenguatge per que
can vii la realitat. I s'estableix una identitat magica entre l'un i l'a ltra, nous simbols, naves realitats'
(emphasis added, 1 9). 15
13
"National and Continental Campaign for the valorization, use, and development of Abya-Yala's cul
tures and languages."
14
'TI1rough the creation of a complex system of linguistic and iconographic signs [ . . . ] to establish guide
lines of social behavior that would enable the viability of a reformist action'.
15
'Philologists and linguists, then, were in charge of compiling, codifying, structuring, and homogenising
the language [ . . . ] In order to change realiry, it is enough to change the language. And a magical identity berween
one and the other is established; new symbols, new realities'.
14
A n t o n i a Ca rce l e n - E strada
The revitalization of the language also allowed for new social integration practices
(Figuerola et al. 1986, 18), but with the Spanish Civil War, this language was confined to
the domestic sphere. The Catalans, like the Kichwa, hold that 'en el origen de tots als grans
pobles i tots les grans cultures hi trova la poesia, causa primordial del seu desvetllament,
car no en va es l'eina indicada per a crear del no-res, per a enunciar el no dit' (ibid.).16 In
the Kichwa tradition, poetry holds an important place given that the poets or Amautas
were often at once philosophers and political leaders. Today, Kichwa people are writing
poetry to develop their culture, an attempt to make it 'normal; in the national imagination
of Ecuador. Ariruma Kowii is one Amauta who is both a laureate and politician, a cultural
and a political leader. That is also the case of Auki Tituaii.a, the first indigenous candidate
to have won town hall elections in Ecuador, whose policy aims at local autonomy. In 2002,
his citizen- participation model received the ' Peace City' award by UNESCO, revealing the
legacy that Transito Amaguaii.a left for the future Kichwa generations, a governance of
friendship and peace. Thus, Kichwa is finally at the gateway to move from the domestic to
the public spheres of Ecuadorian society.
T here is another reason to use Noucentisme as a strategy for linguistic resistance to
Spanish. As seen before, the first President of the Institute for Catalan Studies, Antonio
Rubio i Lluch was corresponding with a foundational figure of the Ecuadorian Republic
precisely about the role of Kichwa in the nation. Rubio i Lluch was the first to incorporate
Catalan literature within the Spanish educational system in the nineteenth century. Thus,
he believed in the capacity of the language to define and control ideas. Both Catalunya
and Kichwa territories have suffered under five hundred years of Spanish imposition. Both
languages have resisted and survived. Both peoples have worked from the site of language
to rebuild a revalorized identity. But most importantly, both sites are connected by contem
porary migration routes.
In the first decades of the twentieth century, Catalans moved to Ecuador to escape
from the persecution of anarchists. In 1925, Onofre Castells, one of these first wave Cata
lan migrants, founded a soccer team in Guayaquil, Ecuador called 'Barcelona'. Catalan mi
grants found in Guayaquil a port city where they could work in shipyard related activities as
they had done back home. This first wave of Catalan migrants also organized unions in this
city. Many organized workers were heartlessly massacred on November 15, 1922. After the
Spanish Civil War, a second wave of migrants came trying to find a safe haven from Franco's
persecution of Spanish minorities in the 1930s and 1940s. Moreover, the separatist politics
of Guayaquil are highly influenced by the Catalan intellectuals and activists that migrated
to Ecuador during this period of time.
During the 1960s, as a consequence of development policies, peasants were victims of
the rapid industrialization and urbanization of the country, which promoted large migrations
from the agricultural countryside to the manufacturing city. Some Kichwa Otavalo went be
yond the city, into the world. The first Kichwa to migrate travelled only with their passports
16 0 E
At the origin of all great peoples and all great cultures, there is poetry, primordial cause of its develop E
ment, because not in vain, it is the appropriate tool to create from the no-nothingness, to enunciate what is not
�
said'. This statement echoes the words previously quoted that Rubio i Lluch wrote to Leon Mera in 1892.
15
A n t o n i a C a rc e l e n - E s t r a d a
and without a vis'a. They had never known that people required visas to travel. Upon arrival
to U.S. customs, the migration officers denied them entry and deported them to the Canary
Islands. After this first host site, they relocated in Barcelona, where they now have an associa
tion (Runapacha), a store, and a coffee shop (Acoma). Some Kichwa residents in Barcelona
have received training by the Consorci and have become language teachers, using Catalan strat
egies of linguistic survival that have proved successful, including translation. Translating texts
into Kichwa enables the recovery and dissemination of Runa Shimi in Ecuador from the sire
of the Diaspora. Although Noucentisme was conservative, classicist, and anti-vanguard, the
Kichwa linguistic activists took away some significant strategies, while differing greatly from
the contemporary Catalan nationalism.
Translation play ed a significant role in the development of Noucentisme, as can be
seen from the translation of Shakespeare into Catalan. Artur Masriera translated Hamlet
(1 898), Salvador Vilaregut translated Julius Caesar (1907), Cebrii de Montoliu translated
Macbeth (1907), andJosep Carner translated A Midsumme r Night's Dream (1908). Anf6s
Par translated King Lear (19 1 2) and Magi Morera i Galicia translated Corio/anus (1 9 1 5).
The translations most performed and best-known in Catalan are the twenty -seven play s
that Josep Mada de Sagarra began translating in 1941, making him 'the' Catalan translator
of Shakespeare. In ' El Parony del Racolli: The Translation of Shakespeare into Catalan'
(1998), Helena Buffery has written on the implications of translating Shakespeare for
the development of Noucentisme (1998). She concluded that these translations aimed at
expanding the Catalan literary possibilities, endowing the language with a cultural value.
She conceives the various translations as an excess of representation that can be best ex
plained in the metaphor of a mouse trap that unveils the anxiety about the origin and
originality of the Catalan people.
The translations of Don Quixote have proven similarly instrumental in the rebirth of
Catalan.The most known translation of Don Quixote was done by Antoni Bulbena i Tussell
(1891). It was entitled L:enginy6s cavallier Don Quixot de La Mancha. Other translations
include those by Jaume Pujol (1836), Antes Magi Pers i Ramona (1847), Francese Pelag i
Briz (1868), Galera Vidal i de Valenciano (1873), and Joan Rosello (1905).17 Bulbena's edi
tion reinforced the standardized Fabrian alphabet of Catalan, eliminated most Castilian
isms, changed some names to Catalan phonology, and omitted chapters (Figuerola 1 986,
1 84) . Thus, his translation remains the most successful in the Catalan context. It was re
published in 1 930, and again in 2003, commemorating the four-hundredth anniversary of
Cervantes's classic. The Catalan translations were intended to endow the language with an
official stature, 18 and proved pivotal for the development of Noucentisme. Without these
17
' La primera traducci6 de! Quixot al catala de que tenim constancia va ser datada entre 1836 i 1850,
si be no va sortir a la llum fins al 1986, i es obra de! mallorqui Jaume Pujol, qui en un breu tractat gramatical,
Observaciones sabre la ortografia mallorquina, va incloure la traducci6 de! capitol 1 2 de! primer llibrc de! Quixot
corn un material didact' ( Bacardi and Estany 1999, 51).('1he first translation of Quixote into Catalan of which
we have a record dates between 1836 and 1850, although it did not see the light until 1 986. It is the work of
EE Mallorcan Jaume Pujol, who, in a brief grammar treatise, Observations on Mallorcan Spelling, included a transla
� tion of chapter 12 of the first book of Quixote as didactic material'. ].
18
This was the intention in the prologue of the first known translation into Catalan, by Jaume Pujol (ibid.).
16
Antonia Carcelen- Estrada
translations o fDon Quixote, Catalan would have never gone from a n endangered language
to the official language of the richest region in Spain. 19
TI1e translation ofDon Quixote into Kichwa comes in a context of its revalorization.
The second generation Kichwa intellectuals residing in Barcelona are closely working with
the Consorci to revive their endangered languages. In the fall of 201 0 and sponsored by
the Ecuadorian National Secretary of Migration (SEN AMI), Runapacha began teaching
Kichwa to their Diaspora and other interested students in Barcelona and Madrid, the main
host cities to Kichwa migrants in Europe. Moreover, Runapacha's president, Sacha Rosero,
was recently trained to recover ancestral languages in the Basque country, 20 another terri
tory occupied by Spain, whose language also survived Spanish imposition. In the context
of the 'Campana Nacional y Continental por la valoraci6n, uso y desarrollo de lasculturas
y lenguas de! Abya-Yala; Runapacha is using new technologies to provide opportunities to
use and learn Kichwa from any place in the world. TI1is organization is preparing a modern
and simple grammar, an online trilingual dictionary (Kichwa-English-Spanish), a hundred
quotidian conversations in an audio-visual format, a cultural website (otavalosonline.com),
a language- based website (kichwa.net), and an online Kichwa campus to provide one- on
one tutorials. The goal is to establish Kichwa in the official educational system, first in the
Indigenous provinces such as Imbabura, and then in the entire Andean region. This educa
tion requires texts . Like Noucentisme, translating Shakespeare and Don Quixote are central
to the universalizing and officialization ofa language. In this sense, translating Don Quixo
te is an entry point to be recognized as a legitimate language in the mainstream Spanish
context. Translating Don Quixote is as important as translating Shakespeare or the Bible,
completing the Eurocentric epistemological triad. It will ena,ble Kichwa cultural leaders to
render their culture into the 'official' Ecuadorian culture.
Kichwa and Translation
I
n 1920, Cris6logo Barron translated the New Testament into Quechua. In 1972, SIL
missionaries localized the New Testament into Kichwa for Napo speakers. In 1978,
Diosmanta Sumaj Willaycun a Runaspaj was translated by the United Bible Society of
Peru. In 1986, the whole Bible was published in Bolivia by the Sociedad B1blica Boliviana
(SBB). In Peru, the Bible was published again in Ayacucho in 1987. In Ecuador, the So
ciedad Biblica de! Ecuador (SBE) published it in Kichwa in 1989. The following year, the
Bible was published in Chimborazo and Canar. In 1 994, the SIL published another version
in Otavalo, carried out among the Salasaca and published in 2007.2 1
19 To see the importance of this connection, the day of the book, which commemorated the death of
Shakespeare and Cervantes on April 23, 16 1 6, is in Barcelona celebrated in conjunction with the Catalonian
patron saint, Saint Jordi.
20
In June 20 1 1, Rosero received a graduate degree in 'Desarollo de las lenguas e identidades originarias'
E
at the University of Mondragon, Bilbao. E
21
For a list of Bible translation into any language, see www.findabible.net, an alliance of twenty-five
international Bible agencies.
17
Antonia Carcelen- Estrada
Th e Bible plays a great role in the Kichwa collective memory and in the graphicaliza
cion process of an oral language into its written form. In terms of collective memory, in the
sixteenth century, Priest Valverde gave the Bible co Acawallpa claiming chat it contained the
word of God, co which, according co the legend, Acawallpa responded by holding the book
co his ear and hearing nothing, thus throwing the imposter text to the ground. While his
body was being dismembered and he was being put to death, his general and close friend,
Kalikuchimak, yelled at the fire pit, ' PACHAKAMAK!' or the name of the great spirit,
refusing to surrender co che apocryphal God crapped in the book, and recognizing his spirit
as the legitimate one . Since the Renaissance, che Bible has always been che main entryway
of an oral language into a written form. Therefore, by translating Don Quixote we also at
tempt co provide an alcernacive avenue for written Kichwa, away from the Christian and
into the secular realm.
Th e first Kichwa grammar appeared in the sixteenth century in the context of the
Conquest. In 1570, che first standardization of Kichwa as different from Quechua cook
place in Quito (Obrerem and H artmann 1971, 676) . In 1582-1583, the Arte de la Lengua
General was presented in the Third Council of Lima (Cerr6n-Palomino 1992, 1995; Go
denzzi 1992; von Gleich 1994; and Gugenberger 1992). D iego de Torres Rubio compiled
a Quechua grammar and dictionary char was first published in Seville in 1603. In 1616,
he compiled an Aymara grammar, and in 1627 a Guarani equivalent (Winsor 1889, 279).
Juan de Figueredo produced a vocabulario for the Chinchaysuyu (Ecuador today) and the
best vocabulario was char of Diego Gonzalez H olguin published in 1586 and republished
along with the grammar in 1607 (ibid.; Adelaar and Muysken 2004, 181). In che eighteenth
century, the difference between Quechua and Kichwa had grown co che point char che 1725
catechism by Francisco Romero already used the impersonal -ri, and the subordination
clause by using -kpi and -shpa as spoken today in Ecuadorian Kichwa. Thus, in 1 75 3,
Nieto Polo's grammar clearly spoke of a Quechua from Quito as a separate language and
char same year Jesuit Velasco published his Vocabulario de la lengua indica . In the nineteenth
century, President Luis Cordero published his archaic grammar (1884) and his Vocabulario
appeared in 1905.
In contemporary times, Gary Parker (1963) and Alfredo Torero (1964) pioneered
in Andean linguistics. Boch linguists compiled data of the different Quechua variants
chat are spoken in five countries: E cuador, Colombia, Peru, Bolivia, and Argentina. Be
sides che Andean linguistic references, Robert Cooper's Language Planning and Social
Change (1989) illustrates how language is used for the political and ideological agendas
of priests, politicians, military officials, and nationalists. According co Cooper, the lin
guistic planning has four main areas: (a) graphicalization, (b) standardization, (c) mod
ernization, and (d) renovation. In Kichwa, the graphicalization has finally achieved an
official alphabet, which goes hand in hand with a continuing process of standardization.
The translation of Don Quixote into Kichwa attempts to expand the Kichwa lexicon and
to modernize its use as a language of intellectual and cultural exchange, moving it from
the domestic to the public sphere. It also attempts co solidify the use of the new standard
E
E
ized alphabet chat continues to confuse many Kichwa speakers. Moreover, it attempts to
provide students with a literary text for bilingual education schools and to invite writers,
or Amautas, co explore writing beyond the field of poetry.
18
Antonia Carcelen- Estrada
Tiyu Kijuti, our Translation
T ranslating a text from the Spanish Golden Age into a historically subjugated lan
guage such as Kichwa could be taken to be an imperial endeavor. Linguistic, for
eignizing, functional theories seem inadequate because they focus on the possibili
ties of linguistic transfer, the position of the translator in the transferring process, and the
function the new text will have within the target audience. Yet, none of these theories looks
at the metaphysical and therefore meta-linguistic struggle that takes place when a colonial
language meets a subaltern language, a struggle that moves the focus from the transfer of
linguistic meaning into an exercise of translation as impeding such transfer, making visible
the historical haunting that inhabits subaltern languages. I therefore suggest that Alberto
Moreira's concept of translation as betrayal might be helpful in articulating our underlying
strategy; our postcolonial translation attempts to reproduce the principles ofTrinsito Am
aguafla, namely a multicultural nation with bilingual education can succeed only if based
on a principle of friendship and cooperation for a common good.
Building from Derrida's notion that, after postmodernism, the possibility of friend
ship is the last radical opening or 'thought of rupture and irruption' ( 1997, 293), Moreiras
proposes that radical difference can only be possible through the 'betrayal' of translation.
For Moreiras, a 'fulfilled translation cancels the crossing at the cost of the structural conver
sion of subaltern negation into colonial discourse' (200 1 , 22). Accordingly, radical critical
thinking must resist all processes of commodification-colonialism and neocolonialism
included. Thus, the 'betrayal' of translation mimics a process of survival that prevents the
alien from subsuming and expropriating the subaltern, while leaving an 'untranslatable ex
cess' that stands as 'the first and last condition of critical thinking' (Moreiras 200 1 , 23).
With friendship in mind, our betrayal in translation stands for another step in the long
process of formation of an inclusive democracy, or a Derridian democracy to come.
This translation comes as a Derridian event, a 'moment of reappropriation of the very
conditions of experience' (200 1, 104), an appropriation of the most famous text ever writ
ten in the colonial language. This translation as appropriation must simultaneously-and
precisely through its own process of translating-prevent an expropriation of the 'local'
culture, namely the commodification of the subaltern Kichwa experience. The Kichwa ex
perience must remain an untranslatable excess, a radical difference that when facing the
nation, the Kichwa reader sees subalternity rather than recognition. Respecting this excess
and this difference constitutes the friendship that Amaguafla theorized throughout the
twentieth century.
In The African Palimpsest: Indigenization of Language in the West African Europhone
Novel ( 1 991), Chantal Zabus used the term 'relexification' to describe the phenomenon
by which endangered languages in the African context borrow words from colonial lan
guages in order to survive. On the other hand, 'nativization' describes, 'the writer's attempt at
textualizing linguistic differentiation and at conveying African concepts, thought-patterns, ~
=
and linguistic features through the ex-colonizers language' (Zabus 1991, 3 ) . This transla
tion attempts to relexify the language by creating neologisms, recovering terms that have E
��
E
not being used for many centuries, or by nativizing in Zabus terms-or domesticating in
C
Venuti's terms-the borrowings from colonial Spanish. While we incorporate borrowings 0
19
A n t o n i a C a rc e l e n - E s t r a d a
in our translation of Don Quixote, we also localize the text within a Kichwa cosmology or
thought- pattern. Thus, at the moment of clioosing such borrowing or creating neologisms,
we try to select the most localized correspondent while reinforcing the radical difference of
the Kichwa people from their colonizers.
A translation of a complex text such as Don Quixote, with all its intertextualities, cul
turallyspecific references, and religious and political humor into a language chat is declared
endangered by the UNESCO (Moseley 2010) cannot be carried out into 'pure Kichwa' and
necessarily produces a hybrid text. Yet, this hybridicy consciously attempts to depart from
transculcuration or mestizaje by making the use ofborrowings or appropriations local precise
ly to reveal their farcical performance of the native. The world of early modern imperial Spain
is made obviously foreign by disguising it as native. Our Tiyu Kij uti is then at once foreigniz
ing and domesticating, relexified and nativized. It is, after all, a betrayal of translation.
But what kind of hybrid text are we producing? To help better understand our posi
tion, I suggest considering the postcolonial Achebe-Wa Thiong'o debate over the use of
ancestral languages to write fiction might be helpful.22 Siding with Ngugi Wa Thiong'o,
we have chosen to translate into Kichwa to provide a literary language chat could open the
path to write fiction in the vernacular for and about the Kichwa people. T11is could move
Kichwa literature beyond the lyrical and religious genres. As we have seen, however, Kichwa
has been constantly repressed by Spanish, the c�lonial language, inevitably producing a text
using what Paul Bandia identified as code-mixing in the African context (1996). While
Bandia spoke of different languages used to recognize one group from another, thus creat
ing a group identity through language, in postcolonial LatinAmerica, the language division
is different. Although the setting of Don Quixote is domesticated, it necessarily remains
foreign, unfamiliar to the Kichwa reader. Similarly, the characters are disguised in native
clothing, but are engaged in activities such as war and fantasy reading char are completely
foreign to the modern Kichwa. Like the Kichwa living in the margins of the nation, the
Kichwa setting and characters are at the center, yet by being at the center, the reader feels a
profound displacement, a radical misidentification with the characters.
Yet, this absurd hybrid text produces an irony as rich as Cervantes's. The Kichwa
reader can't stop laughing from the first line. This estranged feeling produced by travestying
the most known character in modern fiction and then placing him in the Andes creates a
sort of code- mixing within a single language. Kichwa readers identify their language of in
timacy, yet identify it as foreign; they identify the intimate spaces of their chiriwrku, but see
it invaded. Within a Kichwa on the making, Spanish does not appear as a distinct language.
In fact, it does not appear at all. Yet, it is ever present in the form of a haunting. In Con
tracting Colonialism (1993), Vicente Rafael described a process of remembering as haunt
ing, living as embodying death people from the past, those who refuse to die and come
into the narration of history as 'unreadable signs' (9-12). This translation, or may I say, the
performance of a native Kijuti, expects to leave in the residues and excesses, an interlinear
E
E
� 22 While Chinua Achebe opts to use English to reach a major audience, Ngugi wa Thiong'o decided to
stick to the vernacular language to write for and about his people.
20
Antonia Carcelen- Estrada
interference23 that reminds the group, i n this case the Kichwa, of their identity a s others to
the nation, resisting linguistic domination.
In terms of relexifi.cation and nativization, following Zabus's terminology, we created
neologisms such as ayllukuna ( a repetition of family) for 'generation; hatun hatun ( really
really big) for giant; umamuskuy ( dream-like images in rhe head) for 'fantasy; umayuyay
(a reason in the head) for 'thought'. pukushka (blown away or very mature) for 'enchanted;
wakl/ichina (receiving damage) for 'offense' or 'insult; and wakllichinata sumakyachina (turn
damage into great wisdom) for 'undoing wrongs'. Other neologisms include 'insolent' (hap
/la), 'arrogant' (apuskachak, pretending to be like a god), 'condition' (kawsan, a state of living),
and strange (puchuy, different, a remainder) . We also revived words from the sixteenth cen
tury that are no longer used, bur which could be understood in the context. For example,
for the word defiance ( desafio ), we brought back a term that is no longer used, kakunamakiy
( to rub hands). While we create the new concepts, we record them in our online dictionary
at www.kichwa.net.
Besides creating words that narrate an unfamiliar reality, we tried to bring into the text
a multiple temporaliry, where all the times of history are present in the history, a translation
as haunting. For 'c rown' ( corona), we used the word for the Inka's headdress, maskapaycha.
For empire we used the Inka word tawantinsuyu as in Trapisunta Tawantinsuyu (Trapi
sonda Empire). For due/as y quebrantos, a typical dish of La Mancha with a connotation of
violence (duel and suffering), we used yawarlukru, an Andean potato blood soup that also
connotes the Barde ofYawarcocha ( 1487), where the Kayampis lost against the Inkas, and
their blood tinted the lake with a bright red. When Cervantes fi. r st described Quijote, he
used the phrase enjuto de rostro, or lean face, bony face. We translated this as nawi rumi,
face of stone, with no meat, which, if the word order is reversed, one gets Ruminawi, which
is the name of the general that led the resistance against the Spanish Conquistadors after
Arahualpa had been killed. Moreover, we translated castle as pukara, an Inka type of for
tress, and rubicund (reddish blonde) as pirakucha, a pre-Colombian transgender God that
was associated with the conquistadors because of their whiteness, and a word still used to
refer to the mestizos of the nation.
In many other cases we selected words, whether neologisms or revived vocabulary,
that made obvious the interlinear interference. 1he objective was to make visible the vio
lence that enabled Spanish colonialism at the level of religion, education, and military force.
In other words, these elements were culturally translated to render the haunting visible. For
'dagger' (adarga), we used the word for stick, while for 'sword' we created a neologism, kaspi
makana, wooden weapons that are, of course, not used as such among the Kichwa people.
For the 'priest'. we used tayta kura, instead of the keeper of the faith, iiiikamak, because
the Spanish word for priest, cura, is often used. We left the word tayta to show that it is a
fi.gure of respect. Yet, when transliterating his University, Siguenza, we chose Tiwintza, a
place in the recent memory of indigenous and mestizo populations alike as symbol of our
small victory in the grand scheme of our defeat against Peru, where half of the Ecuador-
�E
E
23
For interlinear translation and language as haunting, I am using Vicente Rafael's ideas presented at the
20 1 1 Nida School of Translation.
21
A n t o n i a C a rc e le n - E s t ra d a
ian territory-all of it indigenous-was lost (wars in 1941, 1982, 1996). For Mahoma, or
Mohammed, we decided to recognize his position as a prophet of God and not an impostor
as Renaissance Christianity had done. Mukama Achillik transliterates the name and adds
the capitalized word achillik as deity. When Quijote speaks of adventure, he usually means
a violent encounter among knights or a fight against giants. Thus, for 'saga' or 'adventure; we
used tinkuy, which is a form of public battle among music collectives during the Intiraymi,
the summer solstice festival, the main celebration for Kichwa people today. Spanish colo
nialism is revealed through the word choices we make.
Finally, for names and places, we used a combination of transliterations and translation
of words with a semantic content. In the case of transliteration, Feliciano de Silva became
Pilisyanu di Si/pa; Aristotle, Aristutilis; Nicolas, Nikulas; Hercules, Irkulis; Anteon, A ntyun;
Morgante, Murkanti; and Allende, Allinti. Among the translated names we have, for example,
the Knight of the Ardent Sword, which became Rawranay Kaspikuchuna Kapak ( el caballero
de la ardiente espada). We also combined translation or adaptation and transliteration, as in
the case of Palmerin de lnglaterra (Inklatirramanta Palmirin), Amadis de Gaula (Kawlamanta
Amadis), Bernardo del Carpio (Karpyumanta Pirnartu), Reinaldo de Montalban (Muntalpan
manta Riynaltu), and Dulcinea del Toboso (Tupusumanta Mishkiku, mishki meaning sweet
and rendered even sweeter with the diminutive ' ku' ). In all these cases of toponymy, we used
the Kichwa postposition 'mama', similar to the German preposition 'von'. For Roncesvalles, we
translated 'valley; and transliterated Ronces (Runsispampa) and for Roldan, the enchanted,
we translated enchanted and transliterated the name (Pukushka Ruldan). In other cases, we
used the Kichwa honorifics as in the case of Caballero del Febo (Kapak Pipu), don Galaor
(Tayta Kalawr), and Cid Ruy Diaz (Tay ta Ruys Dyas). These honorifics or nobility tides were
translated to honorifics in Kichwa of different levels of reverence that have resonance with
lnka nobility. Tayta connotes more respect that Tiyu, and Kapak more than Tayta. For 'errant
knight; we used Purina Kapak ( as in the walking gendeman). For 'maese' or 'master; we used
ruranayuk (the one who can make).
Conclusions
I
n conclusion, the postcolonial translation of Don Quixote de la Mancha into Kichwa
is a project that is not only cultural and linguistic, but also political. Framed under
an international campaign that has had echoes in the mainstream national media,
translation participates in a movement that affects the perception that people have of the
Kichwa language to the point that on October 12, 2011, 519 years after the arrival of Co
lumbus, 49.2 percent of Ecuadorians responded that they considered it important for their
children to learn Kichwa. 24 But these children need books. The success of our translation
project is perhaps best demonstrated by the fact that also in October 2011, we received
an offer to translate Harry Potter into Kichwa and another to localize computer software.
�E
E
24 hrrp://www.releamazonas.com/index.php?oprion=com_poll&id=92%3Aiconsidera-imporranre-que
sus-hijos-aprendan-quichua, accessed on October 13, 201 1.
22
Antonia Carcelen- Estrada
The exchange in the Kichwa language in our social-network pages is ongoing and attempts
to build spaces exclusively for the use of the Kichwa language. Ours is another step in a
political battle that seeks an inclusive democracy, a democracy to come.
When we shared our first chapter with Kichwa readers, the response was ambiguous.
On the one hand, they loved to read such a famous text in their language, and they laughed
while reading it. On the other hand, readers still revealed their position as subject to the
Western episteme and wanted to respect the names of the greats in history, such as Aristotle
and Don Quixote. Yet, these names are translated into English, French, and other languages.
Then, why should we not localize them into Kichwa? When UCLA professor Luz Maria de
la Torre Amaguafi.a read the text, her eyes filled with tears, illustrating the significance of this
particular moment in the long history of the Kichwa battle for cultural recognition and for a
real and meaningful bilingual education. This Quixote translation is therefore an event.
Besides providing a text for bilingual education and working as a subversive political
event, this text also provides an invitation for Kichwa writers to explore different genres,
and maybe, just maybe, culminate in a successful cultural movement, similar to the Nou
centisme movement that resulted in a fully bilingual territory, where the Catalan language
and culture are not only respected, but honored. Let's not forget that Kichwa and Cata
lan have parallel histories of survival, and the points of dialogue are not new. Kichwa and
Catalan were placed together, precisely at the birth of the Noucentisme movement, but most
political leaders lacked the respect or the interest to promote the Kichwa language and
culture, preferring to speak for the Indians. Catalans developed their own literature, while
in Ecuador at best had a few moments of indigenist Literature. But it does not have to be
this way. This 'betrayal' of translation attempts to disrupt the hegemony of Spanish, while
refusing to commodify the Kichwa experience.
Finally, this project has no budget or financing. To date, this project is supported
solely by the effort of Lucia Rosero and myself to realize our dream of friendship, commu
nity, equality, and democracy. We 'meet' weekly, connected by new technologies and aided by
new media, creating a text, enlarging our dictionary, deciding on strategies for the linguistic
community, updating ourselves on events on both sides of the Atlantic, and keeping our
selves informed about the current state of affairs in Ecuador. We would, however, consider
partnering with organizations or insitutions of a similar mindset willing to collaborate or
help fund this project that could take up to a decade.
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Carcelen-Estrada, Antonia. 20 1 1. ' Latin American Historiography in Emerging Capitalism: Afro-Indigenous
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video/xzxql_la-larga-noche-de-los-500-anos_news.
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Figuerola, Fina, er al., eds. 1986. El Noucentisrne: Selecci6 de textos literaris i critics. Barcelona: Columna Edi
tions.
Godenzzi,Juan Carlos. 1992.'El recurso lingiiistico del poder: coarradas ideologicas del castellano y el quechua'.
In El quechua en debate: ideologia, norrnalizaci6n y ensenanza, edited by Julio Godenzzi, 5 1 -8 1 . Cuzco:
Centro de Esrudios Regionales Andinos ' Bartolome de las Casas'.
Gomez Rendon, Jorge. 2005. ' La media lengua de Imbabura'. In Encuentros y conj/ictos: bilingiiismo y contacto de
lenguas en el rnundo andino, edited by Muysken et al., 39-57. Madrid: Vervuert Iberoamericana.
2007. 'Grammatical Borrowing in Imbabura Quichua (Ecuador)'. In Grammatical Borrowing in Cross
Linguistic Perspective, edited by Matras, et al., 481-521. Berlin: Mounton de Gruyter.
2008. Typological and Social Constraints on Language Contact: Amerindian Languages in Contact with
Spanish. Utrecht: Lot.
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quechua en debate: ideologia, normalizaci6n y ensenanza, edited by Julio Godenzzi, 1 57- 1 77. Cuzco: Cen
tro de Esrudios Regionales Andinos ' Bartolome de las Casas'.
Hornberger, Nancy H. 1995. ' Five Vowels or Three: Linguistics and Politics in Quechua Language Planning
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kaza, Jorge. ( 1934) 2008. Huasipungo. Quito: Coleccion Bicentenario, Minisrerio de Culrura.
24
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] | Translational Contestation of Religious Concepts:
A Case of Conversion Narratives
P I OT R B L U M C ZY N S K I
Introduction
T his study brings together three ar Piotr Blumczyriski is a
eas: language, religion, and trans Lecturer in Translation at
Queen·s University Belfast.
lation; consequently, it deals with He holds an MA in English
interlocking linguistic, religious, and transla and a PhD in linguistics.
tional research questions. Broadly speaking, From 2006 to 2010 he was
an Assistant Professor at the
in the first area, it examines linguistic rep University of Wroctaw. His areas of interest
resentations of a particular religious experi and research include ethnolinguistics
ence and linguistic markers of confessional and cognitive semantics, ideological
affiliation. In che second area, it focuses on and persuasive discourse, translation of
religious texts, as well as translator and
religious factors conducive to certain lin interpreter training. He is a member of the
guistic phenomena and translational prac European Society for Translation Studies
tices. In the third area, it explores the role of and serves on the Advisory Panel of the
journal New Voices in Translation Studies.
translation in the process of religious identi For over a decade, prior to his academic
ty construction and contesration. Of course, career and then alongside it, he worked as
considering che scope of this research and a free-lance translator and interpreter.
[email protected]
che corpus on which it draws, these claims
muse be somewhat qualified and further contextualized. 'Language' shall hereafter be used
predominantly (though not exclusively ) with reference co the semantic level; 'religion' shall
mostly refer co the confessional distinctions between Roman Catholicism and Evangelical
Protestantism; and 'translation' shall only consider the English- Polish interface. Despite
these caveats, it is hoped char insights from this case study will have broad relevance co the
consideration of ideological and social aspects of translation at large because the particular
phenomena explored here are illustrative of tendencies found across various linguistic and
confessional contexts.
The corpus analyzed here includes two book-length autobiographical accounts of spiri
tual progress ultimately involving a faith passage. Originally written in English, and published
in the United States, che texts were subsequently translated into Polish and published in Po
land. These four texts originated in four different communities positioned against one an
other in terms of two parameters: language (S( ource) /T [argec]) and religion (E[vangelical]/
C[ atholic] ) . What the two source texts (S-E, S-C) have in common is the language and broad
27
P i o t r B l u m c z y r\ s k i
cultural setting; what sets them apart is the ideological perspective involved in the direction
and nature of the spiritual progress described. It is precisely this ideological or confessional
perspective, however, char each of them shares with its translation, regardless of the linguistic
and cultural differences which constitute in turn a shared background for the two target texts
(T-E, T-C). This network of relationships can be represented thus:
..
.. ..
.. - -_-_.._..,:: .. .. .. - - - - .. - - - - .. - - - - - - - - - - .. - - .. - - - - - - - - .. ,- ,,i: .. ... -
- - · · ·:-·• · · · · · •- ..
� �=�:�!i� - -./-- - - - .- - - .- - - - - - -\- .-�:�:�= �i �-
• Polish language - - · -"--,. • •
T-E ' ,' T-C ,
---.:.___Evan- �li ·.
and culture
.. - -f-, .. - .. .. ·c;;h� -,.
- .. .. - ',,. ..
��l - - - -·� - - - .. - .. - .. - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - .. -
f
� lic
confessional : confessional
-', - .. - English language,
- - -:- -
5-E 5-C
- Am erican culture
-
.. -\.......: -...... - ..- ..- .. - ;•':.. .. .. - - - - - - - - .. - - - - .. .. - .. .. - - - - - - - - - - .. - - .. ... - �'"..- ....--..--......-..-_-•• <-'- .. ..
..
Figure 1 . Linguistic, culcural, and confessional dynamics of analyzed texts.
This model sketches several lines of enquiry at the intersection of the three disciplines
involved. (1) By focusing on the horizontal dimension (S-area; T- area) we might be able to
determine the extent to which certain linguistic and conceptual patterns are shared within
the respective languages and cultures, regardless of the confessional affiliation (from this
perspective religion is viewed as a subcategory of culture). (2) By focusing on the vertical di
mension (E-area; C-area) we might be able to reconstruct specific, conceptual, confessional
frameworks shared across languages and cultures ( culture is viewed here as a subcategory
of religion). (3) A combined, multidimensional perspective might help us to understand
the complex and dynamic relationship between language, religion, and translation. In par
ticular, such a perspective may provide insight into (a) the role of translation in pursuing
ideological aims derived from religion across linguistic and cultural boundaries, and (b) the
role of religious ideology in stimulating and shaping certain translational practices.
As signaled above, the relationship between religion and culture is far from clear
and its representation largely depends on one's research angle. For instance, in his book, Lan
g uage, Mind, and Culture, Zolran Kovecses briefly defines culture as 'a large set of meanings
shared by a group of people' (2006, 335). Yet this-provided a specific understanding of
'meanings' -may also serve as a general definition of religion or of a confessional tradition.
Likewise, E. B. Taylor's anthropological definition of c ulture as, 'chat complex whole which
includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and any other capabilities and habits
acquired by man as a member of society' (Asad 1986/2009, 9) could be readily applied to
an established religious system. Moreover, both religious culture and cultural religion are
viable concepts, which demonstrate that the two spheres should rather be considered as
overlapping, than as one engulfing the other. By exploring the linguistic and translational
E aspects of both, this study may also further understanding of their interconnectedness.
=�
E
The theoretical background for analyzing the linguistic data shall be provided by the
cognitive paradigm, in particular by cognitive semantics as developed by Lakoff (1987) and
28
P i ot r B l u m c z y r\ s k i
Kovecses (2006), complemented by critical linguistics specifically concerned with the point
of view, as elaborated by Simpson ( 1 993). In line with chis approach, language will be viewed
here, 'as representation, as a projection of positions and perspectives, as a way of communi
cating attitudes and assumptions' (Simpson 1 993, 2). Such an understanding of language
leads directly to the consideration of power relations both within and between social groups.
Therefore, in discussing translational data, I will be drawing upon theoretical frameworks
specific ally concerned with these phenomena; in particular, on narrative theory and its central
notion of framing, recently introduced co translation studies by Baker (2006 and 201 0).
Source Texts
Ideological perspective and targeted readership
T he two source texts analyzed here are Bartholomew F. Brewer's Pilgrimage from
Rome (1 982), hereafter 'S-E; and Scott and Kimberly H ahn's Rome Sweet Home.
OurJou rney to Catholicism (1 993), hereafter'S-C'. These cities alone reveal a com
mon conceptual background but also a significant difference in perspective. In both in
stances, the change in confessional affiliation and faith-based identity is conceptualized in
terms of motion. Motion, of course, is a common conceptual metaphor of spiritual experi
ence, found abundantly across a range of religious traditions. It is noteworthy, however,
chat both rides have chosen the horizontal profiling of this motion, despite the strongly
evaluative character of the vertical axis (purely spiritual improvement without a necessary
external manifestation has often been conceptualized in terms of the upward movement,
including rising, climbing [a mountain or a ladder] , ascending, elevation, etc.). As a result,
the confessional and institutional aspects of the progress (rather than the spiritual ones)
are foregrounded, especially against the common reference point, Rome. Boch tides rely on
this meronymic representation of the Roman Catholic Church, viewed as either the source
(S-E) or destination (S-C) in the shared S O U RC E - PAT H - GOAL schema. This distinction
reveals a substantial difference between che two books-not just in their confessional alle
giance but in che overall ideological perspective. The image-schema underlying the concept
'pilgrimage' foregrounds the destination (often metaphorically identified with purpose); by
combining it instead with the source ('from Rome'), the ride of S-E violates the default
salience of the structural elements of the schema, which results in a conceptual clash call
ing for a non-standard (e.g., humorous or sarcastic) interpretation of the entire scenario,
further reinforced by typographic means 1 • By contrast, the tide of S-C coherencly comple
ments the image-schema activated by}ourney' with che destination ('co Catholicism'); this
is congruent with the titular (and- because of che rhyming pattern-somewhat jocular)
scenario of coming home, which also highlights the goal over the source. Summing up, the
tide of each of these books, by foregrounding different elements of the scenario implicated
�E
E
1
The preposition 'from' on the cover and the title page of S-E is set in lowercase and a hand-written style
font, while both PILGRIMAGE and ROME are set in uppercase, print-style font (see Figure 2).
29
P i o t r B l u m czyn s k i
by the conceptual metaphor C H A N G E OF C O N F E S S I O N rs A PA SSAGE, announces a differ
ent perspective of the respective narratives: S-E signals a backward-looking orientation
and unspecified goal of the journey, whereas S- C is forward-looking, with an unspecified
point of departure. Consequently, the two narratives become prototypes of an escape and
homecoming, respectively.
This perspective has clear implications for the function char may be attributed to each
book as well as for their putative readership. Behind any published account of a cross- con
fessional conversion is a strong ideological impulse and a definite, albeit not always explicit,
evaluation of each of the faith communities involved. Even though the overall structure of
these narratives (souRCE-PAT H -GOAL) may create an illusion chat the authors are guiding
their readers through the same process of argumentation or experience that each of them
had once found compelling, there is little doubt chat it is their current-and not previ
ous- confessional affiliation chat defines the spectrum of their readership. Their narratives
are organized chronologically bur cast in retrospective (the frequency of occurrence of the
phrase ' little did I know' is quite striking, especially in S- C), which implicitly stresses their
current confessional viewpoint. To their former faith communities the authors are often
nothing less than apostates and traitors2; one may reasonably expect chat in chos e circles
their testimony will be dismissed on ideological grounds as untrustworthy. This means that
such narratives are in reality addressed to members of the destination faith community.
Such a hypothesized profile of the target readership is immediately confirmed by even
a casual glance at the books under analysis in terms of their paratexrual framing. S-E, adver
tised on the front cover as, 'rhe true story of a Roman Catholic priest's search for truth; con
tains several appendices, including, ' What the Church Doesn't Want You to Know About
History' (Appendix A) and, ' Roman Catholic False Doctrine' (Appendix B). It also offers
readers a glossary, providing explanations for terms such as breviary, cassock, confession,
diocese, genuflection, Host, Mass, and sacrament. le is unlikely chat Catholic readers would
either need the glossary or find the appendices particularly appealing (appalling, rather,
considering their titles). S- C, on the other hand, features on the back cover several short
recommendations from the Archbishops of New York and Philadelphia, the president of
Franciscan University of Steubenville, and from the author of Evange lical Is Not Enough.
The publisher's blurb praises the authors for, 'sharing. . . all about their conversion to the
Catholic Church and the truth and splendor of the Catholic faith'. Similarly, it is unlikely
that non-Catholic readers, particularly Evangelicals, would be either selected as strategic
marketing targets or attracted by recommendations such as these.
Interestingly, despite this very clear targeting of the audience, both books make nu
merous attempts to uphold the illusion of engaging with their former faith communities,
e.g., '0, how I wish that I could tell all my Catholic friends that . . . I would cry our to them
that . . .' (S-E, 94); 'We also want to share this challenge with our non- Catholic broth
ers and sisters in Christ' (S- C, 179). Considering the readership profile discussed above,
however, it seems that when the authors appear to be making a case they are in fact trying
E
E
Which they repeatedly emphasize in their narratives as evidence, on the one hand, of their own deter
2
mination in following their conscience, and, on the other hand, of the disingenuousness of their opponents.
30
P i o t r B l u mczyn s k i
to convince those already convinced. I t becomes clear that the real function o f this type of
pseudo-argumentative writing is to assert and foster the confessional identity of rhe group
chat supports its publication (and, possibly, to provide arguments for use in proselytizing);
a successful appeal to the former faith community co reconsider their doctrinal foundations
would require a very different approach. This leads us to the problem of the linguistic rep
resentation of confessional affiliation and the faith passage in particular.
Semantics of capitalization
I
f we were to establish the confessional profile of each of the two source texts solely on
the basis on their (para)linguistic properties, one of rhe most readily available sources
of evidence would be the capitalization pattern. Sometimes there is no disagreement
between S-E and S-C as regards the capitalization of expressions bearing confessional signifi
cance. Regardless of differences in doctrinal positions both texts consistently capitalize terms
such as Blessed Sacrament, Eucharist, God's Word, Host, Savior, Scripture and Virgin Mary,
in accordance with American spelling conventions, assumed to be shared across the S-area,
as prescribed in The Chicago Manual of Style (CMOS). Quite often, however, confessional
sympathies and doctrinal differences transpire at the orthographic level. This is particularly
evident in S-C, whose doctrinal perspective is manifested in its consistent uppercase spelling
of:'Pope' (without distinction between use for the office and as a tide, contrary to CMOS
8.25); ' Rosary' (both the object and the prayer, contrary to CMOS 8. 1 1 0) ; as well as 'Catholic
Tradition' (vs. 'Protestant tradition'; ' Reformed tradition'), 'Holy Communion' ( vs. 'Presbyte
rian communion'), and 'Catholic Faith' (vs. 'reformed Protestant faith'). The pattern becomes
especially noticeable when we compare some descriptions of religious experience before and
after the authors' conversion to Catholicism, as in the following example:
( la) (before] . . . I had chances to live our my faith in new ways (S-C, 1 0)
(lb) ( after] . . . wept with joy to see me come into the fullness of the Faith (S-C, 163)
The same tendency is illustrated by che capitalization of the noun, 'church' whenever
referring to the Roman Catholic Church, not only when part of the formal name ( contrary
to CMOS 8.97) :
(2a) . . .Jesus Christ and the Catholic Church which he founded (S-C, xiii)
(26) . . . a book I now believe to be filled with misrepresentations and lies about the Church-enti-
tled Roman Catholicism (S-C, 6)
while using lowercase spelling with reference to other denominations (and not just
particular congregations) :
(2c) . . . his ministry in the Presbyterian church (S-C, 1 )
(2d) . . . a unified witness o f all Christian churches (S-C, 27)
~
=
(2e) . . . char the trial could end in the Episcopal church (S-C, 5 1 )
�E
(2f) . . . I found the various Orthodox churches to be hopelessly divided among themselves (S-C, E
61).
e
31
Piotr Blum czyn s k i
The prevalence and regu larity of this pattern hardly allow us to consider the difference
berween'faith' and'Faich' or'church' and'Church' as merely referential. It is also definitely evaluat
ive. From the cognitive perspective, such confessionally sensitive capitalization may be explained
semantically in terms oficonicity ('more form, more meaning'). Throughout S-C, among many
churches, the Church stands out-even at the level oforthographic representation.
B y contrast, S-E relies on ideologically motivated capitalization to a much lesser ex
tent and generally follows the rules set out in The Chicago Manual of Style. It refers con
sistencly co the 'Catholic church' but also to the 'Adventist church; ' Lutheran church; and
co 'God's true church'; it distinguishes between 'che pope' and 'Pope Gregory VII' as well
as 'a mass' and 'che High Mass'. Some traces of its doctrinal emphases may be found in the
regular capitalization of personal pronouns referring to G od, as well as of certain nouns
(e.g., ' Heaven; ' Hell'). Yet this does not seem to highlight any confessional distinctions. Im
portancly, it does not indicate its confessional position by paralinguistic means, which could
be achieved through casting some traditionally Catholic terms in lowercase. Such a practice,
indeed, could hardly be considered symmetrical to the capitalization of selected confession
ally-significant terms as observed in S-C. Capitalization of a word conventionally spelt in
lowercase indicates a special understanding ofits meaning or its scope ofreference. Deliber
ate de-capitalization of conventionally uppercase words, on the other hand, usually entails
challenging not only their status but also the convention itself. Unconventional capitaliza
tion is usually considered defective in stylistic terms- unexpected de-capitalization more
readily arouses suspicion of pushing an ideological agenda. Behind this asymmetry, there is
a broadly shared psychological basis: granting an unexpected award typically requires less
explanation than administering unexpected punishment.
Essentially contested conceptualizations
T he face chat some concepts are shared across a linguistic and cultural background
does not preclude ideologically based semantic or referential differentiation. Doc
trinal and confessional differences, as we have seen, may be signaled by paralingui
stic means, e.g., through violation of certain orthographic conventions. More often than not,
however, linguistic markers of these differences are not so obvious and the use of common
terms by various confessional groups creates an impression ofshared conceptual background.
In this section, while still focusing on the S-area, we will explore how, in spite of common
terminology used to describe the faith passage, the evangelical and Catholic perspectives rely
on conflicting conceptualizations, and how these are manifested linguistically.
One of such seemingly shared concepts is chat ofconversion, appearing in both narra
tives in various linguistic forms. While the Merriam-Webster'.s Dictionary, 18th edition, defines it
broadly in the religious sense as 'an experience associated with the definite and decisive adoption
of a religion; each ofthe two authors stresses a different element ofthat definition and redefines
the concept in the course ofthe narrative, both lexically and grammatically: in particular through
E
E
various configurations of transitivity. Since'the transitivity model provides one means of investi
gating how a reader's or listener's perception ofthe meaning ofa text is pushed in a particular di
mension and how the linguistic structure of the text effectively encodes a particular'world-view'
32
P i ot r Bl u m c z yr\ s k i
(Simpson 1993, 104), lee us examine in detail how these seemingly subcle linguistic operations
affect the understanding of conversion advocated by each one of the two narratives.
In S-E, the early occurrences of this concept profile external agency and the institu
tional aspect, either through the passive voice ('suppose a soul were converted to Catholi
cism on his deathbed' (S-E, 38] ) or the transitive use, additionally highlighted by inverted
commas ('. . . our possible attempt to'convert' him' [S-E, 83 ] ). However, as the description of
the faith passage advances, there is a definite shift towards the intransitive use (' I was still. . .
unconverted' [S-E, 88] ), culminated in the statement: 'There was nothing sensational, dra
matic, or highly emotional about my conversion' (S-E, 93). This demonstrates how S-E at
first engages with the latter element of the general definition ('adoption of a religion') and
moves towards the former experiential aspect in order to contrast in an evaluative manner
the institutional and the personal dimension of this concept. An opposite process is to
be observed in the S-C: while initially highlighting the experiential aspect ('I experienced
the. . . power of God's grace in conversion' (S-C, 5]). It subs equently starts to indicate the
destination ('my conversion to the Catholic Faith' [S-C, 127] ;"when evangelical Protestants
convert to the Catholic Church' [S-C, 165] ) and stress the ecclesiastical admission ('If I
convert . . . it won't be until 1990' [S-C, 76] ; 'why I do not go ahead and convert' (S-C, 111] ).
As a result, the redefined understanding of'conversion' in each of the two books becomes
conceptually equivalent to either an inner personal experience (S-E) or a public and of
ficial admission to an ecclesiastical body (S-C)3 . It is regularly referred to in accordance
with the preferred conceptualization, i.e., either as 'experiencing salvation' (S-E, 87); 'being
born again' (S-E, 119); 'receiving Christ as my Lord and Savior' (S-E, 93), or as 'becoming
Catholic' (S-C, 83, 89, 116, etc.); 'being received into the Church' (S-C, 162, 175); Joining
the Church' (S-C, 90, 108, 116, etc.). It is obvious that each of the authors is aware of the
alcernative conceptualization and attempts to 'correct' it through their narrative4 .
There are many other examples of ideologically inspired differences in concept_ualiza
tion in spite of apparent terminological convergence. 'Joining the Church; used profusely
and emphatically in S -C as equivalent to 'converting, in S -E is conceived as a completely
separate-and relatively insignificant-ace of acquiring denominational affiliation ('I
joined the church and was baptized by the pastor' (S-E, 88] ; note the lowercase in 'church').
Likewise, 'receiving Christ: depending on the concessional affiliation, is understood either
in metaphorical terms as a salvific act of commitment (S-E) or in metonymic terms as
referring to the sacrament of the Eucharist (S-C). At other times the difference is predomi-
3 It is noteworthy that Rafael (1987) while discussing 'conversion to Christianiry' in the context of Ta
galog colonial society quite unsurprisingly understands it in terms of confessional admission rather than inner
spiritual experience, which corresponds to che Catholic view of the concepr.
4
This is particularly evident in the Foreword to S-C, introducing the 'story of their life and their con
version' (vii)-this sequence alone iconically indicates the ecclesiastical understanding of conversion (which
happened relatively late in their life). Even though the Foreword then appears to apply this word in a broader
sense, almost in line with the evangelical view ('The only story even more dramatic than conversion to Christ's
E
Church is the initial conversion to Christ himself; ibid.), this impression is quickly dispelled: 'Bue these two E
dramas-becoming a Christian and becoming a Catholic-are cwo sreps in the same process and in che same
direction' (vii).
33
Piolr Blu mczynski
nantly axiological: while S-E is strongly in favor of' biblical Christianity' as authentic and
bowing before no earthly authority, S- C is j ust as critical of'Bible Christians; considering
them theologically misguided in their rejection ofthe ecclesiastical tradition. Most dramati
cally, perhaps, the titular Rome is either viewed as a sinister center of spiritual enslavement
(S-E) or a glorious home of the family of faith (S- C).
Let us relate the above observations to the general research questions posed earlier in
this paper. We have seen that key religious terms are shared across a linguistic and cultural
community only in a very general sense corresponding to a typical, context-independent
dictionary definition incapable of elucidating ideologically-based distinctions. Despite us
i ng common vocabulary, the respective confessional circles rely on significantly different
conceptualizations. In this way, certain religious categories seem to be prototypical ex
amples of what W. B. Gallie (1956) calls 'ess entially contested concepts'5. This is how he
explains the dynamics behind them:
(E]ach party recognizes the face chat its own use of it is contested by chose of other parties, and chat
each party muse have at lease some appreciation of the different criteria in che light of which the
other parties claim co be applying the concept in question. More simply, co use an essentially conte
sted concept means co use it against other uses and co recognize chat one's own use of it has co be
maintained against these other uses. Still more simply, co use an essentially contested concept means
co use it both aggressively and defensively. (Gallic 1 956: 174)
This is precisely what we see happening in and between the two source texts dis
cussed here-and rhe faith communities they represent-as they systematically contest
certain religious concepts such as 'church' or 'conversion' through a variety of means. Cogni
tive linguists confirm that within linguistic and cultural communities alternative conceptu
alizations are 'extremely common' (Lakoff 1987, 306) and that 'people in every culture are
likely to contest many of their categories' (Kovecses 2006, 60). As we raise this problem to
the interlingual and intercultural plane, there emerge a number of interesting questions. To
what extent do these ideologically sensitive conceptualizations reach across linguistic and
cultural boundaries? W hat role does translation play in rhis conrestarion? H ow are power
relations between languages, cultures, and religions manifested in translation?
Target Texts
I
t is rime to broaden rhe scope of this discussion by introducing the two target texts,
Pielgrzymka z Rzymu (1994, no translator named), hereinafrer'T-E; and W domu na
jlepiej (2009, translated by Mira Majdan), hereafter 'T-C'. In terms of rhe model pro
posed in Figure 1, they will be considered both along the vertical axis, i.e., with reference to
5
Bourdieu makes a very similar point when he writes about rhe language used wirh reference co arr: 'The
majority of notions which artists and critics use to define themselves or their adversaries are indeed weapons
E
E and stakes in rhe srruggle. . . These combative concepts gradually become technical caregorems . . .' ( 1987, 206).
� Kovecses (2006) discusses a number of linguistic implications of essentially contested concepts using 'arr' as an
example.
34
P iotr B l u m c z y r\ s k i
their respective source texts, as well as in the horizontal dimension of their shared linguistic
and cultural setting. As before, we will proceed from the most noticeable features to the less
transparent ones.
Judging a book by its cover
B
aker points out that 'processes of (re) framing can draw on practically any linguistic
or non-linguistic resource to set up an interpretive context for the reader. . . This may
include exploiting paralinguistic devices such as . . . typography' as well as ' visual re
sources such as color, image and layout' (Baker 20 10, 1 20) . Paying no heed to the proverbial
warning, I will argue that judging a published text by its formal properties-which is often
possible even without knowing the language-may be highly revealing in several respects,
including its espoused translation philosophy and the desired framing of the narrative.
At this level, the two translations are indeed very different, as shown in Figure 2.
PlffiRIMAGE
ROM E W DOMU
�6�{1
/Tl'lll ROME
NAJLEPIEJ
, .:!Bk·
: ,\�,II·�-
(- �� � ¥,
•. . ::· :1 ;: /f
".
5-E T-E 5-C T-C
Fi gure 2. Front covers of analysed texts. Images reproduced by permission.
Save the language of publication, T-E seeks to imitate its source text in all imagin
able aspects. The design of S-E has been meticulously replicated, from the pictures, fonts
and colors on the front cover; to the right margin alignment of the three editorial blurbs
(translated from the English) on the back cover; to the photographs placed throughout the
book; to the page layout (including page header and footnoting) . Going to such lengths to
produce an iconic representation of the source text, especially before the era of electronic
publishing, does reveal a lot about the publisher's views regarding the status of the source
text and the role of translation. It is hardly surprising to note that while the author of the
cover photo is credited, the translator is not named. This imitative strategy is of course ap
plied to the title, rendered literally from the English.
T-C, on the other hand, does not try to resemble its source text in visual terms. The
cover has a completely different design: instead of the Vatican against sky-blue background
E
(as in S-C), it features a dark lighthouse against the setting sun, which in combination with E
the title, W domu najlepiej ( the punch line of the Polish proverb 'wsz�dzie dobrze, ale w
35
P i o t r B l u m c zyri s k i
domu najlepiej' [lit.'it is good every where but best at home']), renders a n image much more
universal and sy mbolically 6 richer than the geographically bound ' Rome sweet home' of the
English book. As a result, rather than explicitly announce a conversion story, the tide re
frames the narrative as one of universally relevant, proverbial homecoming. This reframing
is pursued throughout: T-C reproduces none of the photographs found throughout S-C;
it replaces the recommendations and endorsements on the back cover with its own editorial
blurb; the subtitle only appears on the fifth page (not on the cover) ; it uses a different set of
fonts. Needless to say, the translator is acknowledged in the center of the tide page.
These observations alone give grounds to predictions regarding the linguistic prop
erties of the two translations, correlated with their confessional profile. In the evangelical
tradition, the source text and author is the ultimate authority, which is to be followed very
closely. There is no recognition of differences in readership or in cultural and religious set
ting; the Polish reader is practically identified with the American reader. The Catholic tra
dition, by contrast, takes the source book as a sort of raw material to be shaped and mold
ed-or, to use the metaphor preferred by narrative theory, reframed-as the translator and
publisher see fit in order to appeal to the target readership. There is virtually no obligation
to reproduce the formal features of the source text or endorse all decisions of its author.
Paralinguistic evidence
T he above predictions are largely confirmed by paralinguistic data. Against the back
ground of Polish spelling conventions (Polanski 2006) and in particular those gov
erning religious terminology (Przybylska and Przyczyna 2004), some patterns in
both target texts may be observed, indicative of their ideological stance-though not neces-
, sarily in the confessional sphere. Interestingly, the tendencies noted above in the source texts
(see 2.2) are reversed in their translations. The non-conventional and irregular capitalization
pattern found throughout T-E (e.g., Kosciof Katolicki, kosciof katolicki ['Catholic church']; Bib
lijny ['biblical']) does not seem to indicate confessional emphases but is the result of a transla
tor following the source text closely and, consequently, the American spelling and typographic
conventions, frequently colliding with Polish ones7• T-C, on the other hand, in comparison
, with its source text-which made extensive use of ideologically sensitive capitalization, often
contrary to general American conventions-thoroughly complies with Polish spelling prin
ciples, using the traditional uppercase for Kofriof ('church'), whether Catholic or Presby terian
(however rare such occurrences are-see 3.3), and not capitalizing words and expressions
such as tradycja ('Tradition' in S-C) or pefnia wiary ('fullness of the Faith' in S-C). In both
cases, these patterns are more indicative of the perception of the role of translation (especially
its overall orientation towards either the source text or the target reader) and the power rela-
6
The lighthouse, because of its function in navigation, is of course a powerful and fairly universal symbol
of safety (especially amongst the perils of [sea) travel), homecoming, etc.
7 1l1is includes the consistent use of opening inverted commas placed in the upper line ('), typical of
English texts, even though Polish typographical principles strongly prescribe the lower line variant (..) .
36
P i o t r B l u m c z y ri s k i
tions between the two cultures than of a particular confessional affiliation.
Contested concepts in translation
W
e have demonstrated above (2.3) that in inter-confessional discourse some
religious notions and terms become essentially contested concepts. In the
shared linguistic and cultural context of the source texts, this contestation
was achieved by paralinguistic means (e.g., capitalization, inverted commas), by gradual
redefinition (sometimes leaving some grammatical traces, e.g., transitivity patterns), and by
developing evaluative connotations. Let us now examine how thes e concepts are contested
and reframed across linguistic and cultural boundaries, in and through translation.
At the heart of both faith passages described in the source texts is 'conversion'. The
first problem involved in discussing the contestation of this concept by the target texts is in
itself conceptual because its Polish equivalent, nawr6cenie, is not separately accounted for
in the consulted dictionaries (Dubisz 2006; Dunaj 1999; Szymczak 1 978) except in the
verbal form, nawr6cic. Even though the nominal derivative nawr6cenie does occur in Polish
religious discourse and is occasionally defined in specialist publications (e.g., Chmielewski
200 2), the lack of a separate nominal entry in Polish dictionaries seems to indicate a degree
of conceptual- and not just terminological-incommensurability between both languages
and cultures involved. As Wierzbicka convincingly argues, 'rhe concept of religious experi
ence, so characteristic of the English-language literature on religion, is often treated by
this literature as universal' (20 10, 71) while in fact it is strongly Anglocentric' (2010, 72).
Cons equently, an experiential understanding of conversion, embraced by the evangelical
perspective, is far less likely in Polish than it is in English. This is confirmed by the standard
dictionary definition of the verb nawr6cic. In addition to the primary, spatial sense drawn
from the word's etymology (the unprefixed verb wr6cic means 'ro return' )8, the transitive
form is defined as 'ro persuade somebody co change their confession' (or, more generally,
'their views') and the reflexive form as 'ro change one's confession' (or'views') (Dubisz 2006).
In contrast to the definition of the religious sense of'conversion' in English (see 2.3), the
Polish word puts a definite emphasis on the confessional aspect, with no indication of any
previous or accompanying spiritual experience. Such an understanding of nawr6cenie, of
course, is congruent with the conceptualization of religious 'conversion' as predomin.andy
denominational accession, promoted by S-C. Moreover, against the etymological back
ground it may be argued that nawr6cenie prototypically consists of a return to what is one's
true home, possibly after going astray-note the tides of both S- C and T- C !-not unlike
in the parable of the Prodigal Son (Luke 1 5: 1 1 - 32).
All this rips rhe conceptual scales of nawr6cenie in favor of the Catholic view and the
translator of T-C takes full advantage of it. Sometimes, when 'conversion' could possibly
E
8
The primary meaning of nawr6cii is divided into three sub-entries: ( l ) 'co cum cowards a previous place; �
E
co reappear'; (2) 'co direct someone or somebody or something co a previous position'; (3) 'co refer to what has
been spoken of, thought of. etc'. (Dubisz 2006).
ro
ro
37
P i o t r B l u m c zy ri s k i
be understood in the experiential and spiritual sense, T-C substitutes other concepts, e.g.,
poznanie ('knowing'); otherwise it not only translates 'conversion' as nawr6cenie but also
quite regularly alternates it with zmiana wyznania ('change of confession') and przejscie na
katolicyzm ('transfer to Catholicism')9. In fact, not only is 'conversion' in T-C given a clear
direction and unmistakably confessional setting but also in several instances there is a re
markable shift in agency :
(3) . . . they came into the Church (S -C, 144; emphasis added)-zostali przyj�ci do Kosciola ('were
received into the church') (T-C, 20 1 ; emphasis added)
(4) . . . to become Catholic (S-C, 1 56; emphasis added)-zostac przyj�ta do Kosciol:a katolickiego ('to
be received to the Catholic church') (T-C, 221; emphasis added).
This change from the active to the passive voice creates a radically different construal
of the scene, with the initiative and authority resting with the receiving church. Sometimes
the shift is more subtle but no less suggestive:
(5) . . . I decided to be received into the Church (S -C, 1 59)-zdecydowal:am si� prosic o przyj�cie
do Kosciola katolickiego ('I decided to ask for being received to the Catholic church') (T-C, 221 ;
emphasis added).
In short, in its handling of the concept of'conversion'. T-C not only continues the con
testation pursued by its source text bur also takes it to a new level of precision-though, as
we have seen, it is partially aided by the semantic profile of the word nawr6cenie in Polish.
This means chat the translator of T-E faces a more difficult task, and has to work,
as it were, against the linguistic odds. Bound by the policy of closest possible adherence
to the source text on all levels, he or she regularly translates all mentions of'conversion' by
nawr6cenie, regardless of the contestation involved. This in several instances leads to forms
and uses conceptually incongruent with the dictionary definition of nawr6cenie, as in the
following example:
(6) I was still. . . unconverted (S-E, 88) -nadal. . . nie byl:em nawr6cony ('still. . . I was not converted')
(T-E, 1 16).
The incongruence seems from the fact that changing one's confession is a singular
and volitional act while the participial expression nie bye nawr6cony ('not to be converted')
profiles both a stable state and external agency required to change it. As a result of this
conceptual clash, the grammatical acceptability of this phrase is debatable, which creates an
impression that T-E is forcing foreign (namely, English) morphosemantic patterns onto the
Polish system. This in itself, of course, may be a method of engaging in conceptual contesta
tion by invoking the witness of an authoritative source language and its conceptualization
of the experience in question.
Another important concept contested in translation is 'church'. In Polish the generic
word kofriof-just like 'church' in English-is used in various confessional circles to desig
nate (a) the body of believers, (b) a particular church community, or (c) a church building.
E
E
9
The latter expression is also offered in numerous instances throughout T-C as translation of 'to join the
Catholic church' and 'to become Catholic'.
38
P i otr B l u m c z y n s k i
Among some Protestant groups, however, it is customary co use the word zb6r ('congrega
tion'), often self-referentially, in sense (b) and, by way of metonymy, (c). Zb6r, derived from
the reflexive verb zbierac sir ('co gather'), profiles the non-hierarchical, i.e. congregacional
organization of many Protestant churches-which has resulted in its exclusively Protes
tant connotations-bur precisely because of this profile it clashes with the general, abstract
sense (a). This distinction is applied effortlessly in T-E which correctly alternates between
zb6r and kosciol when translacing'dmrch'. The translator ofT-C, however, is evidently unfa
miliar with details of this differentiation and uses the term zb6r indiscriminately, enticed by
its Protestant connotations, even when denominations are referred co in S-C ( e.g., 'main
stream churches' is mistranslated as wiodqcych zbor6w ['leading congregations']). This only
in part stems from ignorance; a more fundamental reason is revealed by a very sparing use
of the word kosci6l in non-Catholic contexts throughout T-C. Indeed, it almost seems as
if the designation Kosci6l prezbiterianski ('Presbyterian church') amounted co violating the
semantic range of the word. 10 There is little doubt that the translator is here assuming the
role of an ideological gatekeeper-co borrow Martha Cheung's evocative metaphor-who
'allows certain words, terms, phrases or expressions, as it were, get through the gate and
keep out others' ( 1998: 266). This translational strategy is practically tantamount co the use
of the adjective real in expressions such as 'a real man: 'real courage' or 'a real masterpiece' 1 1 ; as
Bourdieu points out,'in all these examples, the word 'real' implicitly contrasts the case under
consideration co all other cases in the same category, co which other speakers assign, al
though unduly so ( that is, in a manner not 'really'justified) this same predicate' ( 1 987: 206).
Consequently, kosci6l in T-C becomes a concept contested by linguistic means-much like
in S-C by paralinguistic means (see 2.2)-and therefore chiefly reserved in referential terms
co only one confessional community.
At other times, conceptual contestation revealing confessional sympathies and
doctrinal position may be introduced in translation where there was none in the source
text. The name Mary in Polish has two variants: the archaic form Maryja ( three syllables,
stress on the middle one) and the contemporary form Maria (two syllables, the first one
stressed). Contrary co what one might expect, the difference between them is not stylistic
but referential, with the former used exclusively of the Holy Virgin and only the latter
used as a proper name. This is a prime example of how religion at times finds expression
in the structures oflanguage. The Catholic doctrine insists on the linguistic recognition of
the Virgin Mary's unique status; Protestants put her on a linguistically equal footing with
all other Marys. Faced with this distinction, absent in English, the two translations make
their doctrinal position-at least in terms of the Marian devotion-immediately clear,
though at the expense of the credibility of the chronological unfolding of their narratives.
10
These reservations are reflected in popular dictionary definitions which typically assume the Catholic
perspective as the cultural norm. For instance, Dubisz (2006) defines the collocation chodzic do kosciofa ('co go
to church') as 'to be a [religiously) practicing person; to take part in the Holy Mass on a regular basis'.
1 1 Austin argues that, 'we should insist always on specifying with what 'real' is being concrasted-'not
what' I shall have to show it is, in order to show it is'real': and then usually we find some specific, less fatal, word,
appropriate to the particular case, to substitute for 'real' (1979, 88).
39
P i o t r B l u m c z y r\ s k i
( W hilst still a Roman Catholic priest, Brewer, i n the Polish translation, appears strangely
irreverent toward Mary; H ahn, on the contrary, whilst still a Presbyterian minister, shows
her rather unexpected reverence).
Finally, certain concepts may be contested s omewhat unknowingly when one party
fails to recognize what is of vital importance to the other party and effectively treads on
its conceptual toes. This is apparently the case with the designation 'evangelical'. It is used
profusely in S- C as a broad, non-confessional label for a fundamental branch of Prot
estantism. T-C with remarkable consistency translates it as ewangelicki, which in Polish
for historical reasons is exclusively reserved for the Lutheran church ( officially named
KosciM Ewangelicko-Augsburski). The problem is further complicated by the fact that in the
opinion of many fundamental Evangelicals in Poland, the Lutheran church is considered
liberal and therefore not'evangelical' at all (in their understanding ofthe term, ofcourse
here's yet another i nstance of an essentially contested concept). Instead, the preferred ad
j ectives used by fundamentalists in s elf- descriptions are ewangeliczny ( which also recently
has acquired s ome denominational connotations by appearing in official names of several
churches and organizations) and ewangelikalny. By being grossly ignorant of the intricate
dynamics of the Polish evangelical terminology, T-C confus es its readers by misrepre
s enting the affiliation ofthe opposing faith community and effectively-though, perhaps,
i nadvertently- challenges its identity.
From the perspective of narrative theory, the translational phenomena discussed i n
this s ection may b e viewed as cases o f framing b y labeling. Using a label 'pointing t o or
identifying a key element or participant in the narrative; they s eek to provide 'an interpre
tative frame that guides and constraints our response to the narrative in question' (Baker
2006, 122) . .In both accounts, conversion is clearly framed as progression from an inferior
to a superior faith community.
Conclusion
H
aving discussed some specific linguistic and translational phenomena at play in
the four texts as well as in their contexts, let us now assume a broader perspective
ofrelationships and tensions between the confessional and linguistic constituen
cies emerging from the model proposed earlier (Figure 1). Though helpful in envisioning
the general dynamics, this model may also suggest false symmetry and balance along both
the horizontal and vertical axes. In reality, some balance only seems to hold across the S
area, i.e., between the evangelical and Catholic communities in the United States, with both
enjoying a strong identity but neither one dominating the other. This relative confessional
equilibrium is reflected in a broad semantic and referential range of certain religious con
cepts in English ( including 'church' and 'conversion') which are not tilted towards any par
ticular confessional option within Christianity; rather, they are prone to contestation and
negotiation in similar measure by all parties. As a result, each of the source texts examined
�E
E
here is just as linguistically English, and just as culturally American as the other, notwith
standing their respective confessional markers.
The Polish religious context, in turn, is radically different, since the dominating posi-
40
P iot r B l u m c z y n s k i
tion o f the Catholic Church is strongly reflected in the linguistic and cultural conventions.
In this setting, the evangelical community, representing a very small minority, tends to view
translation as a powerful tool of asserting and reinforcing its confessional identity. This is
achieved through temporal and spatial framing which 'involves selecting a particular text
and embedding it in a temporal and spatial context that accentuates the narrative it depicts
and encourages us to establish links between it and current narratives that touch our lives'
(Baker 2 006, 1 12). Through translation, of conversion narratives in particular, the minor
ity group is able to build an identity link with a context in which its beliefs enjoy a strong
and respectable position, effectively establishing itself, as it were, as a diplomatic post of a
foreign empire. Such a perception has far-reaching consequences. It leads to a highly imita
tive translation practice- since 'this type of embedding requires no further intervention in
the text itself (Baker 2006, 1 12)-and, consequently, to elevating the status not only of the
source text and author, but also of the source language and culture at the expense of the
receiving community. When the two cultures and languages collide, preference is typically
given to the foreign over the domestic, as illustrated by English conceptual models as well
as linguistic and paralinguistic conventions repeatedly overriding Polish ones in T-E. One
such clash is particularly dramatic. T-E, following closely its source text, uncritically repeats
the historically absurd phrase ' Polish concentration camps' (T-E, 1 61 ) for which Western
media are regularly taken to task by Polish diplomatic services! 111is strategy of identity
reinforcement through translation is very costly in cultural terms and likely to result in an
even stronger alienation of the minority group, which is often perceived by a majority of the
target culture as willingly succumbing to, indeed, inviting, foreign imperialism. In societies
dominated by one religious option, such a use of translation creates an inevitable tension
between the religious and cultural aspects of the wider national identity.
The same power dynamics are manifested in a markedly different character of the
translation produced by and for a majority group. The dominant status of Catholicism in
Poland and the resulting strong sense of religious and cultural identity are reflected in the
authoritative and largely autonomous role of the translator (as well as editor and publisher)
who does not feel the pressure to be bound by the linguistic and editorial properties of the
source text. Instead, there is another kind of ideological pressure, often formalized through
an official censorship process applying to Catholic publications (as is the case with T- C,
bearing the imprimatur of the ecclesiastical authorities supervising the publisher), to pro
mote a positive image of the faith community, which directly impacts the target text, either
at the stage of translation or editorial adjustment. (For example, T-C rather conveniently
omits the sentence, 'And it was the Catholics who could outdrink and outswear me before
I became a Christian, so I knew how much help they needed' (S-C, 6]). The sense of the
dominant position also finds expression in a rather ignorant-or arrogant, as the minor
ity could argue-handling of certain concepts and distinctions vital for the marginalized
group. In short, translating from a hegemonic position in the target culture contributes
both to a further elevation of one's status and to a further marginalisation of one's oppo
nents. This brings to mind the painfully realistic biblical principle: 'For whoever has will be
given more, and they will have an abundance. Whoever does not have, even what they have E
E
will be taken from them' (Matthew 25:29, New International Version). Translation turns �
out to be a powerful means of executing this principle.
41
P i o t r B l u m c z y r\ s k i
Even though this study only examines two translations in detail, they are representa
tive of a larger body of publications. H ere is yet another instance of asymmetry, for it is the
minority group that has produced translations of a large number of conversion narratives 12•
In view of its comparatively small overall publishing output, the decision to select these
texts for translation reveals the importance attributed by Polish Evangelicals to apologetic
writings upholding their religious identity. Polish Catholic publishers, on the other hand,
have translated relatively little of foreign apologetic works-and the few translations have
only been published very recently 1 3 • Considering the confessional distribution in Poland,
the Catholic community historically did not need translation to preserve its sense of iden
tity or spread its teaching, having no shortage of indigenous authors and writings. By con
trast, the evangelical community in Poland historically has heavily relied on translation;
until lately, books offered by evangelical publishers were almost exclusively translations.
It hardly comes as a s urprise chat the linguistic, translational, and editorial tendencies
identified above are correlated to some religious convictions held in the respective faith
communities-in particular, to their doctrinal positions regarding the status of the Chris
tian Scriptures. On the one hand, the fundamentalist evangelical insistence on the verbal
inspiration of the Bible, and consequently on its inerrancy, naturally favors a very strong
orientation toward the source text, a high view of the original author, and very low of the
translator (often to the point of complete invisibility), as well as an imitative translation
method. T he Catholic recognition of the vital role of the ecclesiastical tradition in doctrinal
matters and especially in interpreting the Scripture, on the other hand, correlates with a far
more flexible approach to the s ource text and a considerably greater degree of autonomy on
the part of the translator-interpreter.
Throughout this paper, I have sought to demonstrate chat an exploration into the
dynamics of publication and translation of conversion narratives- which are a pseudo-per
suasive (auto)biographical text-type centered around conceptual contestacion-requires a
broad and inclusive research perspective. One must cake account of linguistic, cultural, re
ligious, historical, social, and possibly a number of other factors-as well as the intricate
and often entangled relationships between them. This inevitably leads to a reassessment
of some traditional distinctions (for instance, between religion and culture or between the
confessional and national identity), much in line with the idea of transdisciplinarity. Con
sequently, this study may be thought of as offering an empirical case for a transdisciplinary
approach to the study of translation.
12 For example: Richard Bennett and Martin Buckingham, Daleko od Rzymu ... blisko Boga, 1994 (origi
nally published as Far From Rome Near to God); Esther Gulshan and Thelma Sangster, Rozdarta zasfona, 1995
(originally published as Torn veil); Rabi Maharaj, $mien: guru, no dare ( originally published as Death of a Guru);
Stan Telchin, Zdradzony, 1985 ( originally published as Betrayed!); Louis Vogel, Moje swiadectwo, no dare ( origi
nally published as Mein Zeugnis).
E
E 13 For example: Ronald A. Knox, Ukryty strumien, 2005 (originally published as The Hidden Stream);
� Scott Halm, Przyczyny wiary: Jak rozumiec i wyjasniac wiar� katolickq ijak wyst�powac wjej obronie, 2009 ( origi
nally published as Reasons to Believe: How to Understand, Explain, and Defend the Catholic Faith).
42
Piotr Blu mc z y n s k i
Analyzed Texts
Brewer, Bartholomew F. and Andrew F. Fuller 1982. Pilgrimage from Rome. Greenville: Bob Jones University
Press Inc. [Cover photo by Rex G. Salmon] .
1993. Pielgrzyrnka z Rzyrnu. No translator named. Warszawa: Fundacja Chrzescijanskiej Kultury i
Oswiaty [Cover photo by Rex G. Salmon].
Hahn, Scott and Kimberly Hahn. 1993. Rome Sweet Horne: Our Journey to Catholicism. San Francisco: Ignatius
Press [Cover design by Riz Boncan Marsella].
2009. W domu najlepiej. Translated by Mira Majdan. Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Ksi�zy Marian6w MIC
(Cover design by Cezary Urbanski].
References
Asad, Talal. [ 1986] 2010. 'The Concept of Cultural Translation'. In Critical Readings in Translation Studies,
edited by Mona Baker, 1 -27. London and New York: Routledge.
Austin, John L. 1979. Philosophical Papers. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Baker, Mona. 2006. Translation and Conflict. A Narrative Account. London and New York: Routledge.
2010. ' Reframing Conflict in Translation'. In Critical Readings in Translation Studies, edited by Mona
Baker, 1 13- 129. London and New York: Routledge.
Bourdieu, Pierre. 1987.'The Historical Genesis of a Pure Aesthetic'. The journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism.
46: 201 - 210.
Cheung, Martha P. Y. 1998. ' Translation and Power: A Hong Kong case study'. Perspectives, 6 (2): 259-274.
Chmielewski, Marek, ed. 2002. Leksykon duchowosci katolickiej. Lublin-Krak6w: Wydawnictwo,,M:'
TI1e Chicago Manual ofStyle Online. 16th edition. http:/ /www.chicagomanualofsryle.org/home.hrml.
Dubisz, Scanishw, ed. 2006. Uniwersalny siownik Jrzyka polskiego PWN. Warszawa: Polskie Wydawnicrwo
Naukowe.
Dunaj, Boguslaw, ed. 1999. Sfownik wspMczesnego Jrzyka polskiego. Warszawa: Wilga.
Gallie, W. B. 1956. 'Essentially contested concepts'. The Proceedings of the Aristotelian Society. 56: 167- 198.
Kiivecses, Zolrin. 2006. Language, Mind, and Culture. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Lakoff. George. 1987. Women, Fire, and Dangerous Things: What Categories Reveal about the Mind. Chicago and
London: University of Chicago Press.
Merriam-Webster Dictionary. http://www.merriam-webster.com.
Polanski, Edward, ed. 2006. Wielki sfownik ortograjiczny PWN. Warszawa: Wydawnicrwo Naukowe PWN.
Przybylska, Renata and Wieslaw Przyczyna. 2004. Zasady pisowni sfownictwa religijnego. Tarn6w: Wydawnic-
two BIBLOS.
Rafael, Vicente L. 1987.'Confession, Conversion, and Reciprocity in Early Tagalog Colonial Society'. Comparative
Studies in Society and History 29 (2): 320-339.
E
E
Simpson, Paul. 1993. Language, Ideology and Point of View. London and New York: Routledge. ;;;
43
P i o t r B l u m c z y ri s k i
Szymczak, Mieczyslaw, ed. 1978. Srownikj�zyka polskiego 3 vols. Warszawa: Polskie Wydawnictwo Naukowe.
Wierzbicka, Anna. 2010. Experience, Evidence, And Sense. The Hidden Cultural Legacy of English. Oxford and
New York: Oxford University Press.
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E
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44
| Unimi Open Journals |
translation | https://riviste.unimi.it/index.php/translation/article/view/17459 | [
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] | September 14, 201 1 Research Symposium
''Translation, Globalization, and Localization"
T he intellectual context of the research symposium
lies in the effort of modern translation studies
to come to grips with a fundamental shift in our
understanding of what constitutes trans lation and where
translation locates itself in the vase range of human cogni
tion and behavior. Long gone are rhe rimes when trans la
tion amounted to a simple exchange of words and phrases
across languages; long gone too is the always questionable
perception that rranslarion limited itselfco literary or tech
nical works.
Today, translation embraces a full range of cognitive,
behavioral, and social activities, so much so in fact that
scholars now speak of crans larion as a rrans-discipline, ris
ing above all academic and professional fields, belonging co
none, but incubating and activating rhe transfer of know!- Anchony Pym
edge and culture in areas as diverse as memory and migration, in behaviors as different as
hospitality and bordering, in media as complicated as film
and the internet, and in performances as varied as drama
and music. From rhe laresr research, translation emerges as
a powerful opportunity and form of intellectual, interper
sonal, and cultural mediation in the course of which val
ues, beliefs, norms, insricurional identities and social move
ments along with forms of authority and power find new
expression and move in multiple directions across bound
aries �f language and media, time and space.
The Nida S chool of Translation Studies, a program
of the New York City-based Nida Institute for Biblical
Scholarship, invited Professor Anthony Pym (Tarragona)
and University Professor Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak
(Columbia) as principal lecturers in the first of a new se E
E
ries of research symposia designed to raise public aware
Gayarri Chakravorry Spivak ness of this emerging and dramatic profile chat translation
�
61
" T r a n s la t i o n , G l o b a l i z a t i o n , a n d L o c a l i z a t i o n "
is beginning to enjoy in rhe academy and the professions.
The symposium met on S eptember 1 4, 201 1 , in New York
City, at the College Board Building. Anthony Pym, speak
ing on "Enculruration;' raised a fundamental question in
translation studies, namely, H ow does modernity move?
Three case studies, each designed to lift up an aspect of
modernity's global and local movement, centered on the
work of noted linguist and translation scholar Eugene A.
Nida (after whom the Institute and S chool are named),
on the picaresque novel Hajj i Baba, and on recent develop
ments in the translation policy of rhe Vatican.
Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak, who lectured on "Gen
der and Translation in the Global Utopia;• explored the
double binds that inhabit the world of translation. She
problematized clashing and contemporary notions of cul- Edwin Gentzler
cure, calling them "a package of largely unacknowledged
assumptions:' She challenged modern visions of utopia that want to create "level playing
fields" and delivered a penetrating expose of them as false promises. On the topic of gender
in translation and utopian thinking she positioned herself among those who understand
that the "management of gender provides alibis for all kinds of activities:· Arching over all
these double binds, Spivak asserted, is rhe hope chat we can check our arrogance and learn
with humility to "cdebrate the possibility of meaning in a
grounding medium char is meaning-less:•
Professors Edwin Gentzler (UMass Amherst) and
Sandra Bermann (Princeron) responded with detailed and
thought-provoking proposals and counterproposals to the
lectures of the two principals .
Video records ofthe lectures, responses, and question
and answer sessions will be available at nsts.fusp.ir. What
follows is Spivak's revised version of both her written and
oral lecture, a summary of Pym's lecture, and Gentzler's
response to rhe two. Parts of Bermann's response will be
included in translation's second issue, together with an in
terview with both her and Spivak. The journal's website
(rranslarion.fusp.it) will also publish interviews and select
portions of rhe sessions.
Sandra Bermann
E
E
62
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] | Scattered Speculations on Translation Studies
G A Y AT R I C H A K RAVO R T Y S P I VA K
What follows is the edited transcript of remarks made at the Translation Studies Research
Symposium of the Nida School of Translation Studies in New York on September 1 4, 201 1 . I
had a prepared speech for the occasion as well. The beginning of the speech is embedded towe1 rd
the end of the remarks. I have taken the liberty of adding the rest of the speech at the end.
I
t is a great pleasure to be here. I like talking in the City. I live here. I am a New Yorker.
Nobody is weird in New York. I am at home. It is here in my place of employment, a
great university, chat I am engaged in the losing battle of real (as opposed to sellable)
institutional change. Like Anthony Pym, I too am against boycott policies as a substitute
for activism. I have repeatedly taken a stand against boycott policies. I chink what we have
to recognize is chat there is a double bind at work here. Like in most things, if you wane
not to be a follower of boycott policies, nothing changes. Bue at the same time you have
to acknowledge chat the idea chat there are no national boundaries• within scholarship is
simply false.
The history of the difficulty with which scholars from the West Bank travel or some
times do not travel to conferences is well known. I am a green card holder. My green card
was stolen in Kosovo on che 20th of May, 2011. I am craveling now on a little stamp given
to me by the H omeland Security Office. This little stamp is valid until June 12th, 2012. 1
This is not really something chat one can just ignore. When it is said chat boycott policies
is the only policies for academics today I write internationally to say, 'Sorry, I can't be there'.
Bue at che same time I chink it is necessary not co simply declare chat it does not put you in
a minority of one. It puts you in a collectivity which ignores the double bind, transforms it
into a binary opposition and goes either on this side or chat.
We cannot simply say that boycotts are denying the freedom of scholars. That is to
blame the victim. It is the usual way of breaking strikes: ' If nurses strike the patients are
hurt. If teachers strike the students are hurt'. The real question- why is there a strike, or a
boycocc?-is not asked.
I gave a talk in Pees, Hungary, which called itself borderless. On the way, I lost my pass
port for a few hours. Denmark couldn't give me anything. The Hungarian Consulate couldn't
�E
E
�
1
I have now received a new green card.
·· T r a n s l a t i o n , G l o b a l i z a t i o n , a n d L o e a l i za t i o n ··
give me anything. The Indians couldn't give me anything because I hadn't the passport. I was
reminded of Phil Ochs's fantastic song-'I Declare the War Is Over'-composed during the
anti-Vietnam war movement. When he sang it the first rime, this Texas boy, Phil Ochs, said:
I'm now going to sing a futuristic song. And many years later, when Derrida started talking
of politics in the mode ofto come' I thought about that half-educated boy from Texas, Phil
Ochs, that it was his way of saying
'to come'-ir's a futuristic song. Gayatri Chakr.worty Spivak is
TI1 is, then, is how one copes U n iversity Professor and founding
member of the I nstitute for
with double binds. Even as you Comparative Literatu re and Society at
say there are no borders; even as Columbia U n iversity. Her translation
you say 'I declare the war is over; with critical i ntroduction of Jacques
Derrida·s De la grammatologie appeared
the declarative is only in the mode in 1 976. Among her books are
of 'to come'. I would suggest rhar In Other Worlds: Essays in Cultural Politics I 1 987;
within the working of translation Routledge C lassics 20021. Selected Subaltern Studies
(ed., 1 988), The Post-Colonial Critic: Interviews, Strategies,
studies this is something that we
Dialogues ( 1 990]. Outside in the Teaching Machine ( 1 993;
might keep in mind. We are nor in Routledge C lassics 20031. Imaginary Maps (translation
fact on a level playing field, first of with critical i ntroduction of three stories by Mahasweta
all. Secondly, we are working with Devi, 1 9941. A Critique of Postcolonial Reason: Toward
a History of the Vanishing Present ( 1 999), Old Women
translation studies as a discipline. (translation with critical i ntroduction of two stories by
The first pages of Lawrence Venu Mahasweta Devi, 1 999]. Imperatives to Re-Imagine the
ri's influential anthology tell us Planet I Imperative zur Neuerfindung des Plane/en (ed.
Willi Goetschel, 1 999; 2d ed. forthcoming]. Chotti Munda
that translation studies is now be and His Arrow (translation with critical i ntroduction of
coming a discipline. That's where a novel by Ma hasweta Devi, 20021. Death of a Discipline
critical scholars like me come in: (2003]. Other Asias (20051. An Aesthetic Education in
the Age of Globalization (20 1 21 . Significant articles:
on the question of disciplinariza
"Subaltern Studies: Deconstructing Historiogra phy··
tion. ( 1 985]. ··can the Suba ltern Speak?"" ( 1 9881. "'The Politics
I believe in disciplines. I of Tra nslation·· ( 1 992), ··Moving Devi" I 1 999]. ··Righting
think disciplines construct you Wrong" (2003), ··Ethics and Politics i n Tagore, Coetzee,
and Certain Scenes of Teaching·· (20041. '"Translating
epistemologically. Your sustained into English·· (2005]. ··Reth inking Com parativism"
disciplinary production shows (201 DI. Activist in rural education _a nd feminist and
you how to construct an object ecological social m ovements since 1 986. Spivak serves
on translation·s advisory board.
for knowledge. I am nor, therefore,
simply against disciplines although, of course, I attend to Foucaulr's spectacular warnings.
And I rake the challenge of interdisciplinariry seriously. It's an easy word, but in fact it's
hardly ever done successfully. The moment, however, you disciplinarize something, the laws
that start to work are not the substantive laws of the action that is the content of the disci
pline-but the abstract laws of disciplinarization, which are institutional and old.
I was in Kosovo because I used to run a little group that looked into the disciplinariza
tion of preservation. I dissolved it because the seductions of personal or group accomplish
ment were too great. Disciplinarization is a problem. I am not really in translation studies,
women's studies, cultural studies, postcolonial studies-those newish subdisciplines. I'm
E not a translator. I happen to have translated stuff and written on translation when friends
��
E
have requested me to do so. I'm not really a player in translation studies.
A philosopher only ever develops one idea. I'm not a philosopher, but if there is one
Gaya t r i C h a r k ravorty S p i v a k
idea that has alway s occupied me it's the idea o f the necessity o f vanguards. I n the beginning
I unfortunately mentioned the other end of vanguardism ( the subaltern), and, unfortunate
ly, since every upwardly mobile sector of a dominated group wanted to claim subalternity,
I 've never been able to shake that one off. But in fact what I was thinking about when I
was y ounger was supplementing the vanguard, although I did not quite know it. This has
in fact been my main thing right from the start. Therefore what I am looking at is how the
translation vanguard legitimizes its powerful position by reversal.
I have earned the right to see how American theory operates, from the inside. I've
lived here over fifty years, I've taught here fulltime for forty -seven y ears. Yet my passport
and my active participation in the civil society of my citizenship make me try at least to
speak from that other side as well. More or less three semesters worth of teaching work is
done every year by me in India. I'm part of an eighty -six percent majority there that is often
violent in deed and/ or spirit.2 It is therefore hard for me to be treated only as a minority
other culture when the benevolent translators are speaking. Yet to be a native informant is
also not a good idea. Just on May 19 (2012)-a detail I offer at the time of revision-, the
moderator for my lecture in Croatia chastised me because I did not offer a socialist analy sis
of why, in spite of many parliamentary left parties, there was so much illiteracy and poverty
in India; since Croatians knew nothing about India! Once again, I was being asked to be a
native informant! The occasion was called'Subversive Festival'. But the subversion was local
to the Balkans-in Europe.
In the early 80s I left my passport in London and entered JFK without papers. The
immigration officer sent me to her boss, who immediately gave me a temporary green card.
I poured myself a glass of whiskey and called my mother. I said, 'Ma, the entire crowd of
passengers is still waiting out there and I got in first without papers'. I used a Bengali prov
erb: 'Ma, the lord of thought provides for the one who expects it' ve
khay chini takey jogay
chintamoni): My mother, a philosophical and ecumenical Hindu, a plain living, high think
ing intellectual, quoted Psalm 23 back at me: 'The Lord is my Shepherd, I shall not want'.
She said, to be precise, shadaprobhu amar palok amar obhab hoibey na.
Shadaprob hu is a word absent from old or modern Bengali except as a translation of
'Lord' in the King James Bible. Readers of this essay will know that in the Hebrew Bible
there is a tradition of substituting adonai for Yahweh. Sitting here in Bangladesh, I can't
consult with my usual source if I am to make the deadline. It is unlikely that the mission
aries translating the Bible into Bengali were aware of this. Shoda is a Sanskrit origin prefix
roughly meaning 'always'. I believe it is an attempt to catch the sense of'almighty'. And now
the word recedes into a marked enclave as Christianity becomes a largely ignored minority
religion in Bengal. In some parts of India, there is murderous violence against Christians.
2
In a rich field of documentation, see at least Tapan Basu, et al., Khaki Shorts and Saffron Flags: A Critique
of The Hindu Right (New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1993); Parvis Ghassem-Fachandi, Pogrom in Gujarat: Hindu
Nationalism and Anti-Muslim Violence in India (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012); Christophe Jaf
frelot, Hindu Nationalism: A Reader (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2007); Siddharth Varadarajan, Gu
EE
jarat: The Making of a Tragedy (New Delhi: Penguin Global, 2002).
65
··Tra n s l a t i o n , Glob a l i z a t i o n , a n d Loc a l i z a t i o n ··
I believe West Bengal remains largely clear of this. I do not know what the equivalent of
shodaprobhu would be in the other Indian languages. For my mother the word remained
real and affectionately cumbersome, belonging to her childhood rather than her 1937 MA
in Bengali literature. And, as I entered the US ahead of the line without papers, she said to
me: shodaprobhu amar palok amar obhab hoibey na. My mother went the first few years to
Christ Church School. The Indian Hindus were a tough nut to crack for the missionaries,
especially the upper-caste Hindus, the collaborative Bengalis whom the East India Com
pany encountered first when they became territorial.
My parents were smart planners in putting us sisters in St. John's Diocesan Girls'
High School. Diocesan made me, undoubtedly. It was not a convent school, where the
teachers were mostly white nuns. We were not taught by upper-caste Hindus, upper-class
Muslims. We were taught by Christian converts from the so-called low castes and aborigi
nals, who were supposedly in India from before the arrival of the lndo-European speakers
between five and eight thousand years ago.
The church dealt well with these people, whom we caste- Hindus had treated like
dogs. They were our teachers, and as such they were teaching upper-caste Hindus and
upper-class Muslims. It was an altogether passionate kind of teaching. My role model was
Miss Dass, a low caste surname, our principal. As the years go by, she becomes, more and
more, my role model.
I managed to forget all this in the first flush of PoCo in the 80s. I did write irrespon
sibly about the Christianization of the Indians, not recognizing how complicated the situa
tion was. I have just given you an example of how the caste-Hindus in my region have taken
it in without really losing anything. I should also have thought of the pre-colonial 'Syrian'
Christians in the South. It is like an invagination, the part becoming bigger than the whole.
The situation determines which is which.
Let me give you another example of the resources of my schooling. Because Miss Dass
was much more interested in general ethics than in indoctrination (I chink), she used 'secu
lar' prayers at morning assembly. One of them was 'Be Thou, oh Lord, above us co draw us
up, beneath us co sustain us, before us to lead us, behind us to restrain us, round about us
to protect us'. I was able last year to explain English conjunctions (in Bengali, of course) to
one of che teachers in my rural schools through this prayer, surreptitiously adding a word
for the Christians. This is not, strictly speaking, an example of gender and translation, the
topic I had agreed to speak on. I include it to indicate a gendered exchange between what
would now be called Dalit Christianity and a lapsed Brahmin girl, as also an act of subal
tern translation.
The vanguard must, of course, do its work of institutionalizing translation studies.
The discipline must do its work. We are in a double bind with this necessary work. After all,
something will have happened whatever you plan institutionally. That chat future will never
be identical with what you're planning-and one hopes that it won't be identical with our
limits-impels some of us to work seemingly against the grain. We're not against the grain.
This is auto-critical from within. We are not to be seen in the binary opposition model.
�E There are a few of us persistently to remind the vanguard that we cannot simply plan the
E
short haul with unassailable concepts. We' have to look toward a future remembering that
the one who wins loses. We must continue co invoke the Braudelian texture of translation
66
G a y a t r i C h a r k ravorty S p i v a k
events- events that not only escape the institutional performative in the nature of things,
but must deliberately be excluded from the system, at best allowed in as politically correct
anecdotal support.
From here I began to read from my prepared pape r, ad-libbing freely. The paper title was
'Gender and Translation in the G lobal Utopia'. My sense of utopia comes from the root mean
ing of the word-that it is a 'no place; a good place that we try to approximate, not achieve.
The utopia proposed by globalization- and that's why I spoke critically about the borderless,
nationless, stateless place where liberal humanists hang out- is a level playing.field. I think it is
generally understood that this is afalse promise, especially since the impossibility inherent in all
utopian thought is ignored by it; the world is run on the aim however to achieve it more or less
disingenuously.
I
spoke recently to British students who had taken a stand against budget cuts-'Think
locally, act locally; said I to them, 'that's all we can do. But you have to realize that the
local is denned differently today. There is no difference between the local local and the
glocal, and the global local and the local global and so on. Just act locally, but ask yourself
again and again, ' Is this generalizable?' Who are you confronting? Remember you're talking
about the British state when you say budget cuts. Who are you confronting? The state is in
hock to a world trade denned in terms offinance capital. So, see ifyour demands are gener
alizable following the vulgarized Spinozan model of singularity, always universalizable but
never quite universal'. The students were distressed. And now they follow the Occupy Wall
Streeters who have made an inchoate attempt to generalize, unable to make the opposite
kinds of connections, with labor power in Wisconsin, for example, when developments
beckon. There I spoke as member of a vanguard chat can only be placed within a binary
opposition by chose who do not have ears developed by slow teaching to hear.
The idea of cultural exchange and translation is also an ideological support for the
false promise of globalization: a level playing fi.eld across which equal exchange can cake
place. In order to make this false promise the sponsors of globalization emphasize that
access to capital brings in and creates social productivity. Hence fundraising. They do not
emphasize the fact chat such productivity muse be humanly mediated by decision-makers
who are deeply trained in unconditional ethics. With the decline and fall in education in the
humanities this group is extinct. I had written to the President of the University ofToronto
when they were about to close the Comparative Literature department: 'Think of [ educa
tion in the humanities] as epistemological and ethical healch care for che society at large'. In
the absence of philosopher kings directing che global utopia, what is also and necessarily
ignored is that for capital to work in a capitalise way there must be what used to be called
prolecerianization and what today has been revised co subalcernization.
I am just back from rural southern China. The one-room, one- teacher schools I know,
where there was an ethical connection between the teachers and students, are being closed
down as partially corporate-funded central schools are being established. Families are dis
rupted. The number of students is significantly down. The rural teachers with whom I E
E
work there were openly talking about the death of socialism to me this time. Of course,
we were speaking in my halting Chinese so they couldn't speak very complicatedly. But the
67
"Tra n s la t i o n . G lo b a l i z a t i o n . a n d Loca l i za t i o n "
ethical impulse that can be nurtured with students who are in these primary schools with
local teachers has been killed at the central schools, where all is speedy statisticalizable ra
tional choice, value-adding that is globally recognized.
Please remember that what used to be called proletarianization and has been revised
to subalternization must work for capital to work in a capitalist way. In order to establish
the same system of exchange all over the world the barriers between individual national
economies and international capital have co be removed-the bottom line of globalization.
This has an analogy with translation. We must look at what language we are translating
into. I was recently at a European Cultural Congress in Wroclaw, Poland, where there were
possibilities of translation into all kinds of languages, but of course not my mother tongue.
It doesn't count. Only 270 million people speak it. That's not enough. It came into being
from Sanskrit Creoles in the eleventh century. That's not enough. There's a great deal of lit
erature there. That's not enough. It's my mother tongue. That's not enough. So think about
how you decide. You cannot have all the languages of the world. Your principle has to be
practical and political. And, what we, the in-house autocritical contrarians, say is impracti
cal, in view of the future anterior.
In order, then, to establish the same system of exchange all over the world- the bot
tom line of globalization-the barriers between individual national economies and inter
national capital have to be removed. When this happens states lose their individual and
idiosyncratic constitutional particularities in history and become recoded as agents for
managing the interests of global capital. This is also why translation flourishes within these
nation states in different ways. In such a situation, when demand and supply begin to be
come the organizing principles of running a state we come to realize that items such as
clean water or H IV/AIDS research do not necessarily come up in terms of the demands of
the global economy. These kinds of needs then begin to be supervised by a global collection
of agencies that are separate from nation states. This group is often called the 'international
civil s ociety; a more palliative description of what is also and still called non-governmental
organizations s upported by the United Nations. Thus we can say that the structure of the
utopianism of globalization brings forth restructured states aided by an international civil
society and other instruments of world governance. In order to be realistic about this we
should also speak of geopolitical interests and geomilicary interests, international criminal
courts, where translation is necessary in rather a different protocol. But chat would take us
too far afield for the moment.
Let me now say s omething about today's Bible of humanism, the Universal Declara
tion of Human Rights. The translation of that thing-it's been translated into many, many
languages- is useless for chose who do not know the imperial languages. The way in which
it is translated is inaccessible to the people whom the international civil society teaches self
interest. They cannot understand a word of the document. What is actually happening is
the creolization of English with which the copdown do- gooders are out of touch. Attend
ing to creolization is a way of teaching on the ground translation which is different from
what we teach at school where disciplinarization is obliged to follow the very tight rules of
�E
E
disciplinarization as such in systems that go back, in most 'd emocratic' countries, to a post
medieval European structure.
It is well known that the management of gender provides alibis for all kinds of accivi-
68
Gaya t r i C h a r k ravorty S p i v a k
ties-from military intervention to various kinds of platforms of action-where experience
deeply embedded in cultural difference is translated into general equivalence. Often this
happens because women are perceived to be a more malleable and fungible sector of soci
ety-especially women below a certain income line. If in a global utopia, it is also imagined
that sexual preference would be translated into the language of general affective equivalence,
this exists on a separate plane.
Already we can see that in order to establish the same system of exchange all over
the globe, we are also obliged to establish the same system of gendering globally. How does
translation enter here?
To gather singularities into a system of equivalence is also called 'abstraction'. I have
often argued that gender, or what many of us have been calling gender for the last forty
years or so, is humankind's, or perhaps the most intelligent primates' first instrument of
abstraction, as follows.
Let us think of culture as a package of largely unacknowledged assumptions, loosely
held by a loosely outlined group of people, mapping negotiations between the sacred and
the profane, and the relationship between the sexes. To theorize in the abstract, as well as to
translate, of course, we need a difference. However we philosophize sensible and intelligible,
abstract and concrete etc., the first difference we perceive materially is sexual difference. It
becomes our tool for abstraction, in many forms and shapes. On the level of the loosely
held assumptions and presuppositions which English-speaking peoples have been calling
'culture' for two hundred years, change is incessant. But, as they change, these unwitting
pre-suppositions become belief systems, organized suppositions. Rituals coalesce to match,
support, and advance beliefs and suppositions. But these presuppositions also give us the
wherewithal to change our world, to innovate and create. Most people believe, even ( or per
haps particularly) when they are being cultural relativists, that creation and innovation is
their own cultural secret, whereas 'others' are only determined by their cultures. This is the
basis of translation theories in general. This habit is unavoidable and computed with the
help of sexual difference sustained into 'gender'. But if we aspire to a global utopia, we must
not only fight the habit of thinking creation and innovation are our own cultural secret, we
must also shake the habit of thinking that our version of computing gender is the world's,
and in face, must even ignore our own sense of gender unless we are specifically speaking
of women and queers.
Thought of as an instrument of abstraction, gender is in fact a position without iden
tity (an insight coming to us via queer studies from David Halperin) (Halperin 1995, 62).
Because, however it is sexualized in cultural practice, we can never think the abstracting
instrumentality of gender fully.
This broad discussion of gender in the general sense invites us to realize that gender
is not just another word for women and that the (non-)place of the queer in the social
division of labor is also contained within it. And yet, because gender, through the apparent
immediacy to sexuality, is also thought to be the concrete as such ( with commonly shared
problems by women), the international civil society finds it easiest to enter the supplement
ing of globalization through gender. This is where translating becomes a word that loses its E
E
sense of transferring meanings or significations. A certain human-to-human unmediated
affect-transfer is assumed as history is denied.
69
·· T r a n s l a t i o n , G l o b a l i z a t i o n , a n d L o c a l i z a t i o n ..
Yet it is possible chat gender(ing)-in-the-concrete is inaccessible to agential probing,
mediated or unmediaced.
I am assuming a distinction between agent (intention institutionally validated, most
basically by che institution of reproductive heteronormativicy) and subject ( the mental
world shored up by the metapsychological, beyond the grasp of mere reason). I should add
chat I use 'mere reason' in Kane's sense, which I cannot elaborate here in the interest of time
( Kane [ 1793) 1996, 39-215). ( A rule of thumb: 'mere reason' is the version of reason that
substitutes 'accountability' for responsibility; the connection with globalization and certain
dominant translation theories are obvious.)
Let me, then, repeat: it is possible that gender(ing)-in-the-concrete is inaccessible to
agencial probing, mediated or unmediated, as follows.
As I have argued elsewhere, the human infant grabs on to some one thing and then
things (Spivak 1999, 17-30). This grabbing of an outside indistinguishable from an inside
constitutes an inside, going back and forth and coding everything into a sign-system by
the thing( s) grasped. One can certainly call this crude coding a 'translation'. but it is taking
place ( if there is a place for such virtualicy) in infancy, between world and self ( chose two
great Kancian 'as if ' -s), as part of the formation of a 'self '. In this never-ending weaving, vio
lence translates into conscience and vice versa. From birch to death this 'natural' machine,
programming the mind perhaps as genetic instructions program the body ( where does
body stop and mind begin?) is partly metapsychological and therefore outside the grasp
of the mind. In other words, where parental- sexual difference helps the infant constitute
a world to self the self in, the work chat we are calling 'translating' is not even accessible to
the infant's mind. So it is not much use for the kind of cultural interference chat NGO
gender work engages in. For all of us 'nature' passes and re passes into 'culture'. in this work or
shurrling site of violence: the violent production of the precarious subject of reparation and
responsibility. To plot this weave, the worker, translating the incessant translating shuttle
into that which is read, must have the most intimate knowledge of the rules of representa
tion and permissible narratives which make up the substance of a culture, and must also
become responsible and accountable to the writing/translating presupposed original. That
is the space of language-learning, not the space of speedy gender-training in the interest of
achieving utopia in globalization. This is why books such as Why Translation Studies Mat
ters, published through the European Institute for Translation Studies, are of interest to
me, and I hope my words resonate with their sense of mission ( Gile et al 2010).
I have given above an account of how the 'self ' is formed, through sexual difference.
Lee us move just a bit further in the infant's chronology and look at the infant acquiring
language. There is a language we learn first, mixed with the pre-phenomenal, which stamps
the metapsychological circuits of l ingual memory' ( Becker 1995, 12). The child invents a
language, beginning by bestowing signification upon gendered parts of the parental bodies.
The parents 'learn' this language. Because they speak a named language, the child's language
gets inserted into the named language with a history before the child's birch, which will
continue after its death. As the child begins to navigate this language it is beginning to ac
EE cess the entire interior network of the language, all its possibility of articulations, for which
�
the best metaphor chat can be found is-especially in the age of compucers-'memory'.
By comparison, 'cultural memory' is a crude concept of narrative re-memorization chat at-
70
Gayatri C h a rkravo rty S p iv a k
tempts to privatize the historical record.
Translation studies must imagine chat each language may be activated in this special
way and make an effort co produce a simulacrum through the reflexivity of language as hab
it. Walter Benjamin, like all male theorises, ignoring the play of gender in the constitution
of language except through its use in the Adamic narrative, ignores therefore this aspect
of the cask of the translator (Benjamin ( 1 923] 1 996, 253-63). Here we translate, not the
content, but the very moves of languaging. We can provisionally locate this peculiar form
of originary translation before translation on the way, finally, to institutionally recognizable
translation, which often cakes refuge in the reduction co equivalence of a quantifiable sore.
Mere reason.
This is not to make an opposition between the natural spontaneity of che emergence
of'my languaged place' and the artificial effortfulness of learning foreign languages. Rather
is it to emphasize the metapsy chological and celecommunicacive nature of che subject's be
ing encountered by the languaging of place. If we entertain the spontaneous/artificial op
position, we will possibly value our own place over all others and thus defeat the ethical
impulse so often ignored in competitive translation studies. Embracing another place as my
creolized space may be a legitimation by reversal. We know now chat the hy brid is not an
issue here. If, on the other hand, we recall the helplessness before history -our own and of
the languaged place-in our acquisition of our first dwelling in language, we just may sense
che challenge of producing a simulacrum, always recalling that this language too, depending
on the subject's history, can inscribe lingual memory. In other words, a sense of metapsy
chological equivalence among languages, at the other end from quantification, rather than
a comparison of historico-civilizational content alone. Etienne Balibar has suggested chat
equivalence blurs difference, whereas equality requires chem (Balibar 20 10, 55-89). Pre
cisely because civil �ar may be the allegoric name for an extreme form of untranslacabilicy,
it is chat ' blurring' chat we need.
There are two theories of literary translation: you add yourself to the original or, you
efface yourself and let the text shine. I subscribe to the second. But I have said again and
again chat translation is also the most intimate ace of reading. And to read is to pray co be
haunted. A translator may be a ventriloquist, performing the contradiction, the counter
resistance, which is at the heart of love. Does this promote cultural exchange? This for me
is the site of a double bind, contradictory instructions coming at the same time: love the
original/share the original; culture cannot/must be exchanged.
How intimate is this 'intimate act of reading'? Long ago in Taiwan, my dear friend
Ackbar Abbas had said that my take on reading was a 'critical intimacy' rather than a 'criti
cal distance'. And now, another perceptive reader, Professor Deborah Madsen, has found in
my idea of'suture (as translation)' a way into Derrida's sense that translation is an intimate
embrace, an embrace chat is also something like a physical combat (Madsen forthcoming) .
One prays t o b e haunted, Derrida asserts, because ' I cannot be in the other's place, in
the head of the other'. In all reading, but more so in translation, we are dealing with ghosts,
because'to translate is to lose che body. The most faithful translation is violent: one loses the
body of the poem, which exists only in ( the 'original' language and once only ] ... translation is E
E
desired by the poet ... buc ... ; and here we enter the place of violence in love, 'love and violence'.
And the language of the 'original; is itselfa bloody struggle with [ that very ] language, which
71
" T r a n s la t i o n , G l o b a l i z a t i o n , a n d L o c a l i z a t i o n "
[it] deforms, transforms, which [it] assaults, and which [it] incises'. We have to inhabit the
'original' language against its own grain in order to translate ( Derrida 2005, 164-9).
Following these thinkers, then, I come to the conclusion that the double bind of trans
lation can best be welcomed in the world by teaching translation as an activism rather
than merely a convenience. In other words, while the translated work will of course make
material somewhat imperfectly accessible to the general reading public, we, in the academy,
should primarily produce translators rather than translations. We can expand this anal
ogy to the necessarily imperfect translations of the images of utopia. The translations, in
a classroom, at the Center-are lovely byproducts. We produce critically annotated and
introduced translations, fighting the publishers some. In other words, we have to have the
courage of our convictions as we enter and continue in the translation trade. Our interna
tional students' practical step of declaring a native language as 'foreign' cannot dictate our
teaching of translating from or into a learned language.
At the end of Benjamin's essay on 'The Task of the Translator: there is the mention
of a meaning-less speech, 'pure speech; which makes translation possible. There is a famous
scandal about the accepted English and French translation translating this as 'makes trans
lation impossible'. In closing, I would like to invoke this intuition, which in Benjamin, to
me unfortunately, cakes on the guise of the sacred. Bue this idea- that the possibility of
the production of meaning is a system without meaning but with values that can be fi.lled
with meaning-, is in today's informatics-which is rather far from the language of the
Scripture. We will recall chat the distinction between meaning and value is already there in
Saussure's Course in General Linguistics. 3
In this understanding, signification means to tum something into a sign-rather than co
produce meaning-and make it possible for there to be meaning within established conven
tions. This originary condition of possibility is what makes translation possible-that there
can be meaning, not necessarily tied to singular systems. About sixty years ago, Jacques Lacan
suggested that the unconscious is constituted like a conveyor belt, rolling out objects suscep
tible to meaningfulness-for use in building the history of a subject, with imperfect reference
to whatever one could call the real world ( Lacan 2007, 671-702). In these mysterious thickets
the possibility of translation emerges, but only if, institutionally, the so-called foreign languages
are taught with such care that, when the student is producing in it, s/he has forgotten the
language which was rooted in the soul-roots which, Saussure, Lacan, information theory,
and in his own way Benjamin, see as themselves produced, dare I say, as rhizomes without
specifi.c ground? (Marx 1973, 147). It gives me pleasure to recall that Saussure was a student of
Sanskrit who may have arrived at this sort of intuition through his reading of the fi.fth century
B.C.E. Indian grammarian Bhartrihari's notion of sphota ( Matilal 1990).
I have often said that globalization is like an island of signs in a sea of traces. A trace
is not a sign. A sign-system promises meaning, a trace promises nothing, rather it simply
3 In this connection, Derrida also invokes the intuition of the transcendental but distances himself in the
�E
E end:'every poem says,'this is my body; .. and you know what comes next: passions, crucifixions, executions. Oth
� ers would also say'-mark these words-'resurrections .. � For meaning and value, see Ferdinand de Saussure
( 1959, 1 1 1- 122).
72
G a y a t r i C h a r k ra v o r t y S p iv a k
seems to suggest chat there was something here. I n this connection one inevitably chinks of
the established patriarchal convention, still honored by most legal systems, char I, especially
if I am recognizable as a man, am my father's sign and my mother's trace. W hat is impor
tant for us within my argument is char, rather than theorize globalization as a general field
of translation which in spite of all the empiricization of apparently impersonal mechanical
translation, in fact privileges host or target, ceaselessly and indefinitely, we should learn to
think chat the human subject in globalization is an island of languaging-unevenly under
standing some languages and idioms with the 'first' language as monitor-within an entire
field of traces, where 'understanding' follows no guarantee, bur where there is just a feeling
that these words are meaningful, not just noise; an undoing of the barbaros. This may pro
duce a new call for a different 'non-expressional' art, a different 's imulcaneous translation'.
Global translating in the achievable utopia, on the other hand, ceaselessly transforms
trace to sign, sign to data, undoing the placelessness of utopias. This arrogance is checked
and situated, if we learn, with humility, to celebrate the possibility of meaning in a ground
ing medium that is meaning-less.
In the interview from which I have already quoted, given a few months before his
death, Derrida puts it in a lovely, empirical way : 'there may be an allusion to a referent from
[ the author's) life char is hidden or encrypted through numerous layers of hidden literary
references . ... in a word, there will alway s be an excess chat is not of the order of meaning,
char is not just another meaning'.
If we claim a successful translation, a successful recoding into a general system of
equivalence, we forget the ghostliness of ucopias, we betray gendering, our first instrument
of translation. All attempts at fundraising are foiled by this, as Socrates knew. He could not
'dumb himself down' for the city fathers, the social engineers.
The global contemporaneity that we now empirically supposedly have exists because
the silicon chip allows us to travel on the web, and because other kinds of empirical travel
are also possible. Actually this contemporaneity has always been a fact. Now that it is seem
ingly empirically available to many, we have to change ourselves into chinking chat what
ever is sy nchronic is modern. The different diachronies make it historically and politically
uneven-this is the field within which translation must chink itself. All of rhe different
diachronies make this sy nchrony a relief map. Within this difference, translation begins to
work. We cannot just talk about others. We must persistently change ourselves.
In 1 982 in Essex I had said char the conference' Europe and Its Others' should have as
its title, ' Europe as an Other'. It was deemed inappropriate then. Thirty y ears went by, and
then it was possible to give me a twenty -minute sloe on a panel called Alien Europe: Eu
rope as an Other' in Wroclaw, Poland. What was the history char happened? Translation
is deeply involved in this history and you have co thank the world. Bur y ou must listen co
us when we, the in-house auto-critical contrarians, haltingly make our instructive mistakes.
The practical short haul can be evaluated. Bur if one wants this not to be identical with the
other side, then one does nor just put a plus in the place of the minus.
What we say -impractical as it may sound, impossible as the tasks are-should be
attended to so char you, the disciplinarians, know chat what y ou are doing has to be based E
E
on a grounding error: chat translation studies as a discipline is possible. You should inhabit
char grounding error because if y ou don't-since everything is a double bind-you cannot
73
"Translation, Globalization, and Localization"
begin. If you're living, you have to make that into a single bind so that you can make deci
sions. But the difference between the real people ( the real activists, the real parents) and the
unreal people is that the former know that the decision is going to have to be changed be
cause it was too dependent on the circumstances given. Whereas the latter think that they
were going to go forward but come instead to a moment of racism, as in the Millennium
Goals: 'Hey we gave all these things to the African villagers and they don't know how to use
them'. That unacknowledged racism then begins to fester until there's a situation worse rhan
the one being originally corrected and human rights come to depend on enforcement. This
is all very deeply connected with the impulse to translate. It's a good impulse to create Eu
ropean institutions moving towards ' Europe's Others; and to create US institutions moving
towards 'US's Others'. It's a fantastic thing and I certainly talk to deans and vice presidents
in favor of these things. At rhe same rime, when you choose the others-we are talking now
about the area studies disciplines that came in just after the Cold War because of national
defense-there's also hierarchy. I am therefore not in translation studies, I teach reading,
how to read in the most robust sense. And I repeat: translation is the most intimate act of
reading. I remain a literalist, not because I think literalism is good, but because literalism is
impossible. If you try to be literal, dynamic equivalence, which is a wonderful phrase, will
come in anyway because no one is capable of being completely literal. Literalism between
two languages is impossible and as I say, 'Translation begins with the violent act of killing
the sound'. And yet, I'm a translator and root for translation.
A postscript on proletarian and subaltern. The distinction was first made by Antonio
Gramsci. As Frank Rosengarten, Gramsci's translator, pointed out in conversation, in the
army, the definition of subaltern is 'chose who cake orders'. As soon as we look at this cat
egory, rather than chose who are trashed within and by the logic of capital, we chink gender,
we think the paperless, we think of those outside the system of equivalences, we chink of
those with no social mobility who don't know that the welfare structures of the state are for
the use of the citizen. I should tell you in closing that this final definition of the subaltern
I wrote recencly for a second cousin, deeply involved in global capitalism, who happened
to see a video where women workers gencly and with affection mocked me for my fixation
on the subaltern. My cousin the capitalist didn't know what the word meant, as Lawrence
Eagleburger, the 62nd US Secretary of State and Chairman of the Board of Trustees for
the Forum for International Policy, did not, in 1 998, know what was meant by 'New Social
Movements; just as they were being co-opted into 'the international civil society'.4
Let us not permit our sanctioned ignorance, our unacknowledged ignor-ings, keep
translation quarantined within the confines of an erripiricized utopia.
4
The UN initiated the move in 1994, by opening an 'NGO Forum' for the first time at the International
EE Conference on Population and Development. Eagleburger, when questioned about new social movements at a
�
conference on ' Does America Have A Democratic Mission' at the University of Virginia on March 19-21, 1998,
turned to the moderator (who happened to be Fareed Zakaria)and asked what was meant by the phrase.
74
G a y a t r i C h a r k r a vorty S p i v a k
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