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55f61d5364e7252a6f1c95572b972f81 | ^ Jump up to: a b c d Caro 1974, pp. 289–91.
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f281a95d055aa7efc1cb455adb079c3e | of Virginia Miller Center of Public Affairs. Retrieved January 28, 2022.
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8f81e0368697be6af813d6ec4224e159 | ^ Smith 2007, pp. 318–23.
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1de79a87d68c650ff339f9a193cf8eef | ^ Mary E. Stuckey (2015). Voting Deliberatively: FDR and the 1936 Presidential Campaign. Penn State UP. p. 19. ISBN 978-0-271-07192-3.
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c3776247ee20f647bff8e4aa30ffc7fc | "FDR's Expansion of Our National Patrimony: A Model for Leadership". In Woolner, David; Henderson, Henry L. (eds.). FDR and the Environment. Springer. pp. 177–178. ISBN 978-0-230-10067-1.
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8b4276e828d3cc93ff594442945024ee | ^ Burns 1956, p. 255.
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dd4a5608f633b0eefcee85f3fc5735a6 | ^ Winston Groom, The Allies: Roosevelt, Churchill, Stalin, and the Unlikely Alliance That Won World War II (2018)
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87ecd5ef6b9d27f22601bbec08dbca34 | p. 210.
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44ffe793461c5883ff1c0de9e03e1ca3 | ^ Smith 2007, pp. 557–59.
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9f174f31bff495c1cc81ebca6312896d | ^ Jump up to: a b Zeitz, Joshua (November 4, 2018). "Democrats Aren't Moving Left. They're Returning to Their Roots". Politico. Retrieved November 17, 2018.
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9106c6914c90290751ffd3d93816c50a | ^ "President Franklin D. Roosevelt dies at 63 in 1945". Daily News. New York. April 13, 1945. Retrieved December 29, 2017.
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955fecb78c9f1ea100e494557bb62f58 | ^ Jump up to: a b Gratton, Brian; Merchant, Emily (December 2013). "Immigration, Repatriation, and Deportation: The Mexican-Origin Population in the United States, 1920–1950" (PDF). Vol. 47, no. 4. The International migration review. pp. 944–975.
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2391f1431206a0eac6a4aaf131a789b7 | ^ "Jan Karski, Humanity's hero: The Story of Poland's Wartime Emissary". Museum of Polish History. Retrieved April 16, 2022.
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a9ec16bd38ed7aeb4c9b847a6192a950 | ^ Smith 2007, p. ix.
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Frank Freidel, Franklin D. Roosevelt The Triumph (1956) covers 1929–32, online
Frank Freidel, Franklin D. Roosevelt Launching the New Deal (1973).
Fried, Albert (2001). FDR and His Enemies: A History. St. Martin's Press. pp. 120–23. ISBN 978-1-250-10659-9.
Goldman, Armond S.; Goldman, Daniel A. (2017). Prisoners of Time: The Misdiagnosis of FDR's 1921 Illness. EHDP Press. ISBN 978-1-939-82403-5.
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2b143c25ffe08419431061beaa4506aa | Goodwin, Doris Kearns (1995). No Ordinary Time: Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt: The Home Front in World War II. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-684-80448-4.
Gunther, John (1950). Roosevelt in Retrospect. Harper & Brothers.
Hawley, Ellis (1995). The New Deal and the Problem of Monopoly. Fordham University Press. ISBN 978-0-8232-1609-3.
Herman, Arthur (2012). Freedom's Forge: How American Business Produced Victory in World War II. Random House. ISBN 978-0-679-60463-1.
Herring, George C. (2008). From Colony to Superpower; U.S. Foreign Relations Since 1776. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-507822-0.
Jordan, David M (2011), FDR, Dewey, and the Election of 1944, Indiana University Press, ISBN 978-0-253-35683-3.
Kennedy, David M (1999), Freedom From Fear: The American People in Depression and War, 1929–1945 (wide-ranging survey of national affairs by leading scholar; Pulitzer Prize), Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-503834-7.
Lash, Joseph P (1971). Eleanor and Franklin: The Story of Their Relationship, Based on Eleanor Roosevelt's Private Papers. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 978-0-393-07459-8.
Leuchtenburg, William (2015). The American President: From Teddy Roosevelt to Bill Clinton. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-517616-2.
Leuchtenburg, William E. (1963). Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1932–1940. Harpers. ISBN 978-0-06-133025-4.
McJimsey, George (2000). The Presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt. University Press of Kansas. | text | {
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f98fda82fca35b6d8dcf513a58ab57e9 | ISBN 978-0-7006-1012-9. online free to borrow
Morgan, Ted (1985), FDR: A Biography (popular biography), Simon & Schuster, ISBN 978-0-671-45495-1.
Norton, Mary Beth (2009). A People and a Nation: A History of the United States. Since 1865. Cengage. ISBN 978-0-547-17560-7.
Robinson, Greg (2001), By Order of the President: FDR and the Internment of Japanese Americans, ISBN 978-1-5226-7771-0
Roosevelt, Franklin; Roosevelt, Elliott (1970). F.D.R.: His Personal Letters, 1928-1945. Vol. 1. Duell, Sloan, and Pearce.
Rowley, Hazel (2010). Franklin and Eleanor: An Extraordinary Marriage. Farrar, Straus & Giroux. ISBN 978-0-374-15857-6.
Sainsbury, Keith (1994). Churchill and Roosevelt at War: The War They Fought and the Peace They Hoped to Make. New York University Press. ISBN 978-0-8147-7991-0.
Savage, Sean J. (1991). Roosevelt, the Party Leader, 1932–1945. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 978-0-8131-3079-8.
Schweikart, Larry; Allen, Michael (2004). A Patriot's History of the United States: From Columbus's Great Discovery to the War on Terror. Penguin Group US. ISBN 978-1-101-21778-8.
Smith, Jean Edward (2007). FDR. Random House. ISBN 978-1-4000-6121-1.
Sternsher, Bernard (Summer 1975), "The Emergence of the New Deal Party System: A Problem in Historical Analysis of Voter Behavior", Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 6 (1): 127–49, doi:10.2307/202828, JSTOR 202828
Tobin, James (2013). | text | {
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b6d64c5efc3cc924df1008914a1b2f47 | The Man He Became: How FDR Defied Polio to Win the Presidency. Simon and Schuster. pp. 4–7. ISBN 978-1-4516-9867-1.
Tully, Grace (2005). Franklin Delano Roosevelt, My Boss. Kessinger Publishing. ISBN 978-1-4179-8926-3.
Underwood, Jeffery S. (1991). The Wings of Democracy: The Influence of Air Power on the Roosevelt Administration, 1933–1941. Texas A&M University Press. ISBN 978-0-89096-388-3.
Ward, Geoffrey C.; Burns, Ken (2014). The Roosevelts: An Intimate History. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. ISBN 978-0-385-35306-9.
Winkler, Allan M. (2006). Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Making of Modern America. Longman. ISBN 978-0-321-41285-0.
Wyman, David S (1984), The Abandonment of the Jews: America and the Holocaust 1941–1945, Pantheon Books, ISBN 978-0-394-42813-0.
Further reading
Main article: Bibliography of Franklin D. Roosevelt
Biographical
Daniels, Roger (2015). Franklin D. Roosevelt: Road to the New Deal, 1882–1939. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-03951-5..
——— (2016). Franklin D. Roosevelt: The War Years, 1939–1945. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 978-0-252-03952-2.
Freidel, Frank (1990), Franklin D. Roosevelt: A Rendezvous with Destiny (scholarly biography), vol. one volume, ISBN 978-0-316-29260-3; covers entire life' online free to borrow
Graham, Otis L. and Meghan Robinson Wander, eds. Franklin D. Roosevelt: His Life and Times. (1985). An encyclopedic reference. | text | {
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e332150d454434ead2d795b32cf75428 | online
Jenkins, Roy (2003), Franklin Delano Roosevelt (short bio from British perspective), ISBN 978-0-8050-6959-4.
Pederson, William D., ed. (2011). A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt. John Wiley & Sons. ISBN 978-1-4443-9517-4.; 35 essays by scholars.
Riccards, Michael P., and Cheryl A. Flagg eds. Party Politics in the Age of Roosevelt: The Making of Modern America (2022) excerpt emphasis on FDR and his Democratic party
Ward, Geoffrey C (1985), Before The Trumpet: Young Franklin Roosevelt, 1882–1905, ISBN 978-0-06-015451-6
——— (1992), A First-Class Temperament: The Emergence of Franklin Roosevelt (popular biography), ISBN 978-0-06-016066-1: covers 1905–32.
Scholarly topical studies
Badger, Anthony (2008), FDR: The First Hundred Days, ISBN 978-0-8090-4441-2 200 pp; overview by leading British scholar.
Collins, Robert M. (2002). More: The Politics of Economic Growth in Postwar America. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-515263-0.
Leuchtenburg, William E (2005), "Showdown on the Court", Smithsonian, 36 (2): 106–13, ISSN 0037-7333.
McMahon, Kevin J (2004), Reconsidering Roosevelt on Race: How the Presidency Paved the Road to Brown, ISBN 978-0-226-50088-1.
Miscamble, Wilson D. (2007). From Roosevelt to Truman: Potsdam, Hiroshima, and the Cold War. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0-521-86244-8.
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5795996d279d90c9a4e40ff35556a9b0 | Pederson, William D (2011), A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt, Wiley-Blackwell, ISBN 978-1-4443-3016-8, 768 pages; essays by scholars covering major historiographical themes.
Rauchway, Eric (2008), The Great Depression and The New Deal; A Very Short Introduction, ISBN 978-0-19-532634-5, balanced summary
Ritchie, Donald A (2007), Electing FDR: The New Deal Campaign of 1932, ISBN 978-0-7006-1687-9.
Rosen, Elliot A (2005), Roosevelt, the Great Depression, and the Economics of Recovery, ISBN 978-0-8139-2368-0.
Schlesinger, Arthur M. Jr (1957–1960), The Age of Roosevelt, vol. 3 volumes, OCLC 466716, the classic narrative history. Strongly supports FDR.
Shaw, Stephen K; Pederson, William D; Williams, Frank J, eds. (2004), Franklin D. Roosevelt and the Transformation of the Supreme Court, ISBN 978-0-7656-1033-1.
Sitkoff, Harvard, ed. (1985), Fifty Years Later: The New Deal Evaluated (essays by scholars), ISBN 978-0-394-33548-3.
Foreign policy and World War II
Berthon, Simon; Potts, Joanna (2007). Warlords: An Extraordinary Re-creation of World War II through the Eyes and Minds of Hitler, Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin. Da Capo Press. ISBN 978-0-306-81650-5.
Beschloss, Michael (2002). The Conquerors: Roosevelt, Truman, and the destruction of Hitler's Germany, 1941–1945. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 978-0-684-81027-0.
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e50813a8624ecf763d76f1e31591b5c7 | Cole, Wayne S (March 1957), "American Entry into World War II: A Historiographical Appraisal", The Mississippi Valley Historical Review, 43 (4): 595–617, doi:10.2307/1902275, JSTOR 1902275, S2CID 165593382.
Feis, Herbert. Churchill-Roosevelt-Stalin: The War they waged and the Peace they sought (1953).
Fenby, Jonathan. Alliance: the inside story of how Roosevelt, Stalin and Churchill won one war and began another (2015).
Glantz, Mary E (2005), FDR and the Soviet Union: The President's Battles over Foreign Policy, U. Press of Kansas, ISBN 978-0-7006-1365-6, 253 pp.
Hamilton, Nigel (2014), The Mantle of Command: FDR at War, 1941–1942, Houghton Mifflin Harcourt 514 pp.
Kaiser, David. No End Save Victory: How FDR Led the Nation into War (2014) ISBN 046501982X
Lacey, James. The Washington War: FDR's Inner Circle and the Politics of Power That Won World War II (2019)
Langer, William; Gleason, S Everett (1952), The Challenge to Isolation, 1937–1940, OCLC 1448535. The Undeclared War, 1940–1941 (1953) OCLC 404227. highly detailed and influential two-volume semi-official history
Mayers, David. (2013) FDR's Ambassadors and the Diplomacy of Crisis: From the Rise of Hitler to the End of World War II.
Larrabee, Eric (2004), Commander in Chief: Franklin Delano Roosevelt, His Lieutenants, and Their War, ISBN 978-0-06-039050-1.
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51ab6ed5c066e472849abc8b6099bf25 | Reynolds, David (2006), From World War to Cold War: Churchill, Roosevelt, and the International History of the 1940s, ISBN 978-0-19-928411-5
Reynolds, David, and Vladimir Pechatnov, eds. The Kremlin Letters: Stalin's Wartime Correspondence with Churchill and Roosevelt (2019)
Sherwood, Robert E (1949) [1950], Roosevelt and Hopkins: an Intimate History, Harper, hdl:2027/heb.00749, ISBN 9780060138455, Pulitzer Prize.
Weinberg, Gerhard L (1994), A World at Arms: A Global History of World War II, Cambridge University Press, hdl:2027/heb.00331, ISBN 978-0-521-44317-3. Overall history of the war; strong on diplomacy of FDR and other main leaders.
Criticism
Barnes, Harry Elmer (1953), Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace: A Critical Examination of the Foreign Policy of Franklin Delano Roosevelt and Its Aftermath, OCLC 457149. A revisionist blames FDR for inciting Japan to attack.
Best, Gary Dean (1991), Pride, Prejudice, and Politics: Roosevelt Versus Recovery, 1933–1938, Praeger, ISBN 978-0-275-93524-5; summarizes newspaper editorials.
——— (2002), The Retreat from Liberalism: Collectivists versus Progressives in the New Deal Years, Praeger, ISBN 978-0-275-94656-2; criticizes intellectuals who supported FDR.
Russett, Bruce M (1997), No Clear and Present Danger: A Skeptical View of the United States Entry into World War II (2nd ed.), says US should have let USSR and Germany destroy each other.
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f0c5552f8fcc3e439e538a29c3106b2a | Plaud, Joseph J (2005), Historical Perspectives on Franklin D. Roosevelt, American Foreign Policy, and the Holocaust, The FDR American Heritage Center Museum, archived from the original on January 12, 2014.
Powell, Jim (2003), FDR's Folly: How Roosevelt and His New Deal Prolonged the Great Depression, ISBN 978-0-7615-0165-7.
Schivelbusch, Wolfgang (2006), Three New Deals: Reflections on Roosevelt's America, Mussolini's Italy, and Hitler's Germany, 1933–1939.
Shlaes, Amity (2007), The Forgotten Man: A New History of the Great Depression (A critical evaluation of the effect of the New Deal's policies on the Depression)
Smiley, Gene (1993), Rethinking the Great Depression (short essay) by libertarian economist who blames both Hoover and FDR.
Rhetoric
Buhite, Russell D; Levy, David W, eds. (1993), FDR's Fireside Chats.
Craig, Douglas B (2005), Fireside Politics: Radio and Political Culture in the United States, 1920–1940.
Crowell, Laura (1952), "Building the 'Four Freedoms' Speech", Communication Monographs, 22 (5): 266–83, doi:10.1080/03637755509375153.
Houck, Davis W (2001), Rhetoric as Currency: Hoover, Roosevelt, and the Great Depression, Texas A&M University Press.
——— (2002), FDR and Fear Itself: The First Inaugural Address, Texas A&M University Press.
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94578475dba009dcff7fc0a7e9f47f04 | Roosevelt, Franklin D. (2005), My Friends: Twenty Eight History Making Speeches, Kessinger Publishing, ISBN 978-1-4179-9610-0
——— (1988), Franklin D. Roosevelt's Rhetorical Presidency, Greenwood Press.
Harvey J. Kaye (2020), FDR on Democracy: The Greatest Speeches and Writings of President Franklin Delano Roosevelt, Simon & Schuster, New York, ISBN 978-1-5107-5216-0.
Historiography
Hendrickson, Jr., Kenneth E. "FDR Biographies," in William D. Pederson, ed. A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt (2011) pp 1–14
Provizer, Norman W. "Eleanor Roosevelt Biographies," in William D. Pederson, ed. A Companion to Franklin D. Roosevelt (2011) pp 15–33
Primary sources
Cantril, Hadley; Strunk, Mildred, eds. (1951), Public Opinion, 1935–1946, massive compilation of many public opinion polls from the US.
Loewenheim, Francis L; Langley, Harold D, eds. (1975), Roosevelt and Churchill: Their Secret Wartime Correspondence.
Roosevelt, Franklin Delano (1945) [1938], Rosenman, Samuel Irving (ed.), The Public Papers and Addresses of Franklin D. Roosevelt, vol. 13 volumes.
——— (1946), Zevin, BD (ed.), Nothing to Fear: The Selected Addresses of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, 1932–1945.
——— (2005) [1947], Taylor, Myron C (ed.), Wartime Correspondence Between President Roosevelt and Pope Pius XII (reprint), Kessinger Publishing, ISBN 978-1-4191-6654-9.
Roosevelt, Franklin. Franklin D. Roosevelt and foreign affairs (FDR Library, 1969) 14 vol. | text | {
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bab1370fd1246fcaea29293ca1e0f902 | online free to borrow; covers Jan 1933 to Aug 1939; 9 volumes are online
Nixon, Edgar B, ed. (1969), Franklin D Roosevelt and Foreign Affairs (3 vol), covers 1933–37. 2nd series 1937–39 available on microfiche and in a 14 vol print edition at some academic libraries.
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dccb06d9283a68a4f1af5fa401e6a342 | External links
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Sunrise at Campobello (1958 play, 1960 film)
The Eleanor Roosevelt Story (1965 film)
Eleanor and Franklin (1971 biography)
Eleanor: The Years Alone (1972 biography)
Eleanor and Franklin (1976 film)
Eleanor and Franklin: The White House Years (1977 film)
Backstairs at the White House (1979 miniseries)
The Roosevelts (2014 documentary)
The First Lady (2022 TV series)
Related
United Nations Prize in the Field of Human Rights
International Bill of Human Rights
International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights
International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
Morgenthau Plan
Lorena Hickok
Roosevelt family
Franklin D. Roosevelt (husband
presidency 1933–1941
presidency 1941–1945)
Anna Eleanor Roosevelt (daughter)
James Roosevelt II (son)
Elliott Roosevelt (son)
Franklin D. Roosevelt Jr. (son)
John Roosevelt II (son)
Eleanor Roosevelt Seagraves (granddaughter)
Curtis Roosevelt (grandson)
Sara Delano Roosevelt (granddaughter)
Franklin Delano Roosevelt III (grandson)
John Roosevelt Boettiger (grandson)
James Roosevelt III (grandson)
Elliott Bulloch Roosevelt (father)
Anna Hall Roosevelt (mother)
Hall Roosevelt (brother)
Theodore Roosevelt Sr. (grandfather)
Martha Stewart Bulloch (grandmother)
Theodore Roosevelt (uncle
presidency)
Bamie Roosevelt (aunt)
Fala (family dog)
showOffices and distinctions
New York State Senate
Preceded byJohn F. Schlosser
Member of the New York Senatefrom the 26th district 1911–1913
Succeeded byJames E. Towner
Political offices
Preceded byBeekman Winthrop
Assistant Secretary of the Navy 1913–1920
Succeeded byGordon Woodbury
Preceded byAl Smith
Governor of New York 1929–1932
Succeeded byHerbert H. Lehman
Preceded byHerbert Hoover
President of the United States 1933–1945
Succeeded byHarry S. Truman
Party political offices
Preceded byThomas R. Marshall
Democratic nominee for Vice President of the United States 1920
Succeeded byCharles W. Bryan
Preceded byAl Smith
Democratic nominee for Governor of New York 1928, 1930
Succeeded byHerbert H. Lehman
Democratic nominee for President of the United States 1932, 1936, 1940, 1944
Succeeded byHarry S. Truman
Awards and achievements
Preceded byRené Viviani
Cover of Time May 28, 1923
Succeeded byJohn L. Lewis
Preceded byDonald Wills Douglas Sr.
Cover of Time November 29, 1943
Succeeded byClaire Lee Chennault
showOther articles related to Franklin D. Roosevelt
.mw-parser-output .div-col{margin-top:0.3em;column-width:30em}.mw-parser-output .div-col-small{font-size:90%}.mw-parser-output .div-col-rules{column-rule:1px solid #aaa}.mw-parser-output .div-col dl,.mw-parser-output .div-col ol,.mw-parser-output .div-col ul{margin-top:0}.mw-parser-output .div-col li,.mw-parser-output .div-col dd{page-break-inside:avoid;break-inside:avoid-column}showvtePresidents of the United StatesPresidents andpresidencies
George Washington (1789–1797)
John Adams (1797–1801)
Thomas Jefferson (1801–1809)
James Madison (1809–1817)
James Monroe (1817–1825)
John Quincy Adams (1825–1829)
Andrew Jackson (1829–1837)
Martin Van Buren (1837–1841)
William Henry Harrison (1841)
John Tyler (1841–1845)
James K. Polk (1845–1849)
Zachary Taylor (1849–1850)
Millard Fillmore (1850–1853)
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James Buchanan (1857–1861)
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Andrew Johnson (1865–1869)
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Rutherford B. Hayes (1877–1881)
James A. Garfield (1881)
Chester A. Arthur (1881–1885)
Grover Cleveland (1885–1889)
Benjamin Harrison (1889–1893)
Grover Cleveland (1893–1897)
William McKinley (1897–1901)
Theodore Roosevelt (1901–1909)
William Howard Taft (1909–1913)
Woodrow Wilson (1913–1921)
Warren G. Harding (1921–1923)
Calvin Coolidge (1923–1929)
Herbert Hoover (1929–1933)
Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933–1945)
Harry S. Truman (1945–1953)
Dwight D. Eisenhower (1953–1961)
John F. Kennedy (1961–1963)
Lyndon B. Johnson (1963–1969)
Richard Nixon (1969–1974)
Gerald Ford (1974–1977)
Jimmy Carter (1977–1981)
Ronald Reagan (1981–1989)
George H. W. Bush (1989–1993)
Bill Clinton (1993–2001)
George W. Bush (2001–2009)
Barack Obama (2009–2017)
Donald Trump (2017–2021)
Joe Biden (2021–present)
Presidencytimelines
Washington
McKinley
T. Roosevelt
Taft
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Coolidge
Hoover
F. D. Roosevelt
Truman
Eisenhower
Kennedy
L. B. Johnson
Nixon
Ford
Carter
Reagan
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Clinton
G. W. Bush
Obama
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Biden
Category
Commons
List
showvteCabinet of President Franklin D. Roosevelt (1933–1945)Vice President
John Nance Garner (1933–1941)
Henry A. Wallace (1941–1945)
Harry S. Truman (1945)
Secretary of State
Cordell Hull (1933–1944)
Edward Stettinius Jr. (1944–1945)
Secretary of the Treasury
William H. Woodin (1933)
Henry Morgenthau Jr. (1934–1945)
Secretary of War
George Dern (1933–1936)
Harry Hines Woodring (1936–1940)
Henry L. Stimson (1940–1945)
Attorney General
Homer Stille Cummings (1933–1939)
Frank Murphy (1939–1940)
Robert H. Jackson (1940–1941)
Francis Biddle (1941–1945)
Postmaster General
James Farley (1933–1940)
Frank C. Walker (1940–1945)
Secretary of the Navy
Claude A. Swanson (1933–1939)
Charles Edison (1939–1940)
Frank Knox (1940–1944)
James Forrestal (1944–1945)
Secretary of the Interior
Harold L. Ickes (1933–1945)
Secretary of Agriculture
Henry A. Wallace (1933–1940)
Claude R. Wickard (1940–1945)
Secretary of Commerce
Daniel C. Roper (1933–1938)
Harry Hopkins (1938–1940)
Jesse H. Jones (1940–1945)
Henry A. Wallace (1945)
Secretary of Labor
Frances Perkins (1933–1945)
showvte(← 1916) 1920 United States presidential election (→ 1924)Republican Party(Convention)Nominees
President: Warren G. Harding
Vice President: Calvin Coolidge
Other candidates
Leonard Wood
Frank Orren Lowden
Hiram Johnson
William Cameron Sproul
Nicholas Murray Butler
Calvin Coolidge
Robert M. La Follette
Jeter Connelly Pritchard
Miles Poindexter
Howard Sutherland
Herbert Hoover
Democratic Party(Convention)Nominees
President: James M. Cox
Vice President: Franklin D. Roosevelt
Other candidates
William Gibbs McAdoo
A. Mitchell Palmer
Al Smith
John W. Davis
Edward I. Edwards
Woodrow Wilson (incumbent)
Robert Latham Owen
showThird party and independent candidatesSocialist Party
Nominee: Eugene V. Debs
VP nominee: Seymour Stedman
Farmer–Labor Party
Nominee: Parley P. Christensen
VP nominee: Max S. Hayes
Prohibition Party
Nominee: Aaron S. Watkins
VP nominee: D. Leigh Colvin
American Party
Nominee: James E. Ferguson
VP nominee: William J. Hough
Socialist Labor Party
Nominee: William Wesley Cox
VP nominee: August Gillhaus
Single Tax
Nominee: Robert Colvin Macauley
VP nominee: Richard C. Barnum
Other 1920 elections: House
Senate
showvte(← 1928) 1932 United States presidential election (→ 1936)Democratic Party(Convention)Nominees
President: Franklin D. Roosevelt
Vice President: John Nance Garner
Other candidates
John Nance Garner
William H. Murray
James A. Reed
Albert Ritchie
Al Smith (campaign)
Republican Party(Convention)Nominees
President: Herbert Hoover (incumbent)
Vice President: Charles Curtis (incumbent)
Other candidates
John J. Blaine
Calvin Coolidge
Joseph I. France
James W. Wadsworth
showThird party and independent candidatesCommunist Party
Nominee: William Z. | text | {
"url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franklin_D._Roosevelt",
"_split_id": 128
} | [
"content"
] | null | null |
7aef7f2e86c3ff8b69bb3b93618a5fd1 | Foster
VP nominee: James W. Ford
Prohibition Party
Nominee: William David Upshaw
Socialist Party
Nominee: Norman Thomas
VP nominee: James H. Maurer
Socialist Labor Party
Nominee: Verne L. Reynolds
VP nominee: John W. Aiken
Independents
James Renshaw Cox
William Hope Harvey
Other 1932 elections: House
Senate
showvte(← 1932) 1936 United States presidential election (→ 1940)Democratic Party
Convention
Primaries
Candidates
Incumbent nominee: Franklin D. Roosevelt
Incumbent VP nominee: John Nance Garner
Other candidates: Henry S. Breckinridge
Republican Party
Convention
Primaries
Candidates
Nominee: Alf Landon
VP nominee: Frank Knox
Other candidates: William Borah
Stephen A. | text | {
"url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franklin_D._Roosevelt",
"_split_id": 129
} | [
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] | null | null |
c74701b8510e094786d68740e4fc3660 | Day
Lester J. Dickinson
Warren Green
Frank Knox
Earl Warren
Frederick Steiwer
showThird party and independent candidatesCommunist Party
Nominee: Earl Browder
VP nominee: James W. Ford
Prohibition Party
Nominee: D. Leigh Colvin
VP nominee: Claude A. Watson
Socialist Party
Nominee: Norman Thomas
VP nominee: George A. Nelson
Union Party
Nominee: William Lemke
VP nominee: Thomas C. O'Brien
Socialist Labor Party
Nominee: John W. Aiken
VP nominee: Emil F. Teichert
Christian Party
Nominee: William Dudley Pelley
VP nominee: Willard Kemp
Other 1936 elections: House
Senate
showvte(← 1936) 1940 United States presidential election (→ 1944)Democratic Party(Convention)Nominees
President: Franklin D. Roosevelt (incumbent)
Vice President: Henry A. Wallace
Other candidates
James Farley
John Nance Garner
Cordell Hull
Millard Tydings
Republican Party(Convention)Nominees
President: Wendell Willkie
Vice President: Charles L. McNary
Other candidates
Styles Bridges
Thomas Dewey
Frank Gannett
Arthur James
Robert Taft
Arthur Vandenberg
showThird party and independent candidatesProhibition Party
Nominee: Roger Babson
Socialist Party
Nominee: Norman Thomas
VP nominee: Maynard C. Krueger
Socialist Labor Party
Nominee: John W. Aiken
VP nominee: Aaron M. Orange
Independents
Gracie Allen
Other 1940 elections: House
Senate
showvte(← 1940) 1944 United States presidential election (→ 1948)Democratic Party(Convention)Nominees
President: Franklin D. Roosevelt (incumbent)
Vice President: Harry Truman
Other candidates
Harry F. Byrd
James Farley
Republican Party(Convention)Nominees
President: Thomas E. Dewey
Vice President: John W. Bricker
Other candidates
Riley A. Bender
Everett Dirksen
Douglas MacArthur
Harold Stassen
Robert A. Taft
Wendell Willkie
showThird party and independent candidatesAmerica First Party
Nominee: Gerald L. K. Smith
Prohibition Party
Nominee: Claude A. Watson
Socialist Party
Nominee: Norman Thomas
VP nominee: Darlington Hoopes
Other 1944 elections: House
Senate
showvteGovernors and lieutenant governors of New YorkGovernors
G. Clinton
Jay
G. Clinton
Lewis
Tompkins
Tayler
D. Clinton
Yates
D. Clinton
Pitcher
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Throop
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M. Cuomo
Pataki
Spitzer
Paterson
A. Cuomo
Hochul
Lieutenantgovernors
Van Cortlandt
S. Van Rensselaer
J. | text | {
"url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franklin_D._Roosevelt",
"_split_id": 130
} | [
"content"
] | null | null |
99e1b9649edb9570bc5948313c37a5b9 | Van Rensselaer
Broome
Tayler
Clinton
Tayler
Swift
Tayler
Root
Tallmadge
Pitcher
P. Livingston
Dayan
Throop
Stebbins
Oliver
E. Livingston
Tracy
Bradish
Dickinson
Gardiner
Lester
Fish
Patterson
Church
Raymond
Selden
Campbell
Floyd-Jones
Alvord
Woodford
Beach
Robinson
Dorsheimer
Hoskins
Hill
McCarthy
Jones
Sheehan
Saxton
Woodruff
Higgins
Bruce
Raines
Chanler
White
Cobb
Conway
Glynn
Wagner
Schoeneck
Walker
Wood
Lusk
Lunn
Lowman
Corning
Lehman
Bray
Poletti
Hanley
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Hanley
Moore
Wicks
Mahoney
DeLuca
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Anderson
Krupsak
M. Cuomo
DelBello
Anderson
Lundine
McCaughey
Donohue
Paterson
Bruno
Skelos
Smith
Espada
Ravitch
Duffy
Hochul
Stewart-Cousins
Benjamin
Stewart-Cousins
Delgado
Italics indicate acting officeholders
showvteUnited States Secretaries of the NavySecretariesCabinet-level
Stoddert
Smith
Hamilton
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England
Winter
Mabus
Spencer
Braithwaite
Del Toro
UnderSecretaries
Forrestal
Bard
A. | text | {
"url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franklin_D._Roosevelt",
"_split_id": 131
} | [
"content"
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2f06c8d0a79528ae40eb06cab0382286 | Gates
Sullivan
Kenney
Kimball
Whitehair
Thomas
T. Gates
Franke
Bantz
Fay
BeLieu
Baldwin
Baird
Warner
Sanders
Middendorf
Potter
Macdonald
Woolsey
Murray
Goodrich
Garrett
Howard
Danzig
Hultin
Pirie
Livingstone
Aviles
Work
Davidson
Modly
Raven
AssistantSecretariesPre–1954
Fox
Faxon
Soley
McAdoo
T. Roosevelt Sr.
Allen
Hackett
Darling
Newberry
Satterlee
Winthrop
F. Roosevelt
G. Woodbury
T. Roosevelt Jr.
Robinson
Jahncke
H. Roosevelt
Edison
Compton
Bard
Hensel
Kenney
Andrews
Koehler
Askins
Fogler
Post–1954
Financial Management and Comptroller
Installations and Environment
Manpower and Reserve Affairs
Research, Development and Acquisitions
General Counsel of the Navy
defunct:
Air
Installations and Logistics
Material
Research and Development
Research, Engineering and Systems
Shipbuilding and Logistics
showvteUnsuccessful major party candidates for Vice President of the United States
George Clinton (1792)
Thomas Pinckney (1796)
Aaron Burr (1796)
Charles C. Pinckney (1800)
Rufus King (1804, 1808)
Jared Ingersoll (1812)
John E. Howard (1816)
Nathan Sanford (1824)
Nathaniel Macon (1824)
Richard Rush (1828)
John Sergeant (1832)
Francis Granger (1836)
John Tyler (1836)
Richard M. Johnson (1840)
Theodore Frelinghuysen (1844)
William O. Butler (1848)
William A. Graham (1852)
William L. Dayton (1856)
Herschel V. Johnson (1860)
George H. Pendleton (1864)
Francis P. Blair Jr. (1868)
Benjamin G. Brown (1872)
Thomas A. Hendricks (1876)
William H. English (1880)
John A. Logan (1884)
Allen G. Thurman (1888)
Whitelaw Reid (1892)
Arthur Sewall (1896)
Adlai Stevenson I (1900)
Henry G. Davis (1904)
John W. Kern (1908)
James S. Sherman (1912)
Charles W. Fairbanks (1916)
Franklin D. Roosevelt (1920)
Charles W. Bryan (1924)
Joseph T. Robinson (1928)
Charles Curtis (1932)
Frank Knox (1936)
Charles L. McNary (1940)
John W. Bricker (1944)
Earl Warren (1948)
John Sparkman (1952)
Estes Kefauver (1956)
Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. (1960)
William E. Miller (1964)
Edmund Muskie (1968)
Sargent Shriver (1972)
Bob Dole (1976)
Walter Mondale (1980)
Geraldine Ferraro (1984)
Lloyd Bentsen (1988)
Dan Quayle (1992)
Jack Kemp (1996)
Joe Lieberman (2000)
John Edwards (2004)
Sarah Palin (2008)
Paul Ryan (2012)
Tim Kaine (2016)
Mike Pence (2020)
All vice presidential candidates
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showvteDemocratic Party
History
Second Party System
Third Party System
Fourth Party System
Fifth Party System
Sixth Party System
Nationalconventionsandpresidentialtickets
1828 (None): Jackson/Calhoun
1832 (Baltimore): Jackson/Van Buren
1835 (Baltimore): Van Buren/R. | text | {
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"_split_id": 132
} | [
"content"
] | null | null |
ab77ad311d483b1a8a0c8164558a772a | Johnson
1840 (Baltimore): Van Buren/None
1844 (Baltimore): Polk/Dallas
1848 (Baltimore): Cass/Butler
1852 (Baltimore): Pierce/King
1856 (Cincinnati): Buchanan/Breckinridge
1860 (Charleston/Baltimore): Douglas/H. Johnson (Breckinridge/Lane, SD)
1864 (Chicago): McClellan/Pendleton
1868 (New York): Seymour/Blair
1872 (Baltimore): Greeley/Brown
1876 (Saint Louis): Tilden/Hendricks
1880 (Cincinnati): Hancock/English
1884 (Chicago): Cleveland/Hendricks
1888 (Saint Louis): Cleveland/Thurman
1892 (Chicago): Cleveland/Stevenson I
1896 (Chicago): W. Bryan/Sewall
1900 (Kansas City): W. Bryan/Stevenson I
1904 (Saint Louis): Parker/H. Davis
1908 (Denver): W. Bryan/Kern
1912 (Baltimore): Wilson/Marshall
1916 (Saint Louis): Wilson/Marshall
1920 (San Francisco): Cox/Roosevelt
1924 (New York): J. Davis/C. Bryan
1928 (Houston): Smith/Robinson
1932 (Chicago): Roosevelt/Garner
1936 (Philadelphia): Roosevelt/Garner
1940 (Chicago): Roosevelt/Wallace
1944 (Chicago): Roosevelt/Truman
1948 (Philadelphia): Truman/Barkley
1952 (Chicago): Stevenson II/Sparkman
1956 (Chicago): Stevenson II/Kefauver
1960 (Los Angeles): Kennedy/L. | text | {
"url": "https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Franklin_D._Roosevelt",
"_split_id": 133
} | [
"content"
] | null | null |
8853d71c029d00b68e2627c29764d733 | Johnson
1964 (Atlantic City): L. Johnson/Humphrey
1968 (Chicago): Humphrey/Muskie
1972 (Miami Beach): McGovern/(Eagleton, Shriver)
1976 (New York): Carter/Mondale
1980 (New York): Carter/Mondale
1984 (San Francisco): Mondale/Ferraro
1988 (Atlanta): Dukakis/Bentsen
1992 (New York): B. Clinton/Gore
1996 (Chicago): B. Clinton/Gore
2000 (Los Angeles): Gore/Lieberman
2004 (Boston): Kerry/Edwards
2008 (Denver): Obama/Biden
2012 (Charlotte): Obama/Biden
2016 (Philadelphia): H. Clinton/Kaine
2020 (Milwaukee/other locations): Biden/Harris
2024
Presidentialadministrations
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Carey/M. | text | {
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9838a39dd7a6096d91ca2641c7a35559 | Cuomo (1978)
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showvteTime Persons of the Year1927–1950
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a15e22579197fb7359338fa1a8d3a00c | Commander (Komandante)
Benigno Aquino Jr.
Eulogio Balao
Sotero Cabahug
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Categories: Franklin D. Roosevelt1882 births1945 deaths20th-century presidents of the United StatesAmerican anti-fascistsAmerican politicians with disabilitiesAmerican people of Dutch descentBurials in New York (state)1920 United States vice-presidential candidatesCandidates in the 1932 United States presidential electionCandidates in the 1936 United States presidential electionCandidates in the 1940 United States presidential electionCandidates in the 1944 United States presidential electionColumbia Law School alumniDemocratic Party (United States) vice presidential nomineesDemocratic Party presidents of the United StatesDemocratic Party governors of New York (state)Groton School alumniHarvard College alumniThe Harvard Crimson peopleKnights Grand Cross of the Military Order of WilliamLiberalism in the United StatesNew DealNew York (state) lawyersDemocratic Party New York (state) state senatorsPeople from Hyde Park, New YorkPeople from Kalorama (Washington, D.C.)People with Guillain–Barré syndromePoliticians from Dutchess County, New YorkPoliticians with paraplegiaPresidents of the United StatesPresidents of the United States who died while in officeRoosevelt familyTime Person of the YearUnited States Assistant Secretaries of the NavyWheelchair usersWorld War II political leadersMembers of the Benevolent and Protective Order of ElksHidden categories: Articles with short descriptionShort description matches WikidataWikipedia indefinitely semi-protected pagesGood articlesUse American English from August 2020All Wikipedia articles written in American EnglishUse mdy dates from August 2022Articles with hAudio microformatsPages using sidebar with the child parameterPages using multiple image with auto scaled imagesCS1: long volume valuePages using Sister project links with hidden wikidataPeople appearing on C-SPANArticles with Project Gutenberg linksArticles with LibriVox linksArticles with Internet Archive linksArticles with ISNI identifiersArticles with VIAF identifiersArticles with WorldCat identifiersArticles with BIBSYS identifiersArticles with BNC identifiersArticles with BNE identifiersArticles with BNF identifiersArticles with CANTICN identifiersArticles with GND identifiersArticles with ICCU identifiersArticles with J9U identifiersArticles with LCCN identifiersArticles with LNB identifiersArticles with NDL identifiersArticles with NKC identifiersArticles with NLA identifiersArticles with NLG identifiersArticles with NLK identifiersArticles with NSK identifiersArticles with NTA identifiersArticles with PLWABN identifiersArticles with SELIBR identifiersArticles with VcBA identifiersArticles with TePapa identifiersArticles with KULTURNAV identifiersArticles with ULAN identifiersArticles with DTBIO identifiersArticles with CINII identifiersArticles with FAST identifiersArticles with MusicBrainz identifiersArticles with NARA identifiersArticles with RERO identifiersArticles with SNAC-ID identifiersArticles with SUDOC identifiersArticles with Trove identifiersArticles containing video clips
This page was last edited on 26 February 2023, at 02:33 (UTC).
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1Early life and education
2Planter and lawyer
3Political rise
Toggle Political rise subsection
3.1Start in Virginia politics
3.2War of 1812
3.3U.S. House of Representatives
3.4Return to state politics
3.5U.S. | text | {
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c7ab0c382b42bc1216cd83fe5a93b0d9 | Senate
3.5.1Democratic maverick
3.5.2Break with the Democratic Party
3.61836 presidential election
3.7National political figure
41840 presidential election
Toggle 1840 presidential election subsection
4.1Adding Tyler to the ticket
4.2General election
5Vice presidency (1841)
6Presidency (1841–1845)
Toggle Presidency (1841–1845) subsection
6.1Economic policy and party conflicts
6.1.1Tariff and distribution debate
6.1.2New York Customs House reform
6.1.3House petition of impeachment
6.2Foreign affairs
6.2.1Webster-Ashburton treaty
6.2.2Oregon and the West
6.2.3Florida
6.3Dorr Rebellion
6.4Indian affairs
6.5Administration and cabinet
6.6Judicial appointments
6.7Annexation of Texas
6.7.1Early attempts
6.7.2USS Princeton disaster
6.7.3Ratification issue
6.8Election of 1844
6.8.1Annexation achieved
7Post-presidency (1845–1862)
Toggle Post-presidency (1845–1862) subsection
7.1Prelude to the American Civil War
7.2Death
8Historical reputation and legacy
9Family, personal life, slavery
10Notes
11References
12Bibliography
Toggle Bibliography subsection
12.1Books
12.2Articles
12.3Primary sources
13External links
John Tyler
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From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
President of the United States from 1841 to 1845
.mw-parser-output .hatnote{font-style:italic}.mw-parser-output div.hatnote{padding-left:1.6em;margin-bottom:0.5em}.mw-parser-output .hatnote i{font-style:normal}.mw-parser-output .hatnote+link+.hatnote{margin-top:-0.5em}For other people named John Tyler, see John Tyler (disambiguation).
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ad44529a1d20eafa392876651a20ecb8 | .mw-parser-output .infobox-subbox{padding:0;border:none;margin:-3px;width:auto;min-width:100%;font-size:100%;clear:none;float:none;background-color:transparent}.mw-parser-output .infobox-3cols-child{margin:auto}.mw-parser-output .infobox .navbar{font-size:100%}body.skin-minerva .mw-parser-output .infobox-header,body.skin-minerva .mw-parser-output .infobox-subheader,body.skin-minerva .mw-parser-output .infobox-above,body.skin-minerva .mw-parser-output .infobox-title,body.skin-minerva .mw-parser-output .infobox-image,body.skin-minerva .mw-parser-output .infobox-full-data,body.skin-minerva .mw-parser-output .infobox-below{text-align:center}John TylerPortrait by Mathew Brady, c. 1860-186210th President of the United StatesIn officeApril 4, 1841 – March 4, 1845Vice PresidentNone[a]Preceded byWilliam Henry HarrisonSucceeded byJames K. Polk10th Vice President of the United StatesIn officeMarch 4, 1841 – April 4, 1841PresidentWilliam Henry HarrisonPreceded byRichard Mentor JohnsonSucceeded byGeorge M. DallasUnited States Senatorfrom VirginiaIn officeMarch 4, 1827 – February 29, 1836Preceded byJohn RandolphSucceeded byWilliam Cabell RivesPresident pro tempore of the United States SenateIn officeMarch 3, 1835 – December 6, 1835Preceded byGeorge PoindexterSucceeded byWilliam R. King23rd Governor of VirginiaIn officeDecember 10, 1825 – March 4, 1827Preceded byJames PleasantsSucceeded byWilliam Branch GilesMember of the U.S. House of Representativesfrom Virginia's 23rd districtIn officeDecember 17, 1816 – March 3, 1821Preceded byJohn CloptonSucceeded byAndrew Stevenson
Personal detailsBorn(1790-03-29)March 29, 1790Greenway Plantation, Charles City County, Virginia, U.S.DiedJanuary 18, 1862(1862-01-18) (aged 71)Ballard House, Richmond, VirginiaResting placeHollywood Cemetery, Richmond, Virginia, U.S.Political partyIndependent (1841–1844, 1844–1862)Other politicalaffiliations.mw-parser-output .plainlist ol,.mw-parser-output .plainlist ul{line-height:inherit;list-style:none;margin:0;padding:0}.mw-parser-output .plainlist ol li,.mw-parser-output .plainlist ul li{margin-bottom:0}
Democratic-Republican (1811–1828)
Democratic (1828–1834)
Whig (1834–1841)
National Democratic (1844)
Spouses
Letitia Christian
(m. .mw-parser-output .tooltip-dotted{border-bottom:1px dotted;cursor:help}1813; died 1842)
Julia Gardiner
(m. 1844)
Children15ParentJohn Tyler Sr. (father)Alma materCollege of William & MaryProfession.mw-parser-output .hlist dl,.mw-parser-output .hlist ol,.mw-parser-output .hlist ul{margin:0;padding:0}.mw-parser-output .hlist dd,.mw-parser-output .hlist dt,.mw-parser-output .hlist li{margin:0;display:inline}.mw-parser-output .hlist.inline,.mw-parser-output .hlist.inline dl,.mw-parser-output .hlist.inline ol,.mw-parser-output .hlist.inline ul,.mw-parser-output .hlist dl dl,.mw-parser-output .hlist dl ol,.mw-parser-output .hlist dl ul,.mw-parser-output .hlist ol dl,.mw-parser-output .hlist ol ol,.mw-parser-output .hlist ol ul,.mw-parser-output .hlist ul dl,.mw-parser-output .hlist ul ol,.mw-parser-output .hlist ul ul{display:inline}.mw-parser-output .hlist .mw-empty-li{display:none}.mw-parser-output .hlist dt::after{content:": "}.mw-parser-output .hlist dd::after,.mw-parser-output .hlist li::after{content:" · ";font-weight:bold}.mw-parser-output .hlist dd:last-child::after,.mw-parser-output .hlist dt:last-child::after,.mw-parser-output .hlist li:last-child::after{content:none}.mw-parser-output .hlist dd dd:first-child::before,.mw-parser-output .hlist dd dt:first-child::before,.mw-parser-output .hlist dd li:first-child::before,.mw-parser-output .hlist dt dd:first-child::before,.mw-parser-output .hlist dt dt:first-child::before,.mw-parser-output .hlist dt li:first-child::before,.mw-parser-output .hlist li dd:first-child::before,.mw-parser-output .hlist li dt:first-child::before,.mw-parser-output .hlist li li:first-child::before{content:" (";font-weight:normal}.mw-parser-output .hlist dd dd:last-child::after,.mw-parser-output .hlist dd dt:last-child::after,.mw-parser-output .hlist dd li:last-child::after,.mw-parser-output .hlist dt dd:last-child::after,.mw-parser-output .hlist dt dt:last-child::after,.mw-parser-output .hlist dt li:last-child::after,.mw-parser-output .hlist li dd:last-child::after,.mw-parser-output .hlist li dt:last-child::after,.mw-parser-output .hlist li li:last-child::after{content:")";font-weight:normal}.mw-parser-output .hlist ol{counter-reset:listitem}.mw-parser-output .hlist ol>li{counter-increment:listitem}.mw-parser-output .hlist ol>li::before{content:" "counter(listitem)"\a0 "}.mw-parser-output .hlist dd ol>li:first-child::before,.mw-parser-output .hlist dt ol>li:first-child::before,.mw-parser-output .hlist li ol>li:first-child::before{content:" ("counter(listitem)"\a0 "}
Politician
lawyer
SignatureMilitary serviceBranch/serviceCharles City Rifles (Virginia militia company)Years of service1813RankCaptainBattles/warsWar of 1812
John Tyler (March 29, 1790 – January 18, 1862) was the tenth president of the United States, serving from 1841 to 1845, after briefly holding office as the tenth vice president in 1841. | text | {
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b8c95683187e48750c36d19f2c1b1107 | He was elected vice president on the 1840 Whig ticket with President William Henry Harrison, succeeding to the presidency following Harrison's death 31 days after assuming office. Tyler was a stalwart supporter and advocate of states' rights, including regarding slavery, and he adopted nationalistic policies as president only when they did not infringe on the states' powers. His unexpected rise to the presidency posed a threat to the presidential ambitions of Henry Clay and other Whig politicians and left Tyler estranged from both of the nation's major political parties at the time.
Tyler was born into a prominent slaveholding Virginia family. He became a national figure at a time of political upheaval. In the 1820s, the nation's only political party was the Democratic-Republican Party, and it split into factions. Initially a Democrat, Tyler opposed President Andrew Jackson during the nullification crisis as he saw Jackson's actions as infringing on states' rights and criticized Jackson's expansion of executive power during the Bank War. This led Tyler to ally with the Whig Party. He served as a Virginia state legislator and governor, U.S. representative, and U.S. senator. Tyler was a regional Whig vice-presidential nominee in the 1836 presidential election; they lost. | text | {
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fa0c210fb1a19acd05c3d62e41abc957 | He was the sole nominee on the 1840 Whig presidential ticket as William Henry Harrison's running mate. Under the campaign slogan "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too", the Harrison-Tyler ticket defeated incumbent president Martin Van Buren.
President Harrison died just one month after taking office, and Tyler became the first vice president to succeed to the presidency. Amid uncertainty as to whether a vice president succeeded a deceased president, or merely took on his duties, Tyler immediately took the presidential oath of office, setting a lasting precedent. He signed into law some of the Whig-controlled Congress's bills, but he was a strict constructionist and vetoed the party's bills to create a national bank and raise tariff rates. He believed that the president, rather than Congress, should set policy, and he sought to bypass the Whig establishment led by Senator Henry Clay. Most of Tyler's cabinet resigned shortly into his term and the Whigs expelled him from the party, dubbing him "His Accidency". Tyler was the first president to have his veto of legislation overridden by Congress. He faced a stalemate on domestic policy, although he had several foreign-policy achievements, including the Webster–Ashburton Treaty with Britain and the Treaty of Wanghia with China. | text | {
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9ce2677f166031e158994ea6ce7f3e04 | Tyler firmly believed in manifest destiny and saw the annexation of Texas as economically advantageous to the United States, signing a bill to offer Texas statehood just before leaving office and returning to his plantation.
When the American Civil War began in 1861, Tyler at first supported the Peace Conference. When it failed, he sided with the Confederacy. He presided over the opening of the Virginia Secession Convention and served as a member of the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States. Tyler subsequently won election to the Confederate House of Representatives but died before it assembled. Some scholars have praised Tyler's political resolve, but historians have generally given his presidency a low ranking. Tyler did make progress in combining the American and British navies to stop oceanic African slave trafficking under the Webster–Ashburton Treaty. That treaty also peacefully settled the border between Maine and Canada. Today, Tyler is seldom remembered in comparison to other presidents and maintains only a limited presence in American cultural memory.[1]
Early life and education
John Tyler was born on March 29, 1790, to a slave-owning Virginia family. | text | {
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41aa327ab6323b88881f432395404dc2 | Like his future running mate, William Henry Harrison, Tyler hailed from Charles City County, Virginia, and was descended from the First Families of Virginia.[2][3] The Tyler family traced its lineage to English settlers and 17th century colonial Williamsburg. His father, John Tyler Sr., commonly known as Judge Tyler, was a friend and college roommate of Thomas Jefferson and served in the Virginia House of Delegates alongside Benjamin Harrison V, William's father. The elder Tyler served four years as Speaker of the Virginia House of Delegates before becoming a state court judge and later governor of Virginia and a judge on the U.S. District Court for the Eastern District of Virginia at Richmond. His wife, Mary Marot (Armistead), was the daughter of prominent New Kent County plantation owner and one-term delegate, Robert Booth Armistead. She died of a stroke in 1797 when her son John was seven years old.[4]
With two brothers and five sisters, Tyler was reared on Greenway Plantation, a 1,200-acre (5 km2) estate with a six-room manor house his father had built.[b] Enslaved labor tended various crops, including wheat, corn and tobacco.[5] Judge Tyler paid high wages for tutors who challenged his children academically. | text | {
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96ac4c5ae4cb7bd7040f1089946543b3 | [6] Tyler was of frail health, thin and prone to diarrhea throughout life.[7] At age 12, he continued a Tyler family tradition and entered the preparatory branch of the College of William and Mary. Tyler graduated from the school's collegiate branch in 1807, at age 17. Adam Smith's The Wealth of Nations helped form his economic views, and he acquired a lifelong love of William Shakespeare. Bishop James Madison, the college's president, served as a second father and mentor to Tyler.[8]
After graduation, Tyler read the law with his father, then a state judge, and later with Edmund Randolph, former United States Attorney General.[9]
Planter and lawyer
Tyler was admitted to the Virginia bar at the age of 19 (too young to be eligible, but the admitting judge neglected to ask his age). By this time, his father was governor of Virginia, and the young Tyler started a legal practice in Richmond, the state capital.[9] According to the 1810 federal census, one “John Tyler” (presumably his father) owned eight slaves in Richmond,[10] and possibly five slaves in adjoining Henrico County,[11] and possibly 26 slaves in Charles City County. | text | {
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d2a54b6c5ae5d3ba21ce08c61a9fb590 | [12]
In 1813, the year of his father's death, the younger Tyler purchased Woodburn plantation, where he lived until 1821.[13] As of 1820, Tyler owned 24 enslaved persons at Woodburn, after having inherited 13 enslaved persons from his father, although only eight were listed as engaged in agriculture in that census.[14][15]
Political rise
Start in Virginia politics
Tyler's birthplace, Greenway Plantation in Charles City County, Virginia
In 1811, at age 21, Tyler was elected to represent Charles City County in the House of Delegates. He served five successive one-year terms (the first alongside Cornelius Egmon and later with Benjamin Harrison).[16] As a state legislator, Tyler sat on the Courts and Justice Committee. His defining positions were on display by the end of his first term in 1811—strong, staunch support of states' rights and opposition to a national bank. He joined fellow legislator Benjamin W. Leigh in supporting the censure of U.S. senators William Branch Giles and Richard Brent of Virginia who had, against the Virginia legislature's instructions,[c] voted for the recharter of the First Bank of the United States. | text | {
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cd228b6b7318ccf150e85d56f04613eb | [18]
War of 1812
Like most Americans of his day, Tyler was anti-British, and at the onset of the War of 1812 he urged support for military action in a speech to the House of Delegates. After the British capture of Hampton, Virginia, in the summer of 1813, Tyler eagerly organized a militia company, the Charles City Rifles, to defend Richmond, which he commanded with the rank of captain.[19] No attack came, and he dissolved the company two months later.[20] For his military service, Tyler received a land grant near what later became Sioux City, Iowa.[21]
Tyler's father died in 1813, and Tyler inherited 13 slaves along with his father's plantation.[22] In 1816, he resigned his legislative seat to serve on the Governor's Council of State, a group of eight advisers elected by the General Assembly.[18]
U.S. House of Representatives
Woodburn Plantation, Tyler's residence 1813–1821
The death of U.S. Representative John Clopton in September 1816 created a vacancy in Virginia's 23rd congressional district. Tyler sought the seat, as did his friend and political ally Andrew Stevenson. Since the two men were politically alike, the race was for the most part a popularity contest. | text | {
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e8c2236e2c88d8d301bf4e3842fdeb2f | [23] Tyler's political connections and campaigning skills narrowly won him the election. He was sworn into the Fourteenth Congress on December 17, 1816, to serve as a Democratic-Republican,[d] the major political party in the Era of Good Feelings.[24]
While the Democratic-Republicans had supported states' rights, in the wake of the War of 1812 many members urged a stronger central government. A majority in Congress wanted to see the federal government help to fund internal improvements such as ports and roadways. Tyler held fast to his strict constructionist beliefs, rejecting such proposals on both constitutional and personal grounds. He believed each state should construct necessary projects within its borders using locally generated funds. Virginia was not "in so poor a condition as to require a charitable donation from Congress", he contended.[24] He was chosen to participate in an audit of the Second Bank of the United States in 1818 as part of a five-man committee, and was appalled by the corruption which he perceived within the bank. He argued for the revocation of the bank charter, although Congress rejected any such proposal. | text | {
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93503bde2d433d2cdac0003b8f0b2c0b | His first clash with General Andrew Jackson followed Jackson's 1818 invasion of Florida during the First Seminole War. While praising Jackson's character, Tyler condemned him as overzealous for the execution of two British subjects. Tyler was elected for a full term without opposition in early 1819.[25]
The major issue of the Sixteenth Congress (1819–21) was whether Missouri should be admitted to the Union, and whether slavery would be permitted in the new state.[26] Acknowledging the ills of slavery, he hoped that by letting it expand, there would be fewer slaves in the east as slave and master journeyed west, making it feasible to consider abolishing the institution in Virginia. Thus, slavery would be abolished through the action of individual states as the practice became rare, as had been done in some Northern states.[26] Tyler believed that Congress did not have the power to regulate slavery and that admitting states based on whether they were slave or free was a recipe for sectional conflict;[27] therefore, the Missouri Compromise was enacted without Tyler's support. | text | {
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fdf755230a41ac942c34c585007001e7 | It admitted Missouri as a slave state and Maine as a free one, and it also forbade slavery in states formed from the northern part of the territories. Throughout his time in Congress, he voted against bills which would restrict slavery in the territories.[26]
Tyler declined to seek renomination in late 1820, citing ill health. He privately acknowledged his dissatisfaction with the position, as his opposing votes were largely symbolic and did little to change the political culture in Washington; he also observed that funding his children's education would be difficult on a congressman's low salary. He left office on March 3, 1821, endorsing his former opponent Stevenson for the seat, and returned to private law practice full-time.[28]
Return to state politics
Restless and bored after two years at home practicing law, Tyler sought election to the House of Delegates in 1823. Neither member from Charles City County was seeking reelection, and Tyler was elected easily that April, finishing first among the three candidates seeking the two seats.[29] As the legislature convened in December, Tyler found the chamber debating the impending presidential election of 1824. | text | {
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292f439e899d71ab9cf7da6c654bede4 | The congressional nominating caucus, an early system for choosing presidential candidates, was still used despite its growing unpopularity. Tyler tried to convince the lower house to endorse the caucus system and choose William H. Crawford as the Democratic-Republican candidate. Crawford captured the legislature's support, but Tyler's proposal was defeated. His most enduring effort in this second legislative tenure was saving the College of William and Mary, which risked closure from waning enrollment. Rather than move it from rural Williamsburg to the more populated capital at Richmond, as some suggested, Tyler proposed administrative and financial reforms. These were passed into law and were successful; by 1840 the school achieved its highest enrollment.[30]
An engraving of Tyler in his mid-thirties (c. 1826) as Governor of Virginia
Tyler's political fortunes were growing; he was considered as a possible candidate in the legislative deliberation for the 1824 U.S. Senate election.[31] He was nominated in December 1825 for governor of Virginia, a position which was then appointed by the legislature. Tyler was elected 131–81 over John Floyd. The office of governor was powerless under the original Virginia Constitution (1776–1830), lacking even veto authority. | text | {
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f56fbaf6ba2a2884346b35a678359aad | Tyler enjoyed a prominent oratorical platform but could do little to influence the legislature. His most visible act as governor was delivering the funeral address for former president Jefferson, a Virginian and a former governor, who had died on July 4, 1826.[e] Tyler was deeply devoted to Jefferson, and his eloquent eulogy was well received.[32]
Tyler's governorship was otherwise uneventful. He promoted states' rights and adamantly opposed any concentration of federal power. In order to thwart federal infrastructure proposals, he suggested Virginia actively expand its own road system. A proposal was made to expand the state's poorly funded public school system, but no significant action was taken.[33] Tyler was unanimously reelected to a second one-year term in December 1826.[34]
In 1829, Tyler was elected as a delegate to the Virginia Constitutional Convention of 1829–1830 from the district encompassing the cities of Richmond and Williamsburg and Charles City County, James City County, Henrico County, New Kent County, Warwick County, and York County.[35] There, he served alongside Chief Justice John Marshall (a Richmond resident), Philip N. Nicholas and John B. Clopton. The leadership assigned him to the Committee on the Legislature. | text | {
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42c0b68f1ffd134a489468e3f49f25ea | Tyler's service in various capacities at a state level included as president of the Virginia Colonization Society, and much later as rector and chancellor of the College of William and Mary.[36]
U.S. Senate
In January 1827, the General Assembly considered whether to elect U.S. Senator John Randolph for a full six-year term. Randolph was a contentious figure; although he shared the staunch states' rights views held by most of the Virginia legislature, he had a reputation for fiery rhetoric and erratic behavior on the Senate floor, which put his allies in an awkward position. Furthermore, he had made enemies by fiercely opposing President John Quincy Adams and Kentucky Senator Henry Clay. The nationalists of the Democratic-Republican Party, who supported Adams and Clay, were a sizable minority in the Virginia legislature. They hoped to unseat Randolph by capturing the vote of states' rights supporters who were uncomfortable with the senator's reputation. They approached Tyler, and promised their endorsement if he sought the seat. Tyler repeatedly declined the offer, endorsing Randolph as the best candidate, but the political pressure continued to mount. Eventually he agreed to accept the seat if chosen. | text | {
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3c00b443c2de84da5d45d945e404af0 | On the day of the vote, one assemblyman argued there was no political difference between the two candidates—Tyler was merely more agreeable than Randolph. The incumbent's supporters, though, contended that Tyler's election would be a tacit endorsement of the Adams administration. The legislature selected Tyler in a vote of 115–110, and he resigned his governorship on March 4, 1827, as his Senate term began.[37]
Democratic maverick
By the time of Tyler's senatorial election, the 1828 campaign for president was in progress. Adams, the incumbent president, was challenged by Andrew Jackson. The Democratic-Republicans had splintered into Adams's National Republicans and Jackson's Democrats. Tyler disliked both candidates for their willingness to increase the power of the federal government, but was increasingly drawn to Jackson, hoping that he would not seek to spend as much federal money on internal improvements as Adams. Of Jackson, he wrote, "Turning to him I may at least indulge in hope; looking on Adams I must despair."[38]
When the Twentieth Congress began in December 1827,[f] Tyler served alongside his Virginia colleague and friend Littleton Waller Tazewell, who shared his strict constructionist views and uneasy support of Jackson. | text | {
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b6417a56bb4f727ed644967647a9ccf7 | Throughout his tenure, Tyler vigorously opposed national infrastructure bills, feeling these were matters for individual states to decide. He and his Southern colleagues unsuccessfully opposed the protectionist Tariff of 1828, known to its detractors as the "Tariff of Abominations". Tyler suggested that the tariff's only positive outcome would be a national political backlash, restoring a respect for states' rights.[39] He remained a strong supporter of states' rights, saying, "they may strike the Federal Government out of existence by a word; demolish the Constitution and scatter its fragments to the winds".[40]
Tyler was soon at odds with President Jackson, frustrated by Jackson's newly emerging spoils system, describing it as an "electioneering weapon". He voted against many of Jackson's nominations when they appeared to be unconstitutional or motivated by patronage. Opposing the nominations of a president of his own party was considered "an act of insurgency" against his party.[41] Tyler was particularly offended by Jackson's use of the recess appointment power to name three treaty commissioners to meet with emissaries from the Ottoman Empire, and introduced a bill chastising Jackson for this.[42]
In some matters Tyler was on good terms with Jackson. | text | {
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4039f12e83259fbecfc9ed679cd3af55 | He defended Jackson for vetoing the Maysville Road funding project, which Jackson considered unconstitutional.[43] He voted to confirm several of Jackson's appointments, including Jackson's future running mate Martin Van Buren as United States Minister to Britain.[44] The leading issue in the 1832 presidential election was the recharter of the Second Bank of the United States, which both Tyler and Jackson opposed. Congress voted to recharter the bank in July 1832, and Jackson vetoed the bill for both constitutional and practical reasons. Tyler voted to sustain the veto and endorsed Jackson in his successful bid for reelection.[45]
Break with the Democratic Party
Tyler's uneasy relationship with his party came to a head during the 22nd Congress, as the nullification crisis of 1832–1833 began. South Carolina, threatening secession, passed the Ordinance of Nullification in November 1832, declaring the "Tariff of Abominations" null and void within its borders. This raised the constitutional question of whether states could nullify federal laws. Jackson, who denied such a right, prepared to sign a Force Bill allowing the federal government to use military action to enforce the tariff. | text | {
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4d9ccd4aa978459f02c18f03158e38e4 | Tyler, who sympathized with South Carolina's reasons for nullification, rejected Jackson's use of military force against a state and gave a speech in February 1833 outlining his views. He supported Clay's Compromise Tariff, enacted that year, to gradually reduce the tariff over ten years, alleviating tensions between the states and the federal government.[46]
In voting against the Force Bill, Tyler knew he would permanently alienate the pro-Jackson faction of the Virginia legislature, even those who had tolerated his irregularity up to this point. This jeopardized his reelection in February 1833, in which he faced the pro-administration Democrat James McDowell, but with Clay's endorsement, Tyler was reelected by a margin of 12 votes.[47]
Jackson further offended Tyler by moving to dissolve the Bank by executive fiat. In September 1833, Jackson issued an executive order directing Treasury Secretary Roger B. Taney to transfer federal funds from the Bank to state-chartered banks without delay. Tyler saw this as "a flagrant assumption of power", a breach of contract, and a threat to the economy. After months of agonizing, he decided to join with Jackson's opponents. | text | {
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8130efcd627fe778d22abeb6a8cdeef2 | Sitting on the Senate Finance Committee, he voted for two censure resolutions against the president in March 1834.[48] By this time, Tyler had become affiliated with Clay's newly formed Whig Party, which held control of the Senate. On March 3, 1835, with only hours remaining in the congressional session, the Whigs voted Tyler President pro tempore of the Senate as a symbolic gesture of approval.[49] He is the only U.S. president to have held this office.[50]
Shortly thereafter, the Democrats took control of the Virginia House of Delegates. Tyler was offered a judgeship in exchange for resigning his seat, but he declined. He understood what was to come: the legislature would soon force him to cast a vote that went against his constitutional beliefs. Senator Thomas Hart Benton of Missouri had introduced a bill expunging Jackson's censure. By resolution of the Democratic-controlled legislature, Tyler could be instructed to vote for the bill. If he disregarded the instructions, he would be violating his own principles: "the first act of my political life was a censure on Messrs. Giles and Brent for opposition to instructions", he noted. | text | {
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cef91eefb1bc70844b69de286240a821 | [51] Over the next few months he sought the counsel of his friends, who gave him conflicting advice. By mid-February he felt that his Senate career was likely at an end. He issued a letter of resignation to Vice President Van Buren on February 29, 1836, saying in part:[52]
.mw-parser-output .templatequote{overflow:hidden;margin:1em 0;padding:0 40px}.mw-parser-output .templatequote .templatequotecite{line-height:1.5em;text-align:left;padding-left:1.6em;margin-top:0}I shall carry with me into retirement the principles which I brought with me into public life, and by the surrender of the high station to which I was called by the voice of the people of Virginia, I shall set an example to my children which shall teach them to regard as nothing place and office, when either is to be attained or held at the sacrifice of honor.
1836 presidential election
See also: 1836 United States presidential election
While Tyler wished to attend to his private life and family, he was soon occupied with the 1836 presidential election. He had been suggested as a vice presidential candidate since early 1835, and the same day the Virginia Democrats issued the expunging instruction, the Virginia Whigs nominated him as their candidate. | text | {
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36aa852c5353553351185228ff69f767 | The new Whig Party was not organized enough to hold a national convention and name a single ticket against Van Buren, Jackson's chosen successor. Instead, Whigs in various regions put forth their own preferred tickets, reflecting the party's tenuous coalition: the Massachusetts Whigs nominated Daniel Webster and Francis Granger, the Anti-Masons of the Northern and border states backed William Henry Harrison and Granger, and the states' rights advocates of the middle and lower South nominated Hugh Lawson White and John Tyler.[53] In Maryland, the Whig ticket was Harrison and Tyler and in South Carolina it was Willie P. Mangum and Tyler. The Whigs wanted to deny Van Buren a majority in the Electoral College, throwing the election into the House of Representatives, where deals could be made. Tyler hoped electors would be unable to elect a vice president, and that he would be one of the top two vote-getters, from whom the Senate, under the Twelfth Amendment, must choose.[54]
Following the custom of the times—that candidates not appear to seek the office—Tyler stayed home throughout the campaign, and made no speeches. | text | {
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760c3188885499794adb6f7997388052 | [54] He received only 47 electoral votes, from Georgia, South Carolina and Tennessee, in the November 1836 election, trailing both Granger and the Democratic candidate, Richard Mentor Johnson of Kentucky. Harrison was the leading Whig candidate for president, but he lost to Van Buren.[53] The presidential election was settled by the Electoral College, but for the only time in American history, the vice-presidential election was decided by the Senate, which selected Johnson over Granger on the first ballot.[55]
National political figure
Tyler had been drawn into Virginia politics as a U.S. senator. From October 1829 to January 1830, he served as a member of the state constitutional convention, a role he had been reluctant to accept. The original Virginia Constitution gave outsize influence to the state's more conservative eastern counties, as it allocated an equal number of legislators to each county regardless of population and granted suffrage only to property owners. The convention gave the more populous and liberal counties of western Virginia an opportunity to expand their influence. A slaveowner from eastern Virginia, Tyler supported the existing system, but largely remained on the sidelines during the debate, not wishing to alienate any of the state's political factions. | text | {
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e874007636bb6ba8a2f570047286cdcc | He was focused on his Senate career, which required a broad base of support, and gave speeches during the convention promoting compromise and unity.[56]
After the 1836 election, Tyler thought his political career was over, and planned to return to private law practice. In the fall of 1837 a friend sold him a sizable property in Williamsburg. Unable to remain away from politics, Tyler successfully sought election to the House of Delegates and took his seat in 1838. He was a national political figure by this point, and his third delegate service touched on such national issues as the sale of public lands.[57]
Tyler's successor in the Senate was William Cabell Rives, a conservative Democrat. In February 1839, the General Assembly considered who should fill that seat, which was to expire the following month. Rives had drifted away from his party, signalling a possible alliance with the Whigs. As Tyler had already fully rejected the Democrats, he expected the Whigs would support him. Still, many Whigs found Rives a more politically expedient choice, as they hoped to ally with the conservative wing of the Democratic Party in the 1840 presidential election. | text | {
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c2265b6627301bc40aa036a4c7bc88dc | This strategy was supported by Whig leader Henry Clay, who nevertheless admired Tyler at that time. With the vote split among three candidates, including Rives and Tyler, the Senate seat remained vacant for almost two years, until January 1841.[58]
1840 presidential election
See also: 1840 United States presidential election, William Henry Harrison 1840 presidential campaign, and 1839 Whig National Convention
Adding Tyler to the ticket
"Tippecanoe and Tyler Too"
When the 1839 Whig National Convention convened in Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, to choose the party's ticket, the nation was in the third year of a serious recession following the Panic of 1837. Van Buren's ineffective efforts to deal with the situation cost him public support. With the Democratic Party torn into factions, the head of the Whig ticket would likely be the next president. Harrison, Clay, and General Winfield Scott all sought the nomination. Tyler attended the convention and was with the Virginia delegation, although he had no official status. Because of bitterness over the unresolved Senate election, the Virginia delegation refused to make Tyler its favorite son candidate for vice president. Tyler himself did nothing to aid his chances. | text | {
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6110c5a5679adfea048ac796c2e90ce5 | If his favored candidate for the presidential nomination, Clay, was successful, he would likely not be chosen for the second place on the ticket, which would probably go to a Northerner to assure geographic balance.[59]
The convention deadlocked among the three main candidates, with Virginia's votes going to Clay. Many Northern Whigs opposed Clay, and some, including Pennsylvania's Thaddeus Stevens, showed the Virginians a letter by Scott in which he apparently displayed abolitionist sentiments. The influential Virginia delegation then announced that Harrison was its second choice, causing most Scott supporters to abandon him in favor of Harrison, who gained the presidential nomination.[59]
The vice presidential nomination was considered immaterial; no president had failed to complete his elected term. Not much attention was given to the choice, and the specifics of how Tyler came to gain it are unclear. Chitwood pointed out that Tyler was a logical candidate: as a Southern slaveowner, he balanced the ticket and also assuaged the fears of Southerners who felt Harrison might have abolitionist leanings. Tyler had been a vice-presidential candidate in 1836, and having him on the ticket might win Virginia, the most populous state in the South. | text | {
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b7e3d64a3570e4d250ebbff81dedc185 | One of the convention managers, New York publisher Thurlow Weed, alleged that "Tyler was finally taken because we could get nobody else to accept"—though he did not say this until after the subsequent break between President Tyler and the Whig Party.[60] Other Tyler foes claimed that he had wept himself into the White House, after crying at Clay's defeat; this was unlikely, as the Kentuckian had backed Tyler's opponent Rives in the Senate election.[61] Tyler's name was submitted in the balloting, and though Virginia abstained, he received the necessary majority. As president, Tyler was accused of having gained the nomination by concealing his views, and responded that he had not been asked about them. His biographer Robert Seager II held that Tyler was selected because of a dearth of alternative candidates. Seager concluded, "He was put on the ticket to draw the South to Harrison. No more, no less."[62]
General election
There was no Whig platform—the party leaders decided that trying to put one together would tear the party apart. So the Whigs ran on their opposition to Van Buren, blaming him and his Democrats for the recession. | text | {
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4695b7d7507650e3cd99f62d2fedcfdb | [63] In campaign materials, Tyler was praised for integrity in resigning over the state legislature's instructions.[64] The Whigs initially hoped to muzzle Harrison and Tyler, lest they make policy statements that alienated segments of the party. But after Tyler's Democratic rival, Vice President Johnson, made a successful speaking tour, Tyler was called upon to travel from Williamsburg to Columbus, Ohio, and there address a local convention, in a speech intended to assure Northerners that he shared Harrison's views. In his journey of nearly two months, Tyler made speeches at rallies. He could not avoid questions, and after being heckled into an admission that he supported the Compromise Tariff (many Whigs did not), resorted to quoting from Harrison's vague speeches. In his two-hour speech at Columbus, Tyler entirely avoided the issue of the Bank of the United States, one of the major questions of the day. | text | {
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dc1aac03dbb8b98e14ab95440f50015b | [65]
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What has caused this great commotion, motion,
Our country through?
It is the ball a-rolling on,
For Tippecanoe and Tyler too, Tippecanoe and Tyler too.
And with them, we'll beat the little Van, Van, Van
Van is a used-up man.
— Campaign song from the 1840 election[66]
To win the election, Whig leaders decided they had to mobilize people across the country, including women, who could not then vote. This was the first time that an American political party included women in campaign activities on a widespread scale, and women in Tyler's Virginia were active on his behalf.[67][68] The party hoped to avoid issues and win through public enthusiasm, with torchlight processions and alcohol-fueled political rallies.[69] The interest in the campaign was unprecedented, with many public events. | text | {
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caeef73e1fb35b4ec3326559bed4d48c | When the Democratic press depicted Harrison as an old soldier, who would turn aside from his campaign if given a barrel of hard cider to drink in his log cabin, the Whigs eagerly seized on the image, and the log cabin campaign was born. The fact that Harrison lived on a palatial estate along the Ohio River and that Tyler was well-to-do was ignored, while log cabin images appeared everywhere, from banners to whiskey bottles. Cider was the favored beverage of many farmers and tradesmen, and Whigs claimed that Harrison preferred that drink of the common man.[70]
1840 electoral vote map
The presidential candidate's military service was emphasized, thus the well known campaign jingle, "Tippecanoe and Tyler Too", referring to Harrison's victory at the Battle of Tippecanoe. Glee clubs sprouted all over the country, singing patriotic and inspirational songs: one Democratic editor stated that he found the songfests in support of the Whig Party to be unforgettable. Among the lyrics sung were "We shall vote for Tyler therefore/Without a why or wherefore".[70] Louis Hatch, in his history of the vice presidency, noted, "the Whigs roared, sang, and hard-cidered the 'hero of Tippecanoe' into the White House". | text | {
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ae5aae361eb4d42c355b115558dcc642 | [71]
Clay, though embittered by another of his many defeats for the presidency, was appeased by Tyler's withdrawal from the still-unresolved Senate race, which would permit the election of Rives, and campaigned in Virginia for the Harrison/Tyler ticket.[69] Tyler predicted the Whigs would easily take Virginia; he was embarrassed when he was proved wrong,[72] but was consoled by an overall victory—Harrison and Tyler won by an electoral vote of 234–60 and with 53% of the popular vote. Van Buren took only seven states out of 26. The Whigs gained control of both houses of Congress.[73]
Vice presidency (1841)
As vice president-elect, Tyler remained quietly at his home in Williamsburg. He privately expressed hopes that Harrison would prove decisive and not allow intrigue in the Cabinet, especially in the first days of the administration.[74] Tyler did not participate in selecting the Cabinet, and did not recommend anyone for federal office in the new Whig administration. Beset by office seekers and the demands of Senator Clay, Harrison twice sent Tyler letters asking his advice as to whether a Van Buren appointee should be dismissed. | text | {
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764eced10a7795cf64c79a8a22e869d6 | In both cases, Tyler recommended against, and Harrison wrote, "Mr. Tyler says they ought not to be removed, and I will not remove them."[75] The two men met briefly in Richmond in February, and reviewed a parade together,[74] though they did not discuss politics.[76]
1888 illustration of President Tyler receiving the news of President Harrison's death from Chief Clerk of the State Department Fletcher Webster
Tyler was sworn in on March 4, 1841, in the Senate chamber, and delivered a three-minute speech about states' rights before swearing in the new senators and then attending Harrison's inauguration. Following the new president's two-hour speech before a large crowd in freezing weather, Tyler returned to the Senate to receive the president's Cabinet nominations, presiding over the confirmations the following day—a total of two hours as president of the Senate. Expecting few responsibilities, he then left Washington, quietly returning to his home in Williamsburg.[77] Seager later wrote, "Had William Henry Harrison lived, John Tyler would undoubtedly have been as obscure as any vice-president in American history."[76]
Meanwhile, Harrison struggled to keep up with the demands of Clay and others who sought offices and influence in his administration. | text | {
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7f365b8cb5d98dff538fc2a26de1ca76 | Harrison's age and fading health were no secret during the campaign, and the question of presidential succession was on every politician's mind. The first few weeks of the presidency took a toll on Harrison's health, and after being caught in a rainstorm in late March he came down with pneumonia and pleurisy.[78] Secretary of State Daniel Webster sent word to Tyler of Harrison's illness on April 1; two days later, Richmond attorney James Lyons wrote with the news that the president had taken a turn for the worse, remarking, "I shall not be surprised to hear by tomorrow's mail that Gen'l Harrison is no more."[79] Tyler decided not to travel to Washington, not wanting to appear unseemly in anticipating Harrison's death. At dawn on April 5, Webster's son Fletcher, chief clerk of the State Department, arrived at Tyler's Williamsburg home to officially inform him of Harrison's death the morning before.[79][80] Tyler left Williamsburg and arrived in Washington at dawn the next day.[80]
Presidency (1841–1845)
Main article: Presidency of John Tyler
President John Tyler1841
Harrison's death in office was an unprecedented event that caused considerable uncertainty about presidential succession. | text | {
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4eaf4eed0f3cc44258f59484a0933663 | Article II, Section 1, Clause 6 of the United States Constitution, which governed intra-term presidential succession at the time (now superseded by the Twenty-fifth Amendment), states:
In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death, Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President ....[81]
Interpreting this Constitutional prescription led to the question of whether the actual office of president devolved upon Tyler, or merely its powers and duties.[82] The Cabinet met within an hour of Harrison's death and, according to a later account, determined that Tyler would be "vice-president acting president".[83] But Tyler firmly and decisively asserted that the Constitution gave him full and unqualified powers of office and had himself sworn in immediately as president, setting a critical precedent for an orderly transfer of power following a president's death.[84] Judge William Cranch administered the presidential oath in Tyler's hotel room. Tyler considered the oath redundant to his oath as vice president, but wished to quell any doubt over his accession.[82] When he took office, Tyler, at 51, became the youngest president to that point. | text | {
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2718f12fd793e26fca2801067af4dadc | [85] His record was in turn surpassed by his immediate successor James Polk, who was inaugurated at the age of 49.
"Fearing that he would alienate Harrison's supporters, Tyler decided to keep Harrison's entire cabinet even though several members were openly hostile to him and resented his assumption of the office."[84] At his first cabinet meeting, Webster informed him of Harrison's practice of making policy by a majority vote. (This was a dubious assertion, since Harrison had held few cabinet meetings and had baldly asserted his authority over the cabinet in at least one.[86]) The Cabinet fully expected the new president to continue this practice. Tyler was astounded and immediately corrected them:
I beg your pardon, gentlemen; I am very glad to have in my Cabinet such able statesmen as you have proved yourselves to be. And I shall be pleased to avail myself of your counsel and advice. But I can never consent to being dictated to as to what I shall or shall not do. I, as president, shall be responsible for my administration. I hope to have your hearty co-operation in carrying out its measures. | text | {
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18de9f1a515931264e32c8c93990fa80 | So long as you see fit to do this, I shall be glad to have you with me. When you think otherwise, your resignations will be accepted.[87]
Tyler delivered an informal inaugural address before the Congress on April 9, in which he reasserted his belief in fundamental tenets of Jeffersonian democracy and limited federal power. Tyler's claim to be president was not immediately accepted by opposition members of Congress such as John Quincy Adams, who felt that Tyler should be a caretaker under the title of "acting president", or remain vice president in name.[88] Among those who questioned Tyler's authority was Clay, who had planned to be "the real power behind a fumbling throne" while Harrison was alive, and intended the same for Tyler.[89] Clay saw Tyler as the "vice-president" and his presidency as a mere "regency".[89]
Ratification of the decision by Congress came through the customary notification that it makes to the president, that it is in session and available to receive messages. In both houses, unsuccessful amendments were offered to strike the word "president" in favor of language including the term "vice president" to refer to Tyler. | text | {
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6d892e511f6ab9cf416aa45be3581134 | Mississippi Senator Robert J. Walker, in opposition, said that the idea that Tyler was still vice president and could preside over the Senate was absurd.[90] On May 31, 1841, the House passed a joint resolution confirming Tyler as "President of the United States" for the remainder of his term.[91][90] On June 1, 1841, the Senate voted in favor of the resolution. Most importantly, Senators Clay and John C. Calhoun voted with the majority to reject Walker's amendment.[90]
Tyler's opponents never fully accepted him as president. He was called by many mocking nicknames, including "His Accidency".[92] But Tyler never wavered from his conviction that he was the rightful president; when his political opponents sent correspondence to the White House addressed to the "vice president" or "acting president", Tyler had it returned unopened.[93]
Tyler was considered a strong leader for his decisive action on his accession to the presidency. But he generally held a limited view of presidential power, that legislation should be initiated by Congress, and the presidential veto should be only used when a law was unconstitutional or against the national interest. | text | {
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5a9502445a6d078b79f59c2e6a54b09e | [94]
Economic policy and party conflicts
Like Harrison, Tyler had been expected to adhere to Whig Party Congressional public policies and to defer to Whig party leader Clay. The Whigs especially demanded that Tyler curb the veto power, in response to Jackson's perceived authoritarian presidency.[95] Clay had envisioned Congress to be modeled after a parliamentary-type system where he was the leader. [95] Initially Tyler concurred with the new Whig Congress, signing into law the preemption bill granting "squatters' sovereignty" to settlers on public land, a Distribution Act (discussed below), a new bankruptcy law, and the repeal of the Independent Treasury. But when it came to the great banking question, Tyler was soon at odds with the Congressional Whigs, and twice vetoed Clay's legislation for a national banking act. Although the second bill was originally tailored to meet his objections in the first veto, its final version did not. This practice, designed to protect Clay from having a successful incumbent president as a rival for the Whig nomination in 1844, became known as "heading Captain Tyler", a term coined by Whig Representative John Minor Botts of Virginia. | text | {
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fe28f1a54ede40d7616c3a0f521d0983 | Tyler proposed an alternative fiscal plan known as the "Exchequer", but Clay's friends who controlled the Congress would have none of it.[96]
On September 11, 1841, after the second bank veto, members of the cabinet entered Tyler's office one by one and resigned—an orchestration by Clay to force Tyler's resignation and place his own lieutenant, Senate President pro tempore Samuel L. Southard, in the White House. The only exception was Webster, who remained to finalize what became the 1842 Webster–Ashburton Treaty, and to demonstrate his independence from Clay.[97] When told by Webster that he was willing to stay, Tyler is reported to have said, "Give me your hand on that, and now I will say to you that Henry Clay is a doomed man."[98] On September 13, when the president did not resign or give in, the Whigs in Congress expelled Tyler from the party. Tyler was lambasted by Whig newspapers and received hundreds of letters threatening his assassination.[99] Whigs in Congress were so angry with Tyler that they refused to allocate funds to fix the White House, which had fallen into disrepair. | text | {
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5392a890d99db10cc7f4bff0aaeab667 | [98]
Tariff and distribution debate
By mid-1841, the federal government faced a projected budget deficit of $11 million. Tyler recognized the need for higher tariffs, but wished to stay within the 20% rate created by the 1833 Compromise Tariff. He also supported a plan to distribute to the states any revenue from the sales of public land, as an emergency measure to manage the states' growing debt, even though this would cut federal revenue. The Whigs supported high protectionist tariffs and national funding of state infrastructure, and so there was enough overlap to forge a compromise. The Distribution Act of 1841 created a distribution program, with a ceiling on tariffs at 20%; a second bill increased tariffs to that figure on previously low-tax goods. Despite these measures, by March 1842 it had become clear that the federal government was still in dire fiscal straits.[100]
Whig cartoon depicting the effects of unemployment on a family that has Jackson's and Van Buren's portraits on the wall
The root of the trouble was an economic crisis—initiated by the Panic of 1837—that was entering its sixth year in 1842. | text | {
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8312773f772318a8b1ad70f9b9118482 | A speculative bubble had burst in 1836–39, causing a collapse of the financial sector and a subsequent depression. The country became deeply divided over the best response to the crisis. Conditions got even worse in early 1842 because a deadline was looming. A decade earlier, when the economy was strong, Congress had promised Southern states that there would be a reduction in hated federal tariffs. Northern states welcomed tariffs, which protected their infant industries. But the South had no industrial base and depended on open access to British markets for their cotton.[100] In a recommendation to Congress, Tyler lamented that it would be necessary to override the Compromise Tariff of 1833 and raise rates beyond the 20 percent limit. Under the previous deal, this would suspend the distribution program, with all revenues going to the federal government.[101]
The defiant Whig Congress would not raise tariffs in a way that would affect the distribution of funds to states. In June 1842 they passed two bills that would raise tariffs and unconditionally extend the distribution program. | text | {
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98f5773f6dc86ae94fdbd18e42d0acd | Believing it improper to continue distribution at a time when federal revenue shortage necessitated increasing the tariff, Tyler vetoed both bills, burning any remaining bridges between himself and the Whigs.[102] Congress tried again, combining the two into one bill; Tyler vetoed it again, to the dismay of many in Congress, who nevertheless failed to override the veto. As some action was necessary, Whigs in Congress, led by the House Ways and Means chairman Millard Fillmore, passed in each house (by one vote) a bill restoring tariffs to 1832 levels and ending the distribution program. Tyler signed the Tariff of 1842 on August 30, pocket vetoing a separate bill to restore distribution.[103]
New York Customs House reform
In May 1841, President Tyler appointed three private citizens to investigate fraud in the New York Customs House that supposedly took place under President Martin Van Buren. The commission was led by George Poindexter, former governor, and Mississippi U.S. Senator. The commission uncovered fraudulent activities by Jesse D. Hoyt, the New York Collector under Van Buren. | text | {
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5dd156ac9d9c6b0ebc35e3d10d7339d5 | The commission's investigation caused controversy with the Whig-controlled Congress, which demanded to see the investigation report and was upset that Tyler paid the commission without Congressional approval. Tyler responded and said it was his constitutional duty to enforce the laws. When the report was finished on April 29, 1842, the House asked for the report, and Tyler complied. Poindexter's report proved embarrassing to the Whig New York Collector as well as to Hoyt. To curb Tyler's power, Congress passed an appropriations law that made it illegal for the president to appropriate money to investigators without Congressional approval.[104]
House petition of impeachment
Shortly after the tariff vetoes, Whigs in the House of Representatives initiated that body's first impeachment proceedings against a president. The congressional ill will towards Tyler derived from the basis for his vetoes; until the presidency of the Whigs' archenemy Andrew Jackson, presidents rarely vetoed bills, and then only on grounds of constitutionality. Tyler's actions were in opposition to the presumed authority of Congress to make policy.[105][g] Congressman John Botts, who opposed Tyler, introduced an impeachment resolution on July 10, 1842. Botts levied nine formal articles of impeachment for "high crimes and misdemeanors" against Tyler. | text | {
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37b5274db0ddd61009b361532e3125ea | [107] Six of the charges against Tyler pertained to political abuse of power, while three concerned his alleged misconduct in office.[107] Additionally, Botts called for a nine-member committee to investigate Tyler's behavior, with the expectation of a formal impeachment recommendation. Clay found this measure prematurely aggressive and favored a more moderate progression toward Tyler's "inevitable" impeachment. Botts's resolution was tabled until January when it was rejected by a vote of 127 to 83.[108]
A House select committee headed by John Quincy Adams, an ardent abolitionist who disliked slaveholders like Tyler, condemned Tyler's use of the veto and assailed his character. While the committee's report did not formally recommend impeachment, it clearly established the possibility, and in August 1842 the House endorsed the committee's report. Adams sponsored a constitutional amendment to change both houses' two-thirds requirement for overriding vetoes to a simple majority, but neither house approved it.[109] The Whigs were unable to pursue further impeachment proceedings in the subsequent 28th Congress—in the elections of 1842, they retained a majority in the Senate but lost control of the House. | text | {
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6dc96a03ca245cc501ebd4cb17a24ffc | On the last day of Tyler's term in office, March 3, 1845, Congress overrode his veto of a minor bill relating to revenue cutters—the first override of a presidential veto.[110]
Tyler was not without support in Congress, including fellow Virginia Congressman Henry Wise. A handful of House members, known as the "Corporal's Guard", led by Wise, supported Tyler throughout his struggles with the Whigs. As a reward, Tyler appointed Wise U.S. Minister to Brazil in 1844.[111]
Foreign affairs
Tyler's difficulties in domestic policy contrasted with his accomplishments in foreign policy. He had long been an advocate of expansionism toward the Pacific and free trade, and was fond of evoking themes of national destiny and the spread of liberty in support of these policies.[112] His positions were largely in line with Jackson's earlier efforts to promote American commerce across the Pacific.[113] Eager to compete with Great Britain in international markets, he sent lawyer Caleb Cushing to China, where he negotiated the terms of the Treaty of Wanghia (1844). | text | {
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3a15fb4d68e9c79619e886bdfc509f18 | [114] The same year, he sent Henry Wheaton as a minister to Berlin, where he negotiated and signed a trade agreement with the Zollverein, a coalition of German states that managed tariffs. This treaty was rejected by the Whigs, mainly as a show of hostility toward the Tyler administration. Tyler advocated an increase in military strength and this drew praise from naval leaders, who saw a marked increase in warships.[115]
In an 1842 special message to Congress, Tyler also applied the Monroe Doctrine to Hawaii (dubbed the "Tyler Doctrine"),[116] told Britain not to interfere there, and began a process that led to the eventual annexation of Hawaii by the United States.[117]
Webster-Ashburton treaty
Secretary of StateDaniel Webster
A foreign crisis erupted in an offshoot of the Aroostook War, that ended in 1839. Citizens of Maine clashed with citizens of New Brunswick over disputed territory, that covered 12,000 square miles. In 1841, an American ship, the Creole, was transporting slaves from Virginia to New Orleans. A mutiny took place, and the ship was captured by the British and taken to the Bahamas. The British refused to return the slaves to their masters. | text | {
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3e86859b8eefea98a8e0a79ca0d62b48 | Tyler's Secretary of State, Daniel Webster, eager to settle the matter with England, had Tyler's full support and confidence. In 1842, the British dispatched emissary Lord Ashburton (Alexander Baring) to the United States. Soon, favorable negotiations were started.[118]
The negotiations culminated in the Webster–Ashburton Treaty, which determined the border between Maine and Canada.[118] That issue had caused tension between the U.S. and Britain for decades and had brought the two countries to the brink of war on several occasions. The treaty improved Anglo-American diplomatic relations.[119] To resolve the slave issue, the U.S. and England agreed to grant the "right to visit" when ships from both nations were suspected of holding slaves. Additionally, in a joint oceanic venture, a U.S. squadron, and the British fleet would cooperate and stop slave trafficking off of African waters.[120]
The issue of the Oregon border in the West was another matter and was attempted to be resolved during the negotiations of the Webster–Ashburton Treaty. At this time Britain and the United States shared Oregon by joint occupation, according to the Convention of 1818. | text | {
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353184a84c22d136aa3f47bf71918dd9 | American settlement had been minimal compared to the British, whose fur trading Hudson Bay Company established posts in the Columbia River Valley northward. During the negotiations, the British wanted to divide the territory on the Columbia River. This was unacceptable to Webster, who demanded that Britain pressure Mexico to cede California's San Francisco Bay to the United States. [121] The Tyler administration was unsuccessful in concluding a treaty with the British to fix Oregon's boundaries.[122]
Oregon and the West
Further information: Oregon boundary dispute, Mexican California, and Rocky Mountains
Tyler had an interest in the vast territory west of the Rockies known as Oregon, which extended from the northern boundary of California (42° parallel) to the southern boundary of Alaska (54°40′ north latitude). [121] As early as 1841, he urged Congress to establish a chain of American forts from Council Bluffs, Iowa, to the Pacific.[115][121] The American forts would be used to protect American settlers on a route or trail to Oregon.[121]
Frémont's second expedition party reached Sutter's Fort in the Sacramento Valley in March 1844
Tyler's presidency had two popular successes in western exploration, including Oregon, Wyoming, and California. | text | {
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6da7caeb9fd0a5b9f48f79ea8044110f | Captain John C. Frémont completed two interior scientific expeditions (1842 and 1843-1844), which opened the West to American emigration.[123][124][h] In his 1842 expedition, Frémont boldly climbed a mountain in Wyoming, Frémont's Peak (13,751 feet), planted an American flag, and symbolically claimed the Rocky Mountains and the West for the United States. [126] In his second expedition starting in 1843, Frémont and his party entered Oregon following the Oregon Trail. Traveling west on the Columbia River, Frémont sighted the Cascade Range peaks and mapped Mount St. Helens and Mount Hood.[127] In early March 1844, Frèmont and his party descended the American River valley to Sutter's Fort in Mexican California.[127] Given a cordial greeting by John Sutter, Frémont talked to American settlers, who were growing numerous, and discovered Mexican authority over California was very weak.[127] Upon Frémont's triumphal return from his second expedition, at General Winfield Scott's request, Tyler promoted Frémont with a double brevet.[128][i]
Florida
On Tyler's last full day in office, March 3, 1845, Florida was admitted to the Union as the 27th state. | text | {
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31fca45152105cf434e9a6b13f01ebc | [130]
Dorr Rebellion
Thomas Dorr
In May 1842 when the Dorr Rebellion in Rhode Island came to a head, Tyler pondered the request of the governor and legislature to send in federal troops to help suppress it. The insurgents under Thomas Dorr had armed themselves and proposed to install a new state constitution. Before such acts, Rhode Island had been following the same constitutional structure that was established in 1663. Tyler called for calm on both sides and recommended that the governor enlarge the franchise to let most men vote. Tyler promised that in case an actual insurrection should break out in Rhode Island he would employ force to aid the regular, or Charter, government. He made it clear that federal assistance would be given only to put down an insurrection once underway, and would not be available until violence had taken place. After listening to reports from his confidential agents, Tyler decided that the "lawless assemblages" had dispersed and expressed his confidence in a "temper of conciliation as well as of energy and decision" without the use of federal forces. | text | {
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a8d0f1621b7f653a9ca2d7ded0200e44 | The rebels fled the state when the state militia marched against them, but the incident led to broader suffrage in the state.[131]
Indian affairs
The Seminoles were the last remaining Indians in the South who had been induced to sign a fraudulent treaty in 1833, taking away their remaining lands. Under Chief Osceola, the Seminoles for a decade resisted removal harassed by U.S. troops. [121] Tyler brought the long, bloody, and inhumane Seminole War to an end in May 1842, in a message to Congress. Tyler expressed interest in the forced cultural assimilation of Native Americans.[132][121]
In May 1842, the House demanded President Tyler's Secretary of War John Spencer hand over information of an investigation by the U.S. Army into the matter of alleged Cherokee frauds. In June, Tyler ordered Spencer not to comply. Tyler, whose executive privilege was challenged, insisted the matter was ex parte and against the public interest. The House responded with three resolutions, in part, that claimed the House had a right to demand information from Tyler's cabinet. The House also ordered the Army officer in charge of the investigation into the Cherokee frauds to turn over the information. | text | {
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bdb11118764883c7e180620ab5b52f62 | Tyler made no attempt to respond until Congress returned from recess in January. [133]
Administration and cabinet
The Tyler cabinet[134]OfficeNameTermPresidentJohn Tyler1841–1845Vice PresidentNone1841–1845Secretary of StateDaniel Webster (W)1841–1843Abel P. Upshur (W)1843–1844John C. Calhoun (D)1844–1845Secretary of the TreasuryThomas Ewing (W)1841Walter Forward (W)1841–1843John Canfield Spencer (W)1843–1844George M. Bibb (D)1844–1845Secretary of WarJohn Bell (W)1841John Canfield Spencer (W)1841–1843James Madison Porter (W)1843–1844William Wilkins (D)1844–1845Attorney GeneralJohn J. Crittenden (W)1841Hugh S. Legaré (D)1841–1843John Nelson (W)1843–1845Postmaster GeneralFrancis Granger (W)1841Charles A. Wickliffe (W)1841–1845Secretary of the NavyGeorge Edmund Badger (W)1841Abel P. Upshur (W)1841–1843David Henshaw (D)1843–1844Thomas Walker Gilmer (D)1844John Y. Mason (D)1844–1845
Official portrait of President Tyler by George Peter Alexander Healy, c. 1864
The battles between Tyler and the Whigs in Congress resulted in a number of his cabinet nominees being rejected. He received little support from Democrats and, without much support from either major party in Congress, a number of his nominations were rejected without regard for the qualifications of the nominee. It was then unprecedented to reject a president's nominees for his Cabinet (though in 1809, James Madison withheld the nomination of Albert Gallatin as Secretary of State because of opposition in the Senate). Four of Tyler's Cabinet nominees were rejected, the most of any president. | text | {
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f02f2194ac14644ed3074ee44646179c | These were Caleb Cushing (Treasury), David Henshaw (Navy), James Porter (War), and James S. Green (Treasury). Henshaw and Porter served as recess appointees before their rejections. Tyler repeatedly renominated Cushing, who was rejected three times in one day, March 3, 1843, the last day of the 27th Congress.[135] No cabinet nomination failed after Tyler's term until Henry Stanbery's nomination as Attorney General was rejected by the Senate in 1868.[136]
Judicial appointments
Main article: List of federal judges appointed by John Tyler
Judicial Appointments[137][138]
Court
Name
Term
U.S.S.C.
Samuel Nelson
1845–1872
E.D. Va.
James D. Halyburton
1844–1861
D. Ind.
Elisha M. Huntington
1842–1862
E.D. La.W.D. La.[j]
Theodore H. McCaleb
1841–1861[k]
D. Vt.
Samuel Prentiss
1842–1857
E.D. Pa.
Archibald Randall
1842–1846
D. Mass.
Peleg Sprague
1841–1865
Two vacancies occurred on the Supreme Court during Tyler's presidency, as Justices Smith Thompson and Henry Baldwin died in 1843 and 1844, respectively. Tyler, ever at odds with Congress—including the Whig-controlled Senate—nominated several men to the Supreme Court to fill these seats. However, the Senate successively voted against confirming John C. Spencer, Reuben Walworth, Edward King and John M. Read (Walworth was rejected three times, King rejected twice). | text | {
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f70aae9b6c33a93ce95efbd53d7a296 | One reason cited for the Senate's actions was the hope that Clay would fill the vacancies after winning the 1844 presidential election.[135] Tyler's four unsuccessful nominees are the most by a president.[137]
Finally, in February 1845, with less than a month remaining in his term, Tyler's nomination of Samuel Nelson to Thompson's seat was confirmed by the Senate—Nelson, a Democrat, had a reputation as a careful and noncontroversial jurist. Still, his confirmation came as a surprise. Baldwin's seat remained vacant until James K. Polk's nominee, Robert Grier, was confirmed in 1846.[137]
Tyler was able to appoint only six other federal judges, all to United States district courts.[138]
Annexation of Texas
See also: Texas annexation
Tyler made the annexation of the Republic of Texas part of his agenda soon after becoming president. Tyler knew he was a President without a party, and was emboldened to challenge party leaders of Clay and Van Buren, unconcerned how Texas annexation would affect the Whigs or Democrats.[139] Texas had declared independence from Mexico in the Texas Revolution of 1836, although Mexico still refused to acknowledge its sovereignty. | text | {
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198353c6bc3bd20ba6719e21d9486a0c | The people of Texas actively pursued joining the Union, but Jackson and Van Buren had been reluctant to inflame tensions over slavery by annexing another Southern state. Though Tyler intended annexation to be the focal point of his administration, Secretary Webster was opposed, and convinced Tyler to concentrate on Pacific initiatives until later in his term.[140] Tyler's desire for western expansionism is acknowledged by historians and scholars, but views differ regarding the motivations behind it. Biographer Edward C. Crapol notes that during the presidency of James Monroe, Tyler (then in the House of Representatives) had suggested slavery was a "dark cloud" hovering over the Union, and that it would be "well to disperse this cloud" so that with fewer blacks in the older slave states, a process of gradual emancipation would begin in Virginia and other upper Southern states.[141] Historian William W. Freehling, however, wrote that Tyler's official motivation in annexing Texas was to outmaneuver suspected efforts by Great Britain to promote an emancipation of slaves in Texas that would weaken the institution in the United States.[142]
Early attempts
The boundaries of the United States and neighboring nations as they appeared in 1843. | text | {
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e55472c46f604160b63f19f477d0449 | The Webster–Ashburton Treaty had formalized the border of Maine in the northeast, while the Republic of Texas in the southwest had a disputed border with Mexico.
In early 1843, having completed the Webster–Ashburton treaty and other diplomatic efforts, Tyler felt ready to pursue Texas. Now lacking a party base, he saw annexation of the republic as his only pathway to independent election in 1844. For the first time in his career he was willing to play "political hardball" to see it through. As a trial balloon he dispatched his ally Thomas Walker Gilmer, then a U.S. Representative from Virginia, to publish a letter defending annexation, which was well received. Despite his successful relationship with Webster, Tyler knew he would need a Secretary of State who supported the Texas initiative. With the work on the British treaty now completed, he forced Webster's resignation and installed Hugh S. Legaré of South Carolina as an interim successor.[143]
With the help of newly appointed Treasury Secretary John C. Spencer, Tyler cleared out an array of officeholders, replacing them with pro-annexation partisans, in a reversal of his former stand against patronage. | text | {
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9dde5d19e2a64726f9ef637aacf883c2 | He elicited the help of political organizer Michael Walsh to build a political machine in New York. In exchange for an appointment as consul to Hawaii, journalist Alexander G. Abell wrote a flattering biography, Life of John Tyler, which was printed in large quantities and given to postmasters to distribute.[144] Seeking to rehabilitate his public image, Tyler embarked on a nationwide tour in the spring of 1843. The positive reception of the public at these events contrasted with his ostracism back in Washington. The tour centered on the dedication of the Bunker Hill Monument in Boston, Massachusetts. Shortly after the dedication, Tyler learned of Legaré's sudden death, which dampened the festivities and caused him to cancel the rest of the tour.[145]
Tyler appointed Abel P. Upshur, a popular Secretary of the Navy and close adviser, as his new Secretary of State, and nominated Gilmer to fill Upshur's former office. Tyler and Upshur began quiet negotiations with the Texas government, promising military protection from Mexico in exchange for a commitment to annexation. Secrecy was necessary, as the Constitution required congressional approval for such military commitments. | text | {
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f71281e17449e1d762c1fe6352bbf324 | Upshur planted rumors of possible British designs on Texas to garner support among Northern voters, who were wary of admitting a new pro-slavery state.[146] By January 1844 Upshur told the Texas government that he had found a large majority of senators in favor of an annexation treaty. The republic remained skeptical, and finalization of the treaty took until the end of February.[147]
USS Princeton disaster
See also: USS Princeton disaster of 1844
A lithograph of the Princeton disaster (1844)
A ceremonial cruise down the Potomac River was held aboard the newly built USS Princeton on February 28, 1844, the day after completion of the annexation treaty. Aboard the ship were 400 guests, including Tyler and his cabinet, as was the world's largest naval gun, the "Peacemaker". The gun was ceremoniously fired several times in the afternoon to the great delight of the onlookers, who then filed downstairs to offer a toast. Several hours later, Captain Robert F. Stockton was convinced by the crowd to fire one more shot. As the guests moved up to the deck, Tyler paused briefly to watch his son-in-law, William Waller, sing a ditty. | text | {
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d37b23e5fff4393c99258b9a51ba205b | [148]
At once an explosion was heard from above: the gun had malfunctioned. Tyler was unhurt, having remained safely below deck, but a number of others were killed instantly, including his crucial cabinet members, Gilmer and Upshur. Also killed or mortally wounded were Virgil Maxcy of Maryland, Rep. David Gardiner of New York, Commodore Beverley Kennon, Chief of Construction of the United States Navy, and Armistead, Tyler's black slave and body servant. The death of David Gardiner had a devastating effect on his daughter, Julia, who fainted and was carried to safety by the president himself.[148] Julia later recovered from her grief and married Tyler on June 26.[149]
For Tyler, any hope of completing the Texas plan before November (and with it, any hope of re-election) was instantly dashed. Historian Edward P. Crapol later wrote that "Prior to the Civil War and the assassination of Abraham Lincoln", the Princeton disaster "unquestionably was the most severe and debilitating tragedy ever to confront a President of the United States".[147]
Ratification issue
An anti-Tyler satire lampoons his efforts to secure a second term. | text | {
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